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THE
BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
/'-'       l,
AND
T H IE R I  EBEL  S;
OR,
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FORMER, AND THE
RECENT OUTRAGES OF THE LATTER.
BY
CHARLES STEARNS,
A Northern Teacher, Missionary, and Planlter, and an eye-witness of many of
the scenes described.
" The dark places of the Earth are full of the habitations of cruelty,"
"While every prospect pleases,
And only man is vile."
FOR SALE BY
AMERICAN NEWS CO., NEW YORK.
N. E. NEWS CMPANY, BOSTON.
*    1872.
0 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1872, by
CHARLES STEARNS,
In the Office bf the Librarian of Congress at Washington.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART I.
INTRODUCTION,.....
CHAPTER I.
Design of the Work,........
CHAPTER   II.
The Author's Motive in coming South, with Sketches
Kansas and Colorado,.....
CHAPTER m.
The Author's Arrival at the South,..,
CHAPTER IV.
Description of "Hope on Hope ever Plantation,"
CHAPTER V.
First Day of the Author in his New Home,.        o
CHAPTER VI.
Light upon the Proper Way of Managing the Freedmen
CHAPTER VII.
Our Jirst Sunday School,  -.'.
3' l       a
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in
s of Life
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.    49
.    59
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iv.                   TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
Visit to the Negro Cabins and appearance of the Farm in general,
CHAPTER IX.
Southern Farming and its Results,.......
CHAPTER X.
'The Fourth of July at the South, and the Freedman's Bureau,.
CHAPTER XI.
/The Change from Slavery to Freedom,.........
CHAPTER XII.
The Author Found he had Fallen Among Thieves,..
CHAPTER XIII. 
Going after Supplies, and Description of Augusta,..
CHAPTER XIV.
The Author's Sickness, and Animadversions of the Republican
Party,.............
CHAPTER XV.
More Sickness, and more Blessings,.......
CHAPTER XVI.
Mr. Sherman's Troubles with his Landlord,......
CHAPTER XVII.
V A Retrospect of the Old, and commencement of a New Year, with
Extracts from Letters, from the South,.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Some items of Farming Expenses,......
CHAPTER XIX.
Sickness and Death in the Author's Family,.......
O
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87
101
ill
119
125
134
139
145
153
175
180
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XX.
Commencement of the Third Year of the Author's Labors
a Description of Mrs. Loving, a "Poor White,"  an
first day-school,.........
CHAPTER XXI.
Great Political changes, and Death of Lizzy Sherman,..  200
CHAPTER XXII.
Terrific Mob at Apling, and Narrow Escape of the Author from
Death,.................  213
CHAPTER XXIIL
The Valley of the Shadow of Death, and Detestable conduct of the
Rebels; with Mr. Loving's "sui generis" epistle,..  229
CHAPTER XXIV.
Exclusion of Colored Members from the Georgia Legislature,. 241
CHAPTER XXV.
The Presidential Election in Georgia, with Authentic Documents
respecting its Outrages,......... 247
CHAPTER XXVI.
Interview with the Author's creditor, and Great Perplexity as to
Duty; Pecuniary Successes; Good Side and Dark Side of
Rebel conduct,.............                                258
CHAPTER XXVII.
' Trials at the North, with new instances of God's Guiding Hand, 266
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Return to the'South, accompanied by the Author's Mother; Great
Trials during the Summer, and the Gin-House on fire,. 276
CHAPTER XXIX.
Another Election, Details of its Outrages, as given by Sworn Wit     nesses,................               285
.
V.
. 189
266
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Afflicting Dispensations; Death of the Author's aged Mother,. 304
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXX.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Pecuniary Difficulties and Deliverance from them, wit        l
Northern Emigrants,......
CHAPTER XXXII.
ILeading Characteristics of the Freedmen, such as Self-esteem, un     willingness to obey Orders, not however, a Vtndictive Race;
their Mirthfulness, and Approbativeness; not Especially ad     dicted to Drunkenness; but prone to Wastefulness, and
Carelessness. Their want of Punctuality, of Perseverance,
and their Conservatism.  Addicted to Lying and Stealing;
Amusing Incidents of the same,......
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Religion of the Blacks, its Grotesque Character, its Ignorance,
and Total disconnection with Morality; with Amusing Inci     dents respecting the same.  Description of Willis, a Reli     gious Leader, Priscilla's Experience, David' Preaching, and
Religion of the Southern Whites,......        345
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Doctrines Preached to the Blacks by the Author,.... 379
CHAPTER XXXV.
The Marriage System of the Blacks; Free Divorce En
lustrated; an Amusing Marriage Ceremony a
Church; Marrying for a Limited Period,.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
, Intellectual Traits of the Blacks; and Comparison of the same,
with those of the Whites; the Blacks, naturally equal to the
Whites; only Difference, that of Education,... 394
.
vi.
. 313
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326
. 388
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Rebel Atrocities, Authentic Cases of the same; with remarks upon
the Causes thereof; Cold-Blooded Murders in Lincoln Co.,
and Lynch Law in Columbia County,.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
/ The Rebel side of the Story, "Let every Man Speak for Himself," 412
CHAPTER XXXIX.
On Ku-Kluxism;  Who are the Ku-Klux? What are their Ailns?
and How shall they be Overthrown? with further Descrip     tions of Rebel Outrages, and the Remedy for the same,
pointed out,................ 420
END OF PARI L
ViL
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART II.
MEANS NECESSARY TO BE ADOPTED TO PROMOTE THE ELE             VATION OF THE FREEDMEN.
CHAPTER I.
Protection of Loyalists, Black and White; Necessity of the same,
before the Negro can Rise; Utter Absence of Civil Law Pro     tection for the Negro and White Republican,... 444
CHAPTER II.
Education of the Blacks; Necessity of the same; no Southern Ef     fort in that direction, to be Trusted; Importance of First     Class Teachers for the South; Ignorance of the Blacks, the
Cause of all their Troubles,.......  477
CHAPTER III.
Kinds of Schools Needed in addition to Common Schoo
Schools for Education of Teachers; Manual Lab
Supporting Schools; Industrial Schools, and Sch.
Home Education of Children,...
CHAPTER IV.
Introduction of True Christianity; Parallel between it and the
Religion of the Blacks; Kind of Ministers Needed; Descrip     tion of Chapels, and of Services Needed to Interest and
Convert the People; Glorious Task of Regenerating these
Souls; Reward Hereafter, following the same,... 499
CHAPTER V.
Land for the Landless, both Black and White; and Reasons Wh
the Colored Man at the South, should be Provided wit
Land,...............
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viii.
. 488
. 512
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Northern Emigration of White Laborers, Great Desideratu
the Blacks; Most Effectual Means for their Elevation
marks upon the Effect of Climate upon Northern Men
Statistics about Labor; both Farm and Mechanical
needed; Song for Emigrants, -....
CHAPTER VII.
Future of the Colored Race; Promises of the Scripture in Refer     ence to their Elevation; Difference between the North and
South; Horace Greeley's Picture of the same; Reasons for
Laboring for the Elevation of the Colored Race; Terrible
Future of this Country, if they Remain Degraded; Bright
Hopes of their Regeneration; Account of Caspar Hauser;
Glorious incentives to Labor in this Cause; Thrilling Scenes
at the Judgment,   -............. 543
.
ix.
. 531
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INTRODUCTION.
IT is not the purpose of the writer of these pages to
portray a favorable view only of those whose claims are
here advocated. The dark shades, as well as the light
ones, in the character of the freedmen will be painted;
not with a more sombre hue than the facts will justify,
nor with a disposition to magnify the faults of those so
recently existing only as brutes, in the eyes of the law,
and of public opinion South, but with an earnest desire
to draw the attention of the philanthropists of our
Nation, to the absolute necessity of doing something to
remove firom our midst the hideous evil here portrayed.
Let not any hater of the proscribed race endeavor to
draw consolation from these pages, for his own unchristian feelings towards the members of that race.
Least of all, let any energetic worker in their behalf, as
he reads. these pages exclaim, "Well, if such is their
character, why should I labor any more for them?"
While I shall not "extenuate" the faults of those I
plead for, I shall not "set down aught in malice," but
shall sedulously endeavor to present a "plain, unvarnished" statement of facts, for the consideration of my
readers. I am aware tha it is customary to present
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INTRODUCTION.
"rose-colored" views of those in whose behalf you
plead; but with me it will be the very misery I shall
depict, moral as well as physical, that I shall rely upon
to re-awaken public interest in the victims of this
depravity and woe.
"Les Miserables" shall plead for help, not by having exhibited the bright and shining traits in their characters,
but rather, by having exposed to public view the shocking faults indigenous to their former condition, and in
their very helplessness, uttering such a wail of anguish
as shall touch all hearts imbued with the spirit of mercy.
It is not the righteous I call upon you to save, 0 ye
disciples of Jesus, but those morally "bruised  and
mangled" ones, whose "lost and ruined" condition, so
excited the sympathy of him who "came to save" the
sons and daughters of woe, who were "plunged" into
this "gulf of dark despair."
Far be it from me to attempt to judge the precise
criminality of those whose faults I may portray. I
leave that task to Him who searcheth all hearts, and can
discover in the worst sinner, "glimmering sparks" of
goodness, unperceivable by human eyes.
Once for all, let me say to those moral buzzards who
are continually on the wing in quest of carrion, if such
persons should venture to peruse these pages: feast.not
upon the moral delinquencies herein described, for whose
existence in all probability you may be partially accountable; for if you and others had not stoutly opposed
the abolition of Slavery, the faults you now gloat over,
and make an excuse,for your satanic hatred of the black
man, would have had many years less time in which to
mature, and attain to their present hideous dimensions.
We are all responsible Or the black man's depravity,
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INTRODUCqION.
for we all aided in consigning him to that eternal tomb
of all virtues and graces - American Slavery. The
degradation of the colored man, instead of being an
argument in favor of his enslavement, is the strongest
possible one, why every vestige of that servitude should
be removed from him " as far as is the East from the
West," and the North from the South pole.
All well meaning persons who peruse these pages may
not agree with the author's conclusions; but every one
will be forced to admit that the safety of the Nation,
as well as the happiness of the forlorn individuals themselves, demands the removal from among us, of so
"dangerous a class," by the redemption of the race
from their present partial bondage.
Like the Phoenix of old, rising from the ashes of its
former life, a new spectacle shall yet greet the eyes of
wondering millions; even that of our Nation, which had
grown old and become  decrepid, while holding  the
sceptre of despotism, now, as the "sun of righteousness"
dawns upon its former prostrate form; slowly arising,
casting away its grave clothes, and brushing from its
eyebrows the cobwebs of its musty abode, until at
length it emerges into new life, clothed in resplendent
robes of truth and beauty, and becomes "fair as the
moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners," having been " renewed, rejuvenated and disenthralled by the universal genius of emancipation,"
and its legitimate successor, the free and full citizenship
of all classes and conditions of humanity.
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CHAPTER I.
DESIGN OF THE WORK.
For some years the author has been of the opinion
that the great desideratum for the colored population of
the South was the ownership of land; and through
their successful supply of this prime necessity of man's
nature, the furmishingo also the toiling millions of the
North with the same grand element of pecuniary welfare.  Far be it from him  to decry other efforts for the
elevation of this long injured race, but it will be his
object to portray in these pages, as clearly as he is able,
first, the necessities of the Southern freedmen, and then
to show that these necessities cannot be effectually provided for, without making him among other things, the
industrious owner of the land he cultivates.
This little treatise will not be written in the interest
of any party or sect, but solely with a view to meet this
question: How can the freedman be elevated, so as to
render emancipation a blessing to him rather than a
curse? It is not for him to say, that even without the
freedman's elevation, Slavery had better not have been
abolished; but he would most emphatically aver, that
emancipation is to him a boon of but little value, unless
it shall lead in reality to his exaltation in the scale of
moral and intellectual life,ar above the point he occu
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16       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
pied while a chattel-slave. I am aware that many
good men have said, "We have given him his freedom,
now let him shift for himself:" In the words of a distinguished but eccentric philanthropist, it should now
be with him, "' root hog, or die,' as it was with myself,
in my early days." This philosopher fails to inform us
how the hog can obey this injunction, if he has been so
unfortunate as to lose his snout, to continue the elegant
simile.
It is true that the black man possesses all the natural
powers that we possess; but it is also true that of our
own race, a Caspar Hauser affords a melancholy proof
of the fact, that the most boasted powers, by disuse,
may fail entirely. Every one must acknowledge that
his own experience verifies this assertion. The most
splendid attainments are rendered nugatory by a failure
to apply them to the actual duties of life. Even godlike religion, that ally of heaven in its efforts to draw
the race to its celestial throne, loses its power entirely,
when long allowed to slumber; and there is no virtue or
human attainment but becomes shorn of all its beauty,
by being buried in the earth. Action is the great law of
the Universe, in reference to all the complicated
machinery of heaven's devising, for the promotion of
man's welfare.
In the slave's case, but few of his faculties were
ever exercised. He was a living skeleton, a walking
frame of bones and ligaments, wholly destitute of blood
or flesh; a corpse without vitality enough to remind the
beholder of its former life; a mass of inorganic matter,
loosely thrown into one heterogeneous compound resembling a human being, Having only recently heard the
voice addressed to him, Ond saying, "Lazarus, come 
AND THE REBELS.
forth," how can he be expected to walk the earth with
that god-like tread, belonging to those who have never
experienced a like moral death? As well expect the
tottering limbs of a child in its first essays in the art of
walking, to evince the strength of a full grown man, as
he treads with ease the ruggedest of mountain paths!
A lame man, just arising from a rheumatic couch of
years' existence, needs the friendly support of a pair of
crutches, to enable him to equal in pedestrian efforts,
even a young child.  How much more does the newly
emancipated slave need assistance, comfort, strength and
love, in his new-born attempts to imitate the full grown
sons of liberty around him?
In all that the author shall say concerning the
demerits of the.freedmen, let it be distinctly borne in
mind that he is only describing the effects of slavery.
Let no friend of the black man shudder at what he may
deem the too terrific picture drawn of him; but let him
remember that it is only the portraiture of Slavery that
is here given. If one of the black man's enemies shall
recoil at the recital of his woes, let him remember that
he and his friends are the cruel authors of all this degradation, unless he can truly say he never, by word or
deed, did aught to uphold the monster -American
Slavery.
I wish to describe the black man as he is, not for the
purpose of drawing upon him the maledictions of others,
for God knows that he has received enough of them, but
in order that the great heart of the lovers of our race
may be filled with new detestation of Slavery, as well
as be aroused to more thorough action in behalf of its
former miserable victims.
If I should describe the Feedman as he is sometimes
m
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THE BLACK MAIN OF THE SOUTIH,
described, it would only prove that my pen was being
used in a partizan sense, and not in the interests of
truth alone. A splendid portraiture of him, as only an
injured martyr, possessing all the virtues and none of
the vices of our common manhood, would enstamp
itself as a brilliant falsehood, and destroy at once all
the author's claims to veracity; for as "an evil tree cannot bring forth good fruit," so cannot the product of
Slavery be other than a loathsome corpse of mental and
moral degradation.
I must draw a true picture of what I have seen and
heard in this Sodom of America. I cannot prevaricate
or embellish, lest the feelings of good people should be
wounded. I utterly disclaim all intention of trampling
upon the sensibilities of any Northern or Southern
colored man, who has outgrown the terrific effects of
Slavery. As far as heaven is from hell, so far in moral
and intellectual grandeur, do great numbers of the
colored race, especially at the North, tower above the
unfortunate creature so lately a plantation Slave. As
the Apostle says, "Such were some of you, but ye are
washed, ye are sanctified, ye are justified in the name
of the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God."
With these remarks in explanation of my design, I
shall proceed to present the reader with a condensed
narrative of my personal experience among the freedmen,
after which I shall endeavor to draw a portraiture of the
prominent characteristics of the black men in Georyia,
with descriptions of the institutions and practices obtaining among them, and animadversions upon their persecutions, together with authentic accounts of the outrages
experienced by them, and a history of Ku Kluxism. I
shall then specify the varpus measures deemed necessary
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AND THE REBELS.
for the black man's redemption, the reasons for this
redemption, and the encouragements for laboring to
bring it about.
The one end and aim of the writer will be in all that
he shall say of "saint and sinner," of rebel and of
freedmen, of white men and of black men, to adhere
closely to the truth, whatever that shall be, and where
ever it shall lead.
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CHAPTER II.
THE AUTHOR'S MOTWIVE DI COMING SOUTH, WITH REMI       NISCENCES OF KANSAS AND COLORADO.
Long before Slavery ceased to be the controlling spirit
of this Nation, it was my opinion that when its power
came to an end, it would be the duty of abolitionists to
labor for the elevation of its former victims. It was
therefore with no ordinary feelings of interest that I
listened to the bugle blast of war that echoed over the
Alleghanies, and whose sound crossed the tops of those
lofty summits, near whose base I was laboring, when
first was heard those electrifying notes, in the Spring of
1861.
I was then an inhabitant of Central City, Colorado
Territory, having emigrated there from Kansas, a few
months previously. For six years I had resided in
Kansas, and humbly endeavored to do my part in swelling the tide of public opinion, that should finally banish
Slavery from that virgin soil. The success of our
friends, in delivering that "garden of Eden"  from
Slavery's blackened touch is well known to all Americans. Suffice to say, that not a tithe of the horrors of
that short but sanguinary warfare will ever be fully
known, to any but the actors in those scenes, until the
great day of final account.. For one, I may be pardoned
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AND) THE REBELS.
in saying that "free Kansas" prepared the  way for
"free America."  If we had not succeeded then, it is
not to be supposed that the great war that resulted in
the abolition of Slavery would have occurred. On the
lains of Kansas, in the years 1856 and 1857, was in
reality decided the great conflict, which resulted in the
emlancipation of nearly four millions of human beings.
Yea, more, if success had not then crowned our efforts,
the whole North would have been bound hand and foot,
and tied to the slave-car, which was then seeking to ride
triumphantly through our Nation.
The " Border Ruffians" so regarded the issue, there
to be decided, and marshalled their hosts from every
nook and corner of the dismal South, and paraded them
upon our fair plains. The character of our foe may be
ascertained by reading the history of the bloodiest
scenes of our late war, such as the burning of Lawrence,
the massacre at Fort Pillow, and the satanic treatment
of our soldiers confined in the various Southern prisons.
Kansas soil drank the blood of some of these fiends in
human shape, and therefore there were a few less persons to perpetrate these horrors on a larger scale; but
those who did thus survive became better qualified to
engage in the wholesale butcheries of the war, from the
delightful lessons of carnage they had taken in their
Kansas school.
But the chivalry were at length defeated, mainly
through the aid received from Eastern friends, and from
the glorious Republican party, then in its infancy.
With John C. Freemont at its head, it was not ashamed
to espouse our feeble cause, and send men and money,
to sustain our sinking spirits.  Would to God that now
in the days of its tinw.onte4 prosperity, it might not
Q
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
forget its "first love," and its former noble eschewing
of the fatal sop of expediency, that now bids fair to
control its movements, and fatally poison its already
partially emasculated system.
I well remember in those days of our extreme peril,
when the streets of Lawrence were daily filled with
wagons from the country, carrying their affrighted occupants to abodes of safety, that our Spartan friends
resisted with indignation the proposition made by some
faint-hearted Eastern friends, that the settlers of Kansas
should yield to the dreadful odds against them, and
proceed to Fort Leavenworth, and throw themselves
upon the mercy of the commander there.  "Never,
while a drop of blood remains in our veins," was the
universal shout, as this recommendation was read
from one of the leading Eastern papers that advocated
our rights. This incident is stated that the reader may
have a faint idea of our perilous condition.
But I am not now writing of Kansas, and I must
leave the recapitulation of these scenes for some future
occasion, merely adding that under God, two men did
more to rescue us from our forlorn plight, than any
others; and those two men were John Brown and "Jim"
Lane. Gov. Robinson, James Montgomery, and a host
of others performed their work well and faithfully; but
John Brown and Jim Lane acted as scarecrows to drive
the hosts of robber-birds from our fair domain. The
presence of either of these men was enough to drive
hundreds of the enemy from our borders. Under the
valiant lead of the former, aided by the wise counsels
of Charles Robinson, about two hundred men in Lawrence successfully defended that village in September,
1856, against the attack o, twenty-three hundred enrolled
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AD  THE REBELS.
men from Missouri. This I know to be the case, for I
was one of t]he humble actors in that memorable scene,
and was permitted to accompany the only cannon we
had, as one of twelve men, under the lead of John
Brown, who followed fifty men with "Sharps' rifles" in
their persuit of the one hundred and fifty horsemen, the
advance guard of the whole army, as they turned and
fled rapidly, at the second or third fire of fifteen or
twenty of our horsemen.
On arriving in Central City, I found that my work
had not ceased.   Very early we  were  met  by the
myrmuidons of secession, who formed a plan to capture
our little city, and thus cut off the communication of
our government with California, which act would have
been accomplished, if it had not been for the untiring
zeal of Gov. Gilpin, who, without waiting for orders
firom Washington, commenced the organization of the
"1st Colorado Regiment," and with the aid of the
citizens, armed and equipped its members.  Soon after
this, the bulk of the secession leaders left our territory;
and during the remainder of the war, Colorado was
intensely loyal. I am sorry to be obliged to add, that
for thus  disregarding "red tape"  formalities, Gov.
Gilpin's decapitation followed in the wake of that of
many others, who, like Gen. Wool, Freemont, &c., were
laid upon the shelf, for their too hasty steps, in bringing
the rebels into subjection. The "conductors of the
war" at Washington, doubtless imagined  that strict
obedience to military regulations, was far more important
than any immediate good, however great, that might result, from a negligence of these orders.
Those who resided near the actual conflict, can faintly
realize the breathless interest with which every mail
0
23
a 
24      THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
from the East was watched by us Coloradians.  At one
time, the Secessionists stirred up the Indians on the
plains against us, so that for months we had no communication with the East, except by telegraph, and by way of
California. But at length the dove of peace lit upon the
Capitol of our Nation, and a stray olive leaf from her
mouth was wafted to our mountain homes: and a glad
shout of unutterable joy arose from our canons, and swept
across our mountain tops.  With some of the inhabitants
of Colorado, the notes of these shouts were pitched to a
higher key, by their mixing with them the still gladder
sound of free America, "Babylon the great is fallen."
I am free to confess that I could not have shouted for
joy, unless I had felt that the "Sons of God" were
also thus shouting, and the "morning stars were singing
together," of freedom having become the glad portion of
the sable sons and daughters of America, as well as of
those hitherto more highly favored. If emancipation
had not been the result of the war, I should bave considered it a miserable failure, and an unjust attempt to
coerce men into sustaining a form of government which
they despised.
But emancipation being the fruits of the war, no
lover of his race can for a moment regret its existence,
or wish that the doctrine of State lights was still stinding upon its former firm pedestal. But I am sorry to
say that the Anti-Slavery cause did not number among
its friends all those Coloradians engaged in fighting for
the Union. When President Lincoln's emancipation
proclamation first reached our ears, I was so elated with
the news, that I ran to the newspaper office, to talk
with the editor, on the glorious theme; and on my way
thither, I passed the recruiting tent of an artillery
0 
AND THE REBELS.
officer. I looked in for a moment, and the officer, per ceiving my excitement, enquired eagerly after the war
news.  "0," said I, "the slaves are all free, and are
going to fight for the Union. Isn't that glorious?"
Judge of my surprise, when the officer, seizing his
sword, excitingly exclaimed, " By G - d, I will break
this sword across my knees, and throw up my commis sion, rather than fight in the same army with' nig gers.'" But the officer failed to keep his rash promise,
and preserved his sword unbroken, and months after wards, was found humbly petitioning the government
to be restored to his command, of which he had been
deprived for some other reasons.
As an index of the strongly loyal feelings of our
citizens, I will relate an incident that occurred on the
death of the lamented Lincoln. The news of this sad
event reached us at about 10 o'clock of the forenoon
following the foul murder, and intense beyond all
description  was  the  excitement  everywhere.  Stout
men, whose hearts had not quailed during the war, now
trembled  exceedingly.   "Mens'  hearts  were  failing
them from fear" all around, while a strong determinationi  was  everywhere  apparent,  to meet  this new
calamity with a general outpouring of blood and treasure, if necessary.  I question whether a more  loyal
crowd could have been found, even in Boston, than
that which filled our streets during the whole of the
day, and part of the day following.
A hair-brained Secessionist, partly under the influence of liquor, in an unguarded moment, exclaimed,
"I am glad of it; he deserved to be shot."  Almost in
the twinkling of an eye, the poor unfortunate was
seized by the indignant bystanders, and hurried before
e
25
m 
26        THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
an impromptu tribunal assembled in the theatre. The
fury of the populace knew no bounds, but "in wrath
they remembered mercy," and determined that the rash
youth should have a fair trial by a jury of our best
citizens. A distinguished physician and orator of the
place volunteered to defend him, and the testimony was
patiently listened to, as well as the pleadings of his
lawyer; and after the verdict, the culprit was allowed
to speak in his own behalf. With tearful eyes, he
pleaded for mercy, not on his account, but on that of
his absent mother and sisters. The jury sentenced him
to have one side of his head shorn, and to leave the
place within a certain number of hours; and I believe,
to receive thirty lashes on his bare back. It was at
first proposed that these should be applied by a Negro;
but this part of the sentence was revoked, at the
earnest solicitation of the culprit's friends.  Quite  a
number of the crowd still favored his being shot; but
during the debate that ensued on this proposition, a
telegram arrived from the military commander of the
district at Denver, ordering the prisoner to be sent to
him. This request was gladly complied with, and after
another hearing of the case, the guilty man was sentenced to carry a heavy bag of sanld six or eight hours a
day, for thirty days in succession.
It will thus be seen, that all mining regions are not
quite so rough as Eastern people imagine. And here
let me say, that during my residence of four and a half
years in Central City, the heart of the mining regions
of Colorado, fewer violations of law occurred than in
.my other community where I have resided for the same
ength of time.  My place of business was in a very
public position, and during the whole of the time I was
0 
AND THE REBELS.
there, was entirely unprotected by bars or shutters; and
although the front consisted mainly of glass, it was
never injured in the slightest degree. I will also add,
that I never met with a more intelligent population than
those with whom it was my daily lot to associate; so
that I can cheerfully recommend Central City as one of
the most desirable places of residence with which I am
acquainted, forming a very delightful contrast to the
"valley of the shadow of death," where I at present
reside, and of which I am about to speak.
But pleasant as was my life in Colorado, I determined
to leave it for other duties, requiring, as I well knew,
strong resolution and firmness of soul. As the title of
this chapter is in part, "my motive in coming South,"
I may be pardoned for stating it more fully.
During the war, my wife and I had resolved that if
it resulted in the abolition of Slavery, we would go
South, and do what we could, for the perfect development of the colored race. But before we could mature
our plans, the angel of death visited our abode, and
called upon her who had so zealously labored for free
dom in Kansas, and for the entire overthrow of Slavery
elsewhere, to follow his noiseless steps into the land of
uniutterable beauty and perfect liberty.
She was born and reared among slaveholders, being-a
native of Kentucky; but for many years she had been
an uncompromising abolitionist; and as her peaceful
spirit joyfully obeyed the summons of God's "grim
messenger," she dropped a regretful tear, at the thoughts
of being prevented from joining in bodily form, her
husband, in his future efforts for those whose freedom
she had so ardently desired, as well as a joyful one at
the tlhoughts of the so far gariious consummation of her
wishes. Is it too miucl to suppose that she still watches
27
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
with interest the progress of those benign efforts, and
does not hesitate to pronounce her benediction upon
those making them?
Some six months after this sad event, I left Colorado,
for the future scene of my labors - the "sunny South,"
taking in my way, my native state, my dear and well b-)eloved Massachusetts. Previous to leaving Colorado, I
wrote for publication in Boston the following sketch of
my plan: "I wish to proceed to some portion of the
South, and there labor for the accomplishment of three
things for the colored people. First, their education and
moral improvement; secondly, their right to vote; and
thirdly, the making them the owners of the land they
cultivate." The pages of this book will show what
amount of success I have been favored with, in the
prosecution of this threefold enterprise.
I was full of enthusiasm on all of these points, and
little dreamed of the almost insurmountable obstacles I
should meet with. It is well for us that the future is
not often revealed to us, for the knowledge of its trials
would often deter us from engaging in many a holy
undertaking. I am free to confess, that if I had then
known what I know to-day, I should not have been
likely to have engaged in this almost Quixotic enterprise.
Little did I dream of the nature of the evil I had to oontend with. I indeed foresaw violent opposition on the
part of the rebels; but I did not comprehend the depths
of degradation I must sound, before I could reach the
terra firma of principle, in the hearts of the black race.
I corresponded with distinguished friends of the
freedmen, who agreed that the work I proposed was a
very necessary one, but entreated me not to risk my life
in so rash an enterprise, litle imagining that the greatest injuries I should Receiye, would be at the hands of
28
a 
AND THE REBELS.
those who made the loudest profession of attachment
to me, for my labors in their behalf. Suffice it to say,
that a voice far more potent than those of my friends,
seemed to say, "Go into the land so recently cursed by
Slavery, and there do my bidding." Having for many
years been in the habit of following the leadings of
God's spirit, I dared not any longer "confer with flesh
and blood," but immediately made preparations for
obeying what seemed to me "' the heavenly vision." I
did not expect supernatural inspiration, but only a
fulfillment of those Scripture declarations, in reference
to spiritual guidance, so oftein quoted in the writings of
the Quakers and early Methodists, " There is a spirit in
man, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth understanding"; "Acknowledge the Lord in all thy ways,
and he shall direct thy steps"; "As many as are led
by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God."
Accordingly I disposed of my effects in Colorado, and
bid adieu to friends and to a prosperous and agreeable
business, and took up my line of march for the East,
en route for the South. The journey across the plains
was performed in a covered wagon, drawn by four
mules, and occupied eight weeks, during which time we
ate and slept in the wagon. I was accompanied in this
journey by my only child, a girl three years of age,
whose innocent prattle beguiled many a weary hour,
although it was no slight task to provide for her comfort, the whole of this task devolving upon me.
I did not reach the South, however, until nearly a
year after my departure from the Rocky Mountains,
during the lapse of which time I found ample employment, in combating the pernicious views of Andrew
Johnson, in reference to thi management of the Southern people. 
29 
CHAPTER III.
THIE AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL AT THE SOUTH.
We took passage at New York, in the Steamship San
Salvador, about the first of May, 1866, and landed at
Savannah three days afterwards, in good health and
spirits. We were accompanied by a lady, who wished
to unite with me in the important undertaking of elevating the freedmen, and by Mr. Henry F. Parker, of
Reading, Mass., who had been for many years identified
with the Anti-Slavery cause at the East, and had performed important and heroic labors for the slave at the
West. We had been intimate in Colorado, where lihe
had signalized himself by his entire devotion to the
Union cause; and his deep interest in all that related
to the welfare of our embryo-community.  He had been
elected first president of the Miner's district, where he
resided, and was a member of the first Territorial Senate. His object in visiting the South, was mainly a
benevolent one; to gather facts respecting the condition
of the freedmen, and to discover if any opening presented itself, where he could labor for their welfare.
On board the steamer, we had many opportunities to
gain information respecting the South.  We saw several
Yankee residents of the South, and a number of its
natives; as well as severe New York adventurers, on
30
a 
AND THE REBELS.
a tour of speculation, to ascertain the amount of goods
that could be advantageously disposed of, for the benefit
of their New York employers. These latter gentry of
course, were not disposed to regard our enterprise very
favorably; but from others we learned much that was
valuable, in reference to both rebels and freedmen.
Some of these gentlemen were bound for Jacksonville,
and enlarged upon the merits of that locality as a
favorable one for the prosecution of our enterprise. A
company of Boston friends had formed a settlement at
New Smyrna, near Enterprise, in Florida; and we much
desired to visit that locality; but on conversing with
Capt. Hawks, in Charleston, on the subject, we came to
the conclusion that the hardships of a frontier life, fifty
miles from a market, would not compensate for any
superior advantages it might possess in the way of fine
scenery, delightful climate, and its multitude of sweet
oranges. Since our residence at the South, we have
learned that this colony proved a failure, and we felt
thankful that we had not linked our fortunes with its
founders. It was not our object to found a colony, but
simply to purchase a large farm or plantation, and divide
its products among those who performed the labor, on
the principle that "the laborer is worthy of his hire."
It was our purpose, to test the practicability of the
co-operative principle, in carrying on a large farm; as it
had been previously tested in the various mechanical
arts. For many years, the author's attention had been
drawn to the vast discrepancy between the profits of
labor, and of capital; and he had long desired to solve
the problem of an equitable distribution of these profits,
so as to allow to labor its legitimate share. Not wishing
to urge upon others whatemight prove, after all an
31
a
a 
32       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Eutopian idea, he wished to show by actual experiment
that business could be successfully conducted on the
co-operative plan, in this country, as well as in Europe.
Without intending to digress from my narrative, I may
be permitted to state my convictions upon this point.
Co-operation, is heaven's great law. No result in
Nature is attained except under its operations.  It is
the same in art. Schools, colleges, the erection of lofty
piles of architectural beauty, the construction of manificent vessels, the building of railroads without nunmber; all prove the truth of this principle.  "No  man
liveth unto himself, and no man dieth unto' himself."
But it is also a principle of Nature, that, "how can two
walk together except they be agreed; " so that harmony
of purpose is the first pre-requisite to successful co-opera
tion. The family relation is shorn of a large share of
its unutterable blessings, when discord creeps in to that
sacred enclosure; and a harmonious and well balanced
child, can never be the result of a two-fold life of jarring and petulancy.
Many cooperative establishments have been commenced without securing this fundamental principle of
harmony, and consequently have burst asunder, by the
restless fury of their own internal elements.
Therefore there can be no successful co-operation between men of totally diverse natures. With these ideas
fresh in the minds of our readers, they can see the reason for the gradual change of the author's plans for the
welfare of the freedmen, of which, more will be said
hereafter.
We visited several plantations in different parts of
South Carolina and Georgia, and finally determined to
purchase one of about steen hundred acres, situated
0 
AND THE REBELS.
in Columbia County, Georgia, about eleven miles from
the pretty city of Augusta.  Of this Columbia County
we knew but little, but have since learned, that it was
always considered one of the most turbulent counties
in the state, although a very wealthy one. There were
but comparatively few of the so-called " poor whites"
in the county, most of the plantations being large, some
of them containing four thousand acres.
The location selected seemed a very healthy one, and
as there was on the farm everything in readiness for
farming operations, and the crops were all planted, it
seemed a very desirable selection, although the price
was somewhat higher than we had designed to pay, and
we were obliged to run in debt for a portion of the
"purchase money."
The hands were already at work, under the direction
of a Southern overseer, whose services I was advised to
secure for the remainder of the year - which advice I
complied with, and hired him to carry on the farm, in
the manner he was used to, for the remainder of the
year, reserving all innovations for some future time.
This overseer's name was Prince, and he had served as a
soldier in the confederate army, and was quite destitute
of sympathetic feelings towards the blacks.
As it may interest the reader I will endeavor to describe the place, as it was when we first purchased it,
premising that all parties concerned seemed well satisfied with the purchase.
.
3
0
0 
CHAPTER IV.
DESCRIPTION OF "HOPE ON HOPE EVER " PLANTATION.
Imagine the worst roads ever travelled over by a New
Englander, comprising seven long hills, skirted by deep
gullies, and abounding in rocks of large and small
dimensions, over and through which it required the
skill of an expert in the art of driving, to safely pick
his way, with6ut damage to beast or carriage.  The
country through which these roads passed, was monotonous in the extreme, and almost utterly destitute of
those marks of thrift, and gladsome cultivation, that a
ride of that length almost anywhere at the North, would
present to your view. Rail-fences, old and dilapidated
buildings, and rough cultivation, greeted your eye constantly; relieved only by great numbers of majestic
trees, and occasionally by the sight of a fine mansion
some distance from the road.
Just before you reach the dwelling on "Hope  On
Hope Ever Plantation" (a name we afterwards gave the
place in one of our darkest hours,) you come to two
lanes, one running in a Southerly, and the other in a
Northerly direction from the main road. The former,
extended through a portion of the plantation, and the
other divided it from the land of a rebel neighbor.  On
the right hand side of the road, and West of the
last mentioned lane, you beheld ten or twelve  Negro
34 
m 
AND THE REBELS.
houses, with a small plat of ground attached to each.
To the credit of the former owner of the place, it must
be said, that these houses were very comfortable abodes;
and presented quite a pretty appearance, as you passed
them on the road. They were arranged in three rows,
of three and four in a row; and each of them had a
good-sized brick chimney on the outside, and had once
been whitewashed. They were separated from the
hioghway, by a high rail-fence; and from the yard belonging to the dwelling house of the whites, by a good
picket fence. On the South side of the road, opposite
"the quarters," as the negro-houses were termed, was
a huge unsightly building called a barn, surrounded by
a high fence to protect the enclosure from depredations,
the entrance to which, was through a large gate, which
was kept locked at night, and usually through the davy.
What style of architecture this barn was designed to
perpetuate the memory of, I know not; but should presume it was one in vogue prior to the buildiing of Noah's
ark.  It consisted of a huge frame, surrounded by what
were termed stables, and a shed for wagons. The outside of these stables faced away from the barn, and toward the road on the North side of the barn, to which
road the building came in close proximity. The architect,
or owner of this building, had evidently been a strong
believer in the modern doctrine of thorough ventilation
for working animals, although his building was otherwise of so ancient a design, for, from top to bottom the
boards were six or eight inches apart, all around the
three sides of the building devoted to stock. Luckily
in this "sunny land" we are not cursed with the icy
blasts of a Northern winter, or the poor mules would
niot have long survived to tel thle story of their wrongs.
35
0
0 
36       THE BLACK M-IA  OF THE SOUTH,
The high fence around the "lot," as the barn-yard
was termed, was composed of strips of board of all
sizes and lengths, nailed promiscuously upon the cross
pieces of the fence. The yard adjacent to this barn,
was so constructed as to admit the water that might
collect from great rains to find its way easily to the gut
ter bordering the highway, its projectors forgetting that
vast quantities of valuable manure also found their way
firom the premises along with the streams of water.
This "lot" was bordered by quite a number of other
buildings, some of them rather old, but one, used for
storing corn, was in an excellent state of preservation,
and would hold several thousand bushels of corn- with
which it was often filled, in the days of Slavery. The
barn would hDld thirty or forty thousand bundles of
fodder, twenty-five thousand of which had been recently
stored therein. At a short distance from the lot,
situated on one side of the lane, running Southerly from
the main road, was another large barn, somewhat dilapidated; and on the other side, an excellent b)uilding,
termed the "granary," used for thrashing and storing
grain, and containing the requisite machinery for thrashing wheat, which thrashing was performed by horse
power.
Leaving the barns on your left, you now approached
the "big house," as the blacks termed it, which was
situated   on the right hand side of the road, and at a
respectful  distance therefrom.  It was surrounded by a
yard, containing about an acre and a half of ground,
and twenty-five or thirty shade trees, principally mulberry, china-berry and cedar, with a few tall slimi trees,
with a very smooth bark, having in their high branches
a profusion of most beautiful red flowers, which ap
0 
AND THE REBELS.
peared in Jiuly, and lasted to nearly the close of the
year. It was a long time before I could ascertain
correctly, from black or white persons, the name of
these trees; but I afterwards ascertained they were
termed the leyer-streamer tree. All around the yard was
a substantial, unpainted picket fence.
When my wife and I first beheld the dwelling-house,
our impulse was to have it razed to the ground as
speedily as possible; but after consideration satisfied us,
that poor as it might look to our New England eyes, it
was in reality no mean structure, and would answer for
a shelter for our heads a long time, as it really has done,
and also for sheltering at one time nearly fifty human
beings. It was two stories high, with three solid brick
chimnies on the outside, containing nearly as many
bricks as would suffice to build a decent brick house in
New England, and a good brick foundation.  During
the fifty years it had maintained its present grim position, it had remained wholly innocent of paint, wherewith to embellish its exterior; but it did not stand
"alone in its glory" ill this respect, for a large majority
of the Southern plantation houses are in a similai prdicameut. The house was built of hard pine, in the
massive style peculiar to the South, and contained
eleven rooms, including the hall and attics, most of
which were extremely large, and very high studded.
Its interior exhibited no signs of decay, notwithstanding
it had never been graced with a very large amount of
paint. There was not a particle of plastering in the
house, but good substantial board ceilings overhead, as
well as at the sides, usurped the usual places of lath and
plaster.  The ceiling overhead, of the parlor, was well
painted.
37
0
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
This house has now become endeared to us, by so
many pleasant recollections, and joyful as well as sad
experiences, that we should regret exceedingly to see it
displaced by a finer looking one. Behind the house
were various other buildings, used severally for a smokehouse, meal-house,  carriag,e-house, pigeon-house, milkhouse, &c, &c. Just back of the house, was a fine garden, containing three-fourths of an acre of land; and between it and the highway was about an acre and a
quarter more of unenclosed land, which was also used
as a garden. The garden proper was surrounded with
a good picket fence, similar to the one surrounding the
yard, and conta:ned thirty or forty fruit trees, principally peach. A few pear trees, and a number of plum.
trees stood in the plat adjoining the garden.  A short
distance west of the garden were  the gin-house and
packing-screw, both good sized and substantial buildings: and a little distance north of the garden was the
blacksmiths' shop.
The buildings were skirted on the North by a pleasant
ravine, through which coursed a gentle, murmuring
brook, finding its way among a plentiful supply of large
and small rocks, and bordered on each side by a profusion of trees, affording a delightful and romantic retreat from the scorching rays of midsummer. In front
of the house, and easily seen from its windows, were
several slight elevations of rolling land, from the moderate summits of which a beautiful view of the surrounding country couild be obtained. West of the house,
stretching -in stemingly an illimitable distance, were a
large portion of the broad acres that composed the farm.
About one half of the farm was still in woods, a large
portion of which were theprimitive oak and hickory of
38
0 
AND THE REBELS,
that region, and the remainder, pines of various sizes,
the "second growth" of those lands after having once
been cultivated.  These pines were the "short leaf"
pine, in distinction from the "long leaf" pines, composing the original forests of the "piny woods" region.
The original oak lands produce pines for their
second growth," and the original pine lands yield as
their second product a bountiful supply of oaks; a fact
that surprised me, but it may be true elsewhere. The
farm was well watered by quite a number of brooks and
creeks, and supplied with several splendid springs, besides a never-failing well of the purest and best water
in existence. On the farm were at least three moderate
water privileges; and two mills and a distillery had
once blessed and cursed the plantation.
I beg the reader's pardon for occupying so much time
in this lengthy, and to him perhaps uninteresting description of our plantation. I have done so, in order
that the scenes hereafter described may be more vividly
impressed upon him, from being connected in his mind
with a "local habitation."
e
39
0
0 
CHAPTER V.
FIRST DAY OF THE AUTHOR IN HIS NEW HOME.
It was on Saturday night, in the midst of a driving
storm of wind and rain when we reached our new home.
WVe had floundered through the mud of one of the
worst roads of Christendom, and narrowly escaped
destruction by driving off a precipice on our way out;
the thick darkness of the night being only relieved by
occasional flashes of lightning, one of whose friendly
gleams had shown us our danger just in season to escape
therefrom. The roads had not been repaired for several
years, as we afterwards learned, and they were nearly
impassable; another legitimate fruit of the all pervading
evil-genius of Slavery. Our driver had left us to attend
to his weary horses, and with the rain still pouring upon
us, we knocked in vain for admittance to our house.
The papers about the property had all been properly
arranged, and the amount due amply secured by mortgage; but still there was no response to our importunate
knocking.
Was not this a fitting prelude to our future labors?
Were   we not even then, doomed to "call and be refused?"  It seems now  as if our first reception  was
somewhat typical of the future, in its lack of response
to our urgent entreaty for admittance. Our calls were
at       length heeded, and the burly form of a stout "over         40       *
I 
AND THE REBELS.
seer" made its appearance; to whom  was delivered a
letter from the former owner of the place, and we then
received a cordial welcome.
But, as with all Southerners "Rome was not built in
a day," so it took time to build a fire and make us comfortable in the uninhabited house; and still longer to
prepare our supper. And such a supper! It cannot be
well described! But being hungry, uninviting as were
the viands set before us, we all contrived to force down
a small portion of them, and then proceeded to "improvisate" a bed.  What with the aid of our carriage
cushions, coats and shawls and a few sheets and blankets
we had brought in our baggage, we contrived to pass
the night in some small degree of comfort.
We found a good feather bed, and some dingy sheets
on a bedstead in the dining-room; but the fastidiousness
of some of the party led them to prefer a harder bed on
the floor, which should have the merit of less filth at
least; as that could be swept tolerably clean with the
aid of a good broom we had taken the precaution to
purchase in town.  We  had also purchased a small supply of provisions, which we thought would suffice for
our table, as soon as we could "get the hang" of the
Southern mode of cooking.
The next morning did not catch us napping, but we
were up and stirring long before there were any signs
of life around us, except the continual howling of one
of the many half-starved dogs, that are so omnipresent
on every Southern plantation. It is due to the credit
of the former owner to state, that he was in no wise
responsible for this dismal state of affairs, as he did not
reside upon the plantation, but was engaged in business
in Augusta. But it did notlrobably occur to him, that
41
0
a 
42       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
having sold us the place in good faith, it was his duty
to have made it somewhat comfortable at any rate.
Amid the darkness of the night, the filthiness of the
house was partially concealed from us; but the first rays
of old Sol's pure light dispelled all our ideas of having a
comfortable home, until we had made it ourselves. Such
a sight rarely meets the eyes of a Northern housekeeper.
The room was ten or eleven feet high, twenty by twentyfive feet in size, and ceiled all around and above as before described, without ever having seen any paint or
paper. It contained four windows, of eight by ten glass,
and four doors, of a massive character. The floor of
this room had been washed probably at the beginning
of Methusalah's life; certainly not often since. The
only   articles of furniture were a heavy, black-looking
table, a bedstead, two or three old chairs, and something
in the shape of an old-fashioned side-board, innocent of
paint  or varnish, but containing five good drawers, and
a           small cupboard.  As  soon  as  sufficient  daylight
allowed us, my wife, Etta, peered into the recesses of
this mysterious piece of furniture, evidently pleased at
the   idea of having found a receptacle for our provisions,
in the almost utter absence of closet or pantry on the
premises,   when she suddenly exclaimed, "0, Charles,
look   here!"       I sprang to her side, expecting  that a
huge spider or a rat had bitten her finger, when I, too,
exclaimed,  "O, how  can we live here?" as I beheld
the sight before me. Words would fail me, to describe
the condition of this cupboard! But we closed our
exploration  of its deficiencies, until another meal had
been prepared for us, by Ilfargaret, the cook. This meal
was a slight improvement on the former, as Etta had
ma de   a            forage into the titchen, and managed to intro.                           Z
0
a 
AND THE REBELS.
duce into the most important  cooking utensil of the
habitation, viz: a large bake-pan, a few of the savory
viands we had brought with us; but she sedulously concealed from my knowledge all the addition to her stock
of housekeeping information, which she had derived
from this surreptitious visit to forbidden premises; as she
said afterwards, she did not wish to spoil my appetite
for my breakfast, as she would have done, by revealing
to me the hidden depths of corruption she had partially
explored.
This kitchen was one half of a large sized  negrocabin, standing a few rods from our dwelling, and between that and the negro "quarters," forming one side
of the enclosure to the yard, until it met the picketfence, before described. A short distance from this
cabin, appeared the only really good thing there was on
the premises, viz., our excellent well.
The food was cooked (excuse the word) in the aforesaid kitchen, and then brought across the yard, in sunshine and in rain, to the house. It never occurred to
the originators of this style of living, that food thus exposed to the elements-, lost a large porition of its palatableness, during this lengthy journey, and that it must be
either cooked regardless of science or cleanliness, or the
lady of the house must endure the heat of the noonday
sun quite often, during the transit of a single dinner.
But to return to the cupboard.  As soon as breakfast
was over, Etta proceeded to the door of our diniingroom, and called out "Margaret," in a pleasant tone,
but no Margaret appeared. At length, after repeated
calls of this pretty name, its worthy bearer entered the
house, and commenced hustling off the dishes from the
breakfast table, and "toting'bthem out to the polluted
Q
43
a
v 
44       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
kitchen.  "You need not do that, Margaret," said my
wife.  "Why, missis, you's not gwine to eat again from
them ar dirty dishes, is you?" replied Margaret; and
her whole nature seemed shocked at the idea.  "No,
Margaret," quietly responded my wife, "but I want you
to wash them here."
If Margaret had heard a loud clap of thunder, she
could not have been more overcome with surprise, and
she exclaimed, with a distressed air, "Gwine to wash
dishes in dis ere room; dis ar the gemman's sittin'-room,
and ye gwine to turn it into de kitchen?"  Margaret
was a woman of great independence of character, outspoken and fearless. She was none of your "Miss
Nancy" kind of a woman, eternally agreeing with whatever proposition was made to her, and never having a
mind of her own.  If circumstances had favored, she
night  have led a military company to battle; or at
any rate, rivalled any of her loud-mouthed white sisters,
in their furious denunciations of human wrongs. She
was withal, extremely sensitive, as well as jealous of her
honor, her rights and prerogatives; and she was deternined that not one of her rights should be infringed
upon, with her consent.
She was dressed in a coarse cotton gowns which had
once been meant for white, but was now of a dingy
brown color. This dress did not quite reach her ankles,
and could not have contained over two breadths.
Around her head was twined, in true negro style, a
large yellow cotton handkerlchief, with a few white
spots upon its surface.  Like all the negro women, she
was as straight as an arrow, affording an agreeable contrast to the deformities of the modern fashionable belle.
Her complexion was of io mongrel hue, but of the
"simon-pure" blaclf, without any discount.
0 
A-ND THE REBELS.
Etta repeated her order in mild tones, but it was unheeded. Then and there Margaret threw down the
gauntlet, and staking her all upon her ability to consuinmate her purposes, she declared she was "gwine to
be cook ob dis ere house, and Ise want no white woman
to trouble me;" and growing eloquent at the thought,
she dropped everything, and planting herself in the middle of the floor, she delivered herself as follows: "You
white folks spose, cause you white, and we all black,
that us dunno noffin, and you knows eberyting; " and
snatching her yellow turban from her head, she flourished it in her hands, and cried out at the top of her
voice, " Now missus, youse one bery good white woman,
come down from de great North, to teach poor we to
read, and sich as that; but we done claned dishes all
our days, long before ye Yankees hearn tell of us, and
now does ye suppose I gwine to give up all my rights to
ye, just cause youse a Yankee white woman?  Does ye
know missus that we's free now?  Yas, free we is, and
us ant gwine to get down to ye, any more than to them
ar rebs."
What would have been the effect of this harangue
upon the quiet spirit of my wife, I am not able to state,
if the rough voice of the overseer had not then- been
heard, as he rushed through the yard, and into the.
house, and seizing Margaret by the neck of her dress,
he dragged her out of the room in a very unceremonious
manner;  exclaiming,   "Shut  up  you  d    n black
wench, or I'll beat your brains out;" and turning to
us, he blandly said, "Never mind her, Mrs. Stearns;
these niggers have no more sense or manners than a
mule; but I'll teach her not to insult white people."
Thus early commenced tha  systematic disobedience
Q
45
0 
46       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
to our orders that we have encountered at every step of
our intercourse wvithl the blacks: but of this, more hereafter.
Margaret thus subdued, soon returned as mild as a
lamb, and proceeded to wash the dishes according to
Etta's orders, occasionally wincing, it is true, at the oftrepeated words, " Margaret, you haven't washed that
plate clean."
But another battle was doomed to be fought, and
Margaret this time came off victorious, Mr. Prince having absented himself from the plantation, to attend
to other business. Margaret was ordered to wash out
the sideboard; but she absolutely and flatly refused, as
it was Sunday, and she wasn't hired to do such work on
Sunday.  If there had been any other conceivable place
where our provisions could have been placed, the cleaning of that cupboard would have been deferred until
Monday; but such not being the case, Mrs. Stearns was
compelled to clean a portion of it herself leaving the
remainder until Monday morning, when Margaret appeared, ready for any emergency.
It was not from any love for the Sabbath that Margaret thus rebelled, but heeause as she said, "Sunday was
her day, and black folks don't work on Sunday."
Duriing the whole of this day, we were watched with
the utmost interest by the hands on the place. The
singularities of their new mistress were being discussed
all around by the women;  and Margaret's fervid eloquence was plainly at work, preparing for the revolt of
Monday morning.  One woman only, approached us in
a friendly mannier; and she came with a dish of nice
plums, that grew on the place. Her name was Laura,
and although black, shy seemed  possessed with the
0 
AND THE REBELS,
notion of her superiority to the sable crowd around her,
the reason of which was made known to us a few days
after, when we learned that she was a white man's
mistress.
Monday morning came, and with it the information
from Mr. Prince, that the hands had all refused to go to
work.   This seemed strange;  for the gentleman of
whom we had purchased the place, had assured us that
they would go right on and work just the same as if he
had not sold out. But such an idea as that looked to
them altogether too much like the days of Slavery, when
masters often sold land and slaves altogether. They
wanted their pay for what they had done, they said;
and they would not work without a new contract.
Serious consequences mnight have ensued, if I had not
immediately proceeded to the scene of revolt, and
addressed them as follows: "Dr. S. has sold this place
to me, and has informed Mr. Prince in this letter, that
he wishes you to work, as you have done, and the contract he has made with you will be kept to the letter.
You are to be paid one half of your wages at the end
of every month, and the balance at the end of the year;
but if you now violate this contract, you will not be
able to recover any of your wages at the end of the
year. You can all do as you please; Dr. S. is responsi:
ble to you for what you have already done, but for no
more." Mr. Prince then stepped forward, and told
them he was satisfied, and was going to work for Mr.
Stearns, until the end of the year, and all who intended
to do the same, he wished to go to work immediately,
that I might know  what to depend upon.  "Black
Bob,"  a  tall, jet black, and  dark-eyed  negro, who
seemed to act as a kind of leader, after meditating a few
0
47
0 
48      THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
moments, stepped forward and said, "Well, boys, we
may as well go to work I reckon;" and taking his hoe,
he started for the field, followed by the remainder, some
fifteen hands in all. Thus ended the second revolt
upon our plantation.
.
0
a 
CHAPTER VI.
LIGHT UPON THE PROPER METHOD OF MANAGING
THE FREEDMEN.
Previous to visiting the South, the author entertained
sundry impracticable notions, respecting the superiority
of moral means over brute force, in managing men,
which were all destined to be put to immediate flight,
by the cogent reasoning of those stars of intellect, with
whom he came in contact, during his journey; and he
was therefore well prepared to hear the decided opinion
of his overseer upon this question, he unhesitatingly
affirming the negative of the proposition, that "our
weapons are not carnal, but mighty through God, to the
pulling down of the strong holds of Satan."
On board the steamer from Savannah to Charleston,
he became acquainted with one of these unbelievers in
the potency of truth: and he was assured by him that
it was impossible to manage the "nigger" in any other
way than by force.  I mentioned to him that all my past
experience in controlling men, assured me that kindness
was mnori potent than force; and I could not see why
the same rule, that had irked so well elsewhere,
should not answer with the negroes.
Sitting in a little room on deck, where he had been
invited by the captain of the seamer, and throwing his
49  
50        THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
head back against the wall, and elevating his feet upon
the next chair, he took a long inspiration fiomn a fragratiit
Havana, and deliberately puiffing the smoke from his
mouth, he looked me full in the face, as if to satisfy
himself of my sanity, and then said, in the most oracular manner imaginable, " Can't do it, cai-i't do it, sir.
Impossible, impossible."  Then  after  taking  another
whiff at his cigar, and breaking off its burnt end, with
the tip of his little finger, he turned towards me, and
with a look of deep  compassion,  said,  1"My friend,
you seem to be a novice in the art of managing niggers.
Did you ever carry on a farm at the South?"  I responded, "No sir," and he replied, "I thought as much.
Now listen to me, and I will give you some good advice."
Saying this, he touched with the tip of his finger my
organ of benevolence, and said, "Don't let that organ
control you, in your dealings with the niggers. Your
ideas are good, very good, sir, with most men, but they
will never answer in carrying on a Southern plantation.
Now mark my word, sir; if you attempt to manage your
hands by kindness, you will most assuredly come out of
the' little end of the horn.'" He then said his opportunities for ascertaining these facts had been very
numerous; for, although not a Southerner himself, he
had travelled quite extensively at the South, and knew
whereof he affirmed.
I thanked him politely for the deep interest he manifested in my welfare, and I retired to a private corner
of the boat, to meditate upon his advice.  "Can it be,"
I said to myself, "that the gospel rule applies only to
men who have always been free? Must there be one
rule for white men, and another for colored ones? " I
must confess that I As somewhat staggered in my
a 
AND THE REBELS.
opinions, by the deep earnestness of the man, and his
professions of thorough acquaintance with the former
victims of Slavery, as well as by his seeming interest in
the welfare of my scheme. 
Before I reached my plantation, I heard the same
ideas advanced, but not by Northern men. I expected
of course, to hear the Southerners take that side of the
question. Every one, however, seemed to be interested
in my success, and to wish to warn me of the quicksands into which I should step, if I tried to manage the
negroes with kindness; so that the opinions of Mr. Prince
did not astonish me in the least.  "Why did you deal
so roughly with Margaret yesterday?" I enquired of
him.  "Roughly," said he; "that's the way to deal
with them; they are nothing but brutes, any how."
It was in vain that I assured hin that they were
human beings like ourselves. " They may be human,"
said he, "but they have a d - n queer way of showing
it.  I have had to do with' niggers' all of my life, and
I know how to manage them better than you do, Mr.
Stearns." He was respectful enough in his manner
towards me, but was evidently miffed that I, a green
Yankee, who perhaps had not seen a dozen " niggers"
in my life, should presume to criticize his way of managing those whom he had been accustomed to control all
of his life.
I endeavored to argue the question with him, and
finally gave him to understand that I was going to introduce a new regime, and try the efficacy of the law of
love. He looked puzzled, scratched his head, and exclaimed,  "Well, you can try it, if you wish: the plantation is yours; but I'll tell you once for all, you'll get no
work out of the lazy cusses, unless you force them to
0
51
a 
52.THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
it."  " Well," said I, " let us try for a while the efficacy
of kindness, and see what its effects will be."
Accordingly on the following Sunday, I had them all
assembled in Peter's cabin, and told them my plans, and
how I wished to govern them. I am not sure that they
fully understood me, for they looked puzzled and yet
somewhat pleased, as if a new evangel had been declared unto them. Perhaps the reader may desire to
know my present opinion, after the lapse of nearly six
years since the commencement of this experiment. Of
course, no Christian can deny the full force of the
blessed precepts of his glorious Lord and Master. To
deny their potency, would be to blot out of existence the
most splendid summary of moral duties the world has
ever seen, and consign us back to that darkened age,
when Moses' law of retaliation was the only acknowledged rule of action, by those trying to obey God. We
cannot thus retire from the light of Christianity, and
take refuge among the "moles and bats" of an
inferior dispensation, when men's minds had not been
educated into a development of mall's higher nature.
" Life for life, wound for wound, burning for burning,
stripe for stripe," said Moses; but Jesus saith, "I say
unto you, resist not evil, but if a man smite thee on one
cheek, turn to him the other also." Jesus was speaking
of retaliatory punishment, and not of private injury.
It was the Mosaic law that he was attacking, and showing how it was t(; be superseded by "a new commandment, that ye love one another;"  and he was not
alluding to the right method of defending ourselves
when attacked. At least, so it seems to me. But be
that as it may, it is plain that hlie abjured the law of
force, as expounded by Moses, who manifestly was
o
a 
AND THE REBELS.
actuated by a strict sense of justice, even-handed and
fair, in what now seems some of his sanguinary regular
tions. It is therefore plain, that C rist's system requires
kindness in our dealings with refiractory individuals.
Love is to be the motive in our punishment of criminals.
Now, although it is plain, that the Southern blacks
are provoking in their conduct, as the case of Margaret
shows; yet it is equally plain, that force alone should
not be used in controlling themn. My opinion, after a
long and thorough trial, is, that a mixture of moral and
physical means is necessary in governing them; the
moving spring of which in all cases, should be overpowering love. Sometimes a fond parent punishes a refractory
child severely. This he does, with love in his heart,
and unfeigned sorrow at the sad necessity for his treatment, arising from the obstinacy of his child.  He will
not strike the child in the heat of passion; but calmnly
reason with it, and as a last resort, inflict bodily pain
upon the offending little one.
Precisely so must it be with the Southerners, in their
treatment of the blacks. The first step on their part is
to love them. The next to reason with them; and as a
last resort to punish them perhaps severely. I am free
to confess that moral means alone, will not effectually
control the unruly blacks. Their natures are too lot~
at present to understand these motives; and like the
wvhites, in their relations to our government, they construe kindness into cowardice and take advantage of the
absence of punishment. Like Topsy, they defy the
Miss Ophelias', and tauntingly say, " La, me, you can't
hurt a misquetoe."
But this by no means justifies the absurd practice of
every man judging for himself,~s to the degree of pun
53
a 
54       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ishment necessary to be inflicted upon offending men.
The remedy is, for the law to decide for us.  The es tablishment of law at the South, is the one thing needed
for the welfare of all classes.  When the blacks do wrong,
let the law punish them, and not private individuals;
and when the whites abuse the blacks let the law
punish them also. It is absolutely necessary to punish
the blacks for disobedience; but the law can only do
this effectually and fairly.
But I am digressing from my narrative, and I must
return to our domestic arrangements. During the week,
my wife ransacked the house from garret to cellar; discovering all of its many deficiencies, and endeavoring
to put everything to rights, as well as she could; but I
thought I saw on her brow at the close of each day,
new indications of deeper and more thorough disgust.
I playfully enquired if she did not like her magnificent
home, and she at length replied, "I don't see what
there is to like in this hateful abode.  It is all hateful
from beginning to end; however, we must make the best
of it, and try and put up with the poor creatures." It
may be necessary to state, in order to account for some
of her feelings, that while my wife detested Slavery,
she was not all extravagant lover of the colored race.
She said she wished them to "keep at a respectful distance" from her; but she would like to do them all the
good she could. A trifling incident that occurred on
the first'day of her house cleaning, seemed an index of
what we were to expect afterwards; and therefore
affected her unpleasantly. Strange to say, we had
neither of us'heard of the innate propensity of the
blacks to purloin from others; and therefore at first,
admitted them to our house freely.  She had placed a
0 
AND THE REBELS.
piece of soap used in cleaning, on one of the chairs
which stood near an outside door, and on looking around
for it, it was not to be found anywhere. Two individuals only had been in the room since it was first
deposited in the chair; and they were Margaret and
Black Bob. They both positively denied having seen
the soap, although afterwards, each accused the other
of having stolen it; and Margaret was especially incensed at the mean act of Bob, saying, "dese yer
niggers, allers will steal. but I'se an honest woman,
Missus. I neber steals." It was a matter of small consequence, only as it developed the existence of this
terrible propensity on the part of the blacks. Stealing
is no name for this trying vice. It is wholesale robbery
of everything in their power to help themselves to;
except articles of whose value they are ignorant. But I
will not anticipate my story, except to say, that whenever I saw the overseer, he was dangling a huge bundle
of keys; which unlocked all the buildings to which he
had access, about twenty in all. To preserve these keys
fi'om loss was no mean achievement, if by chance any
one became detached from the well guarded bunch.
Then, there were our house keys, -some one of which
was always getting lost; so that it was a herculean task
to keep the whereabouts of each particular key, especially when several children became a part of the
household; for it was. about the last thing our blacks,
little or big, ever thought of doing, to put everything
in its proper place. The task of preserving every key
intact and ready for all demands for its use, was one of
the most ailoyin(g ones, of all that were allotted to us.
Volume upon volume, as it were, of instruction upon
this point, had to be given, before they could be made
o 4
55
0
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56 THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
to comprehend that divine law, of "a place for every thing, and everything in its place."
Margaret would go muttering about the house, as she
was reproved the ninety-first time, for laying the meal
house key on the cooking table, instead of hanging it
on its appropriate nail, in words like these; "Dese ere
white folks the most'titular ones me ever seed; dey
beats old Missus all hollow, all the time makes such
fuss'bout that ole key; spec's I shan't stay wid'em
long."
Margaret was always threatening that if we did not
like her cooking, and her ways in general, that she
would leave; which is another peculiarity of some of
these people.  They seemed t6 evince but little desire
to get rid of bad habits; thinking their own ways were
all right.
Under the house was a sort of cellar; but it contained
nothing but filth and rubbish. The milk was kept in a
small house a few yards from the dwelling, in the shade
of a large cedar tree; and was never carried into the
cellar. The only purpose for which the cellar was used,
as far as I could learn, was for a kennel for the dogs; to
whose character I have already alluded. I think there
were over twenty of these poor creatures upon the
plantation; rendering the night hideous with their continual howlings, at every noise that at all disturbed
their slumbers. But a new experience awaited us.
Reader; did you ever live among fleas, those tenacious
friends of Southern dogs? Sitting one night in our
dining-room, which was directly over that portion of
the cellar where "most these  dogs did congregate,"
suddenly  I felt an  indescribable kind of biding on
one of my ankles. Supposing it was a mosquitoe, I
I 
AND THE REBELS,
essayed to brush it from me with my hands, when I felt
it immediately on my other ankle; then on the side of
my foot, then on the calf of my leg, then on my back,
then on one arm, and then on the other; and yet after
diligent search I could discover nothing but the place
where it had been.  " Horrors of horrors!" said I to
Mr. Prince, who was sitting near me laughing out of
onie corner of his mouth, "what have you here, noiseless mosquitoes? or what?" and then remembering my
Kentucky experience twenty-five years previously, I
said, "O0, you have ticks here, do you?"
Mr. Prince could restrain himself no longer, and.he
burst into an immoderate fit of laughter, after recovering from which, he exclaimed,  "fleas! Mr. Stearns,
nothing but fleas! they will do no harm."
"But how are we to get rid of them?" I asked.
"0, grin and bear them," he replied; "everybody at
the South has fleas; " and so it proved.
By night and by day, when you sit down and when
you rise up, everywhere and at all times, these omnipresent little tormenters essay to worry the life out of
you. Tongue cannot tell the torment of my poor wife,
at the constant bites of these ferocious insects, who
seemed to prey more voraciously upon delicate female
flesh than upon the coarser texture of the masculine
gender. Mr. Prince declared he never minded it at all,
but "they do torment some people tremendously."
On diligent enquiry, however, I ascertained that if
the dog kennel below was broken up, that some at least
of our neighbors would leave us; and so I proceeded to
clean outt this "Augean stable."  We removed about
twenty wheel-barrow lo'ads of dirt from the cellar; then
strewed over its bottom some fine straw, and covered
57
a 
58       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
that with a sprinkling of sulphur, and set the whole on
fire. It was somewhat of a hazardous undertaking, for
one of the negroes, a year or two previously, in trying
the same experiment, for a different object, however,
had burned down one of the negro houses, and lost his
life; but the fleas must be got rid of, or we could not
live there much longer; so after taking every precaution
to extinguish the fire, if it burned too fiercely, we resolved to attempt the task, and we succeeded admirably.
The fleas vanished into thin air, and for a season we
were delivered from our reckless tormentors. The cellar was also rendered sweet, and fit to be used for our
milk and churning.
For the benefit of those similarly afflicted, I would
state that there grew in our, as in most Southern gardens, a bountiful supply of double tansy, small sprigs
of which, scattered over your bed at night, and placed
inside of your under garments, and in your boots by
day, will drive away these horrible tormentors of the
human frame. It takes an expert to kill these hungry
little creatures. Many a time have I rubbed the life out
of one of them, as I supposed, and the little creature,
after enduring this terrible mauling, would spring up,
shake its tiny frame, and jump away as lively as ever;
having not only the nine fabulous lives of a cat, but
literally ninety and nine. Some of our family could
never succeed in crushing the life out of one of them,
and I was enabled to do so, only after taking lessons
from old hands in the business.
.
0
0
0 
CHAPTER VII.
OUR FIRST SUNDAY SCHOOL.
Just one week after our first Sunday, as already described, we assembled the whole plantation in Peter
Freeman's cabin, the largest on the place, and organized
them into a Sunday school. Not a man, woman, or
child knew a letter of the alphabet, how to count, or
indeed any nameable thing about which we asked them.
They knew absolutely nothing about the country in
which they lived; not even the name of the man who
gave them their freedom. They had heard of Gen.
Sherman, and of the North; but what it was, they
could not tell. The only Washington of which they
had ever heard, was one in an adjoining county, to
which led the road that passed our house. They knew
that they lived in Columbia County, and that "Karlina"
was not far off; and this was the sum total of their
geographical knowledge.
With this "darkness that might be felt," we had to
cope.  We had some freednmn's papers with us, containingc the alphabet; and with them we commenced
our first intellectual training of these poor creatures,
over whose stunted intellects the dark night of Slavery
had hovered so fearfully. To look at the poor children
was enough to wring tears from a heart of stone. Some
59              o
~
I. 
60       THE BLACK MAX OF THE SOUTH,
of them had only the vestige of clothing upon them;
and one little urchin was as, entirely destitute thereof as
when first born into the world; and all bore in their
imbruted countenances the unmistakable marks of ex treme stupidity. As I saw them, and gazed upon their
almnost idiotic faces, I said to myself, "Is it possible that
God can have created them, as well as us?"  I did not
at all wonder that some persons had been disposed to
deny their humanity: they looked so destitute of all
intelligence.
At a later period of our abode here, we saw a lad
from a darker county than even ours, whose looks forcibly reminded me of those of our children when we first
came among them; precisely that idiotic stare and
shame-facedness, when you questioned them. It seemed
to have been the settled purpose of their masters to reduce these poor creatures as nearly to the condition of
brutes, as would consist with their interest. It was indeed important that they should know how to hoe corn,
and "chop out" cotton; but further knowledge than
this, there did not seem to be much necessity for.
This ignorance cannot be imagined by those who have
never witnessed its direful presence.   Imagine one in
the form of a human being, with all his exterior appendages perfect, but his mind an utter blank, " dead, twice
dead, and plucked up by the roots." If we had never
hated Slavery before, we certainly did after beholding
its terrific'effect, upon these poor imbruted ones. Our
very language had to be interpreted to them, by selecting such words as were familiar to them, and clothing
our ideas in them alone; a task that greatly increased
the labor of instructing them. Often, when you supposed you had made an idW so plain that a dog could
0
. 0 
AND THE REBELS.
almost understand it, on questioning them, you found
that they had not comprehended it at all.
(O)nce, in expatiating upon the joys of the future life,
and dwelling on the fact that we must certainly leave
this world sooner or later, I made the remark, " You
have all got to leave this country, and a heavenly one is
before you, if you are righteous, and keep the commandments of God." At the close of the meeting, some one
not present ran up to me and said, "Mr. Stearns, is it
true that you said Gen. Sherman was.coming, and going
to take us all to the North, by force?" And thus my
striking appeal, as I regarded it, was lost upon them.
At another time, my meaning was so grossly misapprehended, that their interpretation of it did not bear
the faintest resemblance to what I had intended to
say. But not only were they ignorant of theology, and
dull in the exercise of the reflective faculties, but still
more in their use of the perceptive ones, being especially
deficient in the faculty of memory. Their cruel masters
seemed to have sought to close every avenue of knowledg,e against them, even in reference to the simplest
tasks of life, aside from their daily labor. The children,
and many of the adults, did not know their right hands
from their left, literally. They did not know their own
ages, nor those of their children, except that they were
born in planting time, picking cotton time, or about
Christmas.   They  did  not know the  names of the
months, or how many days there were in each month.
They knew nothing of the points of compass, of distances, or of weights and measures.  If you asked them
how much ground they supposed there was in a certain
enclosure containing perhaps three-fourths of an acre,
they would usually guess tha there were two or three
61
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62    THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
acres. Of the age of the world, of course they had not
the faintest idea, whether it was hundreds of years, or
millions of years old. It astonished them to learn that
the earth was round, and required(] great confidence on
their part in their new teachers, to believe so strange an
assertion; and the idea that the earth moved around the
sun, was utterly incomprehensible to them.
Such utter  and  complete  ignorance  I had  never
dreamed of; and I suppose some of my readers are even
now doubting my veracity. But let me repeat, that in
all of my descriptions of these evils, I purposely fall
short of the truth, rather than to be guilty of the slightest exaggeration, as it is my only purpose to write of
things as they really were. After five and a half years
residence among them, I am happy to say, that in no
respect do they seem the same individuals that they
were on my first arrival. Of course, I do not feel satisfied with the result of so few years' labor; but I can
happily perceive a vast difference between those days
and to-day.
And here let me say, that the difference between the
plantation negroes and those dwelling in large towns,
is almost heaven wide. In Augusta, especially, the
colored people, by associating so much with their employers in the way of business, and especially by picking up information from travellers, had attained to a
respectable degree of knowledge on common things;
but in the dark and dismal country, it was far different.
Those whose labors at the South have been confined to
cities, can never fully appreciate the greatness of our
task.
On religious subjects they were just as ignorant as on
common affairs; but as their religion will be treated
o 
AND THE REBELS.
upon separately and minutely, I will omit further
reference to that, except to say, that if the most degraded heathen understood Christianity, then did these
people comprehend what it is to be a Christian.
The order of exercises afterwards adopted in our
Sunday school was something as follows: Commencing
at half past one or two o'clock P. M., we devoted one
hour to teaching the alphabet; and as soon as any had
mastered that, lessons in reading were given to them,
from Parker and Watson's National Primer. Then
another hour was devoted to various oral exercises, such
as geography, arithmetic, history, spelling, and any
subject of general information that might be suggested
at the time. Then half or three-quarters of an hour
was devoted to the simplest religious instruction, using
afterwards the interesting lesson papers, furnished us by
the Trinity Methodist church of Springfield, Mass: and
formerly a series of questions and answers drawn up by
the teacher, and sometimes question-books, sent us from
the North; but the latter were generally too much
above the comprehension of our scholars, to be used
without much explanation.
Understanding the importance of fixing their attention upon the lessons, we adopted the plan of having
them repeat in concert, passages from the Scriptures,
usually from the Psalms, and then questioning them as
to what they had repeated, and explaining its meaning.
Another oral exercise was, for a class to read in the
Bible, and then require the remainder of the school to
tell what the class had read, thus securing their attention during the reading. We always required each
class, at the close of their lessons, to tell in their own
language what they had been reading about, so as to
C)                0          to
.
63
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64       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH
fasten in their memories the information given in the
books. We occasionally introduced into our exercises
the practice of marching around the room in single file,
the scholars repeating after the teacher the multiplica tion table, some verses from Scripture, and singing a
Sunday school hymn, adapted to that purpose. At this
time, several of the larger scholars were allowed to carry
little Union flags, and sometimes each scholar carried a
beautiful flower in his or her hand. We almost always
closed these exercises by reading a pretty story from one
of the many invaluable Sunday school papers, with
which we were liberally furnished by various Northern
Sunday schools; and once a month, each scholar who
had been punctual at school during the month, received
one of these little picture-papers, which they prized very
highly.
After all of these exercises were finished, the whole
occupying about two and a half hours, our regular
meeting was commenced, which was conducted like
religious meetings elsewhere, with singiing,, prayer, reading of Scripture, with explanations, and a sermon.
Oftentimes at the close of our exercises, the blacks
continued their meetings for au hour, in their own way,
engagingt in singing,, religious dancing, &c., until the
setting sun gave notice of the time to adjourn.
It may be asked why all these services were crowded
into one afternoon, without an intermission. The reply
to this question is, that it was the choice of the blacks
to have a long, meeting of a diversified nature, in
preference to comning at different hours, and we found
from experience that if an intermission was allowed,
many of the scholars or hearers would not return until
the remainder of the exercises were nearlv closed, so
0
0 
AND THE REBELS.
great was their want of punctuality. Besides, the bulk
of our scholars were from neighboring plantations, and
if an intermission at noon was given, our hands complained of their being obliged to furnish refreshments
for many of the crowd, which the slender state of their
own larders, rendered quite a hardship. So all things
considered, it was deemed best to allow them the morning
to themselves, to fix up their houses and arrange their
dresses, and only require of them attendance upon our
services in the afternoon. Occasionally, there were
other services in the neighborhood, during the forenoon,
and this arrangement gave those who wished, an opportunity to attend them, and afterwards to come to our
meeting.
At the final. close of the public services, many of the
learners made personal visits to the teacher, asking of
him every variety of questions, and often expressing
much gratitudle for our labors in their behalf.
During the week succeeding our first meeting, our
hearts were made glad by the arrival on our plantation
of Mr. Holmes Parker, a son of the gentleman who had
accompanied me froin the North, but had returned home.
Young Mr. Parker entered into the spirit of our work
with great enthusiasm, and faithfully seconded all of
our efforts in behalf of the colored people, as well as'
originated many himself. Without his timely presence,
the dreary summer hours, after my wife and child's absence, could not have been so well endured, for we had
no more society, as far as our white neighbors were concerned, than if we had lived among the Hottentots.
Mr. P. spent all his leisure hours in teaching the
blacks, evenings, and at other times, and in giving them
much valuable instruction in Deference to business matters, and he became a general favorite among them.
65
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
At this first meeting, I took occasion to tell them of
the new relations they sustained to mankind, and that
the eyes of the world were upon them, watching their
conduct; their enemies, so as to say that freedom was a
curse, and their friends, so that they could refute the
accusations of their enemies, who declared that they
would not work, now that they were free. I conjured
them to act so as to disprove all these accusations of
their enemies, and to show to the world that they were
worthy of the great boon of freedom.
While thus discoursing to them, a pair of eyes belonging to a pale face were fastened eagerly upon me, and
not recollecting at first to whom they belonged, I began
to hesitate and weigh well each word as I uttered it,
supposing that. a "rebel" had come in to "spy out the
land"; but I was agreeably surprised on discovering
that they looked out from a soul full of interest in the
great experiment we were all trying. The person who
thus confronted me was Mr. Josiah Sherman, who had
rode from his plantation sixteen miles distant, with his
accomplished lady, to become acquainted with the only
Northern man of whiom he had heard, who was engaged
in the same business with himself. He was from Washiugton, Co. N. Y., and had come South the previous
Fall, and engaged in farming, not long after. Mr. S.
made a short address to our sable auditory, in harmony
with the views already presented.
Our next meeting was held under the large trees in
our dooryard, and was numerously attended by the
hands from other plantations. By this time, I had been
able to manufacture a large blackboard, on which my
firiend Holmes, drew in good style the letters of the
Alphabet; and all becanm interested in learning them.
0
66
a 
AND THE REBELS.
Some of the scholars learned quite easily, and others experienced much difficulty in remembering them. The
tenor of my reinarks to them at this second meeting
was, to show them that it was for their interest in this
world to do right; that "godliness was great gain."
We were now fairly underway with one portion of our
"panaceas" for the ills the blacks were afflicted with.
At noon and at night, at nearly every cabin door could
be seen a little knot of these crushed ones, with a little
paper or book in their hands, doing their best to master
the alphabet and its succeeding mysteries.
But we were not destined thus to encroach upon the
time-honored customs of our Southern friends, without
receiving some severe rebukes. It was not long before
threatening messages came to us, that if we did not desist from teaching the negroes, we should be abused in
some way, the exact character of which we were left to
imagine.  The expressions used in the messages sent to
us were: "Tell that d- n Yankee that if he does not
leave off teaching the niggers, we will come some night
and give him hell." Not knowing but that some of these
gentry, from their intimate acquaintance with the place,
might be able to control some of its fiery elements, we
began to "shake in our shoes."
Once. a man rode by the place, and delivered the
message in "propria personoe:"  at another time, it
came second-handed. Mr. Parker, having fought in the
first Colorado Regiment, with the red man of the forest,
and being a good marksman, did not seem to fear the
rebels so much; but I, having been all of my life a
"man  of peace," comparatively, rather dreaded an
encounter with them; but nevertheless, I nerved myself up for the contest, and replenished my excellent
67 
68       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
breach-loading rifle with fresh ammunition, and we
stood ready to meet our foe. We took the precaution,
however, to chain at night all the gates opening into our
yard, and obtained the services of a number of valiant
dogs; and then with guns on our shoulders, we spent
many a weary night, in parading our front yard, my
friend and I, alternating, in this arduous duty. A few
times,.we gladly availed ourselves of the offers of the
blacks, to aid us in guarding our premises; but after a
few trials, we found that the poor fellows were so overcome with their daily labors in the field, that they slept
at their posts in the night, and we concluded to dispense
with their services.
Some of our neighbors informed us that they did not
disapprove of our labors, and an excellent physician living near us declared that he had always been in favor of
educating the negroes. Another neighbor said he had
"nothing against my doing it, but he did not wish to do
it himself."
At length a friendly overseer from a neighboring plantation called to see us, and assured us of his sympathy
in our efforts; but on my inviting him to come and join
our school, he said, " I should like to come, as far as I
am concerned, but I do not dare to do so, from fear of
the planters about." I expressed to him my surprise.at
the blindness of the planters on this subject, saying that,
' it seems to me that the labor of an intelligent man is
worth nearly double that of an ignorant one"; and  I
asked him why he supposed they were so much opposed
to my efforts.  This was his reply, "verbatim et litera,ia."  "They are mad because they lost their slaves,
md they say,'d- n them, if they are educated, they
,vill know as much as we lfow.'"  I cannot vouch fox
0 
AND THE REBELS.
the correctness of this remark; I only repeat it as lihe
gave it to me. My own opinion is, that they did not
fear this equality so much as they pretended; for, as I
told one of them, "You know more than they do now,
and if you keep on learning, and they do the same, how
can they ever overtake you? " This must be so apparent to them, that I think they had another reason for
their opposition to these meetings, viz: they entirely
misapprehended me and my motives in coming to their
neighborhood, and doubtless regarded me as a political
emissary from the North, come to instill into the minds
of the blacks false notions of political and social equality. If they had ever come to my meetings, and listened
to my remarks, I think they must have approved of
them. Probably they did not wish their former slaves
to become so enlightened as to pass from their control;
but I do not think the Southern people as a whole, at
all comprehend the earnest desire existing in Northern
minds, to teach and instruct all their fellow men, in whatever portion of the earth they may reside; the spirit
of unselfish love is so foreign to the natures of the large
majority of Southerners. I am the more inclined to this
opinion from the fact that at one time a gentleman happened to pass the place while I was speaking, and he
stopped, and sat on his horse and listened attentively for
a long time, while I addressed the blacks on their new
duties as freedmen, and told them the North set them
free, in order that they might secure their services in
bringing the war to a close. I had heard that this gentleman was a regular "fire-eater," and so, when at the
close of my discourse, he approached nme, I prepared
myself for a severe rebuke; but I was surprised to hear
him say to me, "I have bean very much interested in
0
69
a 
70       THE BLACK MAN OF THE  SOUTH,
your remarks; I like them very much." I have often
met this gentleman since on the highway, and he always
greets me with a pleasant smile, totally unlike the
frigid manner with which I am met by most of my
Southern acquaintances.
The Rev. Dr. Parker, formerly pastor of Shawmut
Avenue Baptist church of Boston, was once listened to
attentively by several very rabid rebels, as he discoursed
onil my place, on the duties of the freedmen; and they all
declared at the close that they were much pleased with
his remarks, and he was invited to preach in a white
church not far distant, which invitation however, was
afterwards revoked.
I am sure, if the Southerners had attended our meet
ings constantly, they would have regarded me as their
best friend, as I am in reality; for if my directions to
the negroes had been obeyed, they would never have
had any trouble with them. I call on high heaven to
witness, that instead of having tried to " stir up"  the
blacks against them, it has been my unceasing endeavor
to create an opposite feeling in their minds. Instead of
fanning the flame of discontent already burning briskly
in their hearts, I have sedulously endeavored to throw
"oil upon the troubled waters," both from principle and
from expediency. I am, and always have been, in favor
of returning "good for evil," and of endeavoring to restrain the worst of men, and to govern them by and with
the law of kindness, instead of administering to them
punishment with a "cat-of-nine-tails."
But I am digressing from my narrative. I shall have
something to say hereafter about the rebels and their
treatment of the blacks, and the methods we should use
for the protection of the liter. The kind and fatherly
Q
a 
AND THE REBELS.
protection of the law in all of its majesty, should be the
heavenly agis, placed before all classes, to protect them
alike, from the abuses of their fellows; and this law
should be administered with rigid and impartial justice,
as well as dictated by kind and heavenly feelings.
O
71 
CHAPTER VIII.
VISIT TO SOME OF THE NEGRO CABINS, AND APPEAR         ANCE OF THE FARM IN GENERAL.
Our own domicil having been made tolerable comfortable, and measuires adopted for the intellectual and
moral improvement of those around us, we next turned
our attention to their physical condition. Summoning
all our resolution, we first commenced a tour of exploration of the negro cabins, eleven in number.
Our first visit was to the cabin of Susan;  a stout
woman of about forty-five years of age, whose husband
was a carpenter, and worked away firom the plantation,
but came home  every Saturday night, and sometimes
oftener. They had several grown children, and two
younger ones; a boy of about eleven, named Glenn, and
a little girl about four years old named Georgidna.
Susan related to me some of her experience in slavery.
She said, that when her babe was only a month old, her
mistress had whipped her with three hundred lashes on
lher bare back, because her boy had taken off his shoes,
contrary to the orders of her mistress.
She said her mistress was much harder with her than
her master; not an uncommon occurrence at the South,
I afterwards found.  In *hose days, Susan did all the
72 ~
a 
AND THE REBELS.
cooking, bringing and cutting the wood herself, and
milking the cows; and after breakfast, she was obliged
to go into the field and work until it was time to get
dinner.  She then prepared the dinner, and afterwards
cleared away the dinner table; and then worked in the
field again until nig,ht, when she was called to the house
to cook the supper; and her day's labors were not finished until nearly eleven o'clock at night.
When I entered her cabin, she said, " I am right glad
to see you, for it'pears like as if Georgiana would
never mend. Please, sir, come in and tell me what to
do for her."
I entered an inner room, with hardly a ray of light
penetrating it, except what came through the open door
as we passed in; and there was Georgiania, sure enough,
not very likely to get well under the treatment she was
receiving.  The one great bugbear of the South in the way
of disease, is the chills and fever; and to guard against
the former, the poor child was rolled and wrapped up
iii old quilts, dirty blankets, and parts of dresses, until
she was completely saturated with perspiration.  Her
head also was closely covered; this being a well known
peculiarity of the blacks, to keep their heads warm,
even if their feet are cold. The child was in a burning
fever, and in addition to the bedding, her body was
clothed in the thickest garments belonging to her mother,
and all to keep off the chills. I felt of her head and
pulse, and found that she was alive.
"'Can you help her any, Mr.  Stearns?" said her
anxious mother. "11 Her pa says, he wishes you would
try and see if you could do anything for her."
I pulled off the bedclothies, opened the window shutter,
and ordered some cold watI' brought, with which I
0
73
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTHI,
bathed her freely, to show her mother how it was to be
done; ordered a wet cloth to be put on her head, and a
free circulation of air to be kept up in the room. I
then returned to our house and soon re-entered Susan's
cabin, with a small black case of little pills of all kinds,
from which I selected a few of the "fever pills," and
telling Susan of their wonderful virtues, I left them
with her, with directions for their use. Then thinking
it would be a favorable time to commence a housekeeping reform on the place, I availed myself of my rights
as a" doctor," and examined her house quite thoroughly,
and ordered all the offal and rubbish which I everywhere saw, to be removed instantly, if she expected her
child to recover. I cannot now remember everything I
saw there; but I well recollect that old vessels containing a variety of unhealthy smelling substances, abounded
in different parts of her room, Under the bed of the
child, there seemed to be a deposit of old bones, which
she was saving I think for soap grease; and from every
corner of the house, came an unsavory smell, enough of
itself to make a well person sick.
Susan went to work with alacrity to purify her room,
and when I visited it the next day, the change was
complete, not only in the room but in the health of
Georgiana.   " 0, she's a heap  better," said Susan,
"'pears like them pills have saved her life.  I'm so
much obliged to you Mr. Stearns, please lemme have
some of them to keep." I was of course pleased to
witness my success as a physician, so soon. Whether
the great improvement was due to the pills, or to my
sanitary prescriptions, I am not able to say; but the pills
became very famous from that day, and soon my supply
was exhausted. 
74
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AND THE REBELS.
The cabins were generally destitute of most articles of
furniture, except an old broken chair or two, and a
wooden bench. Such a thing as sitting down to a table
to eat, was utterly unknown to them at that time; each
one taking his hoe-cake in one hand, and a slice of fried
pork in the other. It was seldom that anything in the
shape of food, but these two articles was seen in their
houses. They had for their rations three pounds of
pork, and one peck of meal a piece, per week. The
overseer told me this was a plenty for them, and "a
greater variety of food, would render them unfit for
work."  "See how fat they look!" said he, pointing to
a few specimens of the well fed ones, who were standing
near. I could not reconcile it, however, to my conscience, to give them nothlng else; and on enquiry, I
found they liked molasses exceedingly, and I purchased
a barrel, and gave them a regular allowance of that, the
remainder of the time they worked for wages. My conscience at first, was not quite clear in the matter of
their food; until one day I observed a bag of something
in the possession of the man who drove me into town,
and on asking what it was, I learned that it was meal,
that he had left from his rations; which he was intending to sell. It seemed that a peck of meal per week,
was more than one person could eat; but when a man,
his wife and six children are obliged to live on two
pecks, on the allowance for a man and his wife; then
some of the children are likely to go to bed supperless.
Still they seemed to prefer even this short allowance to
their slavery fare; saying, that they often went hungry
then, and it was of no advantage to them. "Now,"
they said, "if we don't take extra rations, we save our
money for clothes." How human beings can enjoy good
75
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
health on so meagre a diet, I cannot see; but the great
majority of the hands did actually enjoy better health
under this strict regime, than when afterwards it was
so arranged that they could have a more generous diet.
I tried to persuade them to receive double the number
of pounds of rice or beans in lieu of a part of their
pork; but not one would aeccept of the offer. Every
negro garden abounds in that universal Southern esculent,
the collard; a plant closely resembling the cabbage, but
cooked in the form of "greens;" and used nearly the
whole year. This article is devoured eagerly by the
Southern people, both white and black; and is not
despised by even the Northern residents.
The blacks also have their "patches," where they
raise corn of their own, sweet potatoes, and a variety of
other vegetables, of which they could get two or three
crops in a season. The corn they boil whole, and also
use it in the form of roasting ears. The.sweet potatoes
are banked up in the Fall, and last until late in the
Spring, if proper care is taken of them, never opening a
bank on a chilly day.
Susan's cabin was a fair example of the whole, and I
will not exhaust the reader's patience by repeating a
description of the same scene. Occasionally we found
one a little more -aristocratic than the rest, and. the
cabin of such an one was somewhat neater; but evidently none had ever lived among the Quakers, or
dreamed of such a thing as household neatness. Many
of them had chickens, cats and dogs running and lying
in and around their houses, and several were the envious owners of large hogs, who roamed over the premises
at will, seeming to have an undisputed right to obtain
a living, at the experns  of the crops around them.
0
76
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AND THE REBELS,
They evidently had availed themselves of Horace
Gieeley's advice to their owners, and were in no danger
of dying from starvation, from want of " rooting."
I cannot here forbear relating an amusing incident
that occurred at a later day of my sojourn among the
colored people. A party had visited me at my dwelling, to lay before me some petty grievance they were
suffering at the hands of the overseer. After listening
with patience, I told them I would endeavor to rectify
the abuse; and I wished whatever trouble they had,
they would always come and tell me, for I meant to see
that justice was always done to them. Thus encouraged, Frank, a fine specimen of a man, came forward,
aniid with true eloquence depicted their former condition
as slaves, and then wound up with the following appeal
to my benevolence.  I had previous to this forbidden
them to keep hogs, except at a distance from their
houses, on account of the bad odor arising from so many
hog-pens  near  the  dwelling-houses.  Lifting up  his
hands, he exclaimed, in pathetic style, "Mr. Stearns,
you say you are our friend, and you wish to elevate us,
and I don't doubt your word; now tell us, how can we
be elevated without hogs?"   Saying  this,  he retired
from the front rank of the crowd, as if his argument
was unanswerable, and awaited my reply. I could not
resist the inclination to laugh aloud at the incongruity
of the idea of hogs and elevation being connected with
each other; but at length recovering my equanimity, I
said to him, "Frank, I have known the owners of hogs
who loved them so much as to give them a part of their
own houses; and yet they were the most degraded of
persons. Now if you wish to become truly elevated, I
would advise you to think le* of eating pork, and more
77
a 
78        THIE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
of learning your letters." Frank was not particularly
fond of his books.
After visiting the remainder of the cabins in the
quarters, we re-entered our yard, and stopped for a moment to call upon our cook, in her own domains.
Margaret tried to appear pleasant, but it was evident
that she did not relish the idea of a white man's coming
to her cabin, to spy out its defects. I did not remain
long, as I had concluded the way to get along with
Margaret was, not to tread upon her toes too much.
AVith all of her roughness, she liked kind words, and
especially those savoring of flattery. Said I, "Margarct, I have been visiting the black peoples' cabins, and I
thought you would feel slighted, if I did not call upon
you, also." This somewhat smoothed off the sharp
points of her porcupine nature, and as she shuffled
around, with her shoe heels dragging on the floor, according to her custom, she said, "I'se been cook for de
white folks all my life. I knows how folks ought to
live, I does.. I ant like dem ar niggers down in de
quarters." But like many others of our own race who
boast the most, Margaret fell short, rather than exceeded
others, in the matter of personal cleanliness. Indeed, I
concluded that if I was to eat of her cooking, I should
hereafter pay but very few visits to the place where the
food was prepared; at least, not without blind-folding
my eyes.
The fire-place of her cabin was of unusual dimensions,
and contained a bountiful supply of fuel, some of which
was nearly six feet in length, and it all rested upon huge
rocks, placed in the fire-place, in room of andirons. A
l'trge shelf over the fire-place served for a place of
general deposit for whatevr article happened to be in
.
a 
AND THE REBELS.
the way, and contained among other things a dirty rag,
used for a dish-cloth, a small pile of dusty cotton, a lot
of rusty nails, some pieces of pork rind, bits of biscuit
and of corn bread, a quantity of egg-shells, a small
piece of tobacco, and an old pipe. Of course, at a
casual glance, I could only see a small portion of the
articles there deposited.
"You need not look at dat ar shelf. Massa, dem's
my private property," exclaimed Margaret; and with
a sweep of her capacious hand, she brushed them
all into her apron, and walked away with a triumphant
air, before I could tell her I had no wish to disturb her
property.
Numerous little chickens were picking up the dough
scattered over the floor; and two old hens stood on the
table, eating out df the wooden dish, in which she mixed
our corn cakes. A hungry dog was crouched in one
corner, feasting upon a portion of a shoulder of pork;
and five little half naked urchins, were licking with
their fingers the various pots and kettles that stood in
the room. The table on which she prepared our food,
was an immense one, and served for cupboard and pantry, as well as for mixing Johnnyl-cake, and washing
dishes. To call it a dirty table, would be far from describing its true character. It was literally black with
filth, and could not have been washed since its first aIjpearance on the plantation.
On the table were the following articles; first, the
unwashed tin milk pail; secondly, a bag of meal with a
sifter on its top; thirdly, a large piece of bacon from
which she had just sliced her morning meal; thenl dishes
without number, all, more or less cracked or broken,
and the wooden dish, containing ours and the hens' food, a
Q
79
0
0 
80       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
tin pan of bones, half a dozen iron spoons, as many
forks with their tines broken; and several knives whose
blades had been use(d in hacking up her rather tough,l
and sometimes bony articles of food.  On one end of
the table, were lying several pieces of kindling wood, an(d
l)y their side, a large pine knot, used for a flambeau  iii
the night.
U,tder the table there was lying an old hat belongingi
t(-) Richard her husband; five or six old shoes, and a,
liorse collar made of shucks. Near them, stood a basket
of chips, a dirty pail filled with slops for a favorite hog,
an(l a large tin pan of ashes; and in close proximity to
them  a pile of tin pans, and various pots aid kettles
half filled with dirty water, out of which the ragged
chil(lren were regaling themselves, occupied a corner of
the spacious fireplace.
The room contained three old chairs, and hanging on
the back of one of them, was Margaret's sun bonnet,
rather cleaner than her dress. When we entered thie
room, Margaret was cooking some eggs for our dinner
by boiling them hard in a tea kettle. On our asking
her if she was not afraid she was  cooking them too
much, her reply was, "You done said yesterday dem
eggs wasn't half done, and I thought I'd please you today." This was her peculiarity. If to-day there was
too much soda in the corn bread, to-morrow there would
be none. If the potatoes were half done yesterday, today they'would be burned up or boiled to pieces. Of
such a thing as a happy medium in her cooking, Margaret had never dreamed. If the coffee was too hot today, to-morrow it would le stone cold;  and so with
everything.
It was evident that she considered it entirely benea[th
o
e
a 
AND THE REBELS.
her dignity to touch the.floor -of her cabin with a broom
or mop; and it now needed a sharp hoe, to make an impression upon its surface.   The sides and top of the
room were black with smoke, and innumerable cobwelbs
hung in graceful festoons all around the walls.  Evidenitly she and the spiders did not often fall out with
each other.
One of the boards of the floor was a little cleaner
than the others, which was accounted for by its being a
kind of trap door, that opened upon the nests of three
or four hens, under the house, from which most of the
eggs for our dinners were taken.: The reader's pardon
is asked, for this lengthy description of unimnportant
matters. It is given, not for the purpose of burlesquiiiig
Margaret, or any other of the poor creatures so lately
delivered from Slavery's iron grasp, but in order to present a true picture of the effects of Slavery, and of the
condition of some of the freedmen.
We come now to the general appearance of the farm.
If there is one word more applicable than another to the
whole of Southern life, it is that expressive Yankee
term, shiftlessness.  Almost everything connected with
the South, partakes of the opposite of what Yankees
term, thriftiness. There is one everlasting ship-shod
way of doing everything that is accounted worthy of
doing at all.  When a Yankee first reaches the South,
his impulse is to set everything to rights, and he begins
re-arranging and re-modelling all around him; but as
often as he re-arranges, some one else returns things to
their old places, and restores the partially disturbed
reign of chaos, until at length he yields to the irresistible power around him, and abandons his reformatory
labors as hopeless.  It is, as when in the midst of a driv
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82      THE BLACK  AN OF THE SOUTH,
ing storm of wind and rain-  you button your  coat
tightly around you, and press on valiantly towards your
home, occasionally gasping for breath, until a more
furious blast than ever sweeps over you, and the rain
descends more piteously than before; and then you
crouch before the angry elements, and gladly rush for
protection to a stalwart tree you discover near you. It
is of no use to war with these angry elements of carelessness and stupidity, you exclaim, and you soon become metamorphosed into a careless, ease-loving Southerner.  Why this difference exists, I know not.  That
such is the case any Southerner can satisfy himself, by
spending a few weeks among the average of Northern
towns and villages, and then comparing them with his
own.  Even when a tree falls on the highway at the
South, it sometimes remains there for years, while at the
North it would be removed in a few days. Our farm
was no exception to this all prevalent spirit. Not a tool
or utensil of any kind was in its place at all times,
unless such a place was anywhere and everywhere.
The moment a negro has done using a tool, he drops it
instanter; and if you wish to know where a certain
tool is to be found, you should only ascertain if possible
who used it last, and where he used it; and on going to
that place, you will probably find it, half-rusty and besmeared with dirt.
Our yard, which was once beautifully arranged with
trees and flowers, had become a receptacle for every
nameable thing used on a farm, all of which were scattered about promiscuously.  Old wheels stood against
the trees, near the door of our dining-room. Broken
plows and hoes were strewn all around.  Wagons and
parts of wagons stood where they had been last used.
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AND THE REBELS.
Every part of the yard was cut up with wagon tracts;
trees had been run against, and partially divested of
their bark; and some of them had been hacked by
careless urchins, and some cut nearly down. A huge
meat-block stood not far from the side entrance to our
house, on whose broad surface the colored women of the
place were in the habit of " batting" their clothes; a
process which consists in lifting the garments from the
kettle of warm water, and shaking some of the water
from them, and then pounding them partly dry with a
heavy paddle. This made the'water fly all around, and
was  good sport for the younger ones.  At times, in
the absence of a paddle, the clothes would be struck
several times with great force against the meat-block.
Once I saw a young girl perform this operation of "batting" upon the'back of another girl, for want of a
convenient block.
A large fire was built in our yard, in front of the
kitchen, on washing day, and a huge iron kettle placed
over it, and around it was a squad of women, doing
their washing. The dirty water stood in puddles all
around, and the children and hogs played in them, for
their amusement.  When  the washing was over, the
tubs of dirty water were left standing in the yard.
This nuisance was a sore one to abate, and it took a long
time to bring about its removal. I am sorry to be
obliged to say, that if "order is heaven's first law," it
was the last one that any one on our plantation thought
of obeying. Oh, what a battle we were obliged to fight,
with these elements of disorder!  What sicklness of soul
came upon us, when we saw that disorder was destined
to reign forever on " lope ()n Hope Ever" plantation!
To-day, although the change is great, yet one's nerves
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84       TIHE BLACK'IAN OF THE SOUTH,
are continually shocked I)v the numerous evidences yet
apparent, of the reign of this evil gelnius.  No man can
be trusted.  If you keep all of your tools under lock
and key, and lend them  only when you think they will
be taken care of, in nine cases out of ten, you must
spend considerable time in searching for the loaned
article. Innumerable tocls, and a vast amount of property are thus annually wasted, on every plantation, I
presume; for I know of no reason for supposing that
our negroes were worse than others; unless they took
advantage of my known desire, not to be unkind to
them. When I reached our place, we had three complete sets of carpenter's tools; but hardly had a year
elapsed, before more than half of them had vanished.
It was so in relation to everything else. If a board fell
from a building, there it always remained, until some
one else than a black man ordered it replaced; or it had
been used for fuel. Fences were blown down, and thus
remained.  Wagons  were broken, and no one would
ever tell you; and unless you happened to discover the
injury, the destruction of the wagon would be complete.
During my residence here, I have seldom if ever,
known a black man to come and tell me that any
damage had been done to any of my property.  I suppose this is another of the fruits of slavery.
What did the slave care for the destruction of his
master's property?  Ie would not suffer any more, if
everything went to "rack and ruin" around him.  Sometimes I am tempted to think that the negroes take an
insane delight in seeing property wasted; but I am inclined to think it is not so, but that their carelessness
arises from this habit of utter indifference to the welfare
of the white man; a natural fruit of slavery.
But be that as it may   It is a source of constant
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AND TriE REBELS.
annoyance to every orderly person; not only in the
field and out of doors, but ab)ove all ill the house.  Hlere
the goddess of disorder holds her especial throne; as if
to mock all the puny efforts of white women, to present
a pleasant spectacle to their husbands and visitors. But
I will not anticipate my story. Suffice it to say, that
the one grand and everlasting source of misery to every
Yankee resident of the South, must be the entire and
overwhelming destruction of all of his ideas. of order in
the house.  To have your home, that should be a paradise
of neatness and heavenly order, turned into a "den of
thieves," and become the " habitation of every foul
thing," is almost like a transition from heaven to hell;
but it is a fate from which I can see no possible way of
escape, except by banishing from your house the whole
horde of Southern servants, and substituting therefor,
those of Northern origin, and Northern habits.
Etta fought against it for awhile, and then started for
the North, to recruit her exhausted strength, and pour
her griefs into the ears of sympathizing Northern friends.
Shba only remained at the plantation about a month from
the time of her first arrival; during which time, she
maintained an unmitigated warfare against all of this
disorder and anarchy.  She and Margaret, were almost
alwvays at "swords' points," in the matters of cooking,
and household arrangements. After she left, Mr. Parker
and I concluded to accept Mr. Prince's advice in reference to the' fleas; and "grill and bear"  Margaret's
deficiences, as the grace of God might enable us, trusting to the future, for an end of our miseries.
MAIr. Parker especially in,,ratiated himself with her
finely, by occasionally complimenting, her personal appearance; particularly when she "came  out" with a
new turban. I had less patienee with her; but between
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86       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
us both we managed to get along with her during the
summer. When it was time for the eggs to be cooked,
Holmes would take his watch and stand at the door of
our diniing-room, and call to Margaret, and tell her the
exact moment to put the eggs in, and then to take them
out; always allowing for several seconds to elapse between the hearing of the last order and the final taking
them out of the tea kettle. It was impossible for Margaret to understand how to make good "Johniny-cake,"
although she knew how to cook corn bread, after their
own fashion, which is merely to mix meal and water together, with a little salt. At last I determined to see
for myself how she mixed the ingredients I had prepared
for her, the proportions of which I had obtained from a
copy of "Beadle's dime  cook-book," which  I luckily
found among'ny old books. I proceeded to her domain
and soon found that she had failed to prepare the dough
as I told her, she using too much water; which is
another peculiarity of the colored people, never to be
exact in anything. I seized the meal, soda and cream
tartar and molasses, and mixed up a cake myself, and
had the satisfaction of having a palatable corn cake for
breakfast that day, and as often afterwards as I could
thus superintend the cook. This was the more necessary, for Margaret understood no more the art of making
flour bread or biscuit, than she did the mysteries of
Algebra or Euclid. When remonstrated with for her
failure to use the ingredients in their right proportions, her invariable reply was, " What's de use ob being
so'ticular, old massa and missus neber said anyting if de
corn bread wasn't so good ebery time," and then she
would mutter over to herself, words like these, "dem
Yankees is a darn sight meaner than de old rebs; it's no
use to try to suit'em." *
0 
CHAPTER IX.
SOUTHERN FARG, AND ITS RESULTS.
In everything that relates to farming operations, the
Southern people are at least fifty years behind the times;
and the old story of the man's carrying the pumpkins
from his field one at a time, with a stone in the other
end of his bag to balance the pumpkin, because his
father had always done so, applies admirably to the
Southern system. It's enough for the blacks to know
that, "'  y ole massa" always ploughed in a particular
manner, to justify them in so doing. Such an innovation as deep ploughing, looks like sacrilege to'them.
When I suggested to my overseer the propriety of
ploughing a piece of ground with a two-horse plough,
and harrowing it in well after the Northern style, he replied that the wheat would never come up, if ploughed
in that style.  I determined, however, to try the experi-.
ment, and procured four double ploughs, manufactured
in Boston, and set the men to work with them; but
they all declared it would ruin the ground, the mules,
and the crops; but I persisted, and they persisted also,
and would not plough deep, saying, "Them  ar ploughs
is no account, Mr. S.: we can do noting wid'em."
Not understanding much about plougrhing myself, I
failed to see "where the s]oe pinched," even after a
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throioiugh examination of the ploughs, and therefore
hitched up my mules, and drove fifteen miles, to a
Northern farmer's, who gave me the requisite information, and I returned and endeavored to have the ploughs
altered according to my friend's directions.  In this I
was almost as unsuccessful as in the matter of deep
ploughing; for no one of the hands or the overseer,
could possibly divine how to take the ploughs to pieces
and put them together again.  After many ineffectual
attempts, Mir. Prince came to me and declared that the
" pesky things" were of " no manner of account," and
advised me to throw them aside, and fall back upon the
good old-fashioned singole ploughs, such as "we all know
how to use;" and with a truly conservative air that
would have done credit to a Northern politician of the
antediluvian age, he said, "Mr. S., I never did like any
of these new-fangled notions; the old paths of our
fathers are the best for me to travel in."
Nothing daunted, however, I proceeded to the field,
and after diligently examining the ploughs, I sueeeeded
in making the desired alterations, adjusting the length
of the share to that of the beam, and increasing or
lessening the pitch of the share, according to the directions given me, and again set the hands to work. They
grumbled a good deal at the extra labor thus imposed
upon them, as holding one of these double ploughs in
its proper position was no mean task, in comparison to
the easy one of guiding their own miniature ploughs;
but they saw I was determined, and they at length
yielded, asserting all the time that the seed would never
come uLp, if ploughed in so deeply.  At first, I could
not comprehend their meaning; but I afterwards ascertained that the Souther way of sowing grain, was to
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scatter the seed upon the unploughed surface, and then
ploug,h it il, or to sow after the grouiid was ploughed,
and then simply dclragc a bush over it, to cover it up. I
told him to go on with the ploughing, and when it was
finished, to try his b)ush according to his old practice.
Afterwards we procured a harrow, and prepared the
ground in Northern fashion.
With the ground prepared in Southern style, it was
impossible to reap the grain with a machine, owing to
the gross inequalities of the surface. A few planters
had begun to realize the importauce of deep ploughing,
but the negroes dislike it exceedingly, on account of the
extra labor required.
The hoes used on the plantation were about four times
as heavy as Northern ones, requiring great strength of
arm to strike a heavy blow with them; but after diligent
testing the practical workings of the two kinds of hoes,
we were obliged to conclude that, with the blacks as
laborers, our Northern hoes would be comparatively useless, as they would not apply the quick motion to them
that it was necessary, to produce good results; and
they would break those slim blades in a very short
space of time. Their method of hoeing, is to lift slowly
the ponderous hoe, with its long and large handle, and
then let it fall by its own weight, trusting to the force
thus acquired to make a suitable impression on the soil,
they believing it required less labor to perform that
operation, than to strike a sprightly blow, with a lighter
implement. Nearly all of the tools used at the Soutll
are of the same ponderous character, except the ploughs,
and they are as light as vanity. After passing over a
field that the blacks called broken up for planting, in
some cases you would hardly ind traces of the plough;
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and with such cultivation, the wonder is that any crops
at all are raised.
The ploughs used in this locality are first, the "rooter,"
which is a narrow and long blade three or four inches
wide, and ten or twelve long, and is used in breaking up
the ground early in the Spring; secondly, the "turn or
shovel plough," which is considerably longer than the
rooter, but does not penetrate the ground so far. This
is used for "breaking up" when the ground is tolerably
soft, and for breaking out the middles after the corn and
cotton are planted; thirdly, the "wing plough," one side
of which projects some from the main portion of the
plough, but is not quite so large as the "turn plough."
This is used where the object is to throw the dirt one
side, so as to fall upon the plant, as in "siding" corn
and cotton; and fourthly, " the sweep," or shallow
plough, which is a nondescript in the way of a plough.  It
consists of two narrow strips of iron, reaching in a
slanting direction from the point of the plough, to each
end of a similar strip, crossing the plough stalk, and
having another bar, reaching from the middle of the
cross piece, to the apex of the plough. It is used for extremely shallow ploughing, and is designed to run
through the corn and cotton previous to "laying by"
the crop, so as simply to cut off the tops of the weeds
and not stir the soil much.
A failure to avail ourselves of this simple plough, at
one time, cost us the loss of one of our finest fields of
corn; a deeper plough having been used for the last
ploughing, which laid bare the roots of the corn, and
the whole field withered away. It is hardly necessary
for me to advise Northern farmers coming South, to
avoid introducing all oftheir Northern notions about
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AND THE REBELS.
farnning; until they have listened to the reasons on the
part of the Southerners for their mode of operation.
Conceit always results unfavorably to its possessor, be
his conceit of Southern or Northern origin. To be sure,
taken as a whole, the Northern system of farming is immeasurably superior to the Southern one; but there are
some Southern practices absolutely necessary to be
adopted, in order to insure success; as for instance, this
one of the shallow ploughing, the last time the corn is
ploughed.
Quite earnest discussions are often held among the
l]ands, in regard to the relative merits of the different
kilnds of ploughs; each debater contending earnestly for
the one he had been in the habit of using, during the
days of slavery.  The corn is ploughed three times, and
the  cotton four  or five times.  About  the first of
February, they commence breaking up the ground for
corn, except on the "bottoms," where this work is often
delayed until. May. Corn planting commences about
the first of March, and continues until early in April;
at which time the planting of cotton commences, the
ground having' been well prepared  previously.  The
corn is planted in furrows five feet apart, the hills being
four feet from each other, in the furrows. But one good
stalk of corn is usually allowed to grow in a hill, and
one of these stalks usually produces but one ear of corn.
This corn frequently reaches the height of ten or twelve
feet, and sometimes grows still higher. The average
product of corn to the acre, in this section, is seldom
over ten bushels, and oftener liluch less; although the
bottom lands frequently produce twenty-five or thirty
bushels to the acre. The best manure for corn is cotton
seed; a large pile of which, after being covered with
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92)   THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTI-H,
dirt, is left exposed to the rain a month or two, and is
thus "rotted," so as to prevent the seed from geirminating.  A small handful of this is put into each hill, and
the corn is dropped upon it.
Various kinds of fertilizers are also used on both corn
and cotton, and their use is annually increasing, the
crops frequently being doubled by them, while the extra
cost is only about a third more than that of ordinary
cultivation. Of course, every Northern man can see
where his true interest lies in his farming operations
here. The corn is usually hard enough to feed the
mules by the first of August, but not sufficiently hard
to grind, until about a month afterwards.  It usually remains in the field until some time in October; that is,
the portion spared by the numerous thieves, who revel
in luxury in the neighborhood of every corn-field, after
the corn is hard enough to grind; and these thieves invariably select the largest and finest ears, leaving the
"nubbins" for the impoverished owner.  The fodder is
stripped from the stalks, the tops of which are left
standing, about the middle of August, and sometimes
earlier, according to the heat of the summer. This fodder is the chief reliance of the farmer, for supplying the
mules with a substitute for hay, the latter article being
used but little on a Southern plantation, and generally
fed only to cattle.
My overseer gravely informed me that the mules
would not eat it; but on trial, I found that he was mistaken. Nearly all of the hay used in this region is imported from the North and West, although I can see no
good reason why the cultivation of grass cannot le
successfully introduced. We cut twenty tons of wild
hay during one season; qd I am of the opinion that tihe
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AND TIHE REBELS.
cultivation of grass would prove far more profitable than
that of corn.
Cotton is planted from the tenth to the middle of
April. When delayed until May, the crop is considered
unreliable. Early in March, the preparation of the
cotton ground. commences, by ploughing, it and raising
it into beds about twenty inches wide, which is called
"bedding up"  the cotton  ground.  When  the time
comes for planting, the bed is opened in the middle, with
a small plough, which is followed by a hand on foot,
who carries the seed in a bag, slung across his shoulders,
and drops it in, liberally ot otherwise, according to the
abundance of seed, generally using about four bushels
to the acre.  He is followed by another hand, with a
mnule, dragging a.narrow board, about eighteen inches
in length, and a little hollow in the middle, over the
bed, in the direction the furrow runs, which is the
process for covering the seed. Four men and two mules
will thus plant from eight to twelve acres in a day.
The first cotton plant makes its appearance in less than
two weeks after planting, and sometimes in one week.
As soon as it is possible, after the cotton is up, the
hands pass over it rapidly, " choppiing " it out, which
consists in destroying with a hoe the superfluous plants,
leaving only one in every eight or ten inches.  AlIoll
the same time, the first ploughinc  commences; usually
by the middle  of May.  As  soon  as the cotton is
thoroughly "chopped out," it is time for the second
ploughing to commence. After a great rain, all the
force of the plantation is required, for the extirpation
of the weeds and grass; and from the time these first
appear until August, there is a regular battle going on
for the mastery, between thesveeds and grass, and the
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94      THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTI,
tillers of the soil. It is not an uncommon thing for the
tillers to be defeated in this contest, and to retire
ingloriously from the field, leaving it in the possession
of the wiry grass and stalwart weeds.   This is by no
means a necessary fate, to any but laggards in the
business; but when it does take place, the sight is
melancholy enough. The first blossom usually appears
about the first of July, and from that time until the
middle of September is the time for making cotton.
All that blossoms after the latter date is considered
neaily worthless, as it cannot fully mature previous to
the frosts in November, it taking six weeks from the
first appearance of the blossom for the boll to mature.
Owing to the rapid opening of the bolls from the
heat, the first cotton is picked as early as the middle of
August, and cotton picking continues fromn that time
until after Christmas, many of the bolls opening slowly
long after the frosts, producing an inferior article of
stained cotton.
The appearance of the fields, when the cotton is in
full bloom, is extremely beautiful; but we found it
almost impossible to ascertain from the blacks whether
the yellow blossom fell from the plant, or turned into a
red one; and we could only be sure of the truth by
actual experiment, which showed us that this change so
anomalous in the botanic world, actually takes place.
This fact speaks volumes in reference to the depth of the
intellectual degradation of the black man. During his
whole life, he had, witnessed the blossoming of this
cotton, and had worked among it, but had never noticed
whether a cotton blossom fell upon the ground, or
turned into another color. The blossoms are first white,
pink, or pale yellow; an4 on the second or third day,
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AND THE REBELS.
according to the hour of their blossoming, fall to the
ground, after, having changed to a purplish  red color,
leaving in their place a tiny boll. The blossom appears
either early in the morning, or a little after sunset.
We found it almost impossible to ascertain the date
of any past occurrence in relation to the crops. No one
could tell what time last year they planted, ploughed or
reaped. The only rotation of crops practised, is a
change from corn to oats, and from oats to cotton.
Clover is unknown as a fertilizer, or even as a grass.
No grass seed is ever sown. Oats are sown from October to February, and are usually cut in June, and used
as fodder; although when used the allowance of corn is
usually curtailed.
Wheat is produced in limited quantities. My overseer objected to raising it, because it had to be harvested
at a time, when the labor of all the hands was needed
elsewhere; but wheat from this region finds its way to
the New York market two weeks earlier than from any
other state, and therefore its production might be made
a paying business. It is not often,- under the present
system of cultivating it, that a farmer in this region
obtains over ten bushels of wheat to the acre. I am
safe in saying that nine-tenths of all the flour used in
this part of the state, is manufactured from imported
wheat.
The great staple of Georgia, must always be cotton,
for no other crop is so likely to stand our severe droughts,
and even that sometimes yields to their terrific influence.
Sweet potatoes are cultivated extensively, and form a
maini article of diet from October to about April, at
which time they become quite scarce. It is very difficult to preserve them from rotting, however, even that
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96       THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
length of time; and still more difficult to keep them
from being appropriated by the vile thieves that prowl
around every Southern plantation.  Early in March a
bed is prepared for bedding seed potatoes, by manuring
it well, then sprinkling a little dirt on the top of the
manure and then laying the small potatoes on the bed,
almost as close as they can be laid together; or not over
an inch apart, at the farthest. About four inches of
dirt is then put over them', and in about six weeks, they
are ready for transplanting; which has to b)e done when
the ground is quite moist.  Succeeding transplantings
are made of portions of the vine, by tying up one end
of the part detached from the whole vine, and inserting
the other in the ground. The Sweet potato grows in
beds, similar to the cotton beds, and needs continued
cultivation to produce a good crop. Sometimes as
many as one hundred bushels are produced from  an
acre.  The average price is not far firom one dollar a
bushel during the winter months, but late in the spring
tliey are frequently sold as hill as two dollars.
Hogs are generally allowed to run at large, and woe
be to t-he unlucky owner of a corn field, not protected
by a substantial fence; or whose fence has been destroyed
By the ruthless wagoners, who use rails for their camp
fires whenever they find them; and particularly those of
a Northern man, who may help himself if he can.  These
hogs when dressed, usually average in weight about one
hundred pounds; and are generally deficient in that fatness that a Northern butcher expects to find in every
porker offered him for sale.
Farming in Georgia, is on the whole not a very profitable business, since slavery was abolished.  I have often
been told by planters, that all their profits then consisted
.
a
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AND THE REBELS.
in the increase of slaves, and since the abolition of
slavery, they had made nothing. Certain it is, that for
various reasons, the expense of raising cotton is nearly
doubled since freedom; which can be thus explained,
During the days of slavery it cost to feed and clothe a
hand about sixty dollars a year; and that hand would
produce on- an average, four bales of cotton, and per haps one hundred bushels of corn. The cost of feeding
a mule would be about one hundred and fifty dollars a
year, and incidental expenses say fifty dollars, to every
two hands; so that two hands and a mule would cost
three hundred and twenty dollars per annum, and would
produce eight bales of cotton, and two hundred bushels
of corn. The corn was worth about two hundred dollars,
leaving one hundred and twenty as the actual cost of
eight bushels of cotton, or fifteen dollars per bale. The
average weight of a bale of cotton is four hundred and
fifty pounds, so that the cost of cotton per pound, was
less than three and a half cents. To this must be added
the wages of the overseer, the planters' family expenses,
and the interest on the capital invested. If a planter
made fifty bales of cotton, and it sold for ten cents a
pound, he cleared fifteen hundred dollars, which would
no more than cover these expenses.
Now, after paying the hands, including their rations,.
one hundred and fifty dollars per year, and the product
of these hands being reduced from four bales per hand,
to not over three, and from one hundred bushels of corn,
to seventy-five, the actual cost of cotton, amounts to
twelve cents a pound; but adding fifteen hundred dollars
as before for interest, family expenses, and overseer's
wages, the cost would be twenty cents a pound,  in
lieu of the ten cents that it cost before.
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98       THE BLACK'MAN OF THE SOUTtH,
The present cost can be stated thus.  Two hands and
one mule will cultivate thlirty-five acres of ground; the
yield of which, if one half is planted in corn, and the
other half in cotton, will be one hundred bushels of
corn, and six bales of cotton.  The hands and mule
with incidentals will cost five hundred dollars.  Six
l)ales of cotton will weigh twenty-seven hundred pounds,
wh1ich after deducting one hundred and fifty dollars for
tlae corn, from the five hundred dollars, will leave thirteen cents a pounds as the actual cost, exclusive of the
three items above mentioned. Add these, and you have
nearly twenty cents a pound, as the lowest possible sum
for which cotton can be raised, with profit to the owner.
This estimate as will be perceived, leaves the planter
absolutely nothing to "lay by for a rainy day," except
what he may derive from other articles beside the corn
and cotton; all of which amount to but little, except to
lessen the expenses of provision for his family. In
former days, great numbers of hogs were raised, but
now the larger part of pork consumed on plantations, is
purchased at the nearest market town, at an average
price of about fifteen cents a pound.
All of these expenses can of course be lessened by
dispensing with the overseer's services and with the
labor of several hands; results which are to sure tQ follow the great change from Slavery to freedom, and
which have already followed very extensively as far as
the overseers are concerned, comparatively few planters,
now emnploying one.
The planters' sons are also serving their apprenticeship
in the field, and even the refined daughters of well-to-do
farmers are engaged in the humble, but of course honorable, duties of the dairy, a change that will prove alike 
AND THE REBELS.
beneficial to all classes concerned. If the result of
the abolition of Slavery shall be to accustom the boys on
the plantation to do their own work, and thus become
self-reliant and self-supporting, it will prove far better
for them than the imaginary enjoyment of ruling over
others, and being dependent upon them for the perform  ance of every act of labor. Future generations of white
Southerners will thus have occasion to bless the Yankees
for conferring upon them the invaluable boon of emanci pation; instead of echoing the terrific curses that now
fall from the lips of the young aristocracy, upon the
heads of Union men, for being the cause of what they
consider their degradation.
Freedom will also result in the destruction of the
landed aristocracy, whereby a few individuals monopo lized all the land. It now being impossible for the
planter to amass great wealth by this extensive cultiva tion, it will be for his interest to sell off large portions
of his land, and thus place the blessings of land owner ship within the reach of that large class of the Southern
people, the "poor whites," whose living has been hitherto a very precarious one. We already see those who
owned no land previous to the war, now renting or buying small farms, and managing them without much if any
hired help.  Thus will be gradually adopted the system
of self-reliant labor, which has accomplished so much
for the Northern people.
Here let me entreat our Northern friends not to be too
eager to obtain their cotton goods at a low price, but to
remember that the Southern planter has the same right
to live that you have, and in this transition state firom
Slavery to freedom, he must be aided rather than trampled upon, as he undoubtedly has been, by the odious
...       *  * I
99
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
tax of two and a half cents a pound levied on cotton by
our government, during the first two years of my
sojourn here. What evil genius prompted our government thus to render itself more unpopular than ever at
the South, it is difficult to divine! It is true, that all
classes, black and white, Northern and Southern, alike
felt its onerous nature, and the loud clamors for its removal happily resulted in its abolition.
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CHAPTER X.
THE FOURTH OF JULY, AND THE FREEDMAN'S BUREAU.
On the Sunday previous to the fourth of July, I
addressed quite a large congregation, under our shade
trees, on tie character of this jubilee. To my surprise,
I found the utmost ignorance prevailing, respecting it,
not one in the audience seeming to have the faintest
idea why it was celebrated. Peter Freeman, in whose
cabin our first Sunday school had been held, and who
had been held up to me by our overseer as a model
hand, and who had manifested an unusual desire to
learn, since our arrival, was the only one who comprehended it at all. With his eyes brightening, and an
unusual look of intelligence passing over his dusky
countenance, he said, in reply to my question, "I know.
I think I can tell."  "Well, Peter, what is the 4th of
July celebrated for?" said I.  With a feeling of vast
superiority over the ignorant ones around him, he exclaimed, with great decision, "It is the birthday of
Washington."
No other one could reply at all to my question.
Their ignorance on this point was only a sample of their
utter inability to understand the commonest political
problem. A great change in this respect had taken
place, however, by the time tey were called upon, to
101 
l 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
cast their first ballots; and they became as great proficients in political matters, as they were dolts at this
time.   Peter's information  exceeded  that of others
present, for they did not even know who George
Washington was, with the exception of "Yellow Bob,"
a light mulatto, who had travelled in Virginia with his
master, and had seen, as he said, "pictures hanging in
rooms, of a man they called Washington;" but Georgia
negroes had not even "hearn tell" of the father of his
country.
I can attribute the cause of this political ignorance to
nothing but an apprehension on the part of the slaveholders, that if they instructed the negroes in the principles of American freedom, the enquiry might arise in
their minds, "' Why are not we free, also?" and that
therefore the only safe way was to keep them in blissful
ignorance of all these historical facts. The blacks informed me that they never had a holiday given them on
the 4th of July before, and they were well pleased when
I told them I should not require them to work on that
day.  Accordingly all hands went to town, taking with
them my largest wagon and six mules, and joined in the
celebration there. They returned at night, in high
spirits, having enjoyed it much. A few days afterwards,
when in town, I was informed by the Agent of-the
Freedmens' Bureau that he caused a large U. S. flag to
be flung to the breeze, so that its folds fell across the
sidewalk in front of their office, and that nearly every
lady who had occasion to pass that way, turned from the
sidewalk into the street, rather than walk under the
hated flag, and yet in spite of all these demonstrations,
Andrew Johnson was contriving ways and means to
smuggle these rebels back into the Union. And the
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AND THE REBELS.
rebels themselves felt indignant at his ill success, having
forgotten their eager desire not long before to escape
from the Union.  I had not been long at the South, before it became apparent to my mind that the day that
saw the rebel states again members of our Union, as
states, would be an evil one for our country. What
sense was there in restoring to our embrace those who
had bitten us so terribly, and were seeking to do so
again? But madness ruled the hour, and the welfare
of the whole country was lost sight of in the desire to acquire the reputation of magnanimity, forgetting that it is
the duty of all men "to be just before being generous."
I must do the Southerners justice to say, however,
that at that time the great masses were evidently more
intent on repairing their pecuniary fortunes, than their
political ones, and that if the people had been left to
themselves, I question if a tithe of the outrages since
committed, would have ever occurred. But politicians
and newspaper editors inflamed the Southern mind and
re-instilled the evil genius of rebellion into the hearts of
those who were sick of the war and would like to have
remained quiet. As is well known, during the first year
after the surrender, outrages were much more infrequent
than they have been since. Johnson and those pusillanimous Republicans who followed in his wake, re-echoing
his drunken sentiments, are in a great measure responsible for what afterwards happened.
Of all the appliances used by our government for
healing the diseased condition of the body politic South,
not one of them worked so admirably, as that much
ab)used agency the " Freedman's Bureau."  Woe  be to
that portion of the Republican party, who in an evil
hour yielded to the demand of the Democrats for its
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THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH,
overthrow. Of all the men who have labored directly
for the reconstruction of the South, none deserve a
greater meed of praise than Gen. Howard, for his un wearied efforts to sustain this noble institution. The
fact of its having aroused the ire of the South, was only
an argument in its favor. Abuses might have crept in
to its management, but the institution was alike benefi cial to both master and freedman; and not a few of the
former had the good sense to acknowledge the truth of
this assertion.
I have seen something of the workings of this admira ble institution, have had to submit to its supervision
myself; and my testimony is unequivocably in favor of
its wonderful adaptation to the wants of the whole
Southern community. After the purchase of my planta tion, I applied to the Bureau for their endorsement of
the transfer to myself of the contract between the
former owner and the hands, and they endorsed it as
follows, "the transfer of this contract, was made before
me, and I approve it, Mr. Charles Stearns agreeing to
fulfil the contract from the 26th of May, 1866," and
it was signed by the proper officers. This contract was
fully as favorable to the employer as it was to the freedman. This fact will effectually disprove the oft-repeated
assertion, that the Bureau only sought to protect the
freedmen without the least regard to the rights of the
employers.
But some supervision of this kind was absolutely
necessary to protect the freedman, as will appear from
the following fact. An elderly colored man, one day
came to me with the complaint, that his boys had been
severely whipped by their employer.  "Why  did you
give him permission to whij  your boys? " I enqired,
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a 
AND THE REBELS.
after having perused the documents he handed me,
which he called their contract.
"I did not say any such thing," said he in great sur
prise.
"It is here in the contract," said I, and I read to him
a clause conferring upon their employer the right to
whip the boys, whenever he thought it necessary.
On hearing this he was thunderstruck, and his anger
knew no bounds, as he whirled around the room like a
top, exclaiming, "them ar pesky rebels put that in, and
never read it to me."
This was often done, as I have every reason to believe.
The contracts were written by the employers, and such
portions as they judged best, omitted in the reading of
them, to those expected to sign them. Any one can
perceive, that unless there is some sworn official to read
these contracts to the freedmen great abuses must creep
in; for but few of the freedmen can read writing, and
nothing is easier than for some one to omit certain portions in reading; and then when a dispute arises, which
is to be settled by the contract, Lo! and behold! the
poor freedman finds no provision for his protection.
This is so often done, that even my own hands have
sometimes accused me of not reading all the provisions
of the contract, when afterwards found guilty of some
violation of its express terms; so that justice to all
parties requires the establishment of something akin to
the Bureau; and there can be no safety to these poor
people, unless some provision of this kind is made.
The legislatures of the several states could easily provide
a remedy for this state of things, but being mostly
Democrats, it is hardly to be expected of them.
It remains therefore for tl general government to
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
throw its rgis of protection over these poor stricken
ones, so long the miserable victims of the direst system
of oppression the world had ever seen. But I shall
dwell longer upon this phase of the subject, when I come
to consider the remedy for the wrongs inflicted upon the
colored people. At present, I shall confine myself to
the practical workings of the Bureau.
When I came to Augusta, Col. Bryant had recently
abdicated the post of agent of the Freedmens' Bureau,
and loud were the maledictions of the Southerners upon
his head. Whoever else among the Northerners might
be decent men, even including Gen. Tillson, Bryant
was the impersonation of depravity, with them. At
length Holmes Parker and myself ventured to pay him
a visit, not without many misgivings as to his true
character, as we had heard so much said against him;
but we thought we would obey the apostolic injunction
to "prove all things."
We returned from our visit perfectly satisfied that
Col. Bryant's only offence was that of defending the
rights of the colored people; and as such, our hearts
immediately warmed towards him as to a true defender
of the principles of Christianity, as manifested in his
self-denying labors for the "least of these, the brethren
of Jesus." It is a good rule, in ascertaining the character of an abused man, to enquire concerning that of his
traducers. If you find those traducers bad men, you
may consider the object of their revilings a tolerably
good one. It is so in war. The General most hated by
the enemy is the one likely to do his country the most
service.
Without a doubt, Col. Bryant had faults, as who is
wholly destitute of theme but I am persuaded that the
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0 
AND THE REBELS.
greatest crime he then committed, was in defence of
those who had none to plead for their behalf. Certainly
there was no excuse for the pusillanimous conduct of
Gen. Tillson, the military commander of the district,
in refusing to protect the colored people in strewing
flowers upon the graves of the Union soldiers, in the
Augusta cemetery, after the whites had been allowed
to decorate the graves of the Confederate soldiers.   For
this dastardly conduct, he was rightly denounced with
unmitigated severity, by Col. Bryant.
The reason given by Gen. Tillson for his conduct,
was, the request of the rebel authorities of Augusta,
after arrangements had been made for the festival, by
the noble Northern lady teachers, there stationed. The
whites were willing the ladies should perform this decoration themselves, with colored servants to carry the
flowers, but no procession of "niggers," for this purpose, should desecrate their really beautiful cemetery.
It was the custom of the officers of the Bureau to
inspect every contract between the freedmen and their
employers, when offered to them for that purpose;
and if they approved of its provisions, they promised
both parties military protection, in enforcing the contracts. This was a great point gained by the whites, for
of what avail Was a contract with irresponsible met
without means for its enforcements? If a black man
failed to do his duty, he was immediately brought before
the Bureau, and obliged to conform to his agreement,
and many of the rebels gladly availed themselves of this
protection.  On the contrary, if an employer failed to
do justice to his hands, he too, must appear before this
august tribunal, and make amends for his conduct. At
the time I am writing, neither employers or hands have
107 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTII,
any adequate protection agaLinst each other.  If a man
chooses to leave his employer he cannot be forced to return.  All the employer cmn do is to forbid others from
hiriing, him, and if he cali find the run-away, to imprison
him, if it can be proved that he has violated his contract.
But this is not the kind of protection the employer
wants.  If six nmen abruptly leave him, on a hot July
day when his cotton is overrun with grass, it is poor
consolation to him to be allowed to leave his cotton, and
spend a week in pursuit of these men; even if he succeeds then in having them safely lodged in jail. That
will not furnish him with other hands, or kill the grass,
that is so rapidly destroying his cotton.
But when the much abused Bureau was in operation,
all that he had to do, was to exhibit his contracts to the
Bureau, and notify the agent of the elopement of these
men; and he could then return to his injured cotton
field.- while a detachment of soldiers went in pursuit
of the missing men, and when taken they were not
lodged in jail, but remainded back to the plantation, with
perhaps a guard over them, to see that they did not
repeat their truancy. I cannot see how any well meaning man, could, possibly object to the operation of this
Bureau, except on the ground of expense; but surely
money is a small consideration in selecting the irrstrumentalities, that shall most effectually preserve order in
a hitherto rebellious country.
For my part I can safely say, that I relied upon the
Freedman's Bureau, fully as much to enable me to
govern my hands, as they did to enable them to protect
themselves against my rapacity. I do not know as I
could have successfully managed my own plantation, if
it had not been for this power in reserve; to whom I
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AND THE REBELS.
could appeal if my hands failed to comply with my
orders, as I am sorry to say they sometimes did.
But the Freedman's Bureau went down; and with it
the last vestige of protection for the colored man, in the
late rebellious states. Under its beneficial reign, if a
man came to me with a. sad story of his wrongs, all I
had to do was to write a note to the agent of the Bureau,
requesting him to examine into the matter. He would
then despatch a lieutenant to the planter's residence, and
ascertain the facts; and if he found that there was no
cause for complaint, as he sometimes did find, he would
dismiss the negro with a reprimand.  If he ascertained
that the negro had really been abused, he would take
the offender to Augusta, for examination; and if found
guilty, a trivial punishment would be inflicted upon him.
By far the greater portions of the complaints, on the
part of the blacks, were dismissed as needless; so that
the blacks had fully as much reason to complain as the
whites had.
It may be asked, why then did the rebels demand the
removal of the Bureau? The only correct answer that
can be given is one that savors so much of severity towards our unfortunate white brethren, that I hesitate
to give it; but justice nevertheless compels me to do so.
The rebels did not wish to be punishled for their mnisdeeds towards the blacks; and did not relish the idea
of being called to account for their misdeeds, by a power
superior to their own.  They were quite willing for the
Bureau to punish their refractory hands, but utterly unwilling to be placed in the same category with their
former slaves.  "Monarchs of all they surveyed," they
had so long been, that they could illy brook being
criticised for their treatmen  of their escaped slaves.
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THE BLAK  AN OF THE SOUTH.
And neither did they like to feel the force of Uncle
Sam's strong arm in restraining them; they preferring to
punish their own hands, and going unpunished themselves when they deserved it, to the operation of evenhanded and exact justice.
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110
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CHAPTER XI.
THE CHANGE FROM SLAVERY TO FREEDOM.
If that heroic leader of the anti-slavery hosts, during
the days of the imperilled existence of that sacred
cause, Wendell Phillips; or that remarkable man,
anointed of God to arouse our guilty nation from its
terrible lethargy, on the subject of slavery, Win. Lloyd
Garrison, could have visited our plantations during
these summer days, their philanthropic souls would have
been gratified by the changes apparent in the condition
of these men and women.
It is not to be wondered at, that, during the first days
of freedom, the exuberant joy of the once dead, but
now living human beings, should have led them into the
commission of some grave errors. Good luck, on an
ordinary scale, frequently unduly elates wiser and better
balanced men than the Southern slaves were. We have
all heard of the Scotch farmer, who was so overjoyed at
being elected deacon of his church, that on his return
home, not finding his wife, he embraced his cow, exclaiming, "0, my gude cow, ye is na common cow; ye
is a deacon's cow now."
What then must have been the feelings of our fellowmen, at the first dawn upon their benighted souls of the
day of emancipation! As the early rays of the sun of
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
freedom glanced across their cabin doors- after grandly
illuminating the Eastern sky, and dispelling the darlkness of Slavery therefrom; and as a voice from God's
glittering throne was heard in their utterly astonished
ears, uttering the words, " You are free men and free
women," was there not some excuse for the irregularities
usually attendant upon all manifestations of extreme
joy?
It must be remembered that from their earliest childhood, the one great yearning of the colored man's soul,
had been for freedom; and now that in the providence
of God, it had come almost without exertion on his
part, how could he help being overcome with joy? Far
be it firom me, to defend these irregularities; but considering that for the most part, unlike as it was when
emancipation was conferred upon the West Indies slaves,
there was no friendly hand stretched forth to guide
them, it is not surprising that they committed some
excesses.
The planters themselves, in many instances, were
greatly to blame in this matter. Sitting, moodily in their
houses, in some instances, they refused to let their
former slaves know of their newly acquired rights, and
sometimes declared that they should never be free, with
their consent. This I learned from the lips of the
freedmen themselves, to whom were addressed these
fearful words. In no case of which I can learn, was any
attention paid to the act of Congress emancipating them.
That remained a dead letter, until the surrender of Lee;
and its provisions were not universally heeded, until the
State conventions of the succeeding fall, passed their
acts abolishing Slavery, the slave-holders clinging to the
doctrine of State rights, tothe last.
e
112
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AND THE REBELS.
In some cases, the black men were informed of their
freedom, and asked to remain with their masters, and
were whipped, if they refused. In one case, a woman's
mistress tore her clothes into strips, because she thus
declined the kind offer of a home.  They told the
freedmen that if they left them, " the Yankees would
hitch them to heavy wagons, and make them drag sand
all day." But in spite of all this, many of them ran
away, hoping that the good news of their freedom might
prove true. This was previous to the full acknowledgment on the part of their masters, of the reality of their
emancipation.
If wise leaders had been present, and good advice could
have been given the freedmen, as soon as they learned
of their emancipation, as in the W. I. Islands in 1839,
much suffering would have been avoided. As it happened, great numbers of the newly emancipated ones
refused to work, judging that freedom consisted in the
privilege of not working. They wandered about from
place to place, helping themselves to whatever they
could find, and according to the story of the whites,
large numbers died from starvation; but according to
the declarations of the blacks, they were brutally murdered by the whites. Often children ran away from
their parents, and parents from their children. The
banks of the Savannah river were lined with the living
and dead forms of these forlorn creatures.
On our plantation, in the fall succeeding emancipation, and previous to my arrival, the hands utterly refused to work; and were removed by force by- the
military, as they would not even gather the crops they
had raised; on the ground that they had received no
pay for their labor during the shmmer.  No Freedman's
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE-SOUTH,
Bureau then lifted its kindly voice to cheer them on, or
stretched out its helping hand to guide them aright. It
was usually hate on the one side, and dogged stubborn ness on the other.
It is a remarkable fact, that almost universally, as
soon as the slave absolutely knew that he was free, he
took up his "line of march" for some other place.  No
matter how well he had been treated, he could not
realize his actual freedom, until he had tasted the sweet
privilege of walking away from the plantation unmolested; with no ferocious dogs baying at his heels, or
almost as ferocious men pursuing after him. Of the
truth of this fact, I am assured by both whites and
blacks.
Oftentimes however, he returned to his former master,
especially if that master had been a tolerably easy one,
and hired himself to him for a year; but no matter how
kind he had been to him in the days of slavery, the
freedman would not remain with him, until he had seen
a little of the world, and known by actual experience
that he was really free; so true it is, that all mankind
like to be their own masters, and regulate their own
affairs. I have yet to learn of the first instance, and I
do not believe one can be produced, of one who did not
take his freedom when it was conferred upon him. Nor
have I yet heard, during my residence here, of the first
man or woman who wished to return to slavery.  Oftentimes when some of my men would chafe at the strictness of some of my regulations, they would attempt to
divert me from my purpose by saying, "I neber in
slavery time, hab dat to do."  But all murmuringr would
instantly cease, when I would suggest that they could
returh to slavery if they cose, that the doors of slavery
were still wide open..
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AND THE REBELS..
But still it must be confessed that the black man has
very inadequate ideas of what freedom really requires
of him. I am sorry to be obliged to confess that with
too many of them, the idea still prevails, that to be free,
is to do just as they please. Many laughable incidents
were continually occurring, illustrative of this fact. In
particular, they objected to being ordered about, and I
found during this Summer, that they would generally
obey me, if I asked them pleasantly to perform a
particular task. At one time, I had ordered some work
to be performed, under the direction of Richard, the
husband of Margaret. He soon came to me, saying
that "Yellow Bobb" would not obey his orders.  So I
sent for " Yellow Bobb," and asked him why he refused to obey Richard.  He replied, " Mr. Stearns, I
have never refused to obey you once since I have been
here, because you always speak to me pleasantly; but
Richard ordered me about like a dog, and I won't mind
him."
And why should not the black man be partially susceptible to kindly influences, like the rest of mankind?
I generally found the majority of the hands ready and
willing to mind me, although Mr. Prince constantly
assured me that he could do nothing with them, without
swearing at them roundly. During this summer, I sel.
dom had an unpleasant word  with the hands, always
excepting Margaret, who seemed to be managed better
by frowns than by persuasion. But I cannot conceal
the fact, that those who always said, "Yes, sar, yes,
sar," very obsequiously to my face, when ordered to do
a particular thing, quite  often imitated  one of the
certain nman's " sons in the Scripture, who said to his
father, "I go sir," and "want not."  But still they
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
seemed as anxious to please me as I could reasonably
expect, as the following extract from a letter written to
my friends at the North, about this time, will show:
"We all work hard now, for it is in the height of the
season, and much cotton will be wasted, if not gathered
when ready.  Sometimes, these pleasant evenings, we
work an hour or two by moonlight; it is so much more
comfortable working then, than in the heat of the day.
I work with them myself part of the time, as it encourages them to do their best, and my overseer works
all the time. He is the best hand on the place. I also
stimulate them to extra exertions, by the promise of a
reward to the one who will pick the greatest amount of
cotton. I encourage them also, by the promise of a
holiday by and by, whenii the present hurry slackens a
little.  It is wonderful to see how many of these poor
fellows will strain every nerve, to merit my approbation.
It rejoices my heart, to watch them coming home firom
the field at night, singing, laughing, and joking; and
their children running to meet them.  " 0," say they,
"it feels so good to be treated like a man, and to feel
that we have no master."
The desire to learn during this summer was very
great. Nearly every noon for some time, quite a class
would come to my piazza, and spend an hour in learning
to read, and as I have mentioned, Mr. Parker wQuld
teach many of them, in their cabins at night. When I
told them of Mr. Garrison and Mr. Phillips, their enthusiasm knew no bounds.  "Let us see them, send
them here, that we may thank them ourselves," they
would say in their meetings, after I had related to them
what these noble men had done for their race.
There were only two persons on the plantation who
did not feel some interes  in learning, and they were
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AND THE REBELS.
Margaret and Richard. The others made commendable
progress in learning to read, and completed the first
reading book, by learning on Sundays alone. Altogether,
I felt well satisfied with the result of my labors, at the
close of the first summer. The hands had done well, as
far as I could see. They had generally obeyed my
orders, had worked tolerably well, and had shown a
commendable interest in moral and religious teaching;
with one exception to which I shall allude in the next
chapter.
Many and dismal were the stories related to me, by
these emancipated ones, of the horrible workings of the
hateful system of slavery. I had been an advocate of
the anti-slavery cause, for many years, and I thought I
fully understood the accursed nature of slavery, both
from hearing of it from others, and by actual observation myself, during a few years former sojourn in a slave
state; but after living here awhile, I was constrained to
say " the half has not been told me." I never heard
much worse recitals than those I listened to from the
overseer's lips. I was pointed to the spot where the
blood hounds pounced upon a white woman who was
gathering berries; and literally tore her in pieces. I
w a s    told of   a      place where some fugitives lived a long
while in concealment; and when a posse of white men,
discovered them, the fugitives fired at them and killed
all but one, and then retreated -to some secure place.
My overseer related to me an incident that came to his
knowledge, of a lot of hands that were kept working all
day, and the whole of the succeeding night without
food; owing to some mad freak of their owner. Our
hands said they were often kept picking cotton on moonlight nights until midnight..nd then the terrible whip
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
pings described to me, would occupy too much space for
me to record in this narrative. Suffice it to say, that some
of my own hands related to me as extreme cases of
cruelty as ever occurred under "Legrees'" administration. My overseer said he had refused to work for
some parties, because they required him to perform
more severe whipping than he thought was just; and he
made no pretentions to being an uncommonly merciful
man.
o
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CHAPTER XII.
THE AUTHOR FOUND HE HAD FALLEN AMONG THIEVES.
As has been already hinted at, there was one exception  to the interest of the people in moral improvement.
They did not like to hear the sin of stealing spoken
against.   As it was in the North, during the early days
of the agitation of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, there was
one sin that neither preacher nor people were expected
to include in the category of those crimes, about which
they   prayed in the words of the church "collect,"
"Good Lord deliver us."  Slavery was a tabooed subject
everywhere. Says the Rev. Samuel J. May, in his
recent deeply interesting work, "Recollections of the
Anti-Slavery Conflict: "Dr. Ware, who had charge of
the Hollis Street pulpit, in the absence of the pastor,
invited me to supply it, if I could do it consistently
with my new duties. I engaged for two Sundays.
But at the close of the first, one of the chief officers of
the church waited on me by the direction of the principal      members, and requested me not to enter the pulpit
again, assuring me if I should do so, that a dozen or
more of the prominent men would leave the house."
And this, too, from a Society of those priding themselves upon being paragons ofdnorality, in contradistinc         119 
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
tion to the "evangelicals," who, as they say, lay too
little stress upon works.
At another time, he ventured to invite the congregation at the Summer Street church, where he had
officiated that day, to attend a lecture, by Wm. Lloyd
Garrison, on the sin of Slavery, and prefaced the invitation by some soul-stirring words, on the subject. At
the close of the meeting, the pastor sharply reproved
him, and gave him to understand that he would never
hlave another opportunity to violate the propriety of his
pulpit. A lady came forward and assured him, with
much feeling, that during her whole life, she had never
before heard the subject of Slavery dwelt upon in such
a manner.
And so it was on our plantation, in reference to stealing.  Quite a number at length refused to come out to
preaching at all, giving as a reason that they "did not
want to hear so much talk about lying and stealing; but
we want to hear the gospel.  If Mr. Stearns would only
preach the gospel, like as we have always heard it, we
would be so glad."  The pressure of "public opinion"
became so great, that at times it seemed as if we should
be obliged to abandon our public meetings altogether,
as they threatened not to come to meeting at all, unless
I would let stealing alone.
Now  this seems very strange to Northern ears; so
accustomed to hear stealing ranked among the vices
utterly inconsistent with the Christian name.  But we
must remember that latitude and longitude have much
to do with peoples' ideas of right and wrong. Some
sins are looked upon as virtues, by people in a different
locality from ours. And some virtues are regarded as
vices in the same locality. I well remember a man in
.
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AND T]IE REBELS.
Kentucky, some thirty years ago, who denounced a
favorite preacher of his as no better than a horse-thief, be cause he had said he should not return to his master a
fleeing fugitive.
Slavery had destroyed the moral perceptions of the
slaves, leaving them nothing but instinct to guide them;
and those instincts were their only criterion by which
to judge of right and wrong. Even to-day, it is a
mooted question among them, which is the superior
light, the Bible, which they cannot read, or their own
hearts always open to their cognizance. It is a common
remark among them, "whatever my own heart tells me
is right, that is right."  Of course their "own hearts,"
did not forbid the taking of food and clothing, to render
themselves comfortable, and so it was not wrong in their
estimation.
WVllen I first went among them, they did not consider
it a sin to steal, and for me to denounce it as such, was
being harsh and cruel, and depriving them of their
privileges. Especially to say that a man could not be a
Christian and steal, was a libel on the Holy Ghost; that
had  "called them into the marvellous light of the gospel." So far from my oft-repeated assertions, and quotations from the Bible, in denunciation of stealing, making
much impression upon them, they were only led td
doubt my piety; for no one could be a child of God,
and doubt their religion. To doubt their religious
character, was one of the greatest sills a man could coinmit; for had they not "done got religion years ago in
the wilderness? "
Mr. Hancock, a Northern man, who lived eight miles
from me, once said to me that on his plantations, "they
would keep their meetings uPuntil midnight, and then
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
adjourn to my water-melon patch." No Northern person
can fully understand the moral bewilderment of those
poor creatures on this subject. They had heard it said,
"he that provideth not for his own household, has
denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel." They
could not provide for their households in the days of
slavery, they said, without stealing. If it was such a
sin as I said, then they had been committing sin all
tlieiri lives; and they could not admit such a charge
as'iinst themselves, and their fathers and mothers, who
were now in heaven. I shall treat upon this connection
of stealing with their religion at another time.
One day I thought I noticed an unusual decrease in
the amount of bacon, I had in reserve for my hands.
I weighed a few of the shoulders and then ascertained
from the number on hand, that nearly five hundred
pounds of meat had vanished. I made diligent search
after it, but of course no one knew where it was. The
overseer said, some of it was poor and he had thrown it
away; but there was no getting rid of the fact, that
nearly one half of the hogshead of bacon, I had purchased on my first arrival, was gone, besides what had
been given to the hands. There were only two persons
who had the key to the meat house, and they were the
overseer; and Margaret, the cook. The value of. the
meat thus abstracted was about one hundred dollars.
Not long after this, I found that the meal was going
off rather fast; and on strict inquiry, I was convinced
that nearly two bushels of meal a week had been
taken, during the whole of the summer. At the time I
missed it, the thief had grown bolder than usual, and
had taken between four and five bushels. The overseer
told me how much corn he had sent to mill every week,
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AND THE REBELS.
and I knew the exact amount given out for rations, and
in that way discovered the theft. Who the guilty
parties were, could not be divined. When they steal,
they always manage to do it at a time when other
parties have visited the premises, so that suspicion can not rest upon them alone. In this case, the thief was
either the overseer, the man who went to mill, or the
cook; and of course we could not condemn any one of
them in particular.
Early one morning in the fall, the overseer came into
the house and informed me that our sweet potatoes had
been stolen. I rushed to the patch containing them,
and found to my dismay that nearly an acre had been
ransacked by the thieves, during the preceding night;
every hill opened, and all the largest potatoes removed,
perhaps thirty or forty bushels in all. Not the least
trace of them could be discovered, but two years afterwards, a colored man on the place told me who the
thieves were, on condition of my not mentioning his
name as my informant.   He said the overseer and one
of my hands were the thieves. The whole conduct of
the overseer looked very suspicious, and the other man
turned out to be a notorious thief. So here was property
taken to the amount of nearly two hundred and fifty
dollars, during the first few months of my sojourn
among these people.
And so it has been ever since. Property always walking away, and no trace of it to be found. What the
remedy is for this terrible evil, it is hard to say. Converting the blacks does not seem to prevent it, for the
converted ones (so called), steal as much as the unconverted ones. I think, however, in proportion as
they become land owners, thieving will decrease, as it
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THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH.
will then be for their interest to prevent stealing; and
at length a public opinion will be created, hostile to the
practice. It also seems plain to me that a truly converted person will never steal; but if this is so, then
are there but very few Christians among the plantation
hands, and at least one half of them call themselves by
that name.
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CHAPTER XIII.
GOING AFTER SUPPLIES, AND DESCRIPTION OF AUGUSTA.
Living as we did eleven miles from both store and
Post-Office, obtaining our supplies was no mean task.
We were not blessed with fleet horses, that would carry
us over smooth roads, to our trading place, in a short
time; but three and sometimes four hours were consumed in travelling the distance each way. Then as
soon as I was ready to start, first one and then another
of my sable friends would appear with a request for me
to procure this or that necessary for them, such as a
pound of sugar, a quart of molasses, or a spool of
thread. Often I was so overrun with these applications,
that a half-hour would be consumed in receiving the
numerous messages, when I was already three-fourths
of an hour later than my usual time, on account of
some neglect in feeding or harnessing the mules; and
every moment was precious, owing to the precarious
nature of the roads, rendering it desirable that I should
reach home if possible before dark, an end but seldom
attained, however.
It would have been "taking thought for the morrow," in their estimation, to have entrusted me with
their little errands on the previous day; but they nearly
all waited until I was ready t drive out of the yard,
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
and then followed me up, until I was nearly out of sight
of " the quarters."  One of the chief things desired
was tobacco, which is the never-failing solace of the
colored man, in all his trials.  Next were soap, soda,
needles, thread, homespun, shoes, &c., &c. A very
desirable step would be to open a small store on our
place, where these little wants of the hands could be
easily supplied. As it was, much of my time was consumed in making these purchases, and in delivering
them to their pleased recipients, on my return.
The hands were paid one half of their wages, at the
end of each month, and it was no uncommon thing, in
spite of all my endeavors to prevent it, for them to take
up their wages for two or three months in advance.  If
there were only fifty cents due them, on pay day, they
were quite pleased. As has been said, we seldom
reached home until after dark, very frequently not before
nine o'clock, and sometimes not until much later. Once
we broke down in the middle of one of the terrific hills
we had to descend, and my wife and I remained two
hours on the hill, waiting for the arrival of help for
which we had sent, and twelve o'clock at night saw us
still on the road. Sometimes, owing to the unusually
muddy condition of the roads, we took another and a
leveller route, which  increased  the  distance several
miles, but we were more than compensated by the fine
condition of the roads on that route. This road led us
by the U. S. Arsenal on the "Sand-hill," and through
the "piney woods " region, a belt of land extending
through the State of Geoigia, celebrated for the extreme
salubrity of its climate and exemption from that scourge
of the South and West, malarial fever. This region
abounded in sand, but in wet weather the roads were
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AND THE REBELS. 
excellent. There was one serious drawback about the
road, and that was the multitudinous cross-roads that
met us, every mile or two, and rendered it almost impossible for us always to choose the right one, except on
very bright moonlight nights. Quite a number of times
we were forced to pass a large portion of the night in
wandering through these "piney woods;" but perseverance usually brought us to our home, by two or three
o'clock in the morning, at least. I used to think of our
defenceless condition, while lost in these woods, and
would say to myself, "If the rebels only knew that we
were here, in this condition, would it not be rare sport
for them to try their skill as marksmen, with our carriage
as a target?"  But He who shut the mouths of Daniel's
lions, placed His benevolent hand over the eyes of these
our enemies, so that they did not see us, and we were
never molested.
Our mules were not of the fleetest kind, and having
been wvell worked during the week, it was no small
undertaking, to force them into a brisk trot. It exhausted the whole power of whipping, twitching the
reins, and of two or three human voices, to prevail upon
them to mend thoeir pace; and when all these resorts
failed, a boy would sometimes alight and run by the
side of the mules, and whip them as we went. This
seemed rather cruel, and contrary to the humane teachin,gs of that little "heavenly monitor," "Our Dumb
Animals;" but it had to be done, or Augusta merchants
would have been late in the day ill supplying our wants;
and perhaps daylight of the succeeding day would have
found us still on the road.
About one and a half miles of the ordinary route was
through deep sand, and no power on earth could possibly
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
force the mules out of a walk, in travelling that portion
of the road. Oftentimes, we met upon the road men
who looked as if they wanted to shoot us; but we were
never attacked, although others residing on the place,
once were. We always carried a loaded revolver, and
sometimes two of them; and oftentimes involuntarily
grasped our weapon as we met the ferocious gaze of some
hater of Uncle Sam's domination. Quite a number of
these polite gentry would refuse to return the bow we
made them, on meeting them, and some would look as if
nothing would more intensely gratify them, than the
privilege of shooting us through. It certainly seems to
me that Almighty God must have sent his angels to
watch over me, or I should have been murdered, while
passing over these lonely roads, at such unseasonable
hours. Going to and returning from Augusta occupied
so much of our time, in previous preparations, and in
resting afterwards, that we lessened the frequency of
our visits, and afterwards went to town only once in
two weeks.
Augusta contains about 15,000 inhabitants, one half
of whom are colored, and of the remainder a large portion are of foreign origin, and many of them Germans.
It is a neat looking city, and contains many objects of
interest to the stranger, among which are one of the
most beautiful cemeteries anywhere to be foumd, luxuriant in flowers and shrubbery; the U. S. arsenal on
"Sand hill," an elevation two miles out of Augusta, besprinkled with handsome residences, the abodes of some
of the aristocracy; and the Confederate magazine, one
and a half miles from Augusta, in another direction.
The arsenal and magazine of course are now U. S.
property, as the former always was. Over it constantly
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AND THE REBELS.
waves the U. S. flag. The churches in Augusta are
numerous, and many of them  quite handsome,  and
beautifully situated in the midst of groves of majestic
trees, and sometimes surrounded with pretty little parkls.
The Court House is a handsome structure, prettily
situated, and the jail and hospital occupy prominent
positions.
A deep canal runs through a portion of the city, supplying a large cotton factory, and several large flouring
mIills with water in abundance; and when it is enlarged,
as is now proposed, a vast amount of water power will
be furnished to the city. The cotton factory is managed
discreetly by Northern agents, or was at one time, if not
to-day; and makes a larger dividend than is common  at
the North. The streets of Augusta are wide, cleanly,
and arranged at right angles with each other, and bountifully supplied with trees. Broad street, the principal
business street, is very wide, and on it are four large
hotels, well-conducted and elegant; at any one of which
the rankest republicans from the North can find good
accommodation, and gentlemanly treatment.
The stores of Augusta are numerous - capacious, and
well-filled with all kinds of desirable merchandise; often
at very low rates, and never at prices very much exceeding Northern ones, quite different ill this respect
from Western stores. The merchants are polite and
accommodating, and never hesitate to sell goods for
cash, to the most rabid of Northern radicals, the bitterest
Southern rebel, and the most ignorant negro.
I can truly say, that I was never more politely treated
by any mercantile community, than I have been by
Augusta merchants. I should say that they exceed in
an urbane spirit and an accommodating disposition, great
129 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
numbers of Northern merchants. Without aiming at
personality, I cannot refrain from testifying to the uniform politeness, accommodating spirit, and perfect
honesty of one firm; with whom I have done the most
of my trading in the grocery line, since my sojourn
here; and that is the well-known firm of O'Dowd &
Mulhlerin, near the Planters' hotel. Northern people,
who may have occasion to trade in Augusta, cannot do
better than to bestow their pratronage upon this eminently deserving firm. Other firms are also well worthy
of their patronage, but I speak of this one because I
have received unlimited favors at their hands, and wish
to show my gratitude to them in return.
There are several banks in Augusta, one of which is
the Freedman's Savings Bank; which is well patronized
by the colored people and Northern residents, and under
the indefatigable efforts of its present able and worthy
cashier, D. A. Ritter, Esq., is fast assuming a high rank
among similar institutions. These banks have been the
means of great good to the colored people; having induced them to practise economy, and save their earnings
to such a degree, that under their influence, great numbers of the freedmen have become the owners of houses
and small farms. This bank occupies a large and handsome building in a prominent position on Broad street,
which building was formerly owned by a Southern
bank. So far as I call learn, this is one of the few
Northern institutions, that has failed to awaken the
prejudices of the Southern people.
The colored people in Augusta own four or five
churches, principally of the Baptist order; and on Sundays these churches are well-filled with intelligent and
well-dressed hearers. One of these churches was bril                        o
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AND THE REBELS.
liantly lighted with gas, has a nice pulpit, with hand some cushions and a gallery on three sides; and will
hold seven or eight hundred persons. Several of these
churches were used for schools, and are hung around
with maps, large mottoes, and supplied with other
school appurtenances.
I am well acquainted with the pastors of two of these
churches, the " Springfield" and "Central; " and am
glad to be able to bear witness to the truly Christian
character and eminently apostolic zeal of both of them.
The Northern Methodist church has also a flourishing
society under the charge of Rev. Mr. Rogers, a white
clergyman from Mass.; whose self-denying labors among
the blacks cannot fail to produce remarkable results,
seconded as they are by the enlightened counsels of the
energetic presiding elder of the district, Rev. Mr. Spillman. Other distinguished Northern clergymen who
have labored for a season in Augusta, have been called
to different fields, in the great vineyard of the Lord.
For several years there were eight or ten schools for
the freedmen in Augusta, under the direction of the
Am. Missionary Association; whose labors for the freedmen throughout the South, are deserving of the highest
commendation, not only on account of the good resulting to the blacks directly, but also to the whole country,
by fitting these emancipated ones for the discharge of
the new duties devolving upon them.
The teachers in Augusta, employed by this association,
w ere ill th      e      main, self-denying, talented, and  accomplis    hed, and eminently fitted for their labors, which were
laborious i the extreme. So great was the desire for
instruction on the part of the blacks, that these teachers
were    often compelled to resume their task in the even                           o
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THE BI-kCK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ing, after the labors of the day were over; a practice
that I would by no means recommend other teachers
among the freedmen to adopt; for the simple reason that
no teacher can long pursue it, and retain a tolerable
degree of health.
To labor among those thus anxious to learn, is far
pleasanter than to attempt to teach those who' are not
sufficiently advanced to appreciate the benefits of education, as is apt to be the case on the plantations: but
when this indifference exists, the necessity for education
is still greater than where a readiness to learn is manifested. The intelligence of the blacks in Augusta is so
far beyond that of the plantation blacks, that one would
hardly suppose that they belonged to the same race of
beings.
I am sorry to be obliged to add, that these teachers
received but very little sympathy from the native white
inhabitants of the place. I am credibly informed that
hardly an instance has occurred, of the Southern white
ladies visiting them.  I saw one respectable Southern
lady, who was about leaving for the North, because her
friends had all abandoned her, for the simple reason that
she had rented part of her house to the lady teachers,
and boarded with them for her pay. One lady informed
me that in passing through the street one day, she was
actually spit upon by a gentleman who met her; but I
think this is the only instance of the kind that has ever
occurred.
Several of the schools, however during this summer,
(1866,) were interfered with, by the throwing of rocks
into the windows, and among the pupils, and the protection of Gen. Tillson had to be sought in several
instances,  The Southernpeople look with an evil eye
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AND THE REBELS.
upon all Northern efforts to enlighten the blacks. Their
religion fails to inculcate the grand principles of benevolence that distinguished the life of the great founder of
Christianity, and are copied by all of his true followers.
The Southern religion seems to lack this great essential of Christianity, or its advocates would not fail to
commend the heroic labors of those Northern teachers,
who submit to this social ostracism, for the sake of doing
good to a despised race. But these teachers have their
reward, in the satisfaction of contributing much towards
rolling back the mighty waves of ignorance and consequent crime, that threatened to overwhelm our Nation,
by the emancipation of the slaves.  It will not be many
years, before all intelligent Southerners will bless those
who have thus endeavored to remove from their midst
these heavy burdens of crime and woe.
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CHAPTER XIV.
THE AUTHORS' SICKNESS, AND ANLMADVERSIONS OF
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
On first arriving at our house, we discovered that
from eighty to a hundred panes of glass had been
broken from the windows, by the slamming of unfastened blinds.  My friend and I at length concluded
to commence the work of repairing the windows, and I
accordingly procured the materials, and we applied ourselves to the task in earnest. The old putty was impervious to the attack of the glazier's knife, and it
proved an almost herculean undertaking; but at the
end of two weeks in August, we had the satisfaction of
seeing the job completed. The sash in many instances
were too small for the glass, and an immense amount of
cutting and trimming became necessary. All this labor,
during those hot days, produced a severe headache on
my part, which was heightened about the same time by
a reception of a letter from a friend in Colorado, informing me that the enemies of the Union in his vicinity had
sent South a number of papers, containing a letter of
mine on the disloyalty, and other crimes of the Southern
people. I was aware that I had stated only the exact
truth, but knowing that our Southern friends did not
always relish having the, whole truth told respecting
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AND THE REBELS.
them, I did not know what might be the consequences
of my animadversions of them.
On the following Sunday, I rode fifteen miles in the
hot sun to Mr. Shermans' place, and conducted the ex ercises of a Sunday school and religious meeting, which
lasted several hours, and then sat up quite late at night,
conversing with the family. The consequence was, that
I slept but little during the night, being troubled with
visions of rebel crowds, coming to our retreat to attack
mie; and I arose in the morning devoid of all appetite
for my breakfast. Anxious, however, to return home, I
started for Augusta, but on my arrival there, was utterly
unable to proceed any farther. Mr. S. called at the
Freedmen's hospital to ask the physician there, a
personal friend of his, to prescribe for me; but as soon
as he laid his eyes upon rme, he ordered me brought into
the hospital, where I was carried,; more dead than alive,
and hardly able to remonstrate if I had been disposed,
against being carried into such quarters. My physician
afterwards informed me, that I was as pale as a sheet at
this time, and he thought "good for a six weeks run of
fever." But on being laid on a bed in the upper story,
in a large room, entirely distinct from the other occupants of the building, and with a fine breeze blowing
upon me, I began to revive, and by the next day felt.
considerably better. I had every care and attention
bestowed upon me by the kind physicians of the family,
and by the estimable lady, the wife of one of them, who
presided over the afflicted ones confined in that establishment; passing like an angel of mercy from one
room to another, and even rising sometimes at the hour
of midnight to see some of her black proteges. Kind and
loving words, and sympathetic attention are quite as
0
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THE BLACK        OF THE SOUTH,
necessary for the recovery of a patient, as the best of
medicines; and I did not lack either of them, so that
my recovery was rapid.   -
Baths were also given me by the colored attendants,
and every means possible were used to hasten my recovery. Other visitors came to see me, and at the expiration of ten days, I was able to return to my plantation, eleven miles distant. Mr. and Mrs. S. were also very
kind and attentive, bringing me various articles of comfort from their plantation, and altogether I fared much
better than I had any right to expect from my singular
position. I did not know how it would seem to others,
that I was cared for in a freedman's hospital; but I concluded that as I came South to labor for the negro, that
it was fitting I should be thus domiciled with him.
I introduce these incidents of my sickness and confinemenit in this place, for the purpose of testifying to
the noble efforts of our government in behalf of the
freedmen, during the first year or two of their emancipation. Here was a large three-story brick building,
formerly used as some kind of a maniufactory, fitted up
and made comfortable for the freedmen; and physicians,
medicines and board furnished them gratis. The exist
ence of this hospital prevented a vast amount of suffering among the fr-eedmen, who, when they became sick,
had often no place of resort, their meagre wages not
sufficing to  pay the expenses of their sickness and
recovery.
At first, it seemed as if our government could not do
too much for its black wards. Afterwards the government changed its tactics, and to-day it seems to be too
anxious to avoid trouble and expense on their behalf.
Then, in all the exuberance of its gratitude for the part
136
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AND THE REBELS.
the colored people had performed during the war, the
Nation longed to bless this down-trodden race.
To the republican party, under whose auspices all
these beneficial acts were performed, may be addressed
the words of the Apostle to the Ephesian church, "I
have somewhat against thee, because thou hast left thy
first love;" and may the concluding part of the divine
exhortation be heeded by the members of this party,
" Remember therefore, from whence thou art fallen, and
repent and do the first works, or else I will come quickly
and remove the candlestick out of his place, except thou
repent."
I do not assert that the great and glorious Republican
party, under whose auspices we were saved from de struction in Kansas, and by whose act the greatest event
of the nineteenth century took place, is sunken so low,
that the country would be benefited by the exchange
of its domination for that of the' Democratic party,
which has always and forever been the ally and bosom
firiend of Slavery and the slaveholders. Far be it from
me to utter such an insane declaration.
I charge the republican party, not with intentional
wrong, with unusual corruption, but simply with having
"forsaken its first love." Entering into power as the
sworn friend of the black man, it should have continued
its efforts until he was free indeed, and not have left
him at the mercy of his life-long enemies, thinking that
time would assuage their enmity towards him.
But it is not entirely too late for this noble party to
retrieve its lost reputation, and from this time forward
to espouse the cause of the black man so vigorously, as
to eclipse all of its former efforts in his behalf. God
gave that party life and power, that it might do his
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
chosen work  for  the  elevation  of the  black  race.
When it refuses to perform this task any longer, its days
will be numbered, it having been " weighed in the
balance, and found wanting."
In another portion of this work, I shall endeavor to
point out what seems to me the necessary steps for the
republican party to take, in order to accomplish this
beneficent purpose. I can conceive of no reason why
this party having begun so gloriously, and having been
so signally rewarded for its wise labors, should not continue them, until the end is attained, which it has
desired so earnestly.
It seems to me it is the mission of this party, not to
content itself with the emancipation  and enfranchisement of the blacks, but to press forward "toward  the
mark of the prize of its high calling," even the full and
complete deliverance of this despised race, from its
deprivations and persecutions, and the placing it upon
the same pedestal of political rights and pecuniary welfare,  now occupied by other portions of the human
family; and to do this, not because it is the black race,
but because the race belongs to the great family of man,
and the interests of that whole family  must  suffer,
when the right of any of its members  are trampled
under foot.
0
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CHAPTER XV.
MORE SICKNESS AND MORE BLESSING.
Hardly had I sufficiently recovered from my sickness,
to be able to attend to my numerous duties, when after
a severe day's labor in painting portions of my house, I
was seized in the night with severe pains, and soon
found myself in a burning fever. I was entirely alone
in the house, my friend having gone to Mr. Sherman's,
to superintend his hands; he and his family being sorely
afflicted with that great Southern epidemic, the chills
and fever.  I was not able to arouse any one, and I lay
ill that condition until one o'clock of the succeeding
day; and how much longer I might have been left thus
to lie, I know not, "if Yellow Bob " had not needed
some tobacco.
Margaret had called in the morning to ask about the
breakfast, but seeing nothing of me, she was waiting for.
me to come to her, before she stirred in the matter of
cooking.  As soon as it was kniown in the quarters,
however, that I was sick, the hands begaii to pour in,
and I did not lack attendants any more that day. After
a day or two, I was moved down stairs and placed on a
lounge ill the dining-room, and here I lay, day after day,
subject to the tender mercies of my dark colored friends,
in the way of companions and food.   "Aunt Pheny,"
who was  "a I)practisillg physician,"  and  who  might
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
often have been seen on the road with an umbrella
to shelter her from the rays of the sun, once paid me a
visit, and volunteered her services as nurse and physician.
I gladly accepted them, and asked her to make up my
bed, which request she endeavored to comply with; but
she began at the wrong end of everything, putting both
of the sheets at the bottom of the bed, and arranging
one of the blankets for me to lie upon, and another to
cover me up with. I looked on for awhile in wonder,
and then gave her leave to desist from the difficult task,
and weak as I was, managed to complete it myself. I
suppose it was the first time in her life she had seen
sheets upon a bed, and was ignorant of the mainner in
which they were to be used.
It was now.the last of October, and quite  chilly
weather;  and one night Margaret left me alone for
several hours, while she was delivering a terrific homily
to some one, on the subject of lying.  At length she
concluded that moral teaching would not atone for her
lack of faithfulness to the sick, and some time after
dark, she came in to see if I wanted anything.
"Miargaret," said I, as she entered, "do you intend taking care of me or not?  I would like to know, so as to
get some one else, if you are too busy."
0 yas, to be sure, I'se yer nuss, but dem niggers.out
dar done called me a liar, and I'se no gwine to
stand dat;" and so saying, she swung  herself around
with all the air of a nioble martyr, suffering unrighteously at the hands of the vwicked.
I told her I did not see why she should leave me to
suffer, because others had called her a liar.  " Dem ar
I)lacks," said shie, " is so oiful provolkiig, dey's no matii lieis at all, to call mle, wl1iqain de cook, a liar.  ILe'me,ni
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AND THE REBELS.
catch'em at dat agin, and I'll kill em," said she, bring out the latter words with terrific earnestness, indicating
that she meant what she said.
Thus had Marg,aret left me in the cold and dark, and
threatened with a chill, for nearly two hours, while she
was engaged in vindicating her character.  Perhaps not
a solitary instance of a person transgressing one law, to
prove himself innocent of violating another.
She at length issued her mandate, that from that
time forward her slanderers should be poisoned. The
reader may not comprehend the meaning here of this
term, and I will therefore explain. One day, some time
previous to my sickness, I was called upon to visit
Lizzie Freeman, a smart young married woman, who
had evidently, as some one's house servant, seen better
days than those she was now  experiencing, as a field
hand.  She was lying very low, and apparently had not
long to live. She lay in a kind of stupor, refusing all
nourishment, and hardly noticing any one.  As soon as
I spoke to her, however, she feebly stretched out her
hand, and smiled faintly at me.  "I am sorry to see you
so badly off, Lizzie," said I; "what is the matter with
you?" Turning over in the bed, and uttering a dismal
groan, she  said, "0, matter  enough,  Mr. Stearns;
MIargaret has poisoned me."  And she began to shed
tears profusely, as she thought of her almost helpless
condition, and at length she sank down into her bed,
seemingly unable to uitter another word.  "Poisoned
you? " said I, "what has she done that -for?"  Lizzie
aroused herself again sufficiently to reply, " 0, she said
if I ever came into the yard again, she would poison me;
and I went there, and she's done done it, and I must
die." 
.
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THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
I assured Lizzie that poison could be removed from
her stomach, and that she was not necessarily obliged to
die.  "0, it aint that kind of poison," she gasped;
it's worse than that." I asked her explanation, and at
length she managed to tell me, that Margaret had
poisoned her by. throwing a stick down in the yard, and
she had walked over it, and that was the way Margaret
poisoned her victims.
Of course I laughed heartily at this delusion, but the
overseer said they all believed it, and I could not convince them of the contrary. He said Margaret was
supposed to be in league with the devil, and had power
to kill any one secretly, who walked over her enchanted
stick.
It took days. to reason the notion out of Lizzie's head,
but after a while she began to believe what I said, and
she concluded to take the Dr.'s medicine, and to eat
something; and at length she fully recovered, and lives
to-day a monument of reason's power over superstition.
But she was not perfectly satisfied that Margaret had
not done something to her, until I had written to my
wife, and received her opinion on the subject.
It was in this way that Margaret enforced her power
over her enemies. It was not every one who was thus
favored by the evil one. It was only here and there
that his Satanic majesty thus highly favored his liege
subjects.  But the case of the enchanted ones was not
perfectly hopeless. On nearly every plantatiQn, there
was some one who could conquer Satan; and for a sum
of money, his services could be secured in removing the
effects of this awful poisoning. This person derives
great benefit in a pecuniary point of view, from his
remarkable healing power, as the poor blacks will give
all they possess, to he saved from dying.
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But to return to my sick-room. After this threat
Margaret's character was not so often traduced, and
she was able to take better care of her patient.  A few
extracts from my diary at that time, will show how I
relished her peculiar way of taking care of sick people.
Oct. 29.  Sick to-day, but a little easier.  Black
nurses execrable. Can't understand anything."
"Oct. 30.  Did not dare to take medicine, for there
was no one to take care of me.  Did I not wish for my
wife to nurse me? Dismal times."
" Oct 31.  Almost every night lie awake.  Terrible
headache. Out of all patience with the blacks. Horrible nurses. Can't understand anything. Poor creatures, they know no better. Slavery has crushed them
clear down to nothing. Must have charity for them."
"Nov. 2.  If I had a good nurse I think I should
get well in a few days. Wretched condition to be in.
No one to see, or to do anything for you, but ignorant,
stupid blacks."
"Nov. 3.  Woke  up crying because I had dreamed
my mother was here, and found she was not. Horrible
excitement of brain. It is so tedious not sleeping."
"Nov. 4. Composed in my mind some letters and
sermons, and felt very happy in dwelling upon the love
of God. How fortunate to have one with you all the'
time, whom you can love when earthly friends are
away."
But I- was not doomed to remain long in this condition. About ten days from this time, my wife and
dear little Bell came to comfort and console me, and it
seemed like living again.  It is such a relief to behold
once more the faces of loved friends, after such a solitary
life as I had been leading.    I
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THE DLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
Etta decided at once to have nothing more to do with
Margaret, and she exchanged her for Susan, who was
somewhat afraid to brave Margaret's wrath, by stepping
into her shoes; but finally concluded to do so, and Margaret was dismissed.
Susan was directly the opposite of Margaret, in every
particular. She was kind and obliging, and never refused to do the least thing when  asked; although she
was troubled with a poor memory, the universal failing
of the blacks.
Etta brought with her numerous articles of food and
for household use, and we obegan to live like "white folks"
again. We had a bountiful supply of Irish potatoes and
apples from the North, and a large cooking stove to cook
them with.  This was placed in the "big house," and
there was no more screaming for the cook at the top of
your voice, while the cook was nowhere to be found,
but was busily engaged elsewhere, in defending her
character, or in poisoning her enemies.
This stove was gazed upon with astonishment by the
black people. Every one had to come in and take a
look at the wonderful object; and Susan's dignity was
greatly enhanced by being installed as the presiding
genius of this new institution. It was long, however,
before she could "get the hang" of the strange affair,
as she said, and Etta's patience was severely tasked in
initiating her into its mysteries.
O
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CHAPTER XVI.
MR. SHERMAN' S TROUBLES WITH HIS LANDLORD.
Not many days after I was thus blessed, Mr. Sherman
came to our house, and related a sad tale of his treatment at the hands of his landlord, a wealthy citizen of
Augusta, and a cordial hater of the black race. My indignation was greatly aroused, and although not yet
recovered from an attack of the chills and fever, I had
on the day of Etta's return, I considered it my duty to
go to his assistance, and if possible to rescue him from
his pitiable condition.
But I cannot better describe the whole affair, than by
copying extracts from a letter I wrote shortly after, to a
distinguished Northern politician, detailing the whole
affair. I afterwards saw this same gentleman, and on
alluding to this matter as a legal outrage, he replied,
"the South is full of legal outrages on the black man."
Would that his wanting voice had then been heeded,
and his plan adopted, for preserving order at the South.
Years of anguish to the loyal people, and vast sums of
money to the government would have thus been saved.
But to my extracts.
"I have just passed through a scathing fire, out of
which I trust I have come without serious injury; though
not without the smuell of fire 4pon my garments. It
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
seems to me as if I had just awakened from some
hideous dream; and just escaped from the terrible
pressure of some severe nightmare. I am sure I would'
not repeat the experience of the last few days, for quite
a sum of money.
On Friday last, in company with my wife and little
girl, I passed through town, and proceeded to Mr. S.'s
residence. On my arrival there, I learned that Mr. S.
had been indeed in the very jaws of the lion, but had
escaped alive. It seems that in an unguarded moment,
trusting to proof that he had in his possession, he had
signed an agreement to pay his landlord at a future
time about a certain amount of corn; in return for some
he had borrowed from him, which had not been measured.
Without giving his tenant an opportunity to obtain this
corn from his fields, he having been sick with the
typhoid fever for some time; the landlord pounced upon
him, and demanded the whole amount, leaving out the
word about or construing it into much more, rather than
less than the amount specified. The sick man demurred
at paying more than the exact amount received of his
landlord; offering to go with him and measure the bin
where the cotton had been kept, and also the wagon in
which it had been hauled; but' no,' said the inexorable man,' I will have such a number of bushels;'
naming some two hundred more than Mr. S. felt sure he
owed him; which was worth one dollar and a half a
bushel. Every one who knew anything of the circumstance, advised him not to pay the extravagant demand.
Suddenly, at about dark, a few nights afterwards, the
Sheriff appeared at Mr. S.'s house, and after attaching
everything he could lay his hands upon, amounting to
miuch more than the claim of the landlord, he arrested
MIr. S., and took him to town, five miles distant, in
spite of the tears and entreaties of his wife, who was
confined to her bed with sickness. It was considerably
after dark when they reached town, and difficult to find.
business men; but the Sheriff politely informed him
that he must lie in jail that night, unless he could give
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AND THE REBELS.
1)onds for his appearance at court, the next April; and
this, after the debt had been amply secured by the
property attached, thus rendering his appearance at
court entirely unnecessary.  Mr. S. stated to me that he
had taken an active part in instructing the blacks on his
place, and had often beel severely blamed by his land lord, for so doing. The landlord could not conceal his
hatred of the Yankees, and frequently said he would
"never step inside of a Yankee's house," and never did
go inside of MAr. S.'s house, always remaining outside,
when he came to do business with himn.
At this time, the paramount desire of both landlord
and Sheriff seemed to be to get Mr. S. into jail; but the
Sheriff at length gave him permission to go and see a
few Northern  friends, who secured  the namie of a
wealthy colored man as his bondsman, the Sheriff in the
mean while advising the colored man not to sign the
bond.
The Sheriff refused to take any of the Northern men
as bondsmen, alleging their insufficiency of property.
Notwithstanding the law exempts from attachment a
horse and a cow, the Sheriff attached them also, obliging
Mr. S. to return home on foot, sick as he was, at twelve
o'clock at night.
You may imagine my feelings, and those of my wife,
as he told us this story; and as we looked on the careworn features of his wife, now almost reduced to a
shadow by the sickness of her husband, and the unremitting persecution he had endured, we felt exasperated
enough, and Etta almost boiled over with indig(nation.
I tell you, it is difficult preserving one's Christian
equanimity, under such circumstances.
But this was not all. I told my frieniid I would- go to
town with him the next day, and see if we could not
replevin his property. But before that could be accomplished, the Sheriff appeared again and re-arrested Mr.
S., on another charge. The poor man was thunderstruck, and had no idea what was coming now, and
feebly asked what it all meant. " Thile cotton, man;
0
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
have you forgotten the cotton? " exultingly exclaimed
the Sheriff. "W What cotton? " tremblingly asked Mr.
S.  "Why the ten bales of cotton you owe for the rent
of the land," the Sheriff replied, triumphantly. "I do
not owe it, sir," replied Mr. S., with what little strength
he had remaining. "Well, you will owe him by-andby, won't you?" asked the Sheriff.  "Not under a
month, and the payment is well secured by another
man's signature," replied Mr. S.
"Never mind that," responded the Sheriff, " we don't
go by Yankee law here, thank God."  Andl you ought
to have seen the air of triumph with which he uttered
these words. It seemed to me as if I could almost look
over his shoulder, and see the shadow of Andrew Johnson standing by, and smiling with grim satisfaction, at
this embodiment of "my policy."
Here we were, surrounded with rebels, and what
could be done?  If a territorial government like that
you have advocated, had been ill operation, its officers
would have been loyal, and this outrage would not have
occurred. But there was no power or officer, except
rebels, to whom we could apply, and of course we could
not expect much mercy from them.  It was three o'clock
P. IM., and something must be done before night.  With
the assistance of several Northern men, I tried to Dor —
row this money for Mr. S., but unsuccessful in that, I
saw that my friend must either lie in jail that night, and
his poor wife be brought to death's door, or I must pay
the debt myself.
This I could ill afford to do, for I knew that I should
need all of my means, to pay my own debts; but friendship  triumphed  over  self-intere.t, and  after  urgent
solicitation, I prevailed on my cotton-factors to deliver
to me an amount of cotton I had left with them on sale,
they being very loth to do it, as it deprived them of
their commission for selling, amounting to twenty-five or
thirty dollars.  But their benevolence finally prevailed
over their interest, and I returned in triumph to our
persecutors, with an order for seven bales of cotton, it
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AND THE REBELS.
being all I had in town, to be delivered to the unjust
landlord, the next morning.
Vt first, these wicked men peremptorily refused to
settle, unless they could have the whole ten bales that
night, and said Mr. S. should lie in jail, unless it was all
produced.  Here was a new dilemmna.  It was now dark,
and the stores were many of them closed.  But in com pany with two Northern men, I started again in pursuit
of the remaining amount. WVe were unsuccessful, and
returned in two hours, with heavy hearts.  But the
counsel for Mr. S., who, although a strong Southerner,
had worked well for his client, in spite of his being a
Yankee, at length prevailed upon the opposing counsel
to wait until morning for the sum still due, and we returned in triumph to Mr. S.'s home.  This was on a
Northern Thanksgiving  day, and  we found  a good
turkey dinner in readiness for us on our return, Mr. S.
having saved his turkies from the general wreck.  This
Thanksgiving dinner was devoured with as keen a relish,
and as thankful hearts, as often characterizes the eating
of such dinners.
The next morning we returned to town, and succeeded
in borrowing the requisite amount, and the whole debt
of thirteen hundred and fifty dollars was paid by myself.
The colored men were of great service in this case.
Not only did the one first alluded to, save my friend
from going to jail, but at the request of a Northern man,
in whom they had confidence, several others came forward and signed the replevin bond; thus enabling Mr,
S. to obtain possession of his property and his farming
operations  without farther molestation.   They  thus
showed themselves capable of gratitude towards their
friends."
I have introduced this lengthy narrative to show in
the first place the animus of the Southerners tnwards the
Yankees; and secondly, the readiness of the intelligent
colored people to do all in their power to protect the lat
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ter. This step on my part, rendered it necessary for me
to undertake a journey to the North, in the middle of the
winter, to obtain the means to replace in part the sum I
had used to protect Mr. S., which I obtained from funds
I had in Colorado; but I was ol)liged to hire in Boston, at
a high rate of interest, a sum sufficient to liquidate the
debt incurred the next morning, after our arrangement
of the principal portion of the debt. The whole expense of this journey, including interest I had to pay,
and telegrams to Colorado, added to what I had( already
paid, made a total of fifteen hundred dollars wrung
from me by the treachery of others.
This step resulted in a series of privations to my own
family, that was wholly unanticipated. As some of my
friends may blame me, for what may seem to them a
rash act on my part, I will state that in an unfortunate
hour I had signed my name as security for the payment
of the thirteen hundred and fifty dollars; and if I had not
paid it as I did, I should have been obliged to pay it some
months later, and I thought I might as well pay it then,
and save my friend from all the suffering consequent
upon my refusal; little dreaming that I should never
receive it back from him. He sacredly promised to give
me every bale of cotton raised on his place, if necessary,
to liquidate the debt; but I never received a single bale.
The season proved a very unfortunate one for both
Mr. S. and myself, an early frost destroying the cotton
everywhere. His whole crop amounted to only nine
bales, all of which was consumed in paying his hands;
and mine amounted to only eleven bales. No one could
tell the deep disappointment this failure of my crop caused
me, as I had relied on the crop to pay the mortgage
given on my farm at tl-  time of its purchase.  My
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0 
AND THE REBELS.
whole crop fell short forty-sevenl hundred dollars of the
amount we had hoped to obtain, and it left me one
thousand dollars behind, in paying the expenses of carry ing on the farm. It seemed that the first cotton seed
planted was several years old, and failed to come up,
rendering it necessary to replant the whole; and this
second planting was not accomplished early enough to
allow the cotton to mature previous to the early frosts.
When I purchased the place, everything looked flourishing, and I was not informed of the fact of the second
planting until long afterwards.
It was a melancholy sight to walk through the cotton
fields, and see the stalks covered with immature bolls;
not more than one fourth of the whole number of bolls
having become perfected.
What the result of this failure of my crop would be
in reference to the payment of the mnorttgyae, I could
not tell; but on stating the case to Mr. Dozier, the gentleman holding it, he very graciously extended the time
for payment to another year. Mr. Prince took occasion
before he left, to assure me that the cause of the failure
of our crops, had been "my spending so much time with
the blacks in teaching them to read, and their heads
were so full of books that they could not work." I
rather wondered that he had not mentioned this.to me'
before, in season to save a portion of my crop. But
having full confidence ill the all wise power that governs
the world, I bowed in humble submission before his
chastening rod; feeling fully assured that although
"He works in a mysterious way
His wonders to perform,"
yet "all things work togethq for good to them that
0
151
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[THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
love him;" and although ignorant to-day of the reason
of all of our afflictions, to morrow's rising sun shall
dispel the dark clouds surrounding us, and show us in
resplendent light, the reasonableness of all of God's
dealing with us; and that "not a sparrow falls to the
ground" without his consent.
"Ye fearfiul saints fresh courage take;
The clouds ye so much dread,
Are big with mercy, and shall break
In blessings on your head."
e
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e
CHAPTER XVII.
A RETROSPECT OF THE PAST YEAR, AND COMMENCEMENT
OF A NEW ONE; WITH EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS
FROMI THE SOUTH.
Thus ended my first year's experience as missionary
and teacher among the freedmen. If its close found me
less enthusiastic in reference to their immediate elevation, it did not find me any less determined to labor
faithfully for the accomplishment of that end. I had
sounded the depths of their degradation, and ascertained
that they were greater than I had previously believed,
1 had met with great pecuniary loss, but this was of small
moment, if my great object in coming here could be promoted. Money, time, efforts, and what little ability I
possessed, were all to be used to promote this end, the
elevation of the blacks, and through them, that of the
entire South. If others looked upon my enterprise as
Quixotic, it mattered not to me. If others failed to see
in these efforts anything but a money-making scheme,
that was still less a concern of mine. It was enough
for me to know that God smiled on my labors, and his
voice was unmistakably heard, bidding me to "go forward."
I felt that I had "labored and prayed and not fainted;"
that I had  devoted myself to the deliverance from
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ignorance and vice, of those who had never before been
blessed with teachings of morality, and intellectual life.
One year could do but little in such a mighty undertaking; nevertheless great numbers had learned to read
fluently. Lessons of industry, neatness, punctuality,
obedience, honesty and benevolence, had been given
them liberally. A multitude of facts had been made
known to their astonished minds; and some intellectual
life, had been developed amrnong, them.
The great principles of the Christian religion, had
been explained to them, in a different way from ever
before. The doctrines of Jesus had been taught those
hitherto almost ignorant of his name.   A  desire to
be pure and holy, had been partially awakened in their
minds; and above all, a yearning after a higher life in
every respect had been created in their souls.  It was
true, the darkness around them could still be felt, but
some rays of divine light from the orb of celestial glory,
had penetrated those dark recesses, and partially scattered
the surrounding gloom. It was my duty to buckle on
the armor for another year's contest with the powers of
darkness; and to gird myself anew for the "irrepressible conflict," still going on between God and the devil,
right and wrong, and light and darkness.
In commencing another year's labor, I needed pecuniary assistance, and Mr. Sherman, having some means at
his - disposal, concluded to unite them with mine, in
another attempt to befriend the poor and needy, and to
" deliver him that is spoiled, out of the hands of the oppressor." The work before us, was somewhat different
from that proposed by others, engaged in labors of love
for the freedmen.
They confined themselva almost exclusively, to the
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AND THE REBELS,
education and mnoral development of the colored race;
we added to these ends, the equally important one, of
finding homes for the  benighted ones, from whence
should diverge rays of pecuniary, moral, intellectual,
social and political light, that should thoroughly illuminate the surrounding darkness. I do not say, that our
plan was wiser than that of others, only that it was more
comprehensive; and perhaps for that very reason may
not have been so wise; as we sometimes err in attempting
to accomplish more than can be thoroughly performed.
Be that as it may, we still believed that a right physical basis lay at the foundation of the colored man's welfare; that education and religion alone could not elevate
him so rapidly, as these combined with efforts to benefit
him physically. Consequently, we had a herculean task
before us. To develop the black man in all of his
habits, and modes of life, is a far greater undertaking
than merely to educate his intellect.
Mr. Sherman was unremitted in his efforts to produce
a change in their industrial habits.   Our plan may
have been termed one to establish a model farm, or selfsupporting industrial school; where all that related to
man's external welfare should be taught and practiced,
as well as those things that concerned his moral and intellectual progress.
But we also found the black man the victim of the
white man's hate, and as such he needed our protection.
We  saw a mighty struggle going on between the supremacy of the U. S. Government, and that of those who
had sought its overthrow.  We found that the spirit of the
rebellion, still flourished in the hearts of many of its
former supporters; and that without strenuous measures
on the part of the government the great objects of the
155 
THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH,
war would fail of accomplishment. The black man was
looked upon as the cause of the defeat of the so-called
Confederacy, and as such, was most cordially hated.
Of course, those who espoused his cause, were deserving
of a like fate with him. I have already detailed the
attempts made  to break uip our Sunday school, but I
have not stated that even if we had not taught such a
school, our very presence here, as a friend to the Union,
was enough to bring upon us the maledictions of all the
disloyalists around. This then, was another portion of
our task; to defend our government against the unjust
aspersions of its enemies, and to defend its allies,
whether white or black.
At this stage of my narrative, may I be pardoned for
saying, that our lives were safe, just in proportion to the
stringency of the government measures for our protection? Whenever the government wavered, and under
the lead of that traitor, Andrew Johnson, attempted to
re-instate the rebels in their former places, then did we
tremble from fear; but when military rule was declared,
we felt relieved from a heavy burden, and as if we could
breathe freely. It was not the severity of the Reconstruction measures, that afterwards endangered us, but
their lack of severity. Let this fact be well weighed by
our Northern friends.
We had not been many months underway in the
second year of our enterprise, when we began to reap
the benefit of those so-called severe measures. The
change was like that from darkness to light, and during
the whole of the ensuing summer, life and property
were nearly as safe as any where at the North. It was
really amazing to witness the marked change in the temper and disposition of thee around. Smiles and bows
156
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AND THE REBELS.
met us, instead of frowns and averted faces; and if the
glorious military rule of those days could have been
continued, according to the programme of the more
radical republicans, high-heaven would not now be
bending in sorrow t)ver the accumulation of the woes,
of the Union men at the South.*
But in an evil hour, our party took counsel of its
enemies, and abated the stringency of its measures, and
our enemies at the South began to prepare anew for their
work of persecution. As an inhabitant of the South, I
may be permitted again to express my conviction, that,
"Reconstruction" has been a failure, not because of its undue severity, but because it stopped mid-way in its benign
work, and left us, with one foot in the mud of proslavery hate, and. the other struggling to find a firm
foundation elsewhere- a most miserable condition of
uncertainty.
The true policy should have been not to have readmitted a single State, without the most ample guarantees for future good behavior, with the condition of
immediately remanding each State back to a territorial or
provincial government, if the guarantees were not fulfilled. If Georgia failed to allow the black man tile
fullest liberty in voting as he pleased, then Georgia
should have been walked out of the Union, as fast as it
was trying to walk in to that loyal enclosure. And
when Tennessee failed to carry out its positive promises,
it should have been previously understood, that Tennessee was no longer a member of the Union.  These
States had severed the Union of their own accord. Its
* The above passage was written before the enforcement of the Ku Klux bill.
Since the rigid enforcement of that benevolent and judicious act, comparative
"order reigns in Warsaw," at least as fatas I am acquainted at the South.
e
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
priceless advantages should not have been at the beck
and call of those who had so long scouted them, and
gloried in their acts, but should have been accorded to
humble supplicants only, and to those no longer than
they remained humble and submissive.
"Show pity Lord. O Lord forgive;
Let a repenting rebel live."
So it should have been with our government, and the
Southern rebels. When they had thoroughly repented,
they should have been received back into the Union,
and should have remained there no longer than they
showed their repentance was not to be repented of, but
one that brought forth "fruits meet for repentance."
I hope I may. be pardoned for thus expressing myself
freely in this matter. This narrative would be incomplete, without alluding to the great barrier in the way
of the development of the freedmen, afforded by the
want of protection on the part of the U. S. Government, against their enemies. As an evidence of my
feelings at this time, I will present the reader with some
extracts from letters, written to Northern friends, during the first year of my Southern residence, premising
that all that time, and during much of the time afterwards, excessive caution was necessary, in thus pronmulgating my views at the North; and that oftentimes,
those letters appeared from some person living at the
North, as having been received by him, from a Southern
friend, without alluding to the part of the South where
that friend resided. With the exception of the times
when our good Uncle Samuel extended over  us the
shadow of his protecting wing, it would have been
extremely unsafe for us to.ave written a true statement
of affairs here, and had it published at the North.
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AND THE REBELS.
Some of the facts contained in the letters given below, have been alluded to before in this narrative; but I
thought it no harm to publish them, in the language
used at the time of their occurrence, as the reader will
thereby be convinced, that in this narrative, I have
not trusted to my memory alone, for the facts presented
to my readers.
From the Colorado Miner's Journal.
"PLANTATION Hoim, GA., JULY 10, 1866.
As I have many friends in Colorado who wish to
know what I am doing at the South, and what I think
of the country, will you allow me to address them
through the columns of your paper? You may wonder
why I date my letter so indefinitely; I will tell you.  I
am here like Daniel in the lion's den; not that I am
like Daniel exactly, but that the people about here are
considerably like Daniel's lions; that is, they would devour me, if a strong arm did not prevent them. In this
case, it is a terrestial and not a celestial power that protects me, viz: the military power of the government.
For a long time after leaving Colorado, I hesitated about
pitchling my tent in this Sodom, so fearful were the statements continually reaching us, concerning the condition
of Johnson's friends ill the reconstructed South.  But at
last I got tired of waiting for Congress to do something,
and concluded I would run the risk, and go and witness
for myself the state of affairs in that rebellious country.
According,ly, on the last day of April, I left Springfield,
Mass., where I had been residing since my return from
Colorado, and started for the sunny South. I visited
various places before coming here, among which were
Charleston and Savannah, and found there unmistakable
evidences of the need of a restraining hand on the part
of our tincle, towards his wayward children.  I did not
come to the conclusion that it was time to "kill the
fatted calf and make merry vith our friends," on ac
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
count of the repentance of our Southern brethren. On
the contrary, every step I took in this disloyal country,
convinced me of the absolute necessity of making our
would-be converted brethren of the South, pass through
a period of probation, such as sinners in the Methodist
church are very wisely required to pass through, before
being admitted to the full privileges of the church; and
as they are required to remain in the outer courts six
months on trial, so would I have these political sinners
kept outside of the Union for six years at least. Notlhing can be fraught with greater ruin to the nation, than
the present re-admission of these semi-rebel States.
No Northern man, except a miserable doughface, can remain here with safety, without the protection of the
military, and if Congress re-admits the Southerners unconditionally, according to Johnson's plan, the next step
will be the withdrawal of the military from almost the
entire South, and the forced abandonment of the South
by all loyal Yankees. But as facts are far more important than theories, I will proceed to present you with a
few of them. On my arrival at the South, they had begun to lessen their domineering tone a little, in consequence of the passage of the "Civil Rights Bill" over
the veto of the President. They had begun to think
that the power of the President was not omnipotent,
and that they might at last be forced to receive terms
from the hated Radicals, and therefore, were less violent in their denunciations. But that measure not
being followed  by anything radical on  the part of
Congress, and the prospect being that the "milk'and
water" amendments of the reconstruction committee
would be the only thing demanded of them, they have
grown jubilant again, and are as loud-mouthed as ever
in their denunciations of the government and its friends.
But to my facts. On the last fourth of July, not far
from here, the military commander of the post threw
a U. S. flag across the sidewalk.  The streets were
thronged that day, and nearly every lady refused to walk
under the flag, and actualy left the sidewalk and trailed
.160
0 
AND THE REBELS.
her robes in the dirty street, until she had passed the
hated emblem, when she resumed the sidewalk. This
was told me by the commander himself, who sat in his
office and watched this sublime movement. But you
may say this was only the spite of the ladies.  But you
must remember that the Southern ladies are not believers in " WVoman's Rights," and would not therefore
have taken this step without the sanction of the male
portion of the community.  Not lono since, in this same
town, the Mayor of the place refused to allow a procession of colored children to decorate the graves of Union
soldiers buried there, because it would be construed into
an insult to the Southern people, and the procession was
obt)liged to abandon the project, or there would have
been a mob. Every Yankee that comes South is called
a d -  d Yankee, and people "wonder what they want
here." The papers publicly urge the people not to sell
their lands to the Yankees, but I am happy to say that
love of money is more powerful than political hate, and
almost every day I am solicited to send to my Northern
friends offers of such and such valuable lands. Yesterday 1 rode over a splendid plantation of two thousand
and seven hundred acres, the owner of which wishes to
sell it, on account of losses sustained by the war. A
few days ago a couple of men, riding by my house,
stopped and enquired of one of my hands, who owned
the place; she told them a Yankee, and one of them immediately said: " God d - d him he ought to be shot."
Said another man a few days ago, to my overseer, at my
gate, "tell that man, God d -him, we are coming td
give him hell one of those nights." Said another man,
and he a near neighbor, whose plantation joins mine,
"God  d- n them d-d  low-born Yankees, we  will
make them smell hell one of these nights." The brother
of this man last December, killed a colored man for trying to prevent him from abusing his sister:
We do not feel safe any of the time when we ride
about the country, or go to town. We carry our revolvers with us, take them toechurch with us, and sleep
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
with them under our pillows, besides keeping a breechloaded rifle all ready for action, any time. Frequently
we are called up in the night, and get our firearms all
ready, supposing the enemy are upon us. This is about
as bad, as it used to be in Kansas in border ruffian times,
and I feel even more insecure, than I did then, for we
have no friends but the blacks, and they are very poorly
airmed. But I am very sure they will not drive me away
alive; if I go, it will be because my dead body is carried
away. What is life to any one without freedom, to do
what you deem to be your duty!  Our offence is that
every Suniday afternoon, I collect my hands together in
the shade of some of the large old trees, that my yard
i,i partly filled with, and instruct them in the alphabet,
and in the first principles of morality and religion, in
all of which they are sadly deficient.   I am assisted
ill this work by Mr. A. H. Parker, for four years a membIer of the first Colorado cavalry. Other hands from the
neighboring plantations come in, so that our Sunday
school now numbers over one hundred pupils, mostly
adults; seventy-five of them have already purchased the
National Primer, and all are anxious to learn.  We feel
amply repaid for all our efforts in their behalf, by their
gratitude, and eager wish to improve themselves. Most
of them spend their two hours' nooning which I give
them, in learning their lessons, and it is a pleasant sight,
I assure you, every noon and every night, to see on the
door step of every negro cabin, a knot of darkies trying
to pry into the mysteries of the spelling book.
But more facts. Said a lady, a few weeks ago, in
addressing a neighbor: " I think it a bt)urning shame for
you to let your house to a Yanklee; it is a grand insult
to every Southern lady." A gentleman living near by,
said lie would never pollute himself so much as to put
his foot inside of the house of a Yankee, and he had
lost $10O0,000 by the war, and then had a Yankee living
on his plantation, but had never been to his house.
Last 4th of July, the colored people marched through
the streets, protected by  he military, but the remark
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AND THE REBELS.
was made afterwards by.the white people, that it auas a
shiame and disgrace to the whole country.  I have not a
doubt that if there had been no military there, this
procession could not have passed through the streets."
July 13th. -Since writilig the above, I have seen
a Southern Union nian, the first native-born Southern
Union man I have seen since I came into the State,
always excepting the blacks. He lives in an adjoining
county, and more than corroborates all that I have writteii above. He gave me a detailed account of the
outrages perpetrated upon the blacks in his neighborhood. A gang of men went from house to house, robbing, the inmates of their money and clothes, and violating' the persons of the women, and no white person,
except himself, had ventured to condemn the outrages,
and his life had been threatened repeatedly for so doing,
so that he was compelled even to go to his work armed.
(One darkey took thie law into his own hands, and shot
one of the ruffians deal, and wounded another, for the
doing of which he was lodged in jail, and finally an attempt was made to hang him by a mob, but no attempt
was made to arrest the white men. He says that the
white men are so angry, that they have lost their slaves,
that they wink at every outrage committed upon them,
and many of their employers utterly refuse to pay themn
their wages, after they have fairly earned themn.  This
manI opposed the war from the onset, and for so doing
was threatened with death. He says they were told at
the commencement of the war, that all they had to do
was just to take a musket, and show it to a Yankee,
and he would be sure to run. It is emphatically a reign
of terror in that county, for the poor black man  and
his friends.  This man told me that he had always been
op)posed to Slavery from a mere boy. These events
occurred just about the time I came into this section of
the country.  The  outrages were finally lulled for a
season, by the arrival of a small military force, the
officers of which threatened to burn the county,
unless the robberies were stopped, and the ruffians then
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a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
left for South Carolina. They all lived in the vicinity
of their crimes, and were  well known to every one,
but no attempt was ever made to punish them.
After such a description of affairs, your readers may
be astonished at my inviting them to come here and
settle; but this is the only way to stop these proceedings
effectually. Every live Yankee who comes and settles
here is a pillar of strength to the few who are here, and
a terror to the haters of the blacks. The poor blacks
seem to crouch under the wings of the Yankees as
chickens gather beneath the wings of the mother hen.
They will work for a Yankee at much less price than
for a "reb," as they term  all the Southerners.  You
can't make them believe anything else, only that the
Yankees are their friends and the Southerners their
enemies. I am overrun with applications for next year,
when the old contracts expire.
No Northern man who is disposed to treat the blacks
like human beings, need have the least fear about ol)taining laborers, although the Southerners complain
much. It tickles the darkies mightily to receive, according to the custom here, at the end of each month,
one half of their wages. They turn it over and their
eyes glisten while they say, "Dat ar is more money dan
I'se ever had afore in my life."
This country must be settled up by Northern people,
in order to develop its resources. The farm I am on has
never been manured(l until a very little this year.  With
a good system of manuring it would produce double
what it has. Large fields of tolerable good land lie
idle, year after year, when they would produce good
crops of cotton by proper cultivation. It is estimated
the increase of the crop would doubly pay the cost of
applying guano. Then the Southern people, never
can manage the blacks as well as Northerners can.
Force is the only law they know anything about, and
it is utterly impossible to succeed with that now without crushing the blacks.
Yours, truly,
C. STEARNS.
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AND THE REBELS.
The next extracts are from an article published by a
Northern friend, giving my statements as written for
private perusal.
SPRINGFIELD, JAN. 21, 1867.
"I am frequently receiving letters from my friends at
the South, containing earnest appeals in their behalf,
and representing their situation there as anything but
pleasant, on account of the spirit and feelings of the
people. Many of these letters contain information of
value to the Northern people, and with your permission
I would like to present a few extracts from them to your
readers, premising that the reason my friends do not
write directly for your and other Northern papers is,
because as they say, it would render their situation more
dangerous than it now is, and they dare not do so. And
is this the fruit of our long and bloody war, that Union
men dare not even'give a bare statement of facts that
are daily transpiring there? Has not our blood and
treasure been wasted for nothing? And what shall we
think of our government, that thus allows the fruits of
the war to be rendered valueless? Cannot the United
States government protect its citizens everywhere in the
exercise of free speech?
Says one of my friends, "We  do not feel safe any
of the time when we ride about the country or go to
town.  At every unusual noise in the night  we start
from our beds and seize our fire-arms, thinking that perhaps the enemy is upon us.  We never see a white man
approaching tile house even in the day time, without an
instinctive feeling of fear, and we are always relieved
when the man approaching proves to be a colored man,
for then we klnow he is a friend. I know not why the
whites should feel so towards me, for I certainly entertain no feeling of ill-will towards them, and would not
hurt a hair of their heads.  MAy religion teaches me to
forgive my enemies, and I would do them all the good in
my power, although they hate me and the blacks terribly.
But yesterday the enigma was solved.  An overseer
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165 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
on another plantation came to see me, and I expressed
to him my surprise at the feeling manifested towards me
by the whites, telling him as I have you, that I wished
them no harm.  " 0," said he, "I can tell you why
they hate you. Are you not in the habit of holding a
Sunday school and teaching the negroes to read."  "0
Tes," said I, " I believe intelligent laborers are more
profitable to hire than ignorant ones, and for that reason,
if for no other, I wish my I)lacks to learn to read." He
laughed heartily, and said,  "Well, I respect you for
what you are doing, but you can't make one of them
siaveholders ever believe that a negro is capable of much
improvement. They always despised hini, and now they
hate him because he is free."  " Well," said 1, why then
are they so mad with me for teaching them, if it will do
no good!"  lHe laughed again and said, "fHow lobg
have you been at the South?"  " Not long," said I.
"I thought so," said he, "or you  would not try to
reconcile the language of the Southerners with itself.
It is true, they are all the time talkingo of the stupidity
of the negroes, and yet only last week a man told me
that if you went onl teaching the niggers they soon would
know as much as they did." I felt inclined to laugh in
my turn now, but reflected that the "birds of the air"
might carry it to the rebels, and I desisted.
The fact is, they greatly fear this teaching of the
negroes. I have heard no other charge brought against
me, only I that I was "a  d - d Yankee,"  and was
teaching the negroes.
The teachers from the North are everywhere insulted
and abused.  No  Southern lady invites them to her
house, and any one who dares to associate with them is
immediately ostracized from the social circle to which
she belonged.
Said a Northern lady to me the other day, "I never
pass through the streets, without being insulted in some
way or other."  She was the wife of a phTysician of a
(,oloredl hospital  I passed a man onI the road the other
ttay, and  bowed to him, as 1 usually do.  Hle bowed in
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0
a
0 
A,ND THE REBELS.
return, and after I had p)assedcl him, I heard him say,
,God d -n  your Yankee phiz."  Even the children
partake more or less of this spirit. A little girl of my
acquaintance was one day wvalking through the street,
and she heard some other little girls behind her talking.
One of them says, " There goes a Yankee girl; well I
am sure I would not speak to her; " and then added,
with a great deal of emphasis, " why, I would not speak
to my own mother, if she was a Yankee woman."
A gentleman of my acquaintance friom the North,
who has been longer here than I have, told me the
other day that "I could not begin to conceive of the
bitter hatred they all felt towards Northerners." WVhy
it should be so I know not, for certainly they have received nothing but leniency at the hands of the North,
and what few Northern men there are here, are certainly
powerless to do them harmn. But a friend who was here
at the close of the war, tells me there is a marked
difference between their conduct now and at the close
of the war. Then they ate liberally of " umble pie,"
but now they seem to have forgotten their humiliation,
and are as proud and restive as ever.  I have no doubt
it is because " sentence  against an evil work is not
executed speedily, therefore the heart of the sons of men
is fully set in them to do evil." If Johnson had not
revived their sunken hopes, I question if their conduct
would have been so bad as it has recently been.  Yea,
more; I verily believe that hlie is responsible for ninetenths of the murders and outrages committed here, for
hlie is everywhere quoted, lauded and praised. No man,
not even Jeff Davis himself, would be treated with
greater respect than Johnson would, if he should come
here; but alas! for Suminner or Thad Stevens: they had
better not set their feet on this " consecrated soil" at
present.
And yet, the Southerners are continually crying out
at the oppression of the North, in not re-admitting them
to the Union. I told a lady the other day, I did not
see why they fretted so much about it, when they fought
16T
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
four years to get out of the Union; that I should think
they might be contented to stay out a little while.
Will you not urge upon all you see the importance of
keeping the South out at present? You can't imagine
how badly we feel, when we read in the papers of the
attempts to admit the South back into the Union. We
tremble, lest it should be so. I do not know what.I
shall do, when that takes place, for then the few soldiers
here will be withdrawn, and we shall be at the mercy
of the Southerners. Say to all of your friends,' Do not
admit the South at present. Let them stay out until
they have repented, if it is for twenty-five years.' All
the Northern people here with whom I am acquainted
say the same.  Wle desire more than anything else the
establishment of a territorial government. Not these
bogus State governments, under the direction of a few
pretended loyalists. They are not what we want.
They could afford us no protection, and would be a complete farce, if established, for every Southern man would
be opposed to them. It would not be just to the South,
and in all our dealings with them, we shall aim at exact
justice towards them.  What we want is a bona fide territorial government, like that of Nebraska and Colorado,
administered by the United States government, and its
laws subject to the revision of Congress, although the
legislature is elected by the people-" for this we pray
and ever will pray."
Now, says the Northern writer, I have presented you
the views of my " Southern friends," and it is for you to
say whether you will second them to the pul)ic.  Ooming from the South, from those in the midst of the
"burning fiery furnace," they are entitled to much weight,
it appears to me.  These writers "speak what they do
know, and testify that they have seen," and are no uncertain witness. They write almost at the peril of their
lives, and certainly can have no other motive than to
tell the truth; and shall not their voices bc heeded by
the Northern public? Some of them have invested
their whole fortunes in the South, and they feel that
o
e
168
0 
AND THE REBELS.
their all is at stake in this matter. Protection for thenmselves and the blacks is all they ask, and this they feel
they can have only by the establishment of a territorial
government in each State, backed up by a sufficient
military force to sustain it.
Respectfully yours,               R. W. S
In corroboration of some of these views, I give an extract from a Southern loyal paper, which I noticed in the
Springfield paper containing my friend's article.
WHAT LOYAL SOUTHERNERS WANT.
The Raleigh (N.  C.) Standard thus speaks of the
policy that government should adopt towards the leaders
of the rebellion, who are now aspiring also to be first in
the work of reconstruction:   "Government must strike
them in such a way as to deprive them of all influence.
The great body of our people are disposed to submit in
good faith to the Government, and to accept the Union
on the terms laid down by the majority, and they would
do so but for those wicked instigators and leaders.  Let
('ongress deal with them.  Let it strike them down,
l)oth as a measure of security for the future and of just
punish]ment for their crimes.  Let this be done in an act to
r1oIraniize our State governments on a loyal basis, and
the loyal people of these Southern States, once in possession of supreme power over these traitors, will answer
for it that they will no more disturb the public peace or
influence the people against the Government. This is
all the loyal people of the South ask. Pass Mr. Stevens'
bill and they will take care of secessionists, latter-day
war men and traitors of all kinds.  They will nriot torture, or shoot, or hangr them, or malign, or persecute
them, as they did the Unionists during the rebellion, but
they will make them know their places, and will see to
it that theey never have power again over this people,
wh-loiii they have ruined b)y the  folly, selfishness. and
wicked aml)ition.
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
But to return to my narrative. Still clinging to my
original idea of making the blacks partners in our farm la
bors, I was overruled by the wishes of my partner, Mr. S.,
who thought we had better try the plan of wages this year,
and then next year adopt the co-operative plan. We
determined on cultivating about four hundred and fifty
acres, and had twelve animals and twenty-seven hands for
our working force. These were placed under the immediate control of Mr. S., while my labors were to be confined to the general supervision of the farm, the providing of means to carry on operations, keeping account with the hands, and attending to the cultivation
of our large garden; besides our Sunday work, in which
we both participated. It is unnecessary to dwell upon
the events of. the year, as they were not materially different from those of the previous one, except that the
hands manifested a more restive spirit, and that I was
oftener called upon to settle disputes between them and
their overseer. These disputes sometimes assumed a
tragic form, and in one case, a woman threw a deadly
missile at Mr. Shermans' head. At another time, a man
named Isaac, threatened to kill Mr. S., because he endeavored to prevent him from whipping his wife, this
being a pastime not unfrequently indulged in by the
blacks.  At this time, Isaac quoted one of our Northern
friends as an example of wife-whipping, and said everybody at the South whipped their wives; a statement I
am greatly inclined to doubt.
Singing songs while at their work, was another of their
pastimes, and they would "drop the shovel and the hoe,"
in the midst of their labors, and sing a religious song.
Then, they claimed the privilege of carrying their guns
to the fields, in order to shoot a stray rabbit, or squirrel,
ill 0
0 
AND THE REBELS.
tlht might cross their path.  So much time was con sumted in this diversion, that it became necessary to
I)rohibit the practice of carrying guns to their work,
which they maintained was a great encroachment upon
their rights as freemen. Then, whenever in the plentitude of their wisdom they deemed it necessary for their
physical welfare that they should enjoy a holiday, they
took that holiday; however different might be our opinion
on the subject. Once, right in the height of cotton
planting, Saturday morning found every hand flatly refusing to labor, for they had "concluded  to have  a
holiday." It was in vain that they were told they
might have two holidays, if they would wait until the
cotton was planted. They wanted it then, and have it
they would; and as is often the case with the unfortunate planter, we were obliged to submit to their uTreasonable demand. On the night of the same day, the
larger part of the disobedient crowd might have been
found at their prayer meeting, shouting and singing the
praises of God.
It has been already mentioned that we had no society
except that of the blacks. No one who has not tried it,
can imagine the deficiency in one's life thus occasioned,
or the absolute solitude of our situation. We saw faces
it is true, but they were not those bearing the stamp of
a well-trained intellect. We heard voices, but they were
not those used in tones calculated to regale the intellectual or moral ears; but those used in every variety of
harsh and discordant sounds.
While in Augusta, a Southern lady of our acquaintance informed my wife that it was not the custom of
Southern ladies to call upon Yankee ones, and hoped she
would "not take it amiss, or os intended as a slight of 
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
her ill particular."  My wife gravely replied, " I should
be glad to see any Southern ladies who wish to see me;
but they may rest assured I shall not lament their ab sence. They can do as they please, and I shall be satis fied." This remark was uttered with firmness, and
as indicative of her conscious superiority to these same
Southern ladies; but after all, every one craves human
society, and if we cannot have that of our equals
and superiors, we are sometimes glad of that of
our inferiors.
I would remark that this prophetic promise of our
friend was almost literally fulfilled, not half a dozen
Southern ladies having ever honored us with a call, and
the Southern people are proverbially fond of visiting. So
that, when we heard that those noble and self-denying
ladies, the Augusta teachers, contemplated making us a
visit, we were highly delighted. Some six or eight
came together at one time, with several gentleman, and
we had a nice time, they remaining about two days,
and some of them longer. The gentlemen talked to the
blacks, and gave them very excellent advice, a large
concourse having gathered on Sunday, for the purpose
of hearing them. The ladies talked to them in a familiar manner, and sang beautifully to them, and it was a
time long to be remembered on our plantation.
A little later in the season, some of them came again,
and we had a strawberry festival in honor of them. The
tables were spread under the trees, and all " went merry
as a marriage bell." After we had partaken of our repast, the b)lacks were bid welcome, and the tables were
quickly filled with our sable friends, for the first time in
their lives, probably, allowed to gather around a white
.man's table. The little Ones of course enjoyed it
4
172
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AND THE REBELS.
hugely, and our little ones no less than  the black
majority. Thie bulk of the preparations caime upon our
wives, as such things always do, and we men had not
much to do, except to enjoy the occasion, just as the
"cruel men" always enjoy themselves, from the dili gent toil of their wives.
Mr. and Mrs. S. were blessed with a charming child,
of about eleven years of age, named Lizzie; and she
and Mary Bell, my child, never forgot the scenes of that
day, so glorious to them.  One of the worst evils con nected with our kind of life, was the utter absence of
all out-of-door amusement for our children, without mix ing with the black children. If Lizzie or Bell stepped
their feet outside of the house, it was the signal for the
arrival of a whole bevy of little black children, whose
uncouth ways and manners were of no advantage to our
beloved ones.
Children, of course, are creatures of imitation, and it
does almost seem as if they had an instinct for the bad,
in preference to the good; for it was not long before we
found our children undergoing a rapid transformation,
from white to black children. Often have I been coinmpelled to say to my little one, "Why, Bell, all you need
to make you a perfect black child, is to paint your face
black." But play they must, and all we could do wag
to select a few of the best of the colored children, and
limit her associates to those few.
I am sure if evil ever obtained unlimited sway anywhere, it is on a Southern plantation of negro children.
Words cannot describe the perverse spirit there is in the
hearts and lives of these little imps of darkness, as I am
constrained to call them. We look forward to the rising
generation  of blacks as an agreable offset to the deprav
G
1 7, LO, 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
ity of their parents; but I must confess, sickening as it
is to contemplate, that as far as my observation extends,
this "rising generation" does not hold out a very alluring prospect of usefulness. It is true that they will be
more intelligent than their parents, but I fear that their
morals will be no better. The only hope I can see is in
establishing boarding-schools, where the children will be
kept from home contamination for a few years, until
good principles have taken root in their minds, and then
send them out to influence others. If the reader knew
all about these homes, he would not wonder at my
conclusion.
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CHAPTER XVIII.
SOME ITEMS OF FARMING EXPENSE.
It may not be uninteresting to the general reader, to
learn some particulars respecting the cost of farming at
the South, and the amount of capital necessary for
successful farming. I will therefore digress from my
narrative, sufficiently to present a few facts upon this
subject. I would not advise any Northern man to comnmence operations here, unless he has the means of defraying all his expenses, until about the middle of
August, at which time his corn will be ready to feed to
his mules. To be sure, a very large portion of Southern
farmers require anil advance on their crops, from their
cotton factors; but this system is a bad one to follow,
as the farmer is hardly ever out of debt. As has been
already stated, two men and one mule will cultivate
from thirty-five to forty acres of land. If you have the.
same number of hands and mules that we had, viz,
twenty-seven hands and twelve mules, then your expenses, until about the 1st of August, will be for stock
$1200, allowing each animal to consume eight quarts of
corn, and eight pounds of fodder or hay each day,
reckoning the corn at $1.25 a bushel, which is its average
price. The rations for your hands will cost you $34 a
piece, until Sept. 1st, when thf corn will be hard enough
175 
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
to grind; this will make the whole cost until Aug,ust,
for rations and feed of mules, $2,118.  But these lan(ls
will require extra rations to the amount cf $.;00, for
which they will repay you at the end of the year.  Thecii
you will have to advance them aloult seventy-five (1oll:'.-s for tobacco, and one hundred  dollars for sl-loes.
u,,uir blacksmithling materials will cost you fifty dollars
}fIni-e, and tools another fifty dollars; and a thousand
a!,. one nameless articles, about oae 1huld(red dollars
more.  A few of your hands will need coats atd pants,
which will amount to another $100, and your seed will
cost $100. Then your family expenses for food at the
lowest possible rates, without allowing anything for
luxuries, will be $200, or a grand total of $3,393, which
will be the cash capital you will require, to carry on such
a farm as ours, with 200 acres each il corn and cotton,
and 50 acres in wheat and oats.
At the end of the year, you will have about $3,000
more to pay, for the feed of the mules, rations from
Sept. 1st to the end of the year, and the balance of the
wages of the hands, making your expenses for the year,
$6,400.
To this amount, you can add whatever sum you
choose, for the extravagance of your wife, unless she is
one of those rare women, like my own wife, who knows
how to accommodate her expenses to her husband's
means.
The proceeds of your farm ought to be as follows:
from 200 acres of corn, 1500 bushels, worth $1,875;
fodder, worth $500, wheat and oats $500. The two
hundred acres of cotton should produce seventy-five
bales, whlich, at twenty cents a pound, will be $6,300,
allowing four hundred aid fifty pounds to a bale, or a
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AND THE REBELS.
total of $9,175, or including sweet potatoes and garden
vegetables, and a few hogs, about $9,500; from which
deduct expenses, $6,400, and you have left as net proceeds for the year, $3,100. But these returns are subject to several contingencies, such as follows.  Your
corn may not be planted early enough. The hogs may
destroy one-fourth of it, the rains an eighth, and the
thieves an eighth; and a drought a large portion of the
remaining one half. Your - cotton may not come up
well, and you may not get a good stand to begin with.
It may rain too little, and it may rain too much; and it
may be overrun by the grass. Or, the rust may take it,
the army worm, and the grasshoppers may commence
their ravages: or other worms may strip the stalk of its
foliage, and then an early frost may nip it in the bud.
But if none of these things occur, you are quite likely
to get good crops; and then if none of it is stolen, and
your gin house does not burn down, you may be fairly
recompenised for your labor.  But if any of these things
happen, your profits of course will be less.
Now, I do not wish to discourage any one from at
tempting to farm here. On the contrary, I invite all
Northern people, of whatever religious belief, to come
here, and try for themselves; but I do not wish to have
my great desire for Northern neighbors or even the settled convictions of my mind, that the settlement of the
South by Northern laborers, is the great desideratum at
the present time, to influence me to mislead people, and
induce them to come here with their eyes closed as to
the risks they run. I am like an honest merchant who
sincerely desires to sell you a piece of goods, but does
not on that account cover up the defects of his merchandize.  I heartily desire tl  settlement of this coun
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
try by my Northern friends.  I long for the building up
of a better order of thiigs tlhan exists here at present.
But I do not intend to persuade persons to come here,
who will afterwards curse me for inviting them hitlher.
Farming everywhere, is subject to contingencies without number. Nevertheless, farmers manage to live more
comfortably than any other portion of the laboring population. Thley are their own masters at least, and not
subject to the vicissitudes of trade like mechanics and
merchants.  Farming at the South, if rightly managed,
can be made as productive as elsewhere. But one element of success in all places, is to be prepared for reverses; and to build no more " castles in the air" than
is absolutely necessary.  "Forewarned, is forearmed,"
and the husbandman who expects but little, and is fully
prepared for failure, will be far more likely to succeed
than one who comes here imagining that crops are raised
by magie, and without the same sturdy blows bestowed
upon the bosom of mother earth, that are necessary
elsewhere.
In these remarks I have alluded more particularly to
the capitalist.   I think the prospect for the  working
farmer very much better. If Northern farmers, with
their sons, will come here, and labor as they do at the
North, industry will no more fail of its reward  here
than at the North and NWest.  Indeed, the same amount,
and the same kind of labor that are bestowed in other
places, will reap a more abundant reward here, for the
plain reason that farming operations here, can be carried
on through the whole year. Two crops of most kinds
of garden vegetables can be raised almost as well as
one, with additional labor of course.  Hardly is the
fintle of the cotton cropemarketed, before preparations
1 7,
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AND THE REBELS.
can be made for another. There are but very few days
in the winter when the ground is frozen too hard for
ploughing.
I do not wish to encourage rich men to come here and
become gentlemen farmers; for that system has prevailed
too long already, and its tendency is not to elevate the
blacks. I do wish, by all means in my power, to encouragre working men of the North to become Southern
farmers. In another portion of this work, and at another
time, my ideas upon this subject will be more fully
expressed.
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CHAPTER XIX.
SICKNESS AND DEATH IN THE AUTHOR'S FAMILY.
It now becomes my painful duty to dwell for awhile
upon more melancholy scenes, than any yet portrayed in
this narrative. The angel of death, always ready to
pluck the fairest flowers from terrestrial gardens, beheld
the brilliant one in the person of my talented wife,
growing in our Southern home, and resolutely determined to carry it from hence, and place it by the side of
other beautiful flowers in the paradise of God. Accustomed to a more fertile soil, and to a less tropical heat,
this rare plant drooped and pined away, amid the arid,
mental and moral scenes of this "land of misery," as
she often termed it in dating her letters. Quick and
energetic in her temperament, and the pattern of neatness and refinement, she could not endure the slow and
slovenly motions of the people around her. A few extracts from one of her letters, will best convey to the
reader the state of her feelings, during a portion of hersojourn here. Under date of March 18, 1867, she writes
to a female friend, "I'll tell you all about darkey help
when I see you. Four weeks ago, some of the teachers
from the Augusta colored schools came out on Friday
night, and stayed until Sunday after dinner; and four
other Northern friends caoe  and visited part of the
180
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AND THE REBELS,
time while they were here. I should have enjoyed their
visit hugely, had I been well, but it was all I could do
to keep around the house; and I could not go out on the
plantation with them, which you know was rather hard
for poor me. They are the only ones of our color, that
I have seen at the plantation since I returned last November. * * * * The negroes are the worst thieves that
the Lord ever permitted to live. They steal everything
they can lay their hands on. An old man, a rebel, said,
"show me an honest negro, and I will show you hair in
the palm of my hand; and I believe he could, for I do
not believe there is one in this cursed land; but enough,
I will tell you the rest when I see you, which I hope
will be in the early part of summer. I do not feel as
though I could live here through the heat."
Her worst fears were realized. During the month of
August, we had incessant rains, so that not a cotton
blossom made its appearance during the whole of the
month; a very rare occurrence, and one hardly ever
known before. Then in September the sun appeared,
and shone with unusual brilliancy, filling the air with a
deadly malaria, owing to the vast amount of water, remaining standing everywhere. On Thursday, the fifth
of September, she complained of feeling unwell, and I
suggested that we had better obtain help from the negro
womlen, our cook having become incapacitated for labor.
Her reply was, "No, it is far more labor to teach them
how to do the work, than it is to do it myself."
She continued performing alone all the labors of our
household, including those of the regular baking of the
family, until the following Monday, when exhausted
nature would permit no further violation of its laws;
and she was obliged to yieldato the necessities of the
181 
TIHE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTtH,
ease, exclaiming as she did so, "I shall never do another
day's work like this." Help was then obtained from
the quarters, and she was confined to her bed until
Saturday morning; when the fever seemed to have lefs
her, and she arose, and dressed herself, and went into
the parlor, in her usual good spirits. A physician was
on the place that morning, but she declined calling him
in, saying, that she felt perfectly well and should soon
be about again. But alas! how mysterious are the ways
of Providence! That afternoon while she was asleep,
the fever was observed to return, and at five o'clock she
awoke quite delirious. A messenger was despatched to
town, for a physician of her acquaintance, who arrived
about Sunday noon, and soon after, another was suinmmoned from the neighborhood.
She had remained delirious from the time of her awaking, Saturday P. M., with occasionally a lucid moment.
She seemed unconscious of what was passing around
her, and could not speak intelligibly. Every effort was
made by the physicians and other energetic assistants, to
check the disease; but God had not decreed that these
means should be blessed for her recovery, and at seven
and a half o'clock on Sunday evening, her spirit took its
flight to her everlasting home, leaving her husband  and
child overwhelmed in misery.
The blow came so utterly unexpected, that for a moment I was completely crushed. The reader will pardon me for quoting a few extracts from my diary at this
timne, as it will seem to point to others similarly afflicted,
the only true source of consolation at such an hour.
"0  God,  help me  to bear  this last, this great  and
terrible affliction.  At  seven  and  a half  o'clock  this
la
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AND THE REBELS.
morning, the spirit of my wife departed from its earthily
tenement, and left me a widower a(gain." * * * "For
some time past, she has been remarkably kind and
affectionate; and especially during the past week of her
sickness.  Her feelings towards the colored people have
been greatly ameliorated, and she has learned to forgive
them, and overlook their mnultitudinous failings. She
has evidently been looking forward toward her heavenly
home, for some time, and trying hard to lead a Christian
life, as the condition of future glory; and I think she
died happy, in the consciousness of our mutual love,
and of a joyful re-union of our spirits, beyond the grave.
And 0, how desolate I should now feel, if it were not
for God! But He has drawn near, and enabled me
to be comparatively calm and peaceful, amid all the trying, scenes connected with the event.  God is my hope,
and I shall' not be moved, although the foundations of
the earth be shaken.'  0  God! how dreary my life
seems, now that my wife is taken from me! 0, how
heart-rending,, to think that I shall never more on earth
hold sweet converse with the one I loved so well! To
Thee, 0 God, do I come for consolation and help, and I
feel that thou alone can give it me. 0, give it me now,
or I sink beneath the blow."
The reader will again pardon me for dwelling  upon
the manner in which these consolations were imparted
unto me. Etta was a firm believer in that everywhere
caricatured doctrine of Spiritualism. Many of her
most intimate friends, people of extraordinary purity
and goodness of life, were also Spiritualists, although
neither she nor they endorsed all the " vagaries" connected with the sub)lime doetrine of " ministering spirits,
sent forth to minister to the heirs of salvation."
The reader may doubt the truth of the following
recital; but it was as real to me as my own existence;
and without the consolation'thus imparted, my brain
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
must have reeled beneath the heavy blow, situated as I
was at so great a distance from all our friends. As soon
as a few words of prayer and consolation had been
offered, by a Northern friend, I rushed out of the house,
andl l)aced the road in front of it, in indescribable agony.
The death was so sudden, and accompanied by no farewell words; no breathing of love towards the survivor's
no expressions of faith in her eternal home; all on account of her unconscious condition, and the effects of
her death I knew would fall so heavily on me, in my
utterly isolated condition, that my brain was on fire,
and all I could do was to cry out in agony, "0 God,
have mercy on me, and save me from losing my reason."
Hardly was this cry of distress uttered, when, as plain
as the light of the stars that calmly shone above me, did
the form and features of my beloved one appear before
me, and for the space of nearly an hour, did she pour
into my stricken heart such words of glorious consolation as she only could impart. All the sorrows of my
isolated life, and the deep desolation of my condition
were known more fully by her than by any other human
being; and she could impart unto my wounded sotil
such sound philosophical reasons for her removal, as
restored my soul to something like serenity, and enabled
me to return to the discharge of my duties, to my beloved child, a second time bereft of a mother's care and
love. She promised to be with me, and aid me in life's
great work, and to labor assiduously for my welfare, and
that of my child; a promise, let me say, which she has
faithfully and nobly kept.
I know this will seem like folly, to perhaps the great
body of my readers; but I could not do justice to the
memory of my wife, without recording these events.
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AND THE REBELS.
The doctrine of the ministration of departed spirits to
their fiiends on earth, is as old as the Scriptures, and as
real as the experience of every pure-minded person,
whose "conversation is in heaven," like Paul's.  It
does not destroy the force of this cardinal doctrine of
Christianity, the operation of spiritual influences upon
men's mind(s to make them holy, because some, or many,
who l)elieve in it, are great errorists, in other respects;
any more than it destroys the force of any other good
doctrine, that bad men have believed in it. No one can
lament more bitterly than myself, the errors and follies
of many calling themselves Spiritualists; but is it not
the same with Christianity?  Has not every conceivable
crime been connected with the Christian name?  Was
not Slavery universally defended by the so-called Christian church? But who ever thought on that account,
of rejecting the benign doctrine of our glorious Lord
and Saviour, Jesus Christ?
So with the doctrine of ministering spirits. It is a
blessed, soul-comforting doctrine to believe, that a mother,
a sister, a husband or brother, stands ready to aid you
in the divine work of living, for God, and not for yourself; and because bad persons believe it, or profess to
believe it, shall we throw it fiomn us as unworthy of our
notice?  No intelligent, pure-minded spiritualist like my
wife, and her friends, will for a moment deny that the
great "father of our spirits," can save us by and through
human instrumentality; and no logical mind among
them can possibly deny that he "who spake as never
man spake, while on earth," can now be commissioned
of God to "bring many sons unto glory."  Christ and
the holy angels, and "the spirits of just men, made perfect," according to Paul, all Unite with God in lifting
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
man from his degradation, and fitting him for a life of
purity and perfection beyond the grave. If some of
those called Spiritualists, deny the power of Jesus thus to
aid in saving man, it is because of their failure to comprehend the genius of Spiritualism. They are mere outside believers in its husks and covering; and know nothing, of the pure spiritual kernels hid from their blinded
eyes.
To me, Jesus is "the chief among ten thousand," and
"the one altogether lovely," and I expect in heaven, if
admitted there, to sing as loudly as any one.  "Blessings, and honor, and glory, and power be unto him that
sitteth upon the throne and unto the Lamb forever," for
thou wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God, by thy
lblood, out of every kindred and tongue, and people, and
nation."
The death of my wife imposed on me, more onerous
duties than ever, and so burdensome did they become,
that I was at length under the necessity of requesting
my sister, then at the North, to come to my relief;
which she did in the following December, 1867. About
this time, Mr. Sherman, the farm superintendent, abandoned the farm, and became immersed in politics; and
his energetic and benevolent lady had some time previously taken up her residence in Augusta, as a practicing physician; and I was left all alone with the cares
of the family and of the farm all devolving upon me.
- The Constitutional convention to frame a new constitution for our State, was about to assemble; and on
my declining to leave my child and participate in its
deliberations, it was deemed advisable that Mr. S. should
occupy the position.  At the election of members for
the convention, our parts polled about four times as
1I36
0 
AND THE REBELS.
many votes as the rebels; many of the latter refusing to
vote from stubbornness.
For many days previous to the election, my yard was
thronged with anxious freedmen, eager to learn about
their new duties, and desirous to cast their votes in the
manner best calculated to promote their own interests.
I was surprised and delighted to see the comparative
ease with which these new-born politicians comprehended
seemingly abstruse political problems.
At first, it seemed nothing but folly to attempt to explain politics to them, but I soon saw, however dull they
might be in matters of a moral and religious nature, they
were keen-eyed in their political vision, fully justifying
the buoyant expectations of those who had conferred
upon  them  these. political privileges.   Indeed,  they
seemed to excel in their political instincts, the great
body of Northern copperheads; forcing me  to the conclusion, that if political stupidity should debar any persons from the exercise of the elective franchise, this
exclusion should no more embrace within its limits these
ignorant ones, than the whole body of Northern politicians, who failed to see why the rebellion should be
thoroughly and immediately crushed, instead of experiencing a lingering death, alike cruel to rebels, and to
the lovers of freedom.  I here insert the following brief
account of the election written by a Northerner to
friends at home.
"The great election is over, and an exciting time we
have had of it. We have won a victory, but it has been
by the skin of our teeth. Every effort the spirit of
Satan could suggest has been put forth. We have had
tQ take our lives in our hands and go forth to advocate
the cause.                     e
IST
0
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTTII.
Lies, threats, revilings, abuse, and even murder and
assassination have been meted out to our party.'liThe
poor blacks have been hunted from pillar to post, and
every effort made to intimidate them, but to their lasting(
honor, be it said, they have stood the test nobly. But
very few voted the rebel ticket, only about six thousand
out of ninety thousand, and some of them throu?;h
ignorance and fraud, supposing it was" the right ticket."
Many stayed away from the polls through fear of the
rebels, upon whom they depended for work, but great
numbers have boldly, and in the face of death, marched
up and deposited their ballots?or freedom and republ)licanism. History furnishes us with but few instances
of moral heroism like this. The rebels raved and swore
like madmen from the pit. The negroes were obliged to,o
armed, and in many cases political meetings were broken
up, and the negroes driven away. Had it not been for
Gen. Meade's'soldier's, there would have been no voting
at all in many counties, and blood shed in many others.
We suppose we have a very small majority perhaps,
six or seven thousand."
R. W. S.
Columbia Co., Georgia, Dec., 1867.
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CHAPTER XX.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE THIRD YEAR OF THE AUTHOR'S
LABORS, WITH A DESCRIPTION OF MRS. LOVING, A
" POOR WHITE," AND OUR FIRST DAY SCHOOL.
Christmas duly arrived, and with it, its crowd of dusky
expectants, for the amount due them, for their past
labors.  To satisfy them, when they were wholly ignorant of any arithmetical process, was a formidable task,
and consumed a great part of the night. Mr. S. thought
it foolish to explain everything to them; but said, "settle
with them according to our books, no matter how much
they may grumble."  But it seemed to me, the better
way, to remove all difficulties from their minds and explain to them every knotty point, and help them to
reckon as well as they could. The course usually
adopted by the rebels is, to add up their accounts and tell
them the exact amount due, waving all explanlation;'
they deeming it too much condescension to imakle out
the items of their accounts. But I adopted a different
course, and by one or two o'clock in the morning, had
the pleasure of seeing them all depart with the smile of
satisfaction upon their countenances.
All were anxious to be re-employed, but some of them
we did not want at any rate, and others whom we would
have gladly retained, we weit obliged to dismiss, as it
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
was not my purpose to employ so many hands the
coming year, as I had the past.  I decided to limit tihe
number to about fifteen, instead of twenty-seven, the
former number.
About this time, a tall, lean, lank specimen of humanity made his appearance at our place, and representing
himself as a strong Union man, although a Southerner,
he begged for employment the coming year. He told
sad stories of his persecutions in this county, on account
of his Union sentiments, thus awakening my sympathy,
and inducing me in an unguarded moment to employ
him as overseer. He evidently understood to perfection
the Southern art of brag, and boasted loud of his exploits in the Union army in Louisiana, under Gen.
Banks, for wlom, accordingl to his story, he had actedl
as a Union scout; and he related many thrilling tales of
his hair-breadth escapes from the enemy.  He and many
others, according to his story, after living in the swamps
for weeks, had escaped to Bank's army, and accompanied
it on its return North, which partly accounted for his
now being in Georgia, his company having been sent to
Augusta, just before they were mustered out of service.
He professed to understand all about Southern and
Northern farming combined; as his father was a Frenchman, and had lived many years at the North, previous to
his removal to Louisiana.
His wife was a native of this State, Georgia, and answers so well for a description of a portion of that class,
known as "poor whites," that I will endeavor to draw
her portrait. She was tolerably good-looking, and of
much fairer complexion than many of her compeers;
stout, and full in the face, exhibiting no signs of the
scanty fare, described b. her husband, as having beau
a
190 
AND THE REBELS.
their portion for some time.  She was somewhat  ac quaiinted with the art of reading, and vainly imagined
herself qualified to impart its mysteries to the illiterate
nec,ro children around her.
Her presence at the breakfast table, was enough to
considerably lesson the cost of feeding one's family, so
uncouth and uncleanly was she in her appearance. I
am not quite certain, whether her face was ever washed
or not, but her hair was uncombed, and its tangled folds
swung loosely around her stained neck, and over her
broad shoulders. The way she supplied her year-old
baby with necessary aliment, was a caution to all believers in dietetic regulations.
I have read somewhere, that in Strasbourg, geese are
fed for the market by holding their necks up, and literally crowdiing the food down their throats.  It was so
with this woman.  She held her little one upon its back,
in her arms, forced open its mouth, and then crammed
it full of every variety of food the table was supplied
with; not omitting the greasy pork, which is the delight
of every Southerner.  How the little one managed to
live, under this terrible infliction, I know not; but its
screams could be heard at all hours of the day and
night, as it were, protesting against this unnatural treatment. The mother by no means stinted herself, in thus
administering to the wants of her youngest child.  The
weekly allowance to a hand is about three pounds of
meat, but this woman and her husband, often consumed
more than this amount at a single meal.
It fell to her lot, at one time, to deal out the rations
to the hands, and her custom was, to visit the smokehouse at an early hour, weigh out each persons' allowance, and then slyly detachfrom  every piece, from
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
twelve to sixteen ounces, of the most fatty part, and
carry it to her house under her dirty apron; thus securing a dozen pounds of meat per week, in addition to her
and her husband's regular allowance.  Her appetite was
so insatiable, that she would gorge herself with this
greasy mess, thus surreptitiously obtained; and then, as
I was credibly informed by those who saw her do it, she
would walk behind her house, and through her mouth
disgorge her stomach of its contents.
She was so dirty in her household arrang-ements, that
the blacks would refuse to eat food which she had cooked
and offered to them.  Her habits were too filthy to menlltion, and her modesty was decidedly below par.  Her
reputation for honesty was also at a discount. She even
encouraged the. colored people to steal fromi one allother,
a.-d she frequently stole from us when opportunity occurred.  Once she bestowed upon hei husl)band quite a
flagellation with a heavy strap, because she imagined he
had told me of some of her filthy habits, on account of
my public reproval of the vice of uncleanliness.
Her capacity for teaching may be inferred from the
fact, that she often sent to us to ascertain the meaning of
sucl hard wordls as " tower," "void," and "various,"
when they occurred in the lessons she was essayingcr to
give to a few of the colored chil(lren; and she informed
her children that all was a thing to peg shoes with.
There, she pronounced thar,- where, whar,-and everything, she particularized, was  "this yer," and  " that
ar;" and all her pronunciation and diction were similarly destitute of euphony and lady-like polish.
But I forbear further mention of her failings. I (lo
not forget, that degraded as she was, she was still a sister of the human family, ]ving God for liher father, and
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AND THE REBELS
all mankind for her brethren; and I only mention her
case, that ihy readers may know, that the colored people are not "sinners above all that dwell in Jerusalem,"
in the matter of dishonesty and filthiness.
About this time, through the munificence of some of
our Northern friends, we were able to add materially to
the physical enjoyment of numerous little ones on our
place.   The stinted and hungry looks of these children of want, had attracted my sister's attention,'on her
first arrival; and many plans had been discussed by us,
for ministering to their necessities.  At last, it came to
me one sleepless night, While cogitating on this subject,
that the New York plan, then in vogue, of feeding the
poor with soup, would be a good one for us to imitate.
A benevolent Northern lady, whose physical form is
now in her grave, had sent us twenty-five dollars, to be
used for our Sunday school, and considering the hungry
condition of some of the scholars, we concluded it would
not be a misappropriation of her bounty, to apply it to
their material wants. We first put it to vote; in a meet
img of the colored people, which they would prefer: its
appropriation to the purchase of books, which were very
much needed; the repairing of the school-houses, which
wIs still more necessary; or in procuring food for the
children, in the manner that had been suggested to our
minds.  The people cried out unanimously, "feed the
children, and we will repair the school-room for nothing;" which promise, on their part, was measurably
kept. We procured a soup bone every week in town,
and with the addition of several pounds of rice, half a
bushel of turnips, and a few other vegetables, and four
quarts of Indian meal, an excellent soup was produced.
Some of the colored women pri)aved the vegetables, and
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
my sister, and Susan, the cook, performed the remainder
of the labor. Some thirty-five or forty women and children, were thus furnished with a good meal, three times
a week.
They were seated in rows on the floor of our diningroom, and after singing a verse or two, they proceeded
to devour the delicious food; it being the first time in
their lives they had ever enjoyed a repast of that description. Each one was furnished with a little bowl and
spoon, and it was amusing to see how quickly the bowl
was emptied in most cases, and, like Oliver Twist, they
called aloud for more. Some of them would empty three
or four bowls in rapid succession, while others would sit
demurely, waiting for more, merely signifying their
wishes by an energetic jingling of the bowl and spoon.
On the whole, their behavior would have done credit to
any children's birthday party, among more highly civilized little ones.
But their manner of approaching the house was a
sui yeneris one, most certainly. At the first tingling of
the bell, which notified them that the soup was ready,
they almost equalled the feats of renowned circus-riders,
in their gyrations and lofty tumbling. They ran, they
jumped, they halloed at the top of their voices, and the
boys turned summersaults without  number, in their
eagerness to reach the house, and in their exuberant joy,
at the prospect of having their hunger satisfied. My
sister said she could never afterwards think of this
scene, without shedding tears.  They came along, wav
ing their hats and handkerchiefs, crying out, iHurra
for the soup!" and flourishing in the air the tin cups,
which most of them brought, in which to carry a few
spoonsful to their motherst home
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AND THE REBELS.
At first, some of them drank the soup from the
bowvls, and others dished it out with their hands, not
knowing the use of the spoons; but after several weeks,
my sister succeeded in inducing every one to eat with
spoons, like "white folks," and also to stand around the
table. This feeding of the little ones we would gladly
have continued longer than we did, but our own scanty
funds would not allow the expense.
Afterwards, when the children were not so hungry,
they were employed in some trifling job, and at its close
were given the choice for their pay, between a biscuit
and a child's paper. It was really amusing, to see some
of them take a biscuit in one hand and the paper in
another, and look alternately at each in a very wistful
manner, and then reluctantly choose the paper, in almost
every case.  One  little outcast boy, named Wesley,
whose hunger was so great, that he often surreptitiously
skimmed the crumbs from the top of our swill-pail, hesitated a long time between the two, and at last the scale
turned on the side of the paper, and he surrendered the
biscuit, saying, "When  I eats dis yer cake, it all be
gone; but dis yer paper I can keep allers, and sometime
I'll get larning from it, p'raps."
On my first arrival at our place, it seemed the part of
wisdom for me to confine my labors in teaching to the'
adults of our neighborhood, as I saw that their opportulifties for learning would soon pass away, while the
children could learn at any time, and could be instructed
by their parents, after they had themselves learned.
This was in accordance with the desires of the adults,
who promised to teach their children, if I would teach
them.  Consequently, for the first two years, our Sunday labors were confined to te adults, as it was impos
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
sihle for two or three individuals to instruct both children and adults. Therefore, on my sister's arrival, she
found the children had been almost wholly neglected,
and almost immediately determined to commence a day
school, for their benefit. During the second summer, I
also had a night school, for the instruction of adults, but
it seemed that none of them had kept their promises, in
relation to their children. This fact will account for the
ignorance alluded to in the following interesting description of our " first day school," written by the teacher,
Miss R. W. Stearns, of Springfield, Mass.
"I proceed to give some account of the first regular
day school on the plantation.  The honor of. starting
the first school, really belongs to Lizzie Sherman, who
did her best to teach the children, a few months before I
came. The pupils, unaccustomed to anything like order
or discipline, were entirely beyond her power to control,
child as she was, and she soon ceased to try to initiate them
into the world of letters, so "funny" and strange to
their darkened minds. She then turned her attention to
the teaching of singing, and the speaking of pieces, in
which she succeeded admirably.  The children yet repeat over their pieces and songs, and cherish the
memory of dear little Lizzie as a sacred remembrance.
It was on the 8th of January, 1868, that I commenced
teaching.  The school  was taught  in Mrs. Loving's
room, our Sunday school room being quite too cold for
me.  Three long and rather rough benches were brought
in and ranged around the bright glowing fire, in the
large open fire-place.  They were soon filled by about
twenty-five or thirty children and women, each child
striving noisily for the place nearest the fire. Wlten
some degree of order was restore(l, I took a survey of
my school, and the grotesque and uncouth attitudes, the
outlandish dress, the eager stare of the eyes, the halfstupid and half-intelligeitelooi, were all so new to me,
196 
AND THE REBELS.
that I looked at them again and again, in order to
take in the whole scene, and then burst into an almost
uncontrollable fit of laughter.  The sad and downcast
glanme of the eager, wistful eyes, soon recalled me to my
duties, and made me quite sorry, especially when one
little creature timidly remarked, " Doin't laugh at us,
Miss Stearns;  we's dunno  any better."  Tears filled
my  eyes, and I began to question them.  They were
ionorant of the first principles of everything. Baffled
in all mypreconceived plans for organizing the school on
the first day, I exclaimed,' Well, what do you know?'
' We's dunno noffin; we's come here for you to teach
us,' said a bright boy of twelve years.' But I don't
know where to begin,' I said.' Begin anywhere; it will
all be new to us,' said the same boy. So I began to
teach them a simple prayer, telling them to repeat it
after me, sentence by sentence.  This they did, with
great gusto, screaming at the top of their voices, an(d
stamping their feet to keep time. When we had finished,
I told them to repeat it again, just as I did, and be care ful not to speak any louder than I did. They obeyed,
till we were about half through, when the scream was
fairly deaf'ning.  I ceased and remonstrated with them,
when the little spokesman replied,' You said, thank
God for this school; we do; we thank him mighty heap,
and we thank him out loud, so he can hear.' I assured
them he could hear, if they spoke as low as I did.
They seemed skeptical, but finally repeated it to my
satisfaction. I then questioned them in religious andt
Scriptural knowledge, but found them as ignorant there
as in relation to human sciences.  They did not know
who Jesus Christ was, they did not know the name of
the first man, or of any other manl spoken of in the
Bible. They did not know the name of the first book,
or of any other book in the Bible; they could not count
five; they did not many of them know the names of a
single letter.  In short, they knew notting, as they had
said. I had no foundation on which to rear the temple
of knowledge. I had to ma]W one, and step by step I
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THlE BLACK MAN OF THlE SOUTIH,
taught them, until, at the end of a month, I was aston
ished myself at the results.  They excelled particularly
in Bible history, and in repeating verses and lessons in
concert.
The outlandish dress I have mentioned, is worthy of
more particular description. It was made of a coarse
cloth, called Osnaburg, the threads of which are about
as coarse as tidy yarn.  The dresses of the girls were
somewhat like a child's night-gown, with a string run
into a hem round the neck; straight sleeves, reaching to
a little below the elbow, the whole dress in one piece,
with a seam behind, and with a twine string tied around
the waist.  They were  straight about the body as a
pillow-case, and nearly touched the ground at the bottom. That of the little boys was made somewhat like a
boy's undershirt, reaching half way below the knees.
They were not very clean, but at my suggestion, they
were washed that night, after the children were in bed,
and next day they came bright and clean.  They assured
me they had no better clothes, and many of them had
no change. Their feet were bare, and looked red and
cold. I mustered up all the old shoes in the house, during the week, and Sunday morning found me writing
to some friends of the cause at the North, respecting
their very destitute condition.  This appeal met with a
response which brings me to the opening of the first
barrel.  It was a bright, beautiful day in early Spring.
My scholars were arranged in three rows, one behind
the other, so that all could see, and article after article
was displayed to their eager and astonished gaze. None
was given out, till all on the place had seen the whole.
Not a murmur or complaint of the distribution was
heard; no talking or begging,  but a spirit of  quiet
thankfulness seemed to pervade the scene; and I have
often wished for the pencil of a painter, to describe it.
This first barrel was followed by two others,.from the
same place, Springfield, Mass. - our home-and by a
large box, equal to two barrels, from Boxford, Mass.,
also one valuable one froa New York, containing one
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AND THE REBELS.
hundred and fifty copies of Wilson's First Reader,
slates, pencils, and writing-books, and others from other
places.  This business of collecting clothing and  distributing it, has been carried on from year to year, until
twenty-four barrels have been received.   What  those
poor creatures would have done without this aid, God
only knows. He has put it into the hearts of his children at the North to furnish it from time to time, for
which we are very thankful.  Every one on the place
was provided with a Sunday suit and a hat and shoes.
How very different they looked in their' North
clothes I' oh, how they gazed at each other, and turned
round and round, and admired themselves in the glass!
and with what contempt they looked at the dirty rags
lying on the floor- which they wished they need never
use again.  But such things will wear out, and there is
room for more. If any persons feel disposed to bestow
any of their supernumerary articles of clothing upon
them, they can obtain necessary information, by corresponding with me on the subject."            R. w. s.
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CHAPTER XXII.
GREAT POLITICAL CHANGES, AND DEATH OF
LIZZY SHERMAN.
Previous to a description of that great change that
transformed our adopted state from a rebel to a loyal
one; I will briefly allude to a few of the pecuniary trials
of this, and the past years, in order to bear my testimony to the ever faithful providence of God, in enabling
us to carry on our labors of love for his benighted ones.
Many times during the second year of these labors, had
our funds become nearly exhausted, and it seemed uncertain in what manner they were to be replenished.
By the middle of the summer of 1867, all of my available funds had been expended, I having paid out over
$2,000 that season, in providing for the wants of our
people, and of our "dumb animals;" and our cash expenses still amounted to some $75 per week.
By the kindness of our Augusta mercantile friends,
we had obtained some supplies on credit; but the time
approached for the liquidation of these claims, and not a
dollar appeared, for that purpose. At this emergency,
Mr. and Mrs. S., succeeded in obtaining a considerable
loan from two colored men ill Augusta, who advanced
it solely for the sake of thl cause in which we were all
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AND THE REBELS.
engaged; thus refuting, in their case, the foul calumny,
that the freedmen would never be able to take care of
themselves; and also showing the existence of  gratitude in some hearts, at least. This timely aid enabled
us to "keep the ship afloat," until a kind Boston friend
authorized me to draw on him for $1,000, as a loan.
Bloth of these sums were afterwards repaid, with interest, the former out of my own private funds; so that
the kind benefactors of the colord race, lost nothing by
their liberality, and conferred great benefits upon God's
suffeiing ones; the lately emancipated slaves.
Shortly after the commencement of the year  1868,
whose history we are now  wvriting, pecuniary troubles
again stared us in the face.  The author had resorted to
every shift to obtain the means to carry on the place
until September, when the first cotton would be ready
for the market; and after selling a number of his muleA,
most of his cattle, and making other necessary chances,
he found himself still minus, about $1,000, of the sui
absolutely necessary to carry on operations.   He  had
many doubts as to the manner in which this sum  would
be provided;  although confident that  He whom  he
served, would not allow him to continue this "warfare
at his own charges."
One day, while lying on a sick bed, with his mind
greatly agitated by the fears naturally arising from his
present pecuniary condition, a messenger from town
arrived, with a letter from a devoted friend of the freedmen, in Binghampton, N. Y., and an intimate friend of
his departed wife.  He opened the letter, and, reader,
what do you think he saw?  He could hardly credit the
testimony of his eyes, which were immediately filled
with tears, as he dropped thletter, and offered a prayer
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTHII,
of thanksgiving, to that God who had been silently at
work in his behalf.
The letter contained a draft for nearly $1000.  "Is it
possible," said he to himself, " That here is money
enough to carry me through to harvest, and I am to
have no more weary hours of pain and anxiety as to how
all these mouths of man and beast are to be filled? No
more medicine was necessary to return' soundness to
his limbs," but he was soon able to go about his daily
business.
Words cannot express his gratitude to the friend who
had shown such a self-sacrificing spirit in behalf of the
poor freedmen; for this person had actually mortgaged
hisfarmn to obtain the money so opportunely forwarded;
affording anotlher proof that some men are instinctively
benevolent, and all are not selfish as is sometimes
asserted.  Who but God, operating perhaps through the
spirit of my departed wife, who had promised to aid me
in every way, could have persuaded this man to have
performed a deed so entirely uncommon in the annals of
benevolence? To be sure, the money would have been
paid at some time in the distant future; but my kind
benefactor was not under the least obligation to have
paid it for a long time.
If I might suggest an opinion as to how he came to do
this remarkable deed, I should say, that being a prominent member of the religious body termed Spiritualists,
a part of whose faith is to hearklen unto mental impressions, he listened to the voice of God addressed to his
soul, where other men would not have thus listened, and
was thereby induced to do as he did. To God be all the
glory.  By the reception of this sum, the author was
enabled to devote more ofohis time to the great political
e
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AND THE -REBELS.
change then going on in our beloved, adopted commonwealth.   Congress had defined its position, and had
offered to the contumacious states, another opportunity
to return to their former snug quarters in our immense
political fabric. This offer was more difficult to be conmplied with than the former one; but many of our inhabitants rightly deemed it best to accept it, lest the
third offer should be still more stringent in its conditions.
Great numbers of the white inhabitants of our mountain
regions were  friendly to our cause;  and systematic
efforts were put forth to turn the scale in favor of the
cause of freedom and loyalty to the Union. Bitter was
the contest. The rebels gnashed their teeth as they
beheld the sceptre about to depart from their hands;
and especially as it promised to be accomplished through
the efforts of their former chattels. Their objections to
neg,ro voting vanished like lightning; and Boston and
New York could boast of no more diligent efforts to persuade the working men to vote the democratic ticket,
than were witnessed here.
"Barbacues" were everywhere held, and the colored
people were invited to sit down and eat with the whites,
if they would only promise to vote the democratic ticket.
Various sums of money were also offered the negroes on
the same conditions. Prominent democrats stationed
themselves on the highway, and urged their tickets upon
the numerous thronos of darkies that were everywhere
hastening to the polls. It is a curious fact, that at the
identical moment when democrat orators at the North
were making the " welkini ring " with their noisy shouts
about the danger of negro domination, their Southern
allies were equally vociferous in urging these same
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THE BLACK MAN OF TIE SOUTUf,
"nasty ni,ggers," to jOill their party, and become loving
memnbr eof their political chulchl.  (Great.inducements
were extended to every negro, to induce him to join
hands with the party th''t had alwvays cursed his race,
and connived at their enslavement.  It was only necessary to remind a crowd of listening neg,roes, of the fact
that the democracy had thus enslaved them, to quickly
dispel the illusion thrown around their minds, by the
argument and promises of windv democrat declaimers.
The election commenced April 20, 1868, and lasted
four days.  On Saturday and Sunday, April 4th and
5thl, we he'd a grand political meeting at our house,
wliich was attended by about two hundred persons on
Saturday, and about five hundred on Sunday. The only
white Southern people present, were the sheriff, to preserve order, and an overseer on a neighboringT plantation.
Many of our republican friends were present, and took
part in the exercises;  among whom,  were  Rollnus
Moore, a candidate for the Legislature, and Mr. Cobb,
both colored men; and Messrs. Sherman, Rice, Somers,
and Loving, white men.    The meeting continued from
ten A. M., to five P. M., with a short intermission; and
was enthusiastic beyonid description.   At one stage of
the meeting it was rumored that a colored democrat was
on the place, and a rush was immediately made for [him
by his colored brethren; and it required all the gift of
persuasion that several of us possessed to induce, them
not to molest him, so great was their indignation at any
one of their number, who, for "a mess of pottage,"
would prove recreant to his and their principles. I cannot better describe the election, than by giving extracts
from my diary, at the time:
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AND) THIE REBELS.
"Messrs. Sherman, Rice and TLoving, left Sunday P. M.
for Apling, our county-seat, and Lincouton, in Lincoln
couLnty; but at night Mr. Loving returned, with the sad
news that the creeks were up, and that the men who left
here in the morning could not go on, and had lost all
the tickets, their revolvers and clothing. This morning
it poured down rain again, but finally cleared off, and
one hundred men started from here for Apling.   We
sent seven mules, and two large wagons to carry the
lame.   At night our men returned with the news.  The
men had to swim the creek, and wade up to their chius
in water, carrying their guns in one hand, over their
heads.
Some of them came near drowning, and they had  a
desperate time, generally. At Apling the rebels were
out in strong force, and would have doubtless killed the
blacks, if it had not been for the soldiers. They seized
Mr. Loving, and threatened his life, for giving the blacks
the right kind of votes. They think it is an awful thing
for the blacks to have the right to vote; but they try
very hard to have them vote their ticket.  On Thursday
I started for Apling, with two of our hands, and another
man, who had been waiting for some days for an opportunity to ride.  Reached A. at one o'clock, and found
Mr Rice quite wearied and anxious to return; and after
making a farewell speech to the rebels, he returned with
Mir. Loving, while I remained behind.  Just before he
left, Mr. Sherman, and George Parks,  a colored man,
came on from Linconton, bringing dismal accounts from
that stronghold of rebeldom. About twenty of the rebels
followed them ten miles, insulting and threatening them
at every step.  They hooted, swvore, and (lid everything
but inflict blows upon them.  They  would  have done
that, if Mr. S. had replied a word to their insults.   I
found them very bitter at Apling, but not nearly as bad
as at Linconton.   One  colorcd man  at Apling was
knocked down with a rock, and another stabbed, for
voting the republican ticket.   One rebel turned off a
colored man for voting, and the soldiers went after the
0 
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
rebel but he escaped. They also arrested a man for
trying( to prevent one of his hands from voting,  and put
him under bonds; but he brought forward the colored
man, aid the poor fellow declared that he did not want
to vote.
On  Thtursdayv night we had  a fine meeting in the
colored  church, and I congratulated them  on their
courage anid manliness and MIessrs. Sherman and MAIoore,
spoke in the same strain."
Our ticket was elected by a vote of sixteen hundred
and seventy-five republicans, to four hundred and fifty
democrats, but when the returns were made out, the
names of about four hundred of our voters were dropped
from the list by the managers, for reasons best known to
themselves.  The ostensible one was, that on the registered list those names were not precisely alike those on
the voting list; which would necessarily be the case, for
the one who registered Jack Mor]ey's name, for instance,
would be quite likely to spell it somewhat different from
the one who recorded it, when Jack or John voted.
Many of the colored people have several names, and
sometimes give one, and sometimes another; which arises
firom the fact that after fireedom, great numbers dropped
their old surnames, along with their slavery robes, and
adopted new ones that suited their fancy better.  So
that when they registered their names, it happened that
many of them termed themselves Smith, Gray, and
Jones, and afterwards called themselves Johnson, Parks,
and Hill. With them, the surname is termed the trimming, and may at any time be altered, while the given
name they always adhere to, so that Levi Reid was
called Levi Curtis, or perhaps by some other "ltrimming."
206
a 
AND THE REBELS.
The following account of this same election was sent
by the writer to a Northern friend, who caused it to be
published, and I give it as furnishing some additional
particulars, hoping the reader will pardon whatever
repetition he may perceive.
COLUIBIA, Co., GA. May 1, 1868.
Dear Friend, - Thinking that a few items of information respecting our recent election would interest
you, I will give you a slight sketch of our political life,
in this semi-rebellious country.   Our friends literally
took their lives in their hands, and went forth to engrage
in this battle. Several of their number were brutually
murdered, many more injured, and multitudes insulted
almost beyond the power of endurance.  Mly sickness
occurred in the midst of the campaign, or I might have
been brought homue a bloody corpse. I lent my horses
and carriage to some friends to go to a meeting, and they
came home minus several bolts from the carriage, and
some of its ornamental work; and one of the horses was
so unfortunate as to lose a portion of his ears, nearly all
of his mane, and a large portion of his tail; and this they
rejoice over as a great rebel victory. I felt glad the poor
creature got home alive, and also those who rode behind
him.  At another time a blood-thirsty mob pursued a
friend of mine ten miles, with threats of vengeance upon
him, for his temerity in venturing into the lion's den.
They said he was the only white man who  had ever
dared thus to go through their county. Another friend
of mine was repeatedly threatened with assassination,
unless he desisted from his attempts to give the right
tickets to the colored people, and a plot was actually
laid to attack him on the way home. Quite a row was
occasioned by about twenty words I uttered to the blacks
at one time, and blood might have been shed if the soldiers had not been present. One colored man in this
county was knocked down with a rock for voting our
ticket, another was stabbed, and many were turned off
from their homes. Col. Brytnt was repeatedly assailed,
207 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
and many more of our friends would have been, if they
had replied to the insults they received. But in spite of
everything,  the blacks did nobly.  Their  enthusiasm
knew no bounds. The great mass resisted every at tempt to intimidate them, and marched boldly to the
polls in the face and eyes of the rebels, and voted the re publican ticket. About one hundred, with guns on their
shoulders, started from my house on the morning of the
election, and walked twelve miles to Apling, the'county
seat. The streams were up from heavy rains, and they
had to swim and wvade creeks, with the water up to their
chins, and when they got there were as wet as drowned
rats. I saw one man, ninety years old, who walked all
day alone to get to Alping; and came near getting
drowned in crossing a creek; but they pursued their
way undaunted alike by the storm and the threats of the
rebels.  The wrath of the rebels knew no bounds to see
their chattels transtformed so soon into citizens, when
they had fondly hoped to be able to re-enslave them.
Out of 1,700 black voters in this county, only about 25
voted the rebel ticket; and out of 90,000 in the State,
only ab)out 4,000 or 5,000. WVe have carried the State
by about 15,000 majority.  We have about 95,000 votes,
and the rebels about 80,000.   Not far from  40,000
whites, (the " poor whites," mostly,) voted the republieCan ticket, and about 20,000 blacks remained at lome, intimidated by the rebels.  These were those who  could
not be reached by our efforts, living in sections where it
was not safe for a lecturer to go.
Yours truly,          C. STEARNS:
I am particular in describing the scenes from minutes
made at the time, and not from recollection, as the time
will come when some of these statements will be denied.
I was so unfortunate as to be elected to the office of
" Judge of Ordinary," the duties of which office included those of a Northeirn judge of probate, and many
others, it being  an officeeof  a somewhat  anomalous
208
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AND THE REBELS.
chlaracter: In the words of the new State Constitution,
"The Courts of Ordinary" shall have such power, iii
relation to roads, bridges, ferries, public buildings,
paupers, county officers, county funds, and taxes and
other matters, as shall'be conferred uponi them by law;
and the books, papers, and proceedings of the "Inferior
Court" shall be transferred to, and remain in the control of the" Ordinary," who shall perform the duties of
said Courts, until otherwise provided by law.
Of course, whoever filled this office, possessed almost
unlimited power over all County nmatters.  Juries were
drawn in part by him, election precincts and managers
appointed, public building were at his disposal, and the
funds of the county under his control. He was, as it
were, "grand mogul'" of the county.  Is it any wonder,
therefore, that a howl of despair went forth from every
rebel heart in our county, when they learned the sad
news that the control of their county had passed from
their hands into that of a terrible Radical, like that
"d - d old Stearns," as they pleasantly called me? I
almost pitied them myself, and secretly determined that
every judicial act of mine should be performed with a
single eye to the best interests of these very rebels, who
so thoroughly hated me. I determined not to exercise
the absolute power entrusted to me; but whenever an
important measure Awas proposed, to call a public meeting, of the white voters of the County, and be guided
by the will of the majority, in all of my public acts of
a purely business character. But of this resolution, my
rebel friends of course knew nothing. They simply
saw the stubborn fact, that a "d- d Yankee, elected
by niggers," was placed in authority over them, and it
was too much for their rebellious natures to endure, and
209 
TIlE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
they accordingly adopted strenuous measures, to prevent
the occurrence of so sad a catastrophy.
But before I proceed to describe these measures, I
must digress, to allude to another sad event, that
occurred not far from this time. Little Lizzie Sherman,
the idol of her parents, and a general favorite among all
her Northern acquaintances, fell a victim to her praiseworthy efforts, to outstrip herrebel mates in scholarship.
Before the close of 1867, her parents had placed
her in a fashionable school in Augusta, and she was
making great proficiency in her studies, when death
claimed her as its own, and her lovely spirit was taken
possession of by him of whom she loved to sing, "The
Lord is my Shepherd, and I shall not want."  She was a
beautiful girl, and endowed withl a fine genius, and a
loving and affectionate disposition, althlough of course
not wholly free from the common errors of childhood.
Her death created another appalliing chasm in the little
circle of our Northern acquaintances, of which she was
the brightest ornament. It affected my own child so
much as to bring on a relapse after a fit of sickness,
from which she did not fully recover, until her return to
the North in June.  Little Lizzie lies at the side of that
other precious one, in the Augusta cemetery, whose
death preceded hers about six months.
Her earnest efforts in instructing the colored children
on our place, have been already alluded to, and some of
her teachings will never be forI(otten by them.  But notwitlstanding the amiability of her disposition, she was
made the butt of ridicule of her rebel schoolmates, on
account of her Northern origin. They would hardly
ever speak to her, and in passing her at school, gathered
up the folds of their dresse, so as not to come in contact
with her.
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AND THE REBELS.
At one time, some of them asked her where her
father lived, and she told them on a plantation. They
asked if it was owned by a Yankee, and on her replying
affirmatively, they sneeringly said, " Well, we wish you
would tell us where it is, so that when we go into the
country, we may not step our feet upon it, as we  do
not wish to pollute our feet by treading on a Northern
man's land."  To all of these taunts, she replied, in
accordance with the precepts of Jesus, and sedulously
endeavored to return "good for their evil." It is
unnecessary to add, that she was at the head of all her
classes, although they contained pupils much older than
herself.
It was the custom at intervals, for the scholars to repeat before the whole school, some verses from the
Scripture; and the next day after one of the most
shameful of the above occurrences, it was Lizzie's turn
to repeat verses; and she selected the following appropriate ones, and in a distinct tone repeated them before
the whole school, some of whom perhaps heard them
then for the first time in their lives; learning to forgive
one's enemies not being a prominent part of the educes
tion of Southern children: "I say unto you, love your
enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to theta
that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use
you and persecute you; that ye may be the children of
your Father which is in heaven, for he maketh his svn
to rise on the evil and on the good, on the just and
the unjust."
The repeating of this passage at such a time, brought
tears in the eyes of the teacher, who promised that from
that time, Lizzie should be subject to no more insults of
that character.               e
In order to show that'all of the Southern people do
211
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THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
not partake of this diabolical disposition towards their
enemies, I would state that at her funeral, many of her
rebel acquaintances officiated, and in the sad hours preceding it, were profuse in their kind offers of sympathy
and aid to the family; and some of those who had so
rudely treated her, asked the forgiveness of her firiends.
The physicians also, who were Southern  men, were
unremitting in their attendance upon her, and in their
efforts for her recovery often visiting her ten or twelve
times a day.  The Southern character so conflicts itself,
that it is hard to understand  it properly.  At  one
moment, breathing out the most intense hatred towards
all Northerners; at another, extraordinarily zealous in
attempts to benefit either one of these very Northerners,
or some of their own acquaintances.
It seems to me that the true Southerner excels as
much in devotion to his friends, as in hatred to his
enemies, being more like the ancient Jews, who  were
taught, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate
thine enemy," than like followers of him who says,
"love your enemies."
About the middle of June, I was forced to bid adieu
to my sister and child, whose health rendered it necessary for them to return to the North. I was thus left
alone to buffet with the rebels, having no white friends
on my place, except Mr. and Mrs. Loving. For four
months, I was entirely alone in our large dwelling, with
no companions but those who occasionally came to see
me on business. But our Sunday school was very
flourishing, and large numbers came out nearly every
Sunday; and to crown all, the Spirit of the Lord drew
near and blessed our religious efforts, and quite a number of souls professed t(find peace with God, and many
more became anxious enquirers after the way of salvation.
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CHAPTER XXII.
TERRIFIC MOB AT APLING, AND NARROW ESCAPE OF
THE AUTHOR FROM DEATH.
As has been mentioned in the preceding chapter, our
rebel friends saw fit to adopt severe measures to prevent
my being ensconced in my new office.  From the time
of the election until the September following, rumors of
various kinds were continually reaching my ears, in
reference  to their  designs.  The  governor was  not
inaugurated until July 22d, and I did not receive my
commission until about a month afterwards. If I had
been aware of the settled determination on the part of
my involuntary constituency, to prevent me firom occupying the position to which I had been elected, b)y a
majority of more than three to one of the votes of the
county, I should not have ventured to have taken
possession of the office, alone and unprotected. But,.
accustomed as I was to the Southern art of intimidation by braggadacio, I paid no attention to the mutterings of the distant thunder of rebel wrath.
On the contrary, I laughed at their threats, and regarded them as the blowing of the idle wind, and confined my attention to the duties before me. As soon as
I could make the necessary arrangements, I packed up
my things, and started on ny  hazardous journey. A
213           * 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
few extracts from my diary, previous to my arrival
there, will show the true state of affairs at this time.
On the inauguration of the governor, the miltary
power was withdrawn, and we were thrown upon our
own resources ag(rain; an unwise measure on the part of
the United States Government, but one that could not
well have been avoided, under the peculiar theory of
govermental interference entertained by those in authority. The detestable doetrine of State rights, as interpreted by the haters of the Union, had imperceptibly
infused its virus into all portions of the body politic,
and even those who stoutly denied the Southern exposition of the doctrine, on an emergency, adopted it as
their rule of action.  Consequently, as we had become
a State, all of. our helpless inhabitants must be thrown
at the feet of the rebel Juggernaut, to be crushed beneath the ponderous wheels of its terrific ear. But to
my extracts. Under date of August, 1866, I wrote as
follows
"Outrages upon the negroes becoming very common.   Last Thursday  night, one  was  taken  from
the jail at Apling, and hung, by a mob. Another came
to see me, to show me how he had been brutally stabbed
by his bverseer.  Two other men were threatened with
being shot.  A  negro woman was beaten on her head
with a board and hoe, and I am beset by a stream of
applicants for aid in some shape. It is worse now than
it has been for some time. Last night, a gang of men
on horseback broke up a prayer-meeting of the blacks,
about two miles from here, and constant threats are
made against me, if I attempt to take my office."
About this time, I was aroused at twelve o'clock one
night by a crowd of blacks under my bedroom window,
214
a 
AND THE REBELS.
who seemed to be in great distress and had come to me
for protection. They said if they only had guns, they
could take care of themselves, and earnestly desired me
to send North and obtain some for them. They said
they were entirely at the mercy of the rebels, and had
just been driven away firom some land they had rented.
Their situation seemed pitiable, but what could I do?
If I moved hand or foot in their behalf, my own life would
have been the penalty of my temerity. I could only
therefore recommend them to the mercy of God, and
tell them to wait patiently until Gen. Grant was
elected president, and then I believed their wrongs
would be righted.
Sunday, Sept. 6th, I wrote in my diary as follows:
"I never went to any place with such melancholy feeling as I go to Apling with.  I know not what will befall
me, but I trust in God who has always been with me,
and will continue to be.  My whole nature shrinks from
the contest, that I fear will be my portion there, but
God says'go,' and I must do his will whatever may
be the result.
"Sept. 7th, I wrote, "Spent to-day in preparing to
go to Apling, packing dishes, cooking utensils, bedding,
provision, &c., as I cannot get a place to board there, or
even blacks to cook for me, as they are all so afraid of
the rebels."
Tuesday, Sept 8th, I wrote as follows, "Started this
morning for Apling, with Frank Cummings for driver.
Broke down about three miles from home, and had to
send back and get another carriage, which occupied two
and a half hours. On reaching Waltons', one and half
miles further, I requested a cup to get some water in,
and he threatened to shoot me if I did not clear out immediately: and refused to allow me to drink from his
well;-, which was at the side of the road.  This seems
ominous. I told him who I vs, and thankled him for
215
4 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
for his civility. Just before we reached Apling, we met
a man on horseback, who gazed at me intensely, and
then turned and rode to town in a gallop."
This is about the last entry in my diary for nearly
two months, during which time the sickness consequent
on mIV Apling treatment, rendered me unable to write.
The reader will now pardon me for digressing from my
style as a simple narrator of passing events, and describing in my own way, the thrilling scenes through which
I passed.  When  the iron thoroughly' enters a man's
soul," he may be pardoned for expressing himself strongly in condemnation of his wrongs. But not one word
will be uttered here to the truthfulness of which I would
not be willing, to be qualified in a court of justice.
I copy mainly'from a statement of this affair made just
after it occurred, premnising that no description I can
give of it, can accurately describe the fiendish nature of
the whole transaction.
I reached Apling about 5 P. M., and hitched my
mules a few rods from the Court House. It was court
week, and a distinguished Southern politician had been
ill town, manipulating the grand jury, and counselling
themn to recommend to the citizens, to allow  all the
officers on our ticket to take their seats, except myself
and a colored man, elected to the office of Coroner.
Having arranged everything for the contemplated action
of the people, as I have every reason to think, he left
the town shortly before my arrival, in company with
others, who were equally anxious to avoid all identification with the mob.  Perhaps they did not wish to w;.tness
the violence, which their common sense must have told
them, would follow the excited appeals which they made
to the crowd. As I walled up to and passed by the
216
0 
AND THE REBELS.
court house, I was greeted with a shower of hisses, from
the upper windows of the building, and with exclamations, "There he is; there's Stearns."
This surprised me, but I walked calmly on, until I
reached the Post Office, quite a number of rods distant.
I entered the building, and obtained my mail matter;
and perceiving quite a crowd of men in the room, which
was also used as a store, I bowed politely to them and
said, "I am glad to see you, gentlemen," to which
some of them replied, "Well if you are, we are not
glad to see you." I remained here, perusing my letters,
until prudence suggested my departure, and I repaired
to the office of the Ordinary, on the lower floor of the
court house. I was followed by a motley crowd, some
of whom hooted at.me, and others remained silent.  On
entering the Ordinary's office, I sat down and commenced reading.  Soon the crowd increased, until the
hall was pretty full, and I remarked, "Come in, gentlemen, and be seated; I would like to have a talk with
you."  Quite a number availed themselves of my invitation, and one or two took seats at my side.  Those remaining outside, called to their comrades to come on
and see me; "it was only twenty-five cents for a sight,"
they said.  This I supposed to be on account of their
being unaccustomed to see a Northern republican, with
his benevolent principles written on his face, in so striking contrast to the brutal features of their own leaders.
The room was soon crowded, it holding from fifty to
seventy-five persons. One of the persons who sat at my
side was a Northern man, who had resided at the South
many years; but he acted the part of a perfect gentlemanl, during the whole of the fiery ordeal that followed.
One old  man  in the back. part of the room, was
217
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
especially violent, damning and cursing me in the most
terrific manner. The remainder of the crowd indulged
in conduct between the two extremes.
One man repeatedly aimed blows at my head, but the
gentleman sitting near me remonstrated with him, and
he did not actually strike me. One of them pulled my
nose slightly a few times, but this was the nearest
approach to physical injury, I received that afternoon.
But of all language it had ever been my lot to listen to
previously, this surpassed the whole. I must say that
no vulgar fisherwoman in the London market, could
equal in Billings-gate oratory these foul-mouthed defenders of Southern rights, on account of whose wrongs
so many crocodile tears are shed by dish-water philanthropists at the North. They stormed, they raved, they
brow-beated me; they called me a "d -n low-lived
Yankee, a thief, a scoundrel," and every other name that
could be drawn out of the filthy pool of their Satanic
hearts. Talk of politeness and of gentlemanly manners
as peculiar to Southerners! Truly, if this was a specimen of their qualifications in this respect, then the
greatest boor that ever disgraced the barn-yard of a
Mexican "bull-whacker" is a perfect gentleman; yea,
more, if this conduct was gentlemanly, then might a
company of Bedouin Arabs, wandering across.the
desert, in pursuit of their human prey, be deemed model
gentlemen, and perfect Chesterfield's of politeness!
To all of this terrific abuse, I replied in the mildest
manner possible. While they raved, I tried to reason.
While they cursed, I strove to pray inwardly. While
they sought to irritate me, I endeavored to soothe their
excited  feelings.   May  I be pardoned for saying,
that in my opinion, no poiver in the universe, but that
213 
AND THE REBELS.
of the spirit of the Living God, could have enabled me
to bear patiently all that abuse. I was not conscious of
one angry feeling towards them, during the whole of
this conflict with these Ephesian " wild beasts."  I felt
sorry for them, knowing that they were misguided, and
ignorant of the "glorious gospel of the blessed God,"
through whose power alone was I able to "possess my
soul in patience." If I had uttered one irritating word,
I have no doubt I should have been torn in pieces immediately.   I tried to tell them of Jesus, but they
hooted at his sacred name, and laughed immoderately.
The reader will excuse me, for pointing out the means
used by myself, in this emergency, to preserve my feelings unruffled; as it may be of use to some other soul,
subjected to like 4emptations. First, before I went to
Apling, I gave myself up to God, to obey him perfectly
in every respect. I promised to follow the leading of
his Spirit, implicitly.  Then, when  the "fiery trial"
came upon me, I trusted in Him to show me my duty,
and to lead me to say and do exactly what was right;
and the consequence was, that my soul was filled with
calmness and heavenly love, which enabled me to pity
them, and to bear all their cruel taunts, with patience.
This experience proves conclusively to my mind, that
God is a prayer-hearing God, and able to preserve us'
from wrong in the midst of the greatest temptations
They accused me of causing the blacks to commit outrages upon them, and made me responsible for every act
of violence lately committed by a black man ill Georgia.
They told me, positively, I could not live, and hold the
office to which I had been elected; for, as they said,
"the white people of the county are determinied you shall
not, at all hazards, because yqV were elected by the nig
219
O 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
gers; and we will be d    d if the niggers are going to
rule over us. We built this court house with our money,
and we are going to occupy it."  They said, "this is so
important an office, and places our property at your disposal, and we know you will steal it."
Some of them would then ask, "Are you going to
take this office?" to which I would reply, that I did not
know.  "Well," said they, "by G         d, we know, and
we are determined that you shall not." Some who were
milder than the rest, reasoned with me, and asked me
why I did not resign, seeing there was such a state of
feeling towards me?  Others said, "before you came
here we could do as we pleased with the blacks, but now
they are all turning against us."
I observed, that so long as I continued to talk to them,
they made no attempt to strike me; but when, from
sheer exhaustion, my words failed, then they would
rush upon me, until met by a fresh volley of words, furnished by that Spirit, as it seemed to me, who has promised to speak in us when brought before our adversaries; and give us "a mouth and a wisdom that they
shall not be able to gainsay or resist." When thus met,
these ferocious men would fall back again, as if repulsed
with some physical weapon.
How long this contest between truth and brute force
would have continued, I know not, had not the sheriff
of the county made his appearance, and informed the
crowd that they were disturbing the court, then in session, up stairs. But soon the court adjourned, and I apprehended a resumption of hostilities on their part; but,
strange to say, not long after, one by one, they left the
room, until it was entirely empty. I then felt a sense
of relief, and went to thewindow to obtain a breath of
220
m 
AND THE REBELS.
firesh air. I was then invited out of doors by one of the
crowd, with the humane assurance, that if I ventured
out, "I will beat you into such a jelly, that your own
wife will not know you." This polite invitation he re peated several times, when a bystander whispered some thing in his ear, and he immediately took off his
hat, and said, "I ask your pardon, Mr. Stearns.  I did
not know your wife was dead. Excuse me, sir." This
affected me so much, that I burst into tears. I was unmanned, at the sight of such a demon-like nature,
changed so suddenly into a humane man, by the transforming power of domestic affection; for if he had not
loved his own wife, he could not have felt so deeply for
another's affliction. Does not this little incident afford
convincing proof, that the worst of men have a spark of
humane feeling left within them? Is there not some
good in even a demon? After they had all left me, I
sought the sheriff, and claimed his protection for the following night; but he blandly informed me that he was
under the necessity of leaving town very soon. The
next move was to decide on my quarters for the night.
Neither of the hotel keepers seemed desirous of having
me for a guest, on account of the danger to them; so I
concluded to pass the night in the barn-yard, containing
my carriage. A friendly black man came secretly to us
and told us that the rebels intended attacking us during
the night, and carrying off all our "traps" that were in
the carriage. We determined, therefore, to guard our
property; and with revolver in hand, I paced that barnyard, the greater part of the night, changing guard occasionally, with Frank, my faithful black defender.
It was a fearful night, truly; surrounded as I was,.
with blood-thirsty enemies, aid almost entirely destitute
22i
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
of friends Much of the time I spent in silent prayer;
and I can assure my readers, that waiting throngs of invisible beings, seemed hovering over me; and either
they, or the "God and father of our spirits," whispered
joyful words of consolation and courage to my fearful
heart. If God willed that I should then and there fall
a victim to the violence of my enemies, I was willing
to be thus sacrificed. But I besought God to show me
my duty, and to direct my steps. The stars sent down
a brilliant and cheering light upon me, and though forsaken of man, I felt that holy angels, and glorified spirits were still "hovering around," although unseen by
mortal eyes.
I watched closely the gate that led into the enclosure,
determined to xepulse, if possible, any one who should
enter the yard that night; but morning dawned, at
length, and nothing had occurred, except a great variety
of unearthly noises, that I could hear in the distance,
sounding like the summoning of men, for some important conflict.   And so the result proved.  At  about
twelve o'clock, the next forenoon, while sitting in the
court-room, up stairs, the court having adjourned, I beheld a motley crowd rush up stairs, and after gazing at
me, with a subdued ferocity, mingled with a curious
air, they took their seats around the room. I viewed
them closely, and was convinced that this crowd could
not be influenced by reason, even as much as the one of
the previous afternoon. At first, my knees trembled
a little, as I beheld their fierce and besotted features;
but I prayed for strength, and instantly all fear left me,
and I could look upon my would-be murderers with
comparative calmness.
At length a stout, red-iced and brutish looking man
;222
0 
AND THE REBELS.
walked up to me, and after questioning me a little as to
my intentions, cried out, " Come on, boys, let's pitch
him out the window;" but the " boys" did not respond
to his murderous intentions, and he contented himself
with cursing me to his heart's content. I asked him in
what way I had ever injured him, that he should be so
full of rage against me. His only response was, that
"We own the Court-house, and it shall not be occupied
by niggers or the friends of niggers."
In a few moments, a mild and pleasant looking gentleman, a lawyer from Berzilia, in a polite manner, said
to me, "Why do you persist in holding this office against
the will of the people? Why are you not willing to
resign seeing they feel so about it? I told him I would
tell them all, if they would give me five minutes to
speak in without interruption. To this request, they all
assented, and I spoke as follows, the kind gentleman
holding the watch, to see that I was allowed the whole
of the time agreed upon.
"Did you not engage in war against the Northern
people?"  They replied affirmatively.  "Were you not
beaten in that war?"  They nodded assent.  "And
after you were beaten, did you not agree to submit to
the United States government?" They replied as
before.  "Then," said I, "the Congress of the United
States gave these negroes the right to vote, on account of
their services in the Union army; and as well-meaning
and sincere men, ought you not to submit to its will,
until the Supreme Court has decided its acts are unconstitutional." To this proposition they quickly replied,
"No, we will be d -dif we will.  It is onlya rump
Congress and had no right to let niggers vote, and we
don't care a d-n for it."  My time was now out, and
I desisted from farther talking.
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Soon after, a portion of the crowd left the room, and
as I was afterwards informed b)y a bystander, they replenished the stock of whiskey in their stomachs, reloaded their revolvers, doffed their coats, and they soon
re-entered the room.  They rushed upon me imnmediately, crying out, "G - n d- n you. get out of this ccurtho use, it was built with our money, and you shall not
tay in it any longer."  They  then seized  me  a(nd
(i,agoed me to the top of the stairs, and hurried my dep)aiture from the hall of justice, by pushing  and kicking
nme until I had reached the bottom of the long flight of
stairs, some of them crying out, "Let's put him into the
creek."
As soon as I reached the outer door, I hesitated a
moment whither to direct my steps, but seeing a crowd
on the steps of the post-office building, which was across
a lawn, in front of the court-house, I turned my face
thitherward, when I was met with a fiendish shout,
"Don't come here, G - d d - n you, we have no use for
you." I was at a loss then what to do. I looked above
and saw the hot September sun pouring down unwonted
rays of burning heat. I looked upon the ground and
that did not open to afford me a hiding place. I cast my
eyes behind me, and there was a crowd of infuriated
savages, maddened with whiskey. I gazed before me,
and I saw only another company of enraged human
beings ready to destroy me. I turned my eyes to the
right hand, and then to the left, and no friend appeared.
I thought of the judge of the Superior Court, with
whom I was acquainted, and who was of our party; but
then I reflected that he could do but little for me, and
by flying to him his life might be endangered also, and I
determined to fight my own battles, with the Lord alone
for a helper. 
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AND THIE REBELS.
I had in my side coat-pocket a loaded revolver, which
I resolved to use at the last extremity, and to sell my
life as dearl- as possible. At length, one of the crowd
cried out, " Go  that way," pointing to the road leading
firom the town; but I well understood what that meant,
so I firmly refused, saying, decidedly, " I shall not go
there, or anywhere else, until my carriage is brought to
me."  "h AVIere is your carriage? " said they.   I told
themn, and they then agreed to send a man for it, and
ordered me to remain standing under the hot sun, until
it came, which command I was forced to obey.  And
there I stood for an hour, at midday, with the fierce rays
of the sun falling on my unsheltered head, and receiving such insults as they felt disposed to heap upon me.
OIne man threw at me a rock as big as a man's head, but
two other men  caught his arms quickly, and the rock
fell harmless at my feet, the disappointed villain boiling
over with impotent rage.
The crowd continued to urge me to resign my office,
and they would not molest me.  Some of them said I
must agree to three thin,gs; viz  "to resign the office
of Ordinary, to refuse to take any other office to which
I might be elected by the negroes, and never to come to
Apling again."  MIy kind defender in the court room
was indefatigable in his efforts to protect me, not because hlie sympathized with me, as he said, but because
he was opposed to ilob law.  Two others were equally
valiant, and appa)renitly for similar reasons.  One  of
them  was  the ol(  man  who  was  the most excited
of the crowd( the  dltvy l),f(o'e.  After  a  while, my
carriage hlove in silht, the mi-tles  )eing driven by the
ever faithful FIraljik, wclo li(ad stood by nme to the last,
altlhough previous to tliis, hlie had been repeatedly urged
to flee for his life.
225 
THE PLAIK AIAN OF TIUE SOUTH,
As he aligh-ted from the carriaa'e, a miserablle ruffiai
aske(l Thin h hethi, le wv,t (l(cuocra,t or a Ldicel.  He
replie(ld  a radicalal,"' wh i   ""l t i,ute attacked hi-n, beating him o01n his ha(d se-(ilelyT, adi(l klickingo h1im  several
times.  Franlk di(l not recover from the effects of these
blowvs for several weeks.   My lkind defender now said,
"\Vell, if you will not p)ionlise to resign this office, I
cani  do notlhing miore fori you;   and he left me, and
wallked toward the crowd, on  the steps of the IPostOffiee building.  I then saw  that but a step renmained(
between me and certain death, and that my colored comrade would share the same fate, and I wished to know
my duty.  Previous to this, I had come to the conclision, and it wvas impressedl on my mind, that it was of no
use to try to hold the office, iunless I could have soldiers
to protect me; but I did not wish to resig'n ii  reality,
only to hold its duties in al)eyanlce for a season, liol)iflg
that there might be a chlange in affairs ere long.
I then said in my  heart, " 0 Lord, what shall I do
now?  Shall I resign or not?"  Instantly the answer
came to me, " It is useless  to hold out any longer.
They will kill you and Frank too, and there will be none
left to tell the story.  If you dlie here, it will only add
another to the long list of victims already sacrificed on
the lbloody altar of Southern hate, and your  death will
soon be forgotten. If you live, you can testify of these
atrocities, and do much good."  I hesitated no longei,
but calling my protector to me, I made known to hiIm
nmy terms of capitulation, viz: that if they wvould allow me
to retire with " the honors of war," carryilng my  arms
and all of mny property with me, and would agree not
to inolest eith-er of Lius on our return home, then I would
prollise not to occupy the office in question.  He re
229 
AND THIE REBELS.
peatedcl my terms to the crowd, who immediately cried
out, " That's right; bully for him," although a fewv demanded the first terms spoken of; but others said, " No,
that's enough; " and turning to me, said, " You have
done right.  You may come to Apling wvhenever yotu
wish, and we wvill protect you."   I stepped into my
carriage, and  Frank  applied the  lash to the mules
vi'gorously, and we rode off, accomnpanied by a deafening
sliout of triumph, on the part of the victorious conteminers of the United States Government.
I must confess that I was happily disappointed in
being permitted to ride away unmolested, as I expected
to be followed by a volley of rifle balls fiom the cowardly mob.
Was I right in resigning thlis office? If I had b)een
required to renounce my principles, or to vote the democratic ticket, I feel sure that all hell could not have prevailed upon me  to comply;  but as the question was
simply as to holding a particular office in form, which I
wvas satisfied I could not hold in reality, I think I d(iJ
right in compromising with this bloody crowd.  If I h.'d
not yielded, I should never have lived to write these
pages.  Still I felt a little ashamed at having succum)cd
to them, and I afterwards told my protector so.  But
he replied, " You could have done no different if you
had been Napoleon Bonaparte."  He then said, "If you
will go home  and mind your owvn business, and not
attempt to make political capital out of this affair, by
and by you'll have lots of friends all around you."
I saw the sheriff shortly afterwards, and asked him
why he was not onl hand to protect me.   " O," said he,
I could do inothing in such a crowd.  They would
have killed me if I had interfered." The Judge to
2 -— 17
0
1. 
THE BLACK M   OF THE SOUTH.
whom I have alluded, afterwards assured me that the
sheriff would have been killed if he had tried to protect
me, and that the mob told him so at the commencement
of their operations.  Thus  were  " law  and  order"
trampled under foot by those in whose behalf so many
vociferous calls are being made, as eminently worthy of
pardon for all their past political offences.
228
0
0
6 
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE VALLEY OF THE SHADOW OF DEATH, AND DETESTA  BLE CONDUCT OF THE REBELS, WITH MR. LOVING'S
" SUI GENERIS" EPISTLE.
Without wishing to introduce any strictly personal
matters into this narrative, still I cannot continue the
"thread of my-tale," without briefly alluding  to the
consequences to myself, of the rough treatment portrayed in the preceding chapter. Hardly had I reached
my home, and described to my excited colored friends
the scenes that had occurred at Apling, and furnished a
brief statement thereof, for the Northern press; when I
was prostrated on a bed of sickness, from which I did
not arise so as to be able to perform any labor for two
months. Death nearly claimed me for his own, but God
had other work for me to do; and the grim messenger,
always ready to contend with the Almighty for the
physical forms of his servants, ceased his pleadings, and
stood one side while God asserted his authority. I do
not mean that God worked a miracle to save me, but I
have no doubt that he acted through me, to induce me to
do the things that he saw would prolong my life.
I was first attacked with the chills and fever, sweating
so profusely that hardly a dry thread was left in my
clothing, I having being obliged to prostrate myself
229 
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
upon my bed so suddenly, that I had neither time nor
strength to remove my garments. The next day I was
removed up stairs, and there I remained for more than
three weeks, enduring the alternate misery of shaking
cold and of burning heat, succeeded by copious sweats.
I had no attendants except my ignorant black friends,
who were anxious to aid me, but lacked ability in that
line, as the reader will remember in the case of a former
sickness.
Our faithful cook, Susan, understood what to do
tolerably well; but hardly two weeks had elapsed before
she succumbed to her arduous labors, and was able to do
no more for me.  "Aunt Matilda" next undertook the
work, and was faithful according to her knowledge; but
her strength soon gave out, and there were no others
that could be obtained, except at intervals; and for two
weeks I was left to the mercy of those who could be
spared from the labors of the farm.   Mr. Loving spent
a few moments with me every day, and occasionally
gave me a bath; but he was busy about other things,
and could not spare much time to be at my bedside.
At the end of three weeks I was much better, having
'missed the chill" several times in succession; and I
was able to crawl down stairs, and superintend the cooking of some light food for myself; occasionally eating
a squirrel, which the hands brought me. I was also able,
after the chills and fever had left me for the day, to
spend a little time in writing to friends, for help against
the rebels. But as soon as I thus began to improve,
providence sent another terrible affliction upon me; and
the excitement caused thereby, again prostrated me, and
for more than a week I lay very near death's door.
This affliction was the sudden departure of my white
0
2O0
.
6 
AND THE EEBEI.
overseer, Mr. Loving, who took with him several hundreds of dollars' worth of cotton; and with his interesting  family, left for parts unknown.    When  I first
learned of this occurrence, the most melancholy forebodings filled my mind, as there I was prostrate,' and
nearly all of my crops remaining ungathered. I could
see to nothing myself, and according to the letter sent
me by my kind friend, I could not depend on the blacks
for anything. The rebels, in the meantime, were howling around me like so many demons from the bottomless
pit; disproving my friends assertion, that if I "minded
my own business, I should have lots of firiends."
For a while it seemed as if I could realize fully, the
force of our Saviour's dying cry; "My God, my God!
why hast thou forsaken me?"  Swiftly passed through
my mind, as I lay helpless on my sick bed, all the horrors of my situation; and for.a moment, I thought,
well, God must be angry with me, for coming down
here; and he is punishing me severely for my fool-hardyness."  But I struggled with this "fiery dart of the
wicked one," and called on God for help; and soon,
bright angels appeared around me, and whispered in my
ears the following comforting words:  "Of one thing
you may rest assured; whatever befalls you, God is still
your father and your friend, however dark seems the
prospect now around you. He never will forsake those
who love and obey him." Reassured by these soothing
words, I again "trusted in Him," and soon saw through
the angry clouds above  me, rays of golden light, betokelning a brighter and better day.  "W  hen did any ever
trust in the Lord, and were confounded?"
Soon a physician and a Northern friend arrived from
town, travelling in the night, to avoid danger, and by
231
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
great efforts on their part, I was enabled to pass the
crisis, my pulse, on their arrival, being up to 127; and
I was utterly unconscious of what was passing around
me, except that it seemed to me that the rebels were
assaulting the place, and the house was full of defenders, whom I was urging to fight valiantly.  I was
afterwards informed of this, by the physician.
During the whole of these trying scenes, the boasted
Southern chivalry did their best to annoy and disturb
me. As long as I was able, every night before composing my eyes in slumber, I re-loaded my rifle, and placed
it at the head of my bed, and put my revolver under
my pillow, resolved to protect myself as long as I had
a particle of strength remaining. I wish I could portray
these dark andti terrible hours before my readers, in
order to show them the character of the foe I had to
deal with; but words would fail me, to correctly describe them.
What made the case still worse was, that the madness
of our friends in the Legislature had resulted in the ousting from their seats the colored members thereof; and
the rebels, emboldened by the result of their villainy,
like a wolf who has tasted a little of the blood of its
victim, thirsted for a full draught of the life-element of
their innocent foes.
To crown all, the horrible doctrines of Frank Blair
and Co. were being sedulously inculcated throughout
the land, and with the insane ravings of Ben Hill, and
others of his elk, sounding aloud, the very atmosphere
seemed burning with oaths, imprecations and horrid hate.
The red sun emitted no more fiery rays of terrestrial
heat, than did these maddened men send forth of rancoroils hate, from the unfathomable abyss of their sinpolluted souls.
232
0 
AND THE REBELS.
The rebels themselves were sanguine of victory, and
vainly imagined that the ticket headed "Seymour andcl
Blair" was destined to succeed and place them in power
again. If the political horoscope of our moral planetary
system had truly indicated such a change in our
country's future destiny, my situation would have been
still worse; but as far as I could read the signs in the
heavens, no such a change was there indicated, and this
conviction allayed many of my fears, and aided in my
recovery. I felt sure that our noble soldiers, who on
the field of battle had conquered  the myrmidons of
secession, would as effectually vanquish them ill the
great political fight then approaching.   I was certain
that the great heart of the Northern people could not t)be
so suddenly seized with madness, as to thrust from them
the one whom God had so recently selected, to lead
them on to victory, and imitate the Jews of old, in preferring "Barabbas to Christ."  I was certain in my own
mind that General Grant was to be our next president,
and so expressed my feelings to all the rebels who asked
my opinion.
If such had not been the case, I am sure I should not
have been writing these pages. It was well understood
that if "Seymour and Blair" had been elected, almost
every Union man would have been driven from the
South, or welcomed to the  "hospitable graves,"  so
much talked of by our Southern brethren.
I cannot depict all the occurrences of that "reign of
terror," that lasted several months. Murders were
occurring elsewhere, and for a season, it verily seemed
as if "hell was let loose" upon the devoted heads of
the Union men. My rebel friends being fully aware of
my utterly helpless condition waxed surpassingly bold.
233
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Not a night passed for some time, without a bevy of
them exhibiting the manly feelings of their deluded
souls, by firing off deadly weapons all around my house.
In one instance they rode into my front yard, and
valiantly discharged their revolvers right in front of my
house, thus entitling them to the praise of all lovers of
true bravery. To be sure, if I had been able to return
their fire, they would have hardly ventured so far; but
dear creatures! they evidently enjoyed the Christianlike employment of frightening a person lying at the
point of death, simply because his sentiments differed
so much from their treasonable and diabolical notions.
God forbid that I should indulge in any uncharitable
feelings towards the poor creatures who thus retarded
my recovery, and aided in plunging me into the depths
of the physical misery that I endured.
The souls of such men carry with them sufficient punishment for their horrible crimes. I would not lift a
finger to increase the severity thereof, only, I would like
our government to enact such laws as will prevent the
possibility of the recurrence of such scenes.
A few days after the departure of Mr. Loving, I received from him the following letter, which I publish,
"verbatim, et literatim," in order to show the true condition of affairs at the time; premising that I did not
then, and do not now, believe his statements respecting
the colored people, for their future conduct refuted his
calumnies. But I have no reason to doubt his assertions
respecting his own danger, for I had long noticed that
he was terribly frightened, and I knew that the rebels
hated him, if possible, more than they did me. The
reader can imagine the effect upon me, of the reception
of such a letter at such a time.
o
234
0 
AND THE REBELS,
Sep 27 1865
Mr Stearns dear Sir you will be somewhat Suprized
to recive this letter from one that has given you so much
trouble. Mr Stearns I would not have done as I have
if my life had not been at stake I am threatend on evry
side by boath white and black and you are too but I am
in mor danigar than yer are I have sold the 3 bails of
coton & gon to Louissianna where my property is and
when I git there if I have luck to do so I intend sellingc
my land and send you all the money I have got for the
Coton you must imploy some purson to eary on the buisiness you will do well to imploy George parks as I think
he will do you justiss you can depend on frank and Jarat
and John Robenson but you must have some one that is
not interested to devid the crops and that is not all if
you doint have a disinterested man ther all the time or
yer stuff will all go not as I got it but ill a more secrete
maner I have mad. a good crop for you but it will not all
be saved for there has been at least 25 bush corn stolen
all ready out of the field you will find my acount Book
in my. house on the side board you had better git it
amediatly for the men may git it and distroy it Isaac
warren has got the key Mr Stearns you have no idier
the danger you are in if you did you would not stay there
for all your crop and place is worth
Mr Stearns you know not the danger you are in even
with the black people the men on your place would kill you
for little of nothing they say you have preached to them
so much about Elivation and Education till they are
tired of it and they say the yankeys have not done right
by them.  They come down here and set them free and
give them nothing to go upon, and when these yankeys
come down here to farmit they are not willing to give
a cent more wages than a rebil and you have caused
them more trouble than the rebils has, you made them
belive your way was right and they voted your way and
now the North wont give them any protection your own
men say this an(] they say all so that if they doent make
any thing this year they will murder you and mne boath
0
2 i-0) a'
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
and all the other yankeys that comes in their way. I
have caught several colord men on your place stealing,
and threatend to tell you of it and they sayd they
would kill me if I did and all the men on the place joi(nd
them and sayd they would help to do the work they sand
that I was there to tend to your buisiness and not to
theirs and if I did tell they Would all help to kill me I
will tell you of some instances one is when Bansfield
hog was killed, our own men was in the scrape they
took it to the swamp but he pushed them so clost they
had to leave it behind, and one of yer men was blody
and had to change his clothes and I caught him striping
and told him of it and sayd I was going to have him
arested for it but I changed my notion when every man
on the place got round me in the field and sayd they
would kill me on the spot if I did not promise them I
would not tell you nor any one else so I promisd and
one of them rayd they ought to kill me anyhow for a
dead man never would tell any thing, and at one time
I was going to town and there was a bag of old irons in
the wagon and I asked the driver whose they ware b)ut
he did not tell me and on examining it I found the step
of yor Cariage in it and a grate many other irons that
was valuable I sayd I was going to tell you and he sayd
if I did I would be killed by all the hands on the place
he sayd they had all agreed to stick togeather in a case
of that kind he sayd they were poor, and they had to
have a living and the people did not give them enough
to live off of and they intended to have it in that way I
sccceeded in proswaeding him to let me bring the irons
back by promising I would not tell you on examining
when I got back home I found that they had took nearly
all the old irons on the place I then gathered the remainder up and put them in an old tub in the wood
house, now you know these women dont go to town so
often for nothing now I will tell you they have been
stealing corn and old irons and one thing and then
an nother all the time and I have been afraid to tell it to
you for my life was in danger all the time they would
0
236 
AND THE REBELS.
kill me the very instant I did report one of them you
will say I am a grand thief but you are mistaken for if I
had been wanting to make a profit out of you I would
have waited for a beter time for if I had waited till we
had gined out 6 or 8 bails of coton I could have made
6 or 8 hundred dolars insted of 332.60 but no it was for
no gain of property or money or friends or good will of
any one, but it was for the very time to save life I am
shure if my life had not been in danger and I had not
had souch short notice and so short time to git away in
I would not don it for nothing in this world no Mr
Stearns I would not do as I have don for a milion of dolars
so far as love of wealth is conserned. My heart is bursting now at the very idier of having to do what I have to
save my life but you know life is sweet and espesialy to
one that has got a family and a heples one at that like
mine. If you git killed you have got something to suport your child with but my family would come to starvation so fare as character is consurmed poor people has
got non in these days for I have experiansed this fact
myself. I was once in good circumstance and now I am
pool and I am no more respected than a dog even by my
pretended friends
Now you may think my wife had a hand in this affair
but she is as clear as the noon days sun Shek opposed it
from the beging but I knew that my time was near out
and this was my only chance Just see what a poor
man has got to do to live I had to take sids with you
when you and your sister acused my wife of b)eing a
thief to keep a home if I had not been in the fix I was
in I would not stayd a day after you acused her of steal
ing when I knew she was inocent
I can not finish this as the cars are bobing so I cant
write I am yours as ever If you wish to push the
Law you Can do so, if do not you will git pay for all
the damage I have don to you, and that unexpected, I
will send it to your sister as I think you will not stay
there long.
yours respectfuly
J. W. LovING.
237
0
I
a 
ETHE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH,
You will hear from me again soon
P. S. I am a shamd to ask your pardon, for I do not
think their is any for me but I hope their is.
But relief at length came. A telegram was despatched
to my sister at the North, and with all possible despatch
she hastened to my bedside, where she arrived just in
season to snatch my person from the insatiable monster
death, into whose distended arms I was momentarily expecting to fall. She received the telegram at ten o'clock
at night, and was in the cars at noon of the following
day. At my request the colored people on the place
had come in, and bade their final adieu to me; they had
sang and prayed with nme, and on leaving the room all
had shaken hands with me. I had offered to them a
few words of'farewell advice, and addressed a short
petition to heaven in their behalf.
The sands of life were nearly wasted. A cold sweat
stood on my brow. Beckoning angels seemed to stand
at my bedside to welcome me into the eternal world. I
succeeded in placing on paper, a few words for my sister
to read, on her arrival, and committing my soul into the
hands of an ever faithful God, I folded my hands in
quietness and calmly awaited the result. If my sister's
arrival had been delayed one day longer, I am confident
no words of welcome would have dropped from my
cold and compressed lips. Nothing would have remained but my lifeless form stretched on a bed of death.
But she reached me, and in the good providence of
God I was also permitted to see my darling child, on
whose account I had told the insane crew at Apling,
that I preferred life to death; and they had replied that
they would take care of her."
Her presence was entiiy unexpected, but as soon as
0
238 
AND THiE REBELS.
she understood that her aunt was coming to Georgia to
see her sick papa, she clung to her with such tenacity,
that it was impossible to leave her behind. It may
sound strange to some ears to hear, that she had insisted
upon it that her papa was very sick and needed her
presence, for some days before the remainder of the
family had received any intimation of such a fact.
When asked how she knew, her reply was, " God told
me so, and I must go and see my dear papa." May I be
permitted to state that this is not the only instance of
this spiritual clairvoyance that has occurred among the
author's children.
It is needless to mention that the presence and joyous
prattle of this child, aided effectually in the recovery
of her fond parent. She was then about six and a half
years old, and one of the most affectionate of children.
The following is an extract from a letter of my sister
to her mother, written soon after her arrival.
"I found all here in a state of the wildest excitement.
Ilad my brother died, I do not think all Heaven and
Earth could have prevented the shedding the blood of
his murderers. Stalwart men crowded our back door
in the middle of the day, exclaiming, "we cannot work,
the fight is in us, just let us go, we will lay Columbia
County in ashes." "Just you say the word, and we
will level that Court House to the ground." " We have
all been insulted  long  enough, we  will bear it no
longer." &c. &c. &c.
I entreated, I expostulated, I told them Mr. S. would
perhaps live, and that the best way to save his life, was
to go to work and try to save his crops, at that moment
wasting in the fields. I told them that such an excitement as what they proposed would occasion, would be
certain to cause his death; that the doctor said he must
be kept very quiet, and if theihad any real true regard
a
239
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
for him or me, to keep calm and try to attend to their
work, as the only rilght course and the only safe way.
All the first week I thus entreated in private, but the
excited state of feeling still continued. I then called a
public meeting which was attended by many from the
neighboring plantations.  I then laid before them the
direful consequences for themselves and to us of thus
taking vengeance in their own  way.  I told them to
leave it to the Lord who has said, " Vengeance is mine,
I will repay." I explained to them that by the course
they proposed they would be arming themselves againist
the United States government, were they called upon to
do it they would be protected; but by thus taking the
work into their own hands, they would become the mob,
and the government would be bound to put them down
with all its troops.
I appealed to them by every motive I could command,
self-preservation, love to us, obedience to God, &c. &c.
And when they saw that their well-mneant efforts would
only result in greater evils to themselves and to us, and
felt how powerless they were to contend with the foe, so
much their superior in skill, in knowledge, and in power,
they sadly "laid down their fight," as they expressed it,
and slowly and reluctantly went to their homes, and the
next day to their respective tasks, but their hearts were
not in it, and much of the crop was wasted in consequence.
The neighboring physician who had refused to take
charge of his case, told me he would have taken it, had
he been tolerably sure of a favorable result, but if Mr.
S. had died under his care, the negroes would have perhaps burned his house and barn, and perhaps have killed
him and his family, supposing him to blame for his
death."
R. W. S.
240
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CHAPTER XXIV.
EXCLUSION OF THE COLORED MEMBERS FROM THE
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
While this dark cloud was overhanging my own
abode, events were transpiring in other places foreboding still more evil to all the friends of the Union in the
state of Georgia. I allude to the expulsion from our
House of Representatives of twenty-five "persons of
color" simply on account of their being "guilty of a
skin not colored like our own; and the admission of an
equal mumber of democrats to fill their places, thus
lessening the republican majority by fifty votes. Of
course all legislation after this was carried on in the interests of the democratic party, as the republican majority
at the outset had been quite small, the republican candidate for speaker having been elected by a majority of
only one vote. But the majority in the Senate was
greater, so that on joint ballot the republicans had a rev
spectable majority.
It was some draw back to the nefarious schemes
of these insane disorganizers, that none of their corrupt
legislation could receive the sanction of the governor,
as he remained true to the party that had elected him,
amid this, and all the other changes that came over the
"body  politic," in our state.  If it had  not been for
this well known fact, our stuation would have been
241           *
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
fearful indeed. The protection of the military had been
withdrawn, and our representatives had been admitted
to Congress, thus creating the impression that Georg,ia
was a loyal state in the Union. But the triumph of
these wretched men was short, for by the action of Congress, the entire admission of Georgia was delayed, and
the seats of its senators declared vacated, until the
rights of these ejected ones could be fully ascertained.
Far be it from me to criticise in a captious manner the
action of Congress in this respect, but I cannot help
feeling that it did wrong in afterwards admitting to their
seats, the senators elected before the proper organization of the Legislature; in accordance with the provisions
of the Reconstruction act, under which they were
elected.  This act declared that no "person prohibited
from holding office under the United States, or under
any state, by section third of the proposed amendment
to the Constitution of the United States, known as article
fourteen, shall be deemed eligible to any office in either
of said states, unless relieved from disability, as provided by said amendmeut," This section is as follows:
"No person shall be a senator or representative in
Congress, or elector of President or Vice President, or
hold any office, civil or military, under the United
States, or under any state, who having previously taken
an oath, as a member of Congress or as an officer of the
United States, or as a member of any State Legislature,
or as an executive or judicial officers of any State to
support the Constitution of the United States, shall have
engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or
given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But
Congress may by a vote of two thirds of each House
remove such disability.
A supplementary act plssed by Congress July 19,
242
0 
AND THE REBELS.
1867,  declared that "the words executive or judicial
office in any State, shall be construed to include all
civil offices created by law, for the administration of any
general law, or the administration of justice."
In accordance with these provisions, and with his duty
as military commander of the district, four days after
the organization of the Legislature, General Meade sent
a letter to Governor Bullock, calling his attention to the
matter, and declaring that he could not recognize the
Legislature, until satisfied that these Reconstruction acts
had been complied with. Gov. Bullock forwarded
these documents to the Legislature, endorsing the position of Gen. Meade, and recommending to the Legislature an appointment of a committee, to ascertain the
eligibility of its muembers.  This committee was duly
appointed, after various propositions to modify its
powers, and an attempt on the part of Mr. Tumlin, of
Randolph, to defy the power of Congress in reference to
the matter, by introducing a resolution declariing that
Congress had no right to "define the terms upon which
the members of the Legislature might hold their office."
The names of the committee appointed were as follows:
"O'Neal, of Lowndes, Shumate, of Whitfield, Harper,
of Tirrell, Lee, of Newton, and Bryant, of Richmond," three of whom were republicans, and two democrats.
The chairman of the committee reported that two of
the members were ineligible, a minority of republicans
reported that one person was ineligible, and a minority
of democrats that none were ineligible. The house by
a vote of 95 to 53, adopted the minority report of the
democrats, and declared that all the members  were
eligible.                     e
e
243
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
But behind all this, legislative scenes were enacted,
which, to say the least, failed to do credit to the logical
acumen or straightforward character of those concerned
in this examination. It was a matter of common notoriety, that quite a large number of the members of the
Legislature had participated in the rebellion, and by the
wording of the Reconstruction acts, which asserted the
ineligibility of all engaged in the rebellion, after having
sworn to support the Const. of the United States, they
were not entitled to their seats. Doubtless the mnembers of Congress who voted for the Reconstructioni acts,
were aware of the omission of the word voluntary, in
reference to those who rendered "aid and comfort" to
the rebellion. But even if they did not intend to omit
that word, the strict letter of the law must be complied
with; and it was not proper for the Georgia Legislature
to apply an interpretation of its own, to these acts,
unless the language was susceptible of a variety of
interpretations.
In this case, the language is so plain, that "he who
runneth may read."  "No person who has supported the
rebellion, after having sworn to support the Cnstitution
of the United States, shall be eligible to office.
But honesty and common sense were eschewed;
darker counsels prevailed, and the whole committee,.and
a large majority of the House, endorsed the character
of nearly all of the members, and the direst consequences ensued. About two months afterwards, according to the prophecy of those who opposed this unwise
conduct, all the colored members of the Legislature,
numbering some twenty-eight or thirty, I think, were
excluded from their seats, and their places filled by good
democrats.
244
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AND) TIHE REBELS.
It is very much to the discredit of the colored mem  bers of the Legislature, as far as perspicuity of vision is
concerned, that they favored the reception of those in  eligible members -except the three declared so by the
committee. But it is accounted for, on the score of the
known magnanimity of the colored race, towards their
former oppressors; and should, therefore, be looked up  on with leniency; especially as prominent republicans,
and those to whom  they had been accustomed to look
for political guidance, urged them to this course.
What shall be said of such measures, on the part of
sworn friends of the Union cause, and of the colored
race?  A  more unfortunate movement  could hardly
have been made.   By  it, the balance of power was
thrown into the hands of the vanquished party; and
the fruits of our hotly contested election, were partially
lost. It is true, that these mistaken men, solmnly as sert their honesty and conscientiousness, in this matter;
that, believing the Reconstruction act meant to say,
"voluntary aid," when it did not, and being satisfied
that none of these men had rendered "voluntary aid,"
they were bound b)y their consciences, to support them
as entitled to their seats.
But honesty and conscientiousness, do not always
prove safe guides, in political, any more than in moral
matters. The result of all this conscientiousness, was as
disastrous to the cause of freedom, as if there had been
n      o       "conscience" in the matter.  When  men's minds
are made up to pursue a particular course, it is not
always easy to detach firmness from conscientiousness.
Doubtless the Puritan fathers imagined they were conscientious, in the hanging of Quaker women; but it is
difficult for us to believe, to-dar, that no other than con
e
a
245 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
scientious feelings, influenced them in such cruel acts.
Conscientiousness includes the exercise of our judgement, as to the facts in the case, and diligent attention to
all the means of light, in the case uinder consideration.
I cannot but believe, that if those republicans, who decided that these members were eligible, under the Reconstruction acts, had exercised their common sense a
little more fully, they would have come to a far different
conclusion.
And I am the more inclined to this opinion, from the
fact that the judgment of the great body of the republican party of the State, outside of the Legislature, led
them to deny the eligilibility of these members, and
the report of the committee was received with astonishment, by many of the members of the Legislature itself.
I am free to confess, however, that some of those who
favored the retention of these ineligible democrats,
sincerely believed, with their great New York compeers,
that amnesty and kind measures were better adapted to
pacifying the lion of rebellion, than the severity and
awe, usually practiced by professional lion-tamers. Pat ting a mad dog on the head, may ward off the danger
of hydrophobia from his bite, but it requires considera ble faith in a mad dog's divinity, to adopt such pre cautionary measures, and no others.
But notwithstanding the unfavorable aspect of the
case at this time, "the wise were caught in their own
craftiness," for this action of the Legislature, led to the
exclusion of Georgia from the Union, for nearly two
years, until the country had become ready for the adop tion of other measures of protection, and Andrew John son had been shorn of his power to do harm, by the
inauguration of his succsor.
246 
CHAPTER XXV.
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN GEORGIA, WITH
AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS RESPECTING ITS OUTRAGES.
So great was the pressure brought to bear upon the
colored voters of this region, that not a solitary one
ventured to deposit his vote, for General Grant, in our
County. The republican vote dwindled from about
1700 votes in the Spring, to one solitary vote in November.
There was no change in the political opinions of the
blacks. On the contrary, they were more firmly rooted
than ever, in the republican faith; but who of the
members of any party at the North, would march to the
polls, and vote according to their political faith, if loaded
revolvers were held to their heads, while so doing?
The negroes have always been cowed down by the
whites, and how can they be expected to run this terrible gauntlet? Some few of our prominent colored
republicans went over to the enemy, for "a mess of
pottage," but great numbers of the "rank and file"
utterly refused to do so mean an act. Many declared
that they would be cut in pieces first, and others said
they would go into the woods, and live by themselves,
rather than deny their principles.  In Lincoln County,
however, the pressure was sotremendous, that to escape
247 
a 
THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
certain death, nearly all of the colored, and some of the
white republicans, voted the democratic ticket. I have
seen some of each class, black and white, who  have
assured me that they were just as strong republicans as
ever, but they voted the democratic ticket, to save their
lives. Strange as it may seem, our " tyrannical" government never, in a solitary instance, used its power to
intimidate a single democrat from voting as he pleased.
I challenge our enemies to produce a single instance
where United States soldiers intimidated in the least
degree, democratic or other voters, fiom voting as they
pleased; but innumerable were the instances where no
republican could vote as he pleased, without protection
from Uncle Sam's friendly arm. Whoever asserts that
the suspension of the habeas corpus, provided  for in
the Ku-Klux bill, facilitated the encroachment upon
the rights of the Southern people to vote as they
pleased, either betrays his utter ignorance of what he is
writing or talking about, or asserts an unblushing and
unmitigated falsehood.
About two hundred men from this vicinity went to
Augusta, and voted the republican ticket. A large
number started from near my house, at a little past midnight, so as to reach Augusta by daylight. The rebels
had arranged their plans for assaulting this party on
their way; but by the early starting of the blacks, they
were thwarted in their nefarious design. They followed
them, however, on their return from town, and attacked
them at Rea's creek, about two miles from town, firing
at them one or two times, but soon desisting, when they
found the black people prepared to defend themselves.
The men who attacked the party were well known to
the assailed, two of theiroleaders being our  neighbors,
248
0
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AND THE REBELS.
and of highly respectable character, in other respects.
Foiled in their attempts upon these well armed blacks,
and deeming it necessary to show their devotion to the
"lost cause," by mobbing some friend of the Union,
they attacked a gentleman by the name of Skinnei,
living a few miles distant, firing at him, beating him,
and in other ways insulting him, and also insulting his
wife; a noble instance of the manly courage of the
rebel crew, that were shouting aloud for Seymour and
Blair. In Augusta, fire arms were used quite freely,
and the republican sheriff was shot dead, and two republican negroes were reported to have been shot, beside
many being wounded. In order to prevent further disturbance, the polls were closed at about two o'cloclk.
The Hon. Foster. Blodgett, republican mayor of the
city, was assaulted with revolvers, and only saved lhis
life by taking refuge in his own house. How hard it is
for the Southern democracy to carry on an election,
without summoning to their aid "the dogs of War."
It may not be uninteresting to my readers, to peruse
the following accounts of this election in other places,
which I will publish, leaving the reader to make lIis
own comments.  From their character, it can be easily
perceived why Georgia, with a former republican majority of 17,000, gave Seymour and Blair some 30,000
majority.
BUREAU R. F. AND A. L. )
Headquarters, Sub. Dist. Savannah, 
SAVANNAH, GA., Nov. 9, 1868. )
R. Lewis, U. S. A., Assistant CommisState of Georyia.
have the honor to report the killing of
and Peter Hopkins at the polls on the
249
Brevet Col. J.
sioner, etc.
Colonel, - I
Janies Parsons
0
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
morning of the 3d inst. I knew nothing of the affray
till after it was over, but from the testimony of many
present, and opposed in principle, I am satisfied that the
following statement is correct: - In their eagerness to
vote, the freedmen, on said day, assembled early at the
pQlls, where order reigned until about eight o'clock, A.
M., when the employees of the Central Railroad appeared in a body, and claimed, as a right, that they should
be allowed to vote immediately, and return to their
work. The freedmen, as was their right, claimed the
privilege of voting in the order of precedence, being
first at the polls. The authorities volunteered to make
way to the polls for said employees, which resulted in
the killing of the above named men, and the seriously
wounding of Sam Norman,           Green,       July,
Gay, and Edward Graham. Two policemen have died
from wounds received on said occasion.  It is impossible
to state who fired the first shot. The following conclusions are obvious and indisputable: Not one in fifty
were armed, vwhile the democracy had one or more revolvers. Not one in ten of the freedmen carried sticks or
canes. Immediately after the affray, the freedmen adjourned to New Street Church, and unanimously resolved to retire to their respective homes, rather than
risk their lives or bring on a riot, as they unquestionably
would had they again went to vote. This conduct
proved conclusively their desire to avoid all disturbance,
while, from minging with the masses at the polls, it was
evident that they desired nothing more than a repetition
of the morning's scenes.
The crowning point of their chivalrous conduct, was
at dark. When a man, with a cart, was removing from
the Square in firont of the Court House a campaign )anner, bearing the portraits of Grant and Colfax, a crowd
of men and boys charged after this man, captured and
tore up the banner, whlich was then taken up by mounted
men, and displayed through the streets as trophies of
their gallantry.
I would add, in conclusion, that to deceive the igno
250
0 
AND THE REBELS.
rant freedmen, the democratic ticket, headed with pictures of Grant and Colfax, were freely used.
I am, etc., very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. MURRY  HOAG,
Brevet Capt. U.S. Army, and S. A. Com'r.
A true copy,-M. FRANK GALLAGHER,
Brevet Capt. U.S. A., A. A. A. G.
We next give the democratic idea of a free election,
as illustrated by the conduct of the members of the party
at Americus. This statement is official and may be relied on.
BUREAU R. F. AND  A. L., )
OFFICE AGENT Div. OF AMERICUS, 
AMERICUS, GA., NOV. 9, 1868.
Brevet Captain M. Frank Gallagher, A. A. A. General,
Atalanta, Ga.
Captain,-I have the honor to state, that on the morning of the 3d inst., there seemed to be a preconcerted action with the whites that there should be no election. No
officers were present to open the polls, and no movement
made until 10 o'clock, when I went to the Court House,
at the request of three freeholders who had in my office
previously qualified, and requested the Ordinary that a
place be furnished to open the polls, and that three freeholders had taken the necessary oaths, and were ready
to commence the voting in accordance with law. The
Ordinary replied that he had given the necessary instructions to citizens who had announced their intention to
open the polls.
At that time Captain Shiver, and one Foster, Special
Police, wanted to know if niugers were going to open
the polls. I replied, that was there intention, when
they swore that the freedmen should not, Foster saying
that if they attempted it, they would get the contents
of this, opening his coat and touching a calvary pistol.
251
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
t should not be
the way to beg  crowd around,
ad  see that polls
arther attempt.
empt to open a
the voting comhe freedmen at
attempt to de asked by the
case-such as,
"rk last year?"
he had paid his
ted, and not al
were here to
could vote, exmocratic ticket,
id, or any other
dred and sixtyvhole affair wis
ith it so illegal,
stand as a legal
unty.
t,
C.  MORRILL,
Agent, etc.
A true copy,-M. FRANK GALLAGHER,
Bvt. Capt. U.S. A., A. A. A. G.
In Muscogee county, matters were carried with a high
hand, as will be seen by the following:
OFFICE S. A. COM. BUREAU, R. F. & A. L. 
Columbus, Ga., November 29th, 1868..
Brevet Colonel J. R. Lewis, Assistant Commissioner, At    lanta, Ga.
COLONEL   I have the honor to forward herewith, the
reports of agents ChapmAe and Pokorny, in reference
252 
AND THE REBELS.
to the election held on the 8d, instant.   You will per ceive from their statements that the Governor's procla mation about the payment of taxes, was entirely ignored
in some counties; and the vote of colored men refused,
who had failed to pay their taxes for 1867.
With the exception of this county, I have heard of
but one ballot box being opened at the several county
seats in my sub-district, notwithstanding  that orders
wrere given to have three at each court house.   In Talbot county the polls were not opened until nine o'clock.
The managers of election who were first appointed were
set aside, and others took their place who refused to take
the votes of colored men unless they were for Seymour and
Blair. In Marion and Chattahoochee counties, but few
colored men voted, their taxes being unpaid, and the
managers refusing to receive their votes unless they were
for democratic candidates, in which case no questions were
asked.   In Muscogee county the proclamation of the
Governor was complied with, and all permitted to deposit their votes, who were entitled to do so.  The republicans charge that the votes of non-residents and
minors were received by the managers, and that many
voted-twice, and even three times, at the different ballot
boxes. Intimidation was used to prevent the freedmen
from voting for the republican candidates, threats being
made that, unless they voted as directed by their employers, they would be discharged and driven off.  In
many instances, violence was used to compel them to
vote for democratic Electors, if they voted at all.
I am, respectfully, your ob't servant,
(Signed,)                 JOHN LEONARD.
Bt. Maj. U. A., S. A. Com'r.
A true copy:   M. FRANKI GALLAGHER,
Brev. Col. U.S. A., A. A. A. G.
OFFICE AGENT BlUrEAU R. F. & A. L.,
Columbus, Ga, Nov. 9, 1868.'
Brevet M1ajor John Leonard, S. A. Comrnmander, Colum    bus, Ga.';             e
In regard to circumstaiices connected with the recent
e
253 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
election in my district, so far as the facts have comne to
my knowledge, I have the honor to report, that in Muscogee county, there was much unfairness, and violation
of law at the ballot boxes.
It may be out of place to remark here, that the Ordinary of our county so arranged the Managers of the
election, as to give almost the entire control of the polls
to the democrats, and of eighteen Managers, the republicans had but three.  Miany persons who were clearly
entitled to vote, were refused permission to do so by the
Managers.  A large proportion of the republican voters
were challenged, and compelled to swear in their votes.
At two of the polls in the city of Columbus, persons
from other counties in this State, were not permitted to
vote for Presidential Electors; but at the third poll all
persons were allowed to vote, provided they voted the
democratic ticket.  It is believed that many persons in
Alabama, voted in this city. Minors were permitted to
vote, and they and others repeated their votes, no questions being asked when a democratic ticket was presented. Money was freely used for the purchase of votes.
The democratic candidate for sheriff, made open and
public proclamation to the voters, inviting them to come
up and get their money in one hand, and votes.
Muscogee county has about three thousand voters.
The republicans polled less than in April last, when
they carried the county by four hundred majority.
About three thousand six hundred votes were polled at
the election November 3d, about eight hundred more
than in April.
In Chattahoochee county, but three Republican votes
were cast. There are seven hundred Republican voters in
that county. Persons report that they were not permitted to vote, unless they had previously paid their
taxes.  It has been stated that there were no votes sent
to this county, except a few from this city. Chattahoochee county has about fourteen hundred registered
voters, a majority of them beiing Republican. The returns show a vote of about six hundred at the late
election. Many of the co0ored men walked from ten to
254
0 
AND THE REBELS.
twenty-five miles, to vote in this place, but were refused
on their arrival here, unless they voted the Democratic
ticket.
Citizens of MAarion County report that all colored persons were refused the right to vote, unless they had paid
their taxes. One individual estimates that three hundred persons were excluded on that account. There are
about eleven hundred in Marion county.
None of the statements in this communication have
been verified by affidavits, but they are thought to be
substantially correct.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
(signed)               C. W. CHAPMAN.
A true copy- M. FRANK GALLAGHER,
Bvt. Capt. U.S. A., A. A. A. G.
We close the testimony for to-day, by showing the disgraceful manner in which the Taylor Democracy acted.
OFFICE AG'T. BUREAU R. F. AND A. L., 
BUTLER, Ga., Nov. 4, 1868.
Brevet Captain.I. F. Gallayher, A. A. A. General, Bu    reau R. F. and A. L., State of Georgia.
Sir,-I have the honor to report, that yesterday morning, at half-past nine o'clock, the election polls were
opened at Butler, Taylor County, Ga. It seemed to
me that the cause of this delay was, that nobody here
had the experience or the right knowledge in such case.
The colored people appeared in strong force, and even at
day-break many  of  them  gathered before the Court
House. A few minutes after the commencement of the
election, a great excitement prevailed between the freedmen, on the ground that votes were refused on account
that the voters (colored) had not paid their poll tax. I
have done what I could to secure the peace, and to calm
those who were touched by this unjust proceeding or
mode of action.  Quiet was restored, although the freedmen, through the continuance of the election, bitterly
255
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6 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
complained about unjust and unfair treatment. Many
of them agreed, or had the promise from their employers, that their poll tax should be paid from their wages,
but had no receipts in their hands, and many votes were
refused, notwithstanding the voters were ready to take
the oath to the above facts. Confidentially I was informed that between 175 and 200 votes of colored voters
were refused.
The whole crowd inside of the election room, the canvassers, challengers, or what their name may be, were
composed of real Southern democrats, and their action
a mere farce. In consideration that the result of this
election at Butler, Ga., is any how of no influence at all,
I will not molest you with further particulars.  The political terrorism, oppressed on the people during the time
between the last election and this, was so far successful,
that only two votes were given by white republican voters.
I am respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. POKORNY,
Agent B. R., F. and A. L.
A true copy,-I-M. FRANK GALLAGHER,
Brevet Capt'n U.S. A., A. A. A. G.
To show the excitement attending this election, I will
close this chapter with a short extract from a letter from
my sister to Northern friends, written after the election.
"And  here let me  add anl amusing incident that
occurred on the day of the election. A neighboring
physician was seen riding up the yard, and on reaching
the house, he asked for a radical ticket, as some one
wished to vote oni that side, and they had only one kind
of a ticket.  The irgnorant blacks understood him to ask
for a radical, and exclaimed, i Wvhat for would he want
a radical, but to kill him?' and twenty-five or thirty men,
women and children rushed into the house, in order to
prevent his seizing my brother, as they verily believed
was his intention; but as he only wanted an Augusta
republican paper, out of which to cut the radical ticket,
256
0 
AND THE REBELS.
for a vote he was allowed to leave unmolested. We
could not help but feel grateful to thlem  for their wellmeant zeal in our behalf; but we were glad to find it
quite unnecessary at this time."              R. w. s.
a
257
a 
CHAPTER XXVI.
INTERVIEW WITH THE AUTHOR'S CREDITOR, AND
GREAT PERPLEXITY AS TO DUTY. GOOD SIDE
AND DARK SIDE OF REBEL CONDUCT.
But while political events of so trying a nature were
occurring, the author's pecuniary affairs were also approaching a fearful crisis.  Mr." D., to whom  his
farm was mortgaged for several thousand dollars, grew
impatient as the end of the year approached, and at
length demanded immediate payment. For two years
he had acted the part of a humane gentleman, and
showed no disposition to crowd his unfortunate debtor.
But being a strong rebel, although a man of urbanity
and generosity, he could not brook the author's "meddlling with politics," and determined to show him no
more leniency. I cannot better describe my feelings at
this emergency, than by quoting again from my diary.
Monday, Dec. 21st, 1868, I wrote as follows:
"M ir. D.     did not call to see me, and so I went to
see him. He said he was surprised at my letter, and
that I should claim the homestead, and abused me much
at first, calling me a d - n rascal; but he afterwards became quite civil, and referred me to his lawyer. He
abused me much for my efforts with the blacks, and
said I was encouraging them to be lazy, to steal; and to
hate the whites; that I hi  told them to shoot those of
258
a 
AND THE REBELS.
their number who joined the democrats. He said I
could never make any thing from the farm, because I
did  not  know  how  to  manage the blacks.   They
would not work for me, because they did not fear me,
and took advantage of ine."  Dec. 25th, I wrote, "I am
not able to give an answer to those who want to hire
land.  I was never so perplexed in my life as to my
duty. Cannot see any light hardly, and know not what
to do. In a few days it will be too late to lease the
land, and I cannot do it until I hear from D. Returned home very much depressed."
Dec. 29th.  "My  lawyers assured me  there was no
risk in renting the land, as the crops would be secure
from seizure, and at length I decided to go on and reint
out the land; but on my return, a new trouble awaited
me.  The blacks who wanted to hire the land had got
tired of waiting, and had hired land elsewhere."
So here I was, unable to go on, and obliged to do
something to extricate myself from the hands of an inexorable landlord. In my distress, as usual, I called
upon God, and in an entirely unexpected manner, relief
appeared.
On  the first day of January, 1869, MAr. S, a
white man living a few miles from here, rode up to my
house, and on entering, said hlie had accidently heard I
wished to rent my farm; and if we could agree on the
terms, he would like to hire it for the ensuing year.
This was joyful news, as it would enable me to go to
the North, and endeavor to obtain a loan of the sum
needed to satisfy my creditor. I would do nothing,
however, without consulting those of my hands who
had agreed to work for me on shares another year.
At night, I called them all in, and found them unwilling to hearken at all to the idea of being turned away.
I then told them of my situation, that it was necessary
0
259 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
for me to go to the North, to obtain the money; but
still if they were unwilling, I would not go, but would
stay and do the best I could. At last, some of them
proposed that I should let Mr. S. a part of the farm, and
allow them to work the remainder, and 1 could go
to the North, and they could stay and work. This
seemed so reasonable, that I at once assented, and on a
second visit from Mr. S., concluded a bargain to that
effect. So here was manifested the wisdom of God, and
my former perplexity was accounted for. If I had become satisfied sooner of the propriety of letting the
land to the blacks, and had leased it to them, I could
not have gone to the North, as it would not have been
safe to have left all of my possessions in their hands.
I now began to make preparations for the North.
Some of my friends suggested the idea of my trying to
borrow the money temporarily in Augusta; but at firiAt
I scouted the thought, until some unseen influence
seemed to urge it so powerfully upon my mind, that I
resolved to make the attempt, although I felt certain
that it would be unsuccessful. But I thought I could
then say to my Northern friends, "I have tried in
Augusta, and cannot get the money." We did not
wish to be obliged to sell the property, to pay the debt,
as in such a case it would not have brought one half of
its real value; and besides, all of our labors in'behalf
of the blacks would have come to an inglorious termination.
On enquiry, I ascertained that there was only one
man in the whole community, of whom there was the
least possible chance of my obtaining the money; and
he was a hard character to deal with. In the mean
time, two of my neighbol had positively agreed to buy
e
260
a 
AND THE REBELS.
land, to the amount of nearly one half of my debt; but
on my applying to them to close the bargain, one of
them flatly refused to pay the amount he had so posi tively promised, giving as a reason for his refusal, that
Congress was about to pass the "Butler bill," and Grant
had agreed to sign it; " and," he said, "if that does
pass, I want all my money to leave the country with, as
the niggers will get land, and I do not wish to live near
themn."  This was a severe blow to me, for I had  ap plied to the money-lender for only one half of the
amount of the debt.
But my faith was still strong in an overruling Providence.  I knew I was engaged in the work of God, and
Jesus, the inspired exponent of his character, had positively declared that if we sought only to build up his
kingdom, he would certainly provide for our real wants.
I carried my case to my Father, believing that he cared
for his cause, and for me, because I was trying to promote it, and I was influenced how to act.
Throurgh a chain of fortunate circumstances, and by
my strictly following the lead of God's Spirit, Mr. R.
was induced to loan me the whole amount I needed,
which was over $O000, although nearly every one had
said it was no use to apply to him; and it was some
time before I could even ascertain where he lived, some
seven miles fromn town. He himself stated that he had
repeatedly refused to loan any more money on real estate
security; but somehow he felt inclined to accommodate
me, of whom  he had never heard, except as a "stirrer
up of sedition." I suppose some of onr modern philosophers will rail at the idea, but I feel it my duty to state
for the encouragement of the sensible believers in God's
power and goodness; that thivman could not have been
261
6 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
persuaded to this act, by other than divine or heavenly
influences. At least so it seems to me, for he had not
the least particle of sympathy for my work, and could
do better with his money elsewhere. I passed one or
two nights at his house, before this desirable result was
obtained.
My joy was so great that I could sleep but little on
the following night; but spent much of it in thanking
my Heavenly Father for his goodness, and in seeking
further directions from him.
In the meantime, my hands on the farm, with the exception of four, as soon as they saw I had leased the
place, made a rush for new homes, and a general stampede
ensued.  It was amusing to see the road filled with fly
ing men and.women, in the morning after my final
arrangement with Mr. S. They found no fault with
him, but they said they were free, and they did not wish
to be rented out with the land; a thing which I had
never thought of doing, only that I had recommened to
them to work for Mr. S.  But he succeeded in obtaining
other hands, and some timie after we all started for the
North, my sister and child, a little in advance of myself.
The following account of a little colored creature we
took with us, is from the pen of my sister.
"It was thought best to take with us to the North a
little heathen child from a neighboring plantation, who
had never attended our Sunday school. Her name was
Sarah, and she was a perfect Topsy, smart and energetic,
but wicked and very ignorant.  She did not know her
age, neither did any of the family, but by comparing
ages with those we did know, we found her to be about
ten years old. She did not know how to do any kind
of work, never had done anything except to run after a
child, and pick up chliplad dig a little in the garden.
262 
AND THlE REBELS.
She had never seen a silver spoon or fork, and the look
of wonder and interest wich which she examined Bell's
little fork was curious to behold, turning it this way and
that way, holding it in the sun and then rubbing her
fiiligers over it, then holding it to her face, casting side
glances at us to see if we would forbid her touching it.
At last she threw it down as if afraid of it, exclaiming,
What is that ere thing good for any how? what do
you do with it?
She was ignorant of the names and uses of the most
common articles of -housekeeping.  She could not count
three. She had never heard of Jesus Christ; she did
not think she was a sinner, for she said she could ", sing
a heap of sweet himes; " but yet she would steal and lie
without the least compunction. Her whole religious
knowledge consisted in the belief that God made her,
and that the Virgin Mary died for the world. When
asked what she knew (tbout God, she replied, "I dunno
nuffin'bout him, reckoni he mighty big man, make me
and many odor folks- but he gone way off. I never
seed him I didn't." She said she had no name but
Sarah, was born "down yonder in the piny woods," had
"allers lived in Georgy, came norf wid Missis Tunus."
She had never seen any dishes washed, or rooms swept,
or beds made, and she did not like to work- she liked
play better, she said. She stared with astonishment at
a handsome Northern parlor, as she stood at its door in
a neighbor's house and said, "Well, well, I'se got to
heaven. I ain't so bad girl after all. I got here."  But
she was afraid to enter the room, and no persuasion
could induce her to sit down upon one of the velvet
chairs, or to remain in the room but a few minutes.
When asked afterwards why she did not remain any
longer in the room, she replied,  "I afraid God came
pretty soon, and he say, "go back, Sarah, you can't stay
here."
This was after being at the North some four months.
Her whole nature was a mystery to me.  I could do
nothing with her. I could not teach her a letter, or a
word to spell; and yet, when irst given a book, she
263 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
kissed it all over, and crawled into a corner, as if fearful
it would be taken away from her. But my dealr mother,
ever hopeful and courageous, undertook the task of
teaching her, and in about a year, she had learned to
read in the Bible..Ve have left her at her father's,
feeling that we had done all we could for her. She was
very unwilling to go back to her home, saying she could
never live again as they did at her father's; but my dear
sainted mother, who always had patience with,  and
forgiveness for the worst of sinners, was gone from me,
and I could not bear that burden without her.
Sarah looked very disconsolate, when she bade us
good bye, as we left Georg,ia for the last time, exclaiming, while  the big tears streamed  dowin her dusky
cheeks,' I don't like it one bit, you goin Norf widout
me.' But we felt compelled to leaive her, trusting that
the seed sown in hard labor. and watered with many
tears, may yet spring up, and'bring forth fruit to the
honor and glory of God.'"                     R. W. S.
Mr. S., our tenant, was a kind-hearted and accommodating man, and during the time I sojourned under the
same roof, which was several months, proved as good a
neighbor as I had ever had in my life; but he could not
brook the idea of the negroes learning to read, and lihe
urged me much to desist from my efforts to instruct
them.  Ile said, "It will have a bad influence over my
children, to see little nigger children dressed up and
going to Sunday school." But finding it useless, he at
length desisted from farther remonstrance, and left me
to indoctrinate my neTgro youngsters, with whatever
heresies I chose.
About this time, it was no uncommon thing for a
party of rebels to ride by my house, hootiing and yelling,
and then stopping to discharge their pistols at the house.
Fortunately none of these shots ever hit the house, but
264
0
0 
AND THE REBELS.
some of them did not lack much of so doing. But
when these loving gentry ascertained that a true Southern gentleman resided here, they quite urbanely informed him that they would deny themselves the pleasant pastime of insulting and abusing an unoffending manl,
as long as he remained here; and after my absence, I do
not think another shot was fired. Mr. S. and myself
seldom discussed politics, but we lived as pleasant under
the same roof as two brothers, thus showing that there
is  necessarily  no  "irrepressible  conflict"  between
Southern and Northern men. The female members of
our respective families, also lived in harmony with each
other, a condition not always realized, even when the
neighbors are members of the same church.
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a 
CHAPTER XXVII.
TRPIALS AT THE NORTH, WITH NEW INSTr MNCES OF
GOD'S GUIDING I-IAND.
It was a perilous undertaking.  Several thousand dollars were to be borrowed, on security in one of the most
notoriously bad States in the Union.  I was placed between two fires. -First, I must exhibit the character of
these Southern outrages, in order to induce the President and Congress, to do something for our protection;
and then, after portraying this sad state of affairs, I
must ask for a loan, to be invested in such a God-defyiig,
country.
As General Butler well said, when I wrote to him oi
the subject; " I fully agree with you, in all you say of
the South, and admit the great necessity of your section
being protected; but how then, can you ask us to invest
our funds where property is so notoriously insecure?"
Other Northern men reasoned in the same way, and it
seemed almost madness to press the matter.
But I resolved to do my duty, and leave the rest with
God.    As I walked through the streets of Boston, and
listened to the rumbling of some of the immense truck
wagons, that seemed created for the very purpose of
mocking my puny efforts to obtain relief, and saw the
mighty throng impelled fqbiward by some irresistible in         266
6 
AND THE REBELS.
fluence, I said to myself, and to my Father in Heaven;
" \Vell, let the universe roll on, and accomplish its own
behests; and if I am crushed beneath the mighty juggernaut, let God's will be done; the interests of the
world will still be looked after, by Him who'never
slumbereth, or sleepeth.'"
For full two weeks did I pace those streets, alternatincg between hope and despair, but still determined to do
my duty. On my way to the North, I had been invited
to visit Gen. Grant, and state to him our grievances; I
did so, and was agreeably impressed with his sincerity
and honesty; and was quite delighted, in parting, with
his positive assurance, "You shall be protected; " which
promise was fulfilled by his sending Gen. Terry to
our relief.  But it was expedient that Georgia should
be kept out of the Union, until the colored members of
the Legislature were restored to their seats; and it was
necessary to influence the public mind upon this subject.
Accordingly I lost no opportunity to urge upon all
with whom I came in contact, the absolute necessity of
something being done by Congress, for our protection.
I wrote to this effect in in the newspapers, anid addressed
public assemblies; but I seemed  "pulling down with
one hand, what I built up with the other." How could
I succeed in this matter of obtaining funds, when I prefaced every appeal for them with a long dissertation upon the turbulent condition of affairs in our State. But I
seemed directed to pursue this course, however unreasonable it might seem to others.   I felt determined to secure protection for our people, even at the risk of losing
my property.
Many prominent republicans, so-called, absolutely re
26T
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
fused to listen to my plans for the elevation of the
blacks; others of whom I hoped better things, evaded
my written requests for an interview; and others, equally prominent, listened to my tales, and seemed deeply
interested in our affairs.
.The editor of the "Workman," evinced the greatest interest in the condition of the Southern laboring
classes; and was so gentlemanly and cordial in his treatment of the subject, that I felt much encouraged to go
on in my important undertaking.   The editors of some
other papers, also showed a commendable interest in the
matter, and especially the editor of the "Journal."  But
on my first stating my views to Wendell Phillips, that
noble philanthropist immediately sanctioned all of my
plans, and promised me all the assistance in his power.
This was the first ray of hope that had lit up my disconsolate soul, and I departed from my interview with
him, strengthened, refreshed, and exalted. All through
that arduous summer, when ready to falter in these efforts, did he drop sympathetic words into my ear; and
when my physical strength was nearly exhausted, from
being obliged to live in an un-aldermanic style, did he
drop into my collapsed purse, the means so needed to
furnish me with strength for my enterprise.
In other portions of my work, having alluded to the
habit I had formed of calling upon God for assistance,
and believing by his Spirit he would enlighten my mind,
and show me the steps necessary to take, to insure suc cess, I may be permitted here to relate the particulars of
what seemed to me strange guidings of his Spirit, but I
suppose others will say, "strange hallucinations."  But
lest my readers should misunderstand me, I must say,
that these leadings are usually based on the propriety of
o
268 
AND THE REBELS.
the direction given. In ordinary circumstances it is not
safe to follow an impression, unless the thing suggested
commends itself to your reason. But I cannot deny that
ill rare instances, God, either by his own Spirit, or some
other celestial being, influences us to do an acts which
we can see no reason for performing. In one instance,
some years ago, my life was saved, by following a direction that I could see no reason for at the time. I do not
wish to be understood as claiming any especial guidance
on the part of heaven. I experienced nothing but what
may be experienced by all, if they will hearken to the
"light within."  In this case I was simply told what to
do, and no reason was given to me for doing it, and
yet I obeyed. I had written to an anti-slavery friend,
living near Boston, and was about to mail the letter,
when something said to me, "carry it to Mr.'s
store, (which was one and a half miles distant,) and ask
him to give it to this man who lives in the same town
with him." I did so. The gentleman to whom I gave
it, cheerfully agreed to deliver it as I requested, and
then said to me, "well, Mr. S., how do you get along
in your mission?"  I had previously presented its claims
to him, and showed him the absolute necessity of the
blacks having land of their own, and he had seemed
deeply interested in the plan, and regretted his inability
to aid in its furtherance.   I replied to his enquiry,
"Very poorly  indeed.   I  am  almost  discouraged."
"Well," said he, " have you seen Mr. S.?"  As  he
mentioned his name, I at once recollected him as one of
Boston's most reliable philanthropists, with whom I had
formerly been acquainted, and I wondered I had not
thought of him before. I told him I had not seen the
gentleman ill question. *' WVl," said lie, "you had bet
269
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ter see him by all means. HIe is just the man to help
your cause, for he has the charge of a fund, to be used
for the purpose of benefiting the blacks.
Here, then, was the reason for my curious direction.
In that way, I heard of the one who afterwards became
deeply interested in our movement. I returned to my
room, prepared a statement of the case, and with a beatin,g heart called upon the gentleman.  He received me
with great politeness, listened with interest to my story,
then dropped the ominous words, that sent a thrill of
pleasure through my all but despairing heart,-" I think
the blacks ought to have land of their own."  How wise
and humane seemed this declaration, in comparison to
the unfeeling one made by other " renowned" friends of
the cause! "0, we have done all we can for the blacks.
We have emancipated them, given them schools, and
the elective firanchise. Now let them shift for themselves."
Mr. S. examined my papers, and promised to give me
an answer if I would call on him on the following Monday. Imagine my feelings, as on that day I called upon
him, and received the encouraging response, "I will
loan $500, and if necessary $1000, to the enterprise, if
others will make up the amount to $6000."
No fond mother ever experienced greater joy, at'the
sudden turn of the complaint of a darling child, than I
did at this sudden change from the sickness of despair,
to the more favorable symptoms of health, in reference
to my enterprise. I almost danced for joy, and I could
not keep the tears from my eyes.
Those only can fully appreciate my feelings, who have
been engaged ill similar undertakings, and watched the
life of some darling projtt, from the first moments of
270 
AND THE REBELS,
its struggling infancy, as hatched in the throes of his
heated brain, it sought to breathe  the air of a new
existence; to the moment when, after inhaling the invigorating air of heaven, and being fed upon proper
spiritual  aliment, it stands before  him,  a promising
youth, bidding fair to enliolghteni and bless mankind, by
its future rapid growth, and vivifying presence.
It is unnecessary to mention other incidents of a like
nature, during my five months' sojourn in Boston, that
Summer and Fall. In many other instances were my
steps seemingly directed by my faithful Lord and Master.  And why should they not have been? Was I not
engaged in a heavenly mission, and one receiving the
sympathy of my Heavenly father?  Did he not know
the sad necessities of the colored man, and did he not
feel interested in all efforts for his redemption?
May I remark, that among those who labor in God's
cause, there is far too little faith manifested in his
ability and willingness to aid that cause. We imagine
that we are better than God, and have started a cause
that he is not interested in, when the great fact of the
Universe is, that not a sparrow of moral effort falls to
the ground, or essays to fly, without God's knowledge.
God is at the bottom of every enterprise for the good
of man, and if we are doing God's work, he will give
us success in that enterprise. If it is not God's work,
then we ought not to wish for success.  But we must
trust him implicitly, for " without faith, it is impossible
to please him."  Our want of trust, sometimes proceeds
from the want of an entire willingness to have God's
will done, whatever it may be.  If he does not will our
success, than we must not will it. We must be absolutely submissive to the wilt of God in the matter, aiid
o
271
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
then fully believe that he will do whatever he sees best
in the premises.
In the month of September, the same year, I was
summoned from my labors, to perform the last sad
office of consanguinity, to a beloved and only brother.
The victim of disease for several years, he at length received the cheering summons to him, to "come up
higher," and joyfully he obeyed the call; and we confidently hope  he is now  where God  has "wiped  all
tears from all eyes," at peace in the bosom of his Maker
and God.  This event stripped from my mother almost
her only prop, and increased the great and earnest desire to visit the South, which she had so long cherished.
After a multitude of ups and downs, of encouragements and discouragements, through the almost miraculous providence of God, and after innumerable delays;
the $5500 necessary to prevent the farm from falling
into the hands of the rebels, which would have frustrated our project of dividing it among the blacks, were
actually obtained, and were paid to the sheriff in
Georgia, just one hour before the sale was to take place.
There were delays in getting to the cars, further delays
by taking the wrong route, on the part of the Boston
lawyer, who came to Georgia to see that the papers were
made out right. He did not reach Augusta, unhtil
Saturday night, and the sale was to come off at Apling,
twenty-four miles distant, at ten o'clock Tuesday morning. Monday saw still more delays, of a provoking
nature, partly in getting so large a draft cashed, and
partly by the unaccountably mean conduct of the man
who had loaned me the money; he, at the last moment,
when there was no time to contest the matter, demanding $200 interest, in additin to the $650; paid him in
-P 7 2
a 
AND THE REBELS.
advance, at the rate of two per ct. a month; which demand was the amount of the legal interest at seven
per ct. per annum.
But in justice to our Southern friends, I must state
that this man was originally a Yankee, although a strong
Southern man in his principles.
As we had not expected such conduct on his part, we
were almost wholly unprepared to meet this demand,
but we were at last able to do so, through the generosity
of the Boston lawyer, all of whose services in this cause
were wholly gratuitous, and performed at a great sacrifice of his pecuniary interests elsewhere.
Mrs. B, a lady of great philanthropic renown,
accompanied the party to Georgia, promising to return
to Boston, and take measures to establish an "Industrial School," on our plantation; but for some unknown
reason, failed to keep her promise. Rev. Dr. F
generously advanced a large portion of the amount
necessary, for immediate use, on the supposition that
Mrs. B. would raise sufficient funds to repay him, her
ability to do which, she had constantly and unequivocally asserted. This gentleman afterwards demanded the refunfling of the money, which caused great
trouble and distress on our plantation; and if it had not
been for that noble and Christ-like philanthropist, Mr.
S., who again came to the rescue, the cause would have
failed at last, in spite of all the hair-breadth escapes
from defeat which it had experienced.
After the payment of this money, and the consequent
disappointment of many of my rebel friends, who had
confidently believed that they were to be delivered from
my hateful presence, a large and enthusiastic meeting
of the colored people in o*r neighborhood was held,
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a 
TFIFE BLACK'TAN OF TITE  SOUTIT,
and all were anxious to obtain a slice of the land thus
wonlderfullv saved for them.  Every rod of the land
was alm-ost imimed(liately subscribed for, and the most of
those who agreed to take it, professed to have means to
provide for its cultivation.
Thus encouraged, I returned immediately to Boston,
hoping to obtain means to help all who had taken land,
and not anticipating the least difficulty in so doing, as
Mrs. B. had declared that she had $20,000 subscribed.,
and ready to be paid in by the first of January.
But it seemed that it was not the will of God that I
should succeed in this matter, and future occurrences
have proved that it was not for the best to have Mrs.
B's. plans carried out, for a still more comprehensive undertaking has. been commenced on our place, under
better auspices and promising infinitely greater results.
But the disappointment at the time was very great, and
I returned South with a heavy heart, knowing how
keenly those of the blacks who had no means, would feel
their inability to go on with their land, and would not
be able to comprehend my failure to help them.
After procuring tickets for our party, which consisted
of my aged mother, my sister and child, and myself, my
means were again exhausted, although I had more
means at my disposal on my arrival in Georgia.
But some time previous to this, being highly elated
with the magnificenrt prospects exhibited before me by
the sanguine but eccentric Mrs. B., and beholding in
imagination my desolate plantation turned into a busy
working hive, the hum of whose industrial pursuits
should sound like pleasant music in all our ears, it
seemed to me that without a new mistress my home
would be only a one-sided affair.  Accordingly, I again
274
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AND THE REBELS.
phlunged into what many term the stormy sea of matrimonial life, and I bore from its depths a trophy, well
calculated as it seemed to me, to invest my Southlern
home with new charms both for myself and the nunmerous blacks around; who insisted upon it, previous to
to my departure in the spring, that I should thus confer
happiness upon them as well as myself. This lady was
the daughter of an old anti-slavery acquaintance, and
was herself deeply imbued with sympathy for the suffering freedmen, and anxious to contribute her mite for
their elevation. But it was not convenient for her to
go to her new home in connexion with us, and she and
her son, a lad of twelve years, remained until the followiIg April, at which time they joined our isolated family
circle.
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a 
CHAPTER XXVIII.
RETURN TO THE SOUTH ACCOMPANIED BY THE AUTHOR'S
MOTHER-GREAT TRIALS DURING THE SUMMER, AND
THE GIN HOUSE ON FIRE.
After my return to my Southern home, eighteen or
twenty  colored men  were supplied with  land;  this
number being all, out of the fifty or sixty who had subscribed, who found they had means to carry on their
land with; and thus we failed to accomplish all that we
had          fondly hoped.  Many of this latter number also,
needed assistance before the year was out. But this
was a good beginning for our new enterprise, and I felt
joyful at even these diminished fruits of our labors. A
number of other colored persons engaged with me in
cultivating land on shares, expecting at the end of the
year   to obtain land of their own.  Having suffered. so
much at the hands of my last overseer, I determined to
dispense with the services of one this year. We cleared
about twenty-five acres of new ground, and proceeded
to do the best we could in the way of farming; it being
the first year I had undertaken to manage a farm myself. We also resumed our moral and intellectual
efforts in behalf of the blacks, in which labor of love
we           were now joined by out  venerable mother, who had
long wished to be engaged in a work of this kind. A1         276
0 
AND THE REBELS.
though eighty-four years old, yet she entered into the
spirit of all our movements with alacrity and delight.
A class of children came to her room daily, and she instructed them in the mysteries of reading and spelling.
She was always in her place in the Sunday school and
meeting, and she took a lively interest in the temporal
affairs of our forlorn friends. My labors were arduous in
the extreme during this summer. Besides the care of the
farm, my boy of twelve and I, performed all the labor in
our large garden, and all the numerous "chores" connected with such a farm. Emerson acted as runner between me and the blacks, and many were the rebuffs he
received from them for his faithfulness, as they did not
relish the idea of being watched, especially by a boy.
But he was not daunted in the discharge of his duties
by their uncivil treatment, and finding it useless, they
ceased their persecution and became quite friendly.
It becomes my pleasant duty to bear testimony to the
worth of one colored family, whose intelligence caused
them to appreciate our labors more fully than did the
more degraded ones. The uniform kindness and symphathy of Robert and Mary Lee, experienced no diminution, from our first acquaintance with them, until we
left the country. If a large portion of our flock had
been like them, we should have been abundantly recompensed for our efforts in their behalf. They, with all
the family, were seldom absent from our Sunday
services, altho.ugh residing five miles distant. There
were seven children in this family, all of whom took
the deepest interest in learning to read; and the eldest
girls became good scholars in Geography and Arithmetic, and could write very pretty letters. Mr. Lee was
deeply interested in politics, and afterwards became the
277
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THiE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUT:H,
republican candidate for the Legislature from our county.
Mrs. Lee would perform severe labor for her old mistress, sometimes without remuneration; and when asked
how she could afford to do it for nothing, her only reply
was, "You have told us to be benevolent, and I thought
it my duty to help her all I could, for she is mighty
poor." To assist such a family is a pleasure; and if
any kind friend, on reading these pages, should feel
moved to aid them in any way, I know of no colored
family at the South upon whom their gifts could be
more worthily bestowed.
In July of this year, we were restored to our former
condition as a state in the Union, and deprived of military protection.  "The dogs of war were then let slip
again," and the iAring around our premises was resumed,
accompanied by the same unearthly yells that indicated
fully their origin, as none but rebels could so well imitate the savage cry of the Indian. Even my boy, when
alone upon the highway, was  not exempt from their
insults, they being equally destitute of decency and
manly courage. At one time, a rebel presented his
revolver to him, when he told him whose boy he was,
but he quickly withdrew it, on Emerson's drawing up his
gun in self-defence.
At another time, they fired at one of my men, while
standing in front of my house, and at another time at
three colored girls, in the road very near my house.
They also fired into the yard, and came very near hitting
my boy, the ball striking the ground in front of him.
We had other great trials during this Summer, first,
from that direst of all terrestrial curses, poverty;
secondly, from the wrongs done to our property by the
colored people, and thirdly?rom an increasing indisposi
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tion on their part to learn. The prospect also seemed
fair for a complete triumph of the democratic party in
our state, in which case we judged it would not be safe
for us to remain in our isolated condlition.  All of these
things conspired to produce in the minds of our family,
a conviction that God had other work for me to do, in
somne more highly favored portion of his vineyard.
This conviction increased, until in AugTust we all came
to the conclusion that it was our duty to leave Georgia,
as soon as the way was providentially opened. In my
diary under date of August 8th, 1870, I wrote as follows:
"At last the path of duty seems to be made plain to
all of us, and it is as follows: I am to write a book, giving an account -of my  life here, and  describing the
black people, and as soon as the way is opened, go to
the North, and get it printed, and then devote myself to
public labors in behalf of the colored people. As soon
as the plan was mentioned to our family, it met with
their approval, and I have prayed that if it was God's
will, I might feel more and more sure of it. I am certain I can never cultivate a farm successfully with the
blacks as laborers.- Nothing can be done without incessant and minute supervision of them, such as I am
not able to give."
I insert this extract, that our friends can see that our
removal from our field of labor was on account of no
hasty resolve, but a plan that had been long maturing.
In June, a member of our family was taken sick, and
the blacks being such poor nurses, it devolved upon me
to attend to that duty myself; and consequently I could
not superintend the labors of the farm, which, as-a matter of course, were shamefully neglected, for my poor
darky friends will seldom wlrk for others, without con
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
stant supervision. The more intelligent blacks acknowledg,e that this is the case.
But it seems the time had not quite arrived, for the
complete carrying out of this plan. Sometimes, in the
depth of my agony, I would cry out, iu the words of the
immortal Casabianca,
"Speak, father, speak,
If I may yet be gone;
And but the bsoming shots replied,
And fast the flames rolled on."
It is through suffering only, and that of the intensest
nature, that souls are thoroughly subdued into a condition of perfect submission to God, where they can joyfully say at all. times, " not my will, but thine be done,
0 God." As has been already mentioned, our sufferings
from poverty were great during this Summer, sometimes
our funds being reduced to a solitary dollar; but kind
friends at the North, hearing of our needs, came to our
relief, and our wants were from time to time provided
for.  "They that wait on the Lord shall not want any
good thing." If God did not furnish us with an abundance of the necessaries of life, it was doubtless because he saw that it would not be for the real good of
the Universe that we should have them.  "Jeshuren
waxed fat and kicked."
During the Fall, a scene occurred on our plantation,
which, on account of its unusual nature, it may be best
for me to describe here.  This was an apparently terible fight between two of my hands. David R. had sold
to me a small quantity of hay, of his own raisiing, and I
had sent Willis J. after it, with a wagon. David saw
Willis coming down the In-house road, with the hay,
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and fancied that Willis had taken a little more than he
had a right to, and ordered him to stop his wagon,
which Willis refused to do. David then took a rail, and
attempted to stop the mules, when Willis sprang from
the wagon, and attempted to strike David. The latter
was defended by some of his relations, who heard the
loud talking, and ran to see the cause of the dispute.
It was not long before every man, woman and nearly
every child on the place was at the battle ground, which
was some forty rods from "the quarters."  Willis was
prevented from striking David, when he broke away
from all restraint, and ran to his house, and returned
with a formidable butcher knife in his hands, with which
he swore he would "cut David open."  The man was
so infuriated that it was with extreme difficulty he could
be prevented from executing his bloody purpose, and a
general fight ensued. Guns and clubs were freely displayed, and it seemed impossible to prevent the shedding of considerable blood. After a great effort, however, the combatants were separated, and all parties at
length returned to their homes, uninjured. Both of
these combatants were members of the colored church,
and one was a preacher to his colored flock. David, the
preacher, was clearly in the wrong, for if he was dissatisfied with the amount of hay in Willis' possessioln,
he was to bring more on the following day, and to deduct from it all that Willis had brought that night.
But Willis was manifestly as wrong in wishing to kill
his antagonist for so trifling an offence. To the credit
of the colored people, let it be said that was the first
occurrence of the kind on our place, since my arrival
here.
Another scene was witnered about this time, which
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THE BLACK- MAN OF THE SOUTH,
reflected great credit upon the colored people.  One
day, while my wife and I were absent, the inmates of
the house were alarmed by the cry of fire.  A white
preacher passing, discovered it, and rode on to the
quarters, crying out, "your gin-house is on fire! " He
was followed by a squad of rebels, who uttered a differeut cry.   They came  by, clapping their hands, and
shouting, "joy! joy!" and afterwards some of the same
loving brethren joined in the chorus, exclaiming, "we
spose Stearns' d    n gin-house is burned."
As soon as the colored people heard the alarm, they
rushed from the quarters, forty or fifty rods distant from
the fire, some with buckets, and some with pans and dislhes of water oni their heads and in their hands.  My sister
heard the alartn, and rushing up stairs, exclaimed, "0,
mother, we are ruined; the gin-house is on fire!" to
which excited remark, the placid old lady replied, " Can't
you put it out?"  My  sister then ran to the gin-house,
and saw some of the men wringing their hands and looking on with affrighted and despairing looks, and exclaiming, "It's no use to do anything; the girn-hlouse
can't be saved."  But others had commenced operations
in earnest; and even the little children "toted" water
until they could hardly stand.  One faithful old woman drew water from the well, until her sturdy limbs
gave away, and she fell prostrate upon the ground.
Three little girls especially exerted themselves until
they could do no more.
Fortunately my sister was well enough to superintend
the affair, and under her direction they all worked and
did wonders.  She said she never saw a fire at the
North so quickly subdued, and where the necessary orders were so well obeye#. One of the laziest men on
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the place, ran like lightning to our house, and with the
speed of an antelope rushed up stairs, and sprang
through the garret scuttle, and seized a ladder kept on
the roof, for a like emergency at the house, and in less
than no time, with the assistance of two others, lie had
it 6n the ground, (the house was two stories high,) and
in a second more it was on its way to the gin house,
and stout men were mounting it, and clambering upon
the gin-house roof. A colored man, named Dred Keith,
who had purchased land of me, was ginning his own
cotton, at the time the fire broke out, and he also worked
like a Trojan, and quickly quenched the flames directly
over the gin, and then forced his way through the roof,
and threw the water upon it, that was passed up the
ladder by the excited crowd below. Dred lost quite an
amount of his own  cotton, but he said, "never mind
my cotton; let it go, and save Mr. Stearns' property."
Thanks to a merciful providence, and the alacrity of
the men and women, the fire was finally subdued, without destroying hardly any cotton but Dred's. The gin
and the roof of the house were damaged consideralbly,
but the hands took hold the next day and repaired the
damages as well as they could.  We had a large amount
of cotton in the building, and direful would have been
the result to me, in my embarrassed circumstances, if all
this property had been destroyed.  Stephen, the lazy
one, suddenly transformed into a Diana of speed, after
the fire was quenched, made the following speech to the
crowd, from the top of thle gin-louse: "See what the
Lord has done for us all!  If this gini-house had belonged to a rebel, it would have been burined to the
ground by this time; " to which his sable auditory responded,  "Amen! "  He'so exclaimed, in the fervor
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
of his religious zeal, "See how the Lord scriminates
between  saint  and'sinner-man!' Dred's  cotton is
burned, and Mr. Stearns' and John's is saved." Stephen was "a professor," and exhorter, in spite of his inherent laziness, and Dred was a "sinner-man."  I suppose his meaning was, aside from the general superintendence of God, that if the house had belonged to the
rebels, the colored people would not have worked so
hard to put out the fire, which was probably the case.
The fire caught from matches dropped among the cotton, by thoughtless children at play, some of which had
been found and taken from the cotton. It is by no
means an unusual occurrence for a gini-house to burn
down, somnetime from improper friction of the machinery,
and sometimes from bits of stone getting into the cotton,
and striking the iron ribs of the gin.
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CHAPTER XXIX.
ANOTHER ELECTION -DETAILS OF ITS OUTRAGES, AS
GIVEN BY SWORN WITNESSES.
In the plenitude of its political wisdom, Congress had
decided that our. Legislature must be re-modelled, although distinguished republicans in our State, with the
governor at their head, argued that the time of the old
members had not legally expired; but timid friends of
our cause at Washington, feared the establishment of a
precedent that might work harm at some future time,
and so a new election was ordered, and we were promised military protection. One night, two of our white
friends stopped at our house, on their way from Apling
to Augusta. One of them had addressed a democratic
crowd at Apling, at their especial request, and had been
rewarded for his temerity, with severe blows on his
head, as the only argument they felt capable of using,
in reply to the forcible ones used by him. It seems to
be the way of the rebel democrats, to "prove" their
"'political" doctrine orthodox, by "u n-apostolic blows
and knocks." Wo be to the man who calls into question their political orthodoxy, in presence of overpowering numbers of these "elect' ones.  He will be quite
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
apt to retire from the field in a "hors de combat" con dition, if not intellectually vanquished.
Shortly after the election was held, with the following
results. The republicans were everwhere routed, "horse, foot and dragoon;"  and  rebels were every
where elected.  Petroleum V. Nasby, I believe was not
present, but his favorite "modus operandi," as described
in'his account of his presidential  campaign in Kentucky, was every where adopted. The "knock down
and drag out" principle, was found the most effectual in
"pulling down the strongholds" of republicanism, and
consequently obtained great favor-among our fair-minded
and chivalrous friends of the rebel democracy, in whose
behalf so many tears have been shed by false-hearted republicans, on account of their subjection to greater disabilities than they deserve.
The war has ceased, and where is the traitor who has
received merited punishment, for the part he has taken
in deluging our fair land with the blood of so many of
its citizens?  What respect can the Southern rebels
possibly have for the United States Government? How
would it have been, if the South had conquered? The
life of Robert Lee, our colored firiend, was threatened
for the part he took in the election, and he was obliged
to abandon his home, and take refuge with a neighbor,
and at length leave the county entirely.  Here is a
small portion of the sworn testimony respecting these
outrages, the whole forming a large pamphlet.  Thus
much for "free speech" in Georg,ia.  I am sorry to be
obliged to add that the rebel members were allowed to
take their seats in Congress, in the face and eyes of all
the testimony given, the reason whereof I am not able
to aftfirm._
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AND THE REBEIS.
LETTER OF THOMIAS P. BREAD,
CLALIMING
Ilis seat as ilember of thle House from fifth congressional dis
trict of Georgia, (Ltid.estimnony taken by himn before proper
tribuzials.
WASHINGTON, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
,lantuary 17, 1871.
To STEPIIE. A. CORKER:   SIR: You are hereby notified that it is Iny intention to
contest your right to a seat. as a melnmer of the lhlouse of
Representatives of the forty-first Collgiess of the UlliteI!
States, fiom the fifth congressional (listjiet of the State of
Georgia, upon the followinDg grIounls particularly specified,
to wit:   1. TL,at at the genee'al election lield in the counties of
WaIsliington, Jefferson, Buike, Coluijilai., W-rreii,l  GlIscock,
Htincock,'l'aliaferro, Og,letiorpe, Eil)ert, Lincoln, WVilkles,
aii(l Mcl)uffee, on the 20th, 21st and 22(d days of Decetmber,
1870, iitimidation, violence, and a leigti of terror existed to
suchi an extent that republican voters, iii such numbers as to(
determine the result of the election, were compelled(l to vote
against their will for you and Du(lley MI. Dubose, Esq, tlhe
demtnocratic candidate for the forty-secon(l Congiess, or were
pi)vented fiom votingo for any one wihei it was their desire
an(l intention to vote for me for the lorty-first Congress, and
foi Isham S. Fannin, Esq., for the foity-second Congress.
2.'lThat, previous to tile election, inii several of the counties aforesaid, republican voters who iliten(le(l to vote for me,
were shot, beat, and otherwise maltreate(i, with a viesw of intimidating them so that they would not vote for me at the election aforesaid, and they were thus prevented from voting for mce,
as they intended to do; that organize,i I)an(is of desperadoes
were known to exist in several of' sai(l ejunties, acting in the
iliterest of the democratic party a,id ag(ainst the republica-,ii
)pai'ty; thlt colored men and Union,heni, on account of the
thiieats and acts of violence of these d(spei'ate mien, were
aliaid to vote for me, and did not vote at the election aforesatid, as they desired, and intended to do; that in each ai(l
aill of the counties aforesaid fraud was practised and ilitimiidation used by democrats toward republicans, so as to destroy
the freedom of the ballot-box an(I prevent many thousalndl
republicans who desired and intddetl to vote for me, f1,m
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
doing so. and that the number of voters so prevented from
voting was enough to determine the result of the election.
3. That republican voters who desired and intended to
vote for me for the forty-first Congress, and for Isham S.
Fannin for the forty-second Congress, were, contrary to law,
prevented from doing so, because they had not paid the polltax assessed against them, which tax had been remitted by
the legislature of the State.
4. That in the county of Hancock, aforesaid, the mana
gers of election were wrongfully and illegally arrested and
confined in jail, with a view of preventing republican voters
who desired and intend(ed to vote for me, from doing so, and
that the election in said county was held by persons who had
Ilo legal right to act as managers of election.
5.  That a few days prior to the election aforesaid, when
the cars arrived at WasliDngton, Wilkes County, upon which
republican speakers were expected to arrive, who were to
address a republican meeting in my interest  and in the interest of the republican party, a band of armed men entered
the cars with tie avowed purpose of murdering said speakers,
and that not finding them this band did shoot at three of the
leading republicans of the county, friends of mine, killing
one, mortally wounding another, and seriously wounding a
third; that on account of this shooting, which occurred but
a few days prior to the election, many voters were intimidated
and thus prevented from voting for me as they intended to do.
6.  That in Burke and other of said counties the ballotbox was opened and votes cast for me abstracted, and ballots
with your name upon them put in place of them.
7. That the illegality of your election is further shown by
the fact that at the election held in the spring, of 1868, for
governor and other State officers and members of Congress,
the republican candidates received seventeen thousand four
lthundred and forty-seven (17,447) votes, in this congressional
district while the democratic cau(lidates received but nine
tl)oLtsaud six hundred (9.600) votes, although at the late
election above mentioned you.iiil othler democratic can(lidates received fifteen thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine
(15,759) votes, while I and other republican candidates receive(l nine thousand four hundred and eighty-two  (9,482)
votes, and that this change was effected by the illegal and
revolutionary means above mentioned.
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8.  That the election in said counties was null and void,
and the votes cast shoul(- be thrown out; that in a fair election I should have had a large majority of the votes cast in
sai(l counties; and therefore you are not by law or right entitled to a seat in the forty-first Congress; that in fact I did
receive a majority of the legal votes fieely cast in said district, in counties where the election was not controlled by
unlawful influences.
THOS. P. BEARD.
Personally came M. A. Woods before me, who, being duly sworn,
deposes and says: I reside in the county of Wilkinson and abovenamed State; that I am deputy United States marshal; that I was
at Sandersville, in the county of Washington and State above named,
during the late election for Representatives in Congress, on the 20th,
21st, and 22d days of December, 1870; that I saw many persons in
the vicinity of the polls wearing badges, upon which was printed
"police;" that said persons did cominandingly order many voters
to exhibit their ballots before offenng to vote, and that the said persons did substitute other ballots, or change the names on ballots,
without consent of said voters; and tbit voters were ordered by
said persons to vote the ballot so substituted or changed; that many
persons were publicly denounced, aud abusive language used toward
them for voting for the candidates of their choice, in a manner calculated to deter many from voting as they preferred; that this affiant
did protest against such illegal conduct upon the part of said per
M. A. WOODS.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 9th day of January, A. D.
1871.
W. WOODS,
Ordinary.
Before me, a duly appointed commissioner for the southern district of Georgia, came Robert Battey, of the city of Augusta, Richniond County, Georgia, who, being sworn, deposeth and saith, hq
was present at the polls on the first day of election, December 20,
1870, at Louisville, Jeffl'erson County, Georgia, and on offering to
vote for members of Congress, the managers of said polls refused
to receive his vote, on the ground of his not having paid his taxes;
but on telling them he would telegraph for higher authority, they,
on consulting some of the democratic leaders, said he might vote,
according to the law, which he accordingly did. He talked with and
saw several republ)licans who were not allowed to vote because they
had not paid their taxes for 18(;9. The demnocrats were threatening
and intimidating the colored men, and taking down the names and
descriptions of voters, for the purpose of Ku-Kluxing them after
election, especially his, the said Battey's, and they swore  " they
would get him at night," etc., andoh.ey did hunt for him after he
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
had voted, and at night, in bands armed with pistols. They, the
desperate democrats, who were thus intimidating the colored voters,
were openly armed at the polls. He furthermore saith that he is
confident from what he saw and heard of what was done there, that
several hundred republican colored voters were kept from the polls
during the election there.
ROBERT BATTEY.
Sworn to and signed this 2d day of January, 1871.
THOMAS ROBINSON,
Uxited States Comnmissioner.
Before me, Thomas Robinson, a commissioner duly appointed by
the circuit court of the United States of America for the southern
district of Georgia, personally came Aaron W. Gilbert, of Waynesboro', Burke County, Georgia, who, being duly sworn, deposeth and
saith that he was present at the election held in Waynesboro'; that
on the first day, December 20, 1870, the polls were not opened till
after ten o'clock; that they were closed at twelve, and not again
opened till about three in the afternoon; that at least four hundred
republicans were challenged by 1l. H. Perry, manager, for non-payment of taxes for 1869, and at least three hundred of these were
kept from voting during the entire election  That on the second
day of the election, December 21, 1870, the democrats drove all the
leading republicans, white and colored, from the vicinity of the polls,
and, in fact, fromn out the village, by force, threats, and cries of
"The Ku-Klux are coming," etc.; and that they openly bribed the
colored men to vote the democratic ticket, who heretofore had been
recognized as republicans. That on the third day of the election,
December 22, 1870, he, Aaron W. Gilbert, above mentioned, was
again, with others, driven from the polls, out of the village, and
into the woods, by armed democrats, with threats and force, who
were led on by Thomas C. Belt. That the before-mentioned( Gilbert
the(n went to the polls held at Sylvania Court-house, Scriver County,
Georgia, where he arrived at about 4 P. M., and found that no mall
who was at all suspected of being a republican was allowed to vote,
unless he could show a certificate of having paid his taxes for 1869;
and that at least two hundred and fifty republicans were kept from
votilng at that polling-place by the democrats, by reason of not having paid their taxes for 1869; and that during the election held in
Burke County, Georgia, at least three times as many republic(an
votes were cast as were cast for the democrats, to the best of his
knowledge and belief, but that he has every reason to know the
ballot-box was trifled with by the democrats. Also, that lie is now
compelled to remain away from WVaynesboro' to save his life, as the
democrats threaten to kill him if he returns there.
AARON G. GILBERT.
H. H. Perry, democrat, kept ballot-box at his home each night.
Krump Wimberly, democrat, kept key each night.
AARON W. GILBERIT.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 29th l)ecember, 1870.
THIOS. ROBINSON,
United  ~tates Commrissioner.
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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, southern district of Georgia:
Before me, Thomas RobinsQn, one of the commissioners duly
appointed by the United States circuit court for the southern district of Georgia, personally came William D. Seigfried, who, being
dniy affirmed, deposes and says, that on or about the 16th day of
December, 1870, while making  purchases in one of the principal
grocery stores in Augusta, said district and State, a white maln, pirolfessing to be a resident of the county of Columbia, said district and
State, entered the store and address,ng the proprietor, proclaimed
the prospects of the coming election as bright for the democrats;
declaring "Old Columbia will be all right.  We intend to carry the
election against the radicals if we have to do it by blood," or words
to that effect. A significant shake of the head by the said proprietor
brought the conversation to a sudden close.
W. D. SEIGFRIED,
Teacher "National Theological Institiete."
Affirmed to and subscribed before me, at Augusta, Georgia, the
13th day of January, 1871.
THOMAS ROBERSON,
United States Commissioner.
Robert Sullivan; lives in Columbia County, Georgia, and was at
Appling December 20. Jim Blanchard, a white man, struck me with
his fist twice on the side of my head, and cocked his pistol at me,
and attempted to strike me over the head with it, all because I said
I was a radical.  I saw Moses Malord struck over his eyes with a
big stick by a white man, because he said he was a radical. I also
saw a great many colored people prevented from voting, unless they
would vote the democratic ticket. I should think three-fourths of
those who were there were thus prevented from voting.  The language of the whites was, "Stand back, stand back, G-d d-n you,"
and then they would offer them a democratic ticket, and tell them
they could vote that. I saw a man standing near the polls with bottles of whiskey, offering to treat all who would vote the democratic
ticket. A great many negroes voted the democratic ticket, but
nearly all of them did so for fear of the whites, who threatened
them in various ways if they did not. If left to themselves, hardly
any negroes would have voted the democratic ticket. Nearly all
refulsed thus to vote, until they were threatened so severely. All of
this I solemnly swear to be true, according to the best of my belief
and knowledge.
ROBERT SULLIVAN.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, GEORGIA, January 1, 1871.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notat'y Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
William Townsley; reside in Columbia County, Georgia; was at
Apling December 20 and 21. On the first day I (lid not vote, because
the democrats would not let any vote but democrats, if they could
help it. They crowded around the place of votitng, and kept away
all they could.  On the second dayz tried again to vote, but it was
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
worse than on the first, and I came away without voting. A great
many colored men voted the democratic ticket because the whites
threatened them so much uniless they did. More than one-half of
the colored people were kept fiom voting the radical ticket from
fear.  The whites have threatened Robert Lee, who  was on the
radical ticket for the legislature, and he has been obliged to leave
his home and go to Augusta to live. All of which I solemnly swear
to be true, according to the best of my belief and knowledge.
his
WILLIAM X TOWNSLEY.
mark.
COLUMnI3A COUNTY, GEORGIA, January 1, 1871.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notary Putblic awid ex-offcio Justice of the Peace.
Much more testimony of the same kind could be easily obtained,
if it were not for the fear on the part of witnesses that violence
would be used towards them on account of their testimony. Some
have related to me what they saw, but declined to have their names
go before the public, and several of the above witnesses particularly
request that their names shall not be published.
C. STEARNS,
Sewallville, Columbia County, Georgia.
Edmund Green; lives on the Hick's place, Columbia County, Georgia; was at the election at Apling, Columbia County, on December
20, 1870, and wished to vote the republican ticket, but could not,
on account of my life being threatened by the white people present.
A good many others were prevented from voting in the same way.
Charles Harding, a colored blacksmith, was struck on the head and
covered with blood because he was a radical. In my opinion over
five hundred colored people were, on that day, prevented from voting
the republican ticket at Apling.  In Lincoln County all the colored
people, nearly, were forced to vote the democratic ticket, by threats
of death, and of being driven from their places.
All this I solemnly swear to be true to the best of my belief and
knowledge.
his
EDMUND X GREEN.
mark.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, GEORGIA, December 25.
The foregoing statement was made before me, and sworn to as
above stated.
CHARLES STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
Willis Jackson;  lives on C. Stearns's place, Columbia County,
Georgia; was at the election at Apling, December 20, and saw a
white man strike Charles Harding over the head with a hickory
stick of the size of a common broom-hlandle, because Harding said
he had voted the radical ticket.  About the samie time another white
man kicked my father, Eli Jackson, because he said he had voted
a
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AND THE REBELS.
the radical ticket. In my opinion over five hundred colored people
were, on that (lay, prevented fromin voting. The white people were
goilng about, drawing their pistols, and cutting at.the colored people
who attempted to vote the radical ticket, and threatening to kill
them if they thus voted.
All this I solemnly swear to be true.
his
WILLIS X JACKSON,
mark.
Before me
C. STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, December 25, 1870.
George Parks; I am a carpenter in Columbia County; was at
Apling December 20; attempted to vote several times, but did not,
because whenever I attempted to vote a rush would be made by the
while l)eople, who would cry out, "Stand back; stand back," and
flourish slung-shots in the faces of the colored people; they would
then seize hold of' the arm of a colored democrat and drag him up
to the polls, crying out, I Here comes a big democrat; let him vote."
In ill cases, every colored man who would vote the democratic
ticket was allowed to do so; but, I think, five hundred or six hundre(l colored radicals were prevented from voting.
Ail of which I sofemnly swear to be true, according to my best
belief and knowledge.
his
GEORGE X PARKS.
mark.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARINS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
COLUM.BIA COUNTY, GEORGI.A, December 25, 1870.
Eli Jackson; lives on C. Stearns's place, Columbia County, Georgia; was at Apling I)ecembler 20, and saw Charles Harding struck
over the head, because he said he voted the radical ticket. A white
man kicked me with all his power, because I said I had voted the
radical ticket.  I believe a good many hundred colored people were
prevented that day, by force, from votilng the republican ticket; but
every colored man who wished was allowed to vote the democratic
ticket.
All of which I solemnly swear to be true according to the best of
my belief and knowledge.
his
ELI X JACKSON.
mark.
Sworn and subscribed to before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, December 25, 1870.
William Mitchell; lives on C. Stearns's place; was at Apling December 20; and I believe three-quitors of the colored people present
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
were prevented from voting the republican ticket by the threats and
blows of the white people. I heard one white man threaten to kill
a colored man if he voted the radical ticket.
I solemnly swear this statement to be true according to the best
of my belief and knowledge.
his
WM. X MITCHELL.
mark.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, December 25, 1870.
Colbert Hitt; lives on C. Stearns's place; was at Apling December
20; saw Charles Harding after he was struck; an(l also Lewis Whittaker, and heard him say he was struck in the middle of his forehead
with the muzzle of a pistol, because he said he was a radical. I did
not vote as 1 intended to, because I was afraid I should be struck
by the white people, who surrounded the polls and watched every
man to see what kind of a ticket he had; heard them threaten to
kill men if they did not vote the democratic ticket; think that five
hundred colored men at least were prevented that dclay from voting
the republican ticket. The second day a colored man who attempted
to vote the republican ticket was driven some distance from the
polls, and very few voted on that day.
All of which I solemnly swear to be true, according to the best
of my belief and knowledge.
his
COLBERT X HITT.
mark.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, December 25, 1870.
Jim Jackson; lives on C. Stearns's place; was at Apling, December 20. A white democrat told me to stand back, and if I did not
he would cut me with his knife if I voted; but I voted in spite of
him. Many others were afraid to vote and did not. I should think
several hundred.
All of which I swear to be true, according to the best of my belief
and knowledge.
his
JIM X JACKSON.
mark.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.
COLUMBIA COUNTY, December 25, 1870.
Charles Johnson;  lives on C. Stearns's place;  was at Aplini,
December 20, and saw a man draw a pistol on Allen Porter, a colored man, for trying to vote the republican ticket: heard a white
0
294
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AND THE REBELS.
man say to another, "If we can't vote it out, we will fight it out;"
heard a great many colored people say they were not allowed to
vote, and did not for fear of the whites; heard the white people
threateu to shoot Mr. Sherminan for being a friend to the colored
people.
All this I solemnly swear to be true, according to the best of my
belief and knowledge.
hisl
CHARLES X JOHNSON.
mark.
Sworn to and subscribed before me.
C. STEARNS,
Notary Public and ex-officio Justice. of the Peace.
COLUMIBIA COUNTY, December 25, 1870.
Oil the morning of the 20th of Decenmber, 1870, the first day of
election, I arrived at Apling, the county seat of Columbia County,
Georgia, at about quarter past 10 o'clock, A. M., where plrobatbl.
over one thousand people had assembled, thlree-fourths or more of
whom were colored. I drove up very near the court-house and
asked for the military commander, when Lieutenant C. B. Hinton
appeared, saying he was in command of twelve men.  I said I came
to attend thile election, and felt obliged to put myself under his protection, knowing that I would not be safe without it; then told him
who I was; that I lhad represented the twenty-nintli district in tlhe
legislature for the past two years, and now I held the appointment
of deputy marshal, showing him my commission, but I preferred
that lie would say nothing about my appointment, only treat and
protect me as a citizen. The lieutenant pledged his utmost for my
safety. I then appeared in front of the court-house window, where
two of the commissioners were taking votes, and passing them to a
colored young man appearing to be seventeen or eighteen years of
age, who put them into the'box.
I spoke to the commissioners or managers, asking them if the
board was properly organized; they said it was. I then asked for
James M. Anthony. Mr. Gray, one of the managers, said Mr.
Anthony was not here. I remarked that Mr. Stearns's family was very
sick, and he could not be here. Robert Lee is the next man. " Yes,"
said one of the managers, "Robert Lee is here." I said, " Not Robert
Lee, proper."  "Yes," said one of the managers, "Robert Lee, and
the only Robert Lee we know in the county."  I remarked that
Robert Lee, proper, was on the ground. I then asked for an initerview with them. They asked me inside. I took Robert Lee with
me and introduced him to the other managers saying, " This is the
man whose name I introduced to the governor for manager, and
the same man the governor appointed and the senatte confirmed."
The managers then asked me if they should not empty the box
and vote over again. To this I said I had nothing to do with it; I
was no manager of elections; my object was only to state facts; they
had them, and they must act as they thought proper.  They then
asked Lee where hlie lived. Lee told them where, and that he had
been in the county four years. They asked him his full name, to
e
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SQUTf,
whicl he replied that it was Robert Lee, but about five years ago
he put R. in his name.  This was not known by myself nor his
friends at the time his name was given to the governor; but, never  theless, said I, this is the man.  At this time Dr. Casy ('aine into
the room, and I was asked to leave. Very soon Robert Lee, p)r()pcr,
was told to go out; young Robert Lee, as I have called hii, w,1s
permitted to remain.  Here I will remark, that in the evening l le
acting ordinary came to tent to see me. Among other things I
a,ked him if he knew this young Robert Lee. lie said, no.
\Vhere does he live?"  "I believe he is a clerk or runer dlowi
to the store."  "Where did he come from?"  "I think," saild he,
' fhat he came from Sawdust, on the railroad somewhere."  "When
dilI he come here?"  He replied that he came the evening the com  naissioners came in for the manager.  "1Who is he, anyhow?"   "I
don't know." I then asked very many colored men who hlie was.
None knew him.  So I called him a man of straw, having 11o right
to the position as manager.  He, however, was made manager.  I
,then took my place in frontof the window again, by the side of the
rope, fifteen feet from the window, where the voting was done, and
took my pencil and paper, and began or prepared to ket.p tally,- to
write down the names as they were spoken by one of the managers.
But before voting commenced (the second time), a man standing
upon the steps said all the democrats will vote over again, white
and colored.  All.the democrats come up and vote over; and so
they did. For an hour or more voting went off briskly without any
apparent trouble or intimidation to speak of, until, to appearance,
the democrats had mostly voted. And when the republicans, or
those who carried their vote in their pocket, preferring not to show
their ticket, made an (pffort to get to the ballot box, th(en threats
began in good earnest - swearing, showing and swingllg sling shots, exhibiting the bowie knife, so said the lieutenant, and usili)g
other methods of intimidtations.  Closing up the passage-way with
white men that had voted, twenty, thirty, and perihaps flt'y men at a
time, so placed before the passage-way that it was almost impossi ble for a man who did not show a democratic vote to get through,
and if one did, a cry woul(l start up), "Mlark hin.m. d-n him, mark
hien I"  And in two instances I saw the sheriff put a colored man
who had succeeded in getting through, back over the rope, obliging
them to get through again if they could.  Then hg')iii, intimidal ion
was caused by the use of such awful oaths that no God-leiring, man
could help fear.  And that if any one voted the radical ticket, the
Ku-Klux would visit him in less than two weeks   And the man who
swung the sling-shot over the heads of the colored men, said "G-d
d-n the nigger who votes the radical ticket, he will not get hornie,"
and various other threats were made.  I think I heard enough
threats to fill two sheets like this, yet no remonstrance or orders to
stop it while I was permitted to remain in hearing and seeing.
slnd still these threats and intimidations were allowed; no real
effort was made to prevent or bring to justice the law-breaker (but
the colored man must submit to all this, not allowed to say one
word).  I spoke to the lieutenant to have that sling,-shot put away.
He went to the man and said to him he had better put it up.  lie
40
a
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AND THE REBELS.
said he spoke to the sheriff about it, and said the sheriff ordered it
put away, i)ut the order was not regarded, for I saw hiTii swing it
over the heads of the colored men, and heard the language that
would accompany such a weapon for more than two hours.  I will
give the managers credit of once saying to the sheriff that he mnu.t
keep order, or voting would stop.  The sheriff repeated the order
or ilemand, and that was all it amounted to, for the disorder in creased until I was taken off the ground, which was between three
and four o'clock, P.M. This disorder might have been stopped easily.
The lieutenant was on the ground; his men were near by, au(l it
only wanted an order from the managers or sheriff to have brought
the soldiers and made order at once.
In the fore part of the day I was found at my post, front of the
window seated by the rope, tallying and taking notes of what was
going on, when Dr. Casy came up in front of me  and said, "Who
is manipulating affaiis in Augusta, that he should send a cle rk up
here to manage our affairs?"'I'o this and other similiar renmarks —
I made no reply, but took notes, etc. Whereupon the doctor turne!
to the lieutenant and said (so said the lieute.nant), "If Sheimliiu
don't put up that pencil aind paper I will take it away from hiiii anil
slap his chlops."  The lieutenant said that would  not do  f)r tile
colore,l men regarded him their friend, and if you undertake tlihat
there will be a row.- The doctor then madte other threats (so s;hil
the lieutenant), until the lieutenant said hlie would try and get Sthermanl to put his paper up, and so he did.  He came and asked ine to
put it up.  After making this request three times, and sayiing lie
could not prevent trouble if I did not, I consented to lower iiiy
manhood, suffer my freedom to be directed and dictated by the mol).
I put my paper up, containing about 200 names. I still kept my
pencil in hand, counted, and occasionally marked my count on the
margin of a newspaper.  To this the doctor made objections and
tried to prohibit it.  About this time, or soon after, a cry started
tip that the iiiggers had guns. The cry was loud; troui)le was indicated, and, in fact, setmed to be at hand.  A tremendous stampede took place at once; nearly all was on the run in the direction
of the guns which was over the river.  The colored men had guns
stacked half or three-quarters of a mile from the court-house, aid
twenty or twenty-five men left to guard them until they could be
relieved by others who had gone forward to vote.
Here the doctor appears again, and proved to' be the moving spirit
in this gun excitement, as he acknowledged in his letter to the
('chronicle and Sentinel of Augusta, "that he commanded a force
that took possession of the bridge and would not let the belligerents
cross."
It was also found that the doctor, as those in his command, had
doublle-barrel guns, revolvers, and other weapons in abundance, but
the colored men could not even be allowed to stack their guns threequarters of a mile from the court-house. The doctor, by threats and
shiow of weapons, prevented the colored men crossing the bridge
until the lieutenant caiue with h s men, crossed thle bridge, and took
possession of the guns, placed a auard over them, relieving some
twelnty or twenty-five colored mefr fromn their charge. This done,
a
29 i' 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTR,
order was restored and quietude for the time being, as it had been
at the polls in the absence of these leading spirits; but when the
doctor with his force returned something must be done with Sliermaln.  Al)out this time bell rang for dinner and the polls closed for an
hour. After dinner voting commenced again, and for half an hour
or more it went off quietly, I keeping count until the doctor camne,
when he again appeared inside the rope before me with insults and
riotous remarks, and looking around I saw groups in threes, and
fives, and more, making Sherman their object of insults. Finally, a
man walked in fi'ont of the rope, and stepped over it on my right.
Soon after another min walked in front of the rope and stepped over
the rope on my left; others pushed their way through the colored
crowd to my back.  The first man o nmy right took off his hat, and
throwing his head down and partly in front of me looked me in the
face.  The one on my left took off his hat, placed himself in like
position, looked me in the face, both making mouths, etc., unbecomilg any human being. In this condition I remained for somrie time,
until these men began to feel under my cloak, and, as I was told,
showed weapons, when the lieutenant saw my danger, spoke to the
managers, and asked if hlie should not ask me over the rope. He at
once came and said, "Sherman, walk over the rope and stand by the
building."  I did so.  The sheriff then took those five or six ill-designed persons back near the doorsteps of the court-house from
whence they came, only to give them another starting point, which
was at once improved by backing around the corner of the courthouse (inside the rope) to get at my side. This was dlone. And
the above (all in pla,in siqhtt of' the maiiagers and the sher(,iff but nothing
said to them.  Here, again, their insults were lavished on me, and in a
way that is not easily described. After fifteen or twenty minutes in
this uncomfortable position the lieutenant was spoken to b)y the
managers, so he said, and was requested by them to take me off.
The lieutenant at once communicated this to me.
I said to him, " I have a right here."  He left and in a few momnents returned, and made his second request, and then the third,
and at the same time said I was in de,nger, for he could not control
the mob, which would soon make anll attack on me. I then stepped
up to the window, and said, "Messrs. Managers, is it your request
that I should leave the ground?"  When one of the managers (Mr.
Hicks) said, PaYes; leave."  Then one of the clerks (Mr. Hudson)
said, "Yes; d-n you, leave!  Your presence creates disturbance,
and you better leave.  G-d d-d you, leave! "  I then said, "Mr.
Gray (another manager), is it Vour request that I should leave?" Ilie
replied that he did not want to say anything about it.    Flave I not a
right here?" i asked.  He replied that, as far as he had seen of me,
he did not see why I could not remain.  At this time I was standing
with my back toward thile crowd.  l'he lieutenant steppi)ed up and
took me by the arm and walked me off. saying,  I do this for your
safety. I have seen what you have not." As we walked off, probl)ably two hundred of those white fiends followed quite a distance with
yells and shrieks never heard anywhere in the civilized woild except
in Georgia.  When this crowd returned to their voting place they
found the ground made vacant l the running of at least eight hun
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AND THE REBELS.
dred colored persons. On seeing many of these frightened persons
at a distance, the whites took after themn and ran them to the woods
and hills, firing guns or revolvers, yelling, shrieking, etc., like so
many wild men.
Hlere the election seemed to be broken up, so much so that one of
the managers said to the lieutenant, "' This makes this election illegal; and if I report this as it is, this county will be thrown out."
After this there wvas but little, if any, voting done the first day. I
judge from appearance, as I was ill a tent near by where I could see.
After the colored men left for home, taking their guns, the sergeant
who guarded them said hlie counted 263 guns. It was said by some
of them that but very few of these two hundred and sixty-three men
voted.  Some of them did, and others gave me their names. and
where they lived, and the reason they did not  vote.   In every
instance the reason given was fear, caused  by threats of being
Ku-kluxedl, by being turned out of a home; others caused by the
threat that they would not live to get home if they voted a radical
ticket. I took about one hundred names, and in many instances the
names of the men that was said to have made the threats.  I have
the names of several of the men who carried revolvers, sling-shlots,
and who caused such intimidation. l)ut I have not the names of the
men who gave me so many insults except Dr. Casy; othiers seemed
to be strangers.  I could not finld a colored man that knew them.
I did not go near the voting place on the second day.  I kept tent,
not even going out for dinkier, it not being considered safe, but I
saw and hearti what I never saw before at an election. Liquor
seemed to be very plenty, running horses, tiringu of revolvers by the
dozens at a time, etc. I forgot to lnentionl that liquor was plenty on
the ground the first day.  It was carried around in glass bottles,
even inside the rope.  The managers made no mention of it, or gave
orders concerning it.
I went to tent Tuesday, A.M., and left for home Thursday morning,
escorted by the soldiers.
Thus went election in Columbia County, Georgia, December 20
and 21, 18 70.
JOSIAH SHER\IAN,
Deputy Marshal Columbia County.
Signed before me this 7th January, 1871.
[SEIAL.]                               i. I. G. WILLIAMS,
Notary Public, F. C.
Before me, Thomas Robinson, a commissioner duly appointed by
the circuit court for the southern district of Georgia, personally
caine Judson DeLyoiis, who, being sworn, deposeth and saith. that
he was l)resent at the polls at Apling Court-house, Columbia County,
Georgia. on the first d(lay of the election, Tuesday, 20th December,
1870; and that no colored republican was allowedl to vote so loler as
a (ldemiocrat could be found, the colored  n(men being crowded away
fromi the polls, and intimidated by armed (lemnocrats, who. in additioil to pistols openly carri'id il their l)elts, hlid kulves, sling-shots,
sticks, etc., to  pitnchl" at the colored meii, and(i s(care tlhemn back.
The democrats, though armed theuelves, hearing that the colored
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THE BLACK MAN OF TIHE' SOUTH,
men had left their guns about half or three-quarters of a mile froiti
the polls, commenced whooping,, cursing, and swearing, and firing
pistols, and ",tarted to secure the guns and destroy them. The United
States soidiers, under Lieutenant, however, kept the crowd
from the guns and took charge of them.  They, the democrats, next
questioned said I)eLyons' riglit to be present at the polis, and because he was d(istributing republican tickets, not only threatened
him with violence, but did set a number of dogs on him; and he fled
for protection to the soldiers who were stationed about four or five
hundred yards away from the polls. After dinner, about four o'clock,
he, the said DeLyon., came again to the polls, but after a half hour
or so, the democrats " made it so hot" for him, that he was again
compelled to go away from the polls-the democrats  following
them, whooping, cursing and yelling. On the second day, December 21. 1870, as soon as the polls were opened, he, DeLyons, saw
three colored men chased and hunted by dogs, set on them by the
democrats because they wanted to vote a republican ticket. And about
noon or dinner time, when a number of colored men were seen coining to the polls, the democrats commenced firing their pistols, yelling, and whooping, thus scaring them away from coining and voting.
And that in the afternoon, he, the said DeLyons, was compelled to
leave the voting place entirely, as his life was in constant jeopardy
He also adds, further, that on the first day of the election hlie saw a
colored republican, who had been badly cut about the head, and was
bleeding profusely, who said he had been attacked by a white democrat on account of his being a republican; and that, to the best of
his knowledge and belief, at least five hundred republicans were intimidated from voting at said polls by reason of' the unlawful and
violent conduct of the democrats.
JUDSON DELYONS.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3d day of January, l171.
THIOMAS ROBINSON,
United States Comnmissioner for the Southern District of Georgia.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Southern District of Georgia:
Before me, Thomas Robinson, a commissioner duly app,)inted by
the circuit court of the United States for the southern district of
Georgia, personally came William S. Mayfleld, of Clay I-ill, Lin,rcoln
County, who, being duly sworn, deposes and says, that he was pres ent at the election held in anti for Lincoln County, in said State, on
the 20th, 21st, and 22d days of December, 1870; that he was one of
the managers of the election, having been so appointed by Governor
Bullock; that two other managers acted, who were nominiuated by
the ordinary and confirmed by the senate; and that two others who
had been appointed by the governor could not be sound in the couii ty; that six hundred votes were cast during the three days, of which
the democratic candidates received fMe hund(red anad  inety-three,
an(d the republican candidates only seven; that accor(ling to the last
census, there are about ten hundred and fifty votes iii said county,
there being about six hundred colored, of which number about five
huniored and fifty would have  pted, under a free election, the re
300
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AND THE REBELS.
publican ticket, and at least seventy-five or one hundred of the white
voters would have cast their ballots for the republican nominees,
giving to the republican party, at the very least  a majority of two
hundred and fifty; whereas the late election returns show a democratic majority of five hundred and eighty-six, misking a difference
against the republican party of eight hundred and thirty-six   Accordling to the records of the previous congressional election, some
eilght hundred votes were polled, of which the republican candidates
received six hundred or more. One of the managers of that election
stated to this deponent that he was willing to swear that it was a
free and fair election. This deponent further states that in order to
show the intimidation used, he deposes as follows: That he attended
a colored meeting held at Salem Baptist Church, in the county of
Lincoln, on or about the sixth day of November, 1870, at which time
he, after having talked to them onl political matters, told them that
he would be there again on the fourth day of l)ecember, 1870, that
being their regular meeting day; that business at that time took
himt to another part of the State, so that he was prevented attending
as he h'td promised; but that a band of desperadoes, dressed in disguise as United States soldiers, being armed with revolvers and
bowvie-knives, rode up to the church during the meeting, some going
inside, the others staying outside, and asking, "  YWhere  is that
damned radical, Mayfield," saying "if he was here blood wvould be
shed."  Finding that this deponent was not there, they rode olr,
leaving the colored people very much excited and frightened.  Exciteiments of this nature were systematically carried on up to the timne
of tle election, which were so successful in intimidatitng the colored
men that many of them did not attend the election at all; others who
did attend on the first day with the intention of voting, were mnet
some distance from the polls by these desperadoes, wvho told them
that they must vote the democratic ticket, or have a row; in consequence of which many men returned to their homes without voting,
while others through fear of being visited by midnigdiht assassins,
took the democratic ticket of them and voted the samne, aft(rward
saying they would advise all their friends not to come to the polls,
which accounts for the small number of republican votes polled.
W. S. MAYFIELD,
Assistant Assessor Thirdl Dis.itrict (;eorgia.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 6th day of January, 1871,
at Augusta, Georgia.
THOMAS ROBINSON,
Unitied States Commiissioner.
DECEMBER 26, 1870.
MESSRS. EDITORS: If you will bear with me, and allow me a small
space in your columns, I will inform you how the late election was
managed in the portion of this congressional district in which I reside. Of course the Chronicle and Sentinel, Constitution, and other
violent democratic papers will call it a glorious victory and a free
and fair election.  If by having a crowd of ruffians forming and
moving in every section near the polls, insisting that every one shall
take their ticket or have what. thq call a row; and what do these
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
parties wish to be understood by a row? Simply this, a knockdown, a few pistol shots; the results similar to the example we had
placed before us a few days ago at Washington, Wilkes County.
The coloring would be in the above-named papers a negro-riot, of
course, etc.  It' by the above simple illustration "which can be enlarge(l a thousand fold without being exaggerated one iota," is a free
and fair election, then we certainly have had an exceedingly free,
ft.ir, and an hIonest one.  I can obtain at least twenty affidavits from
citizens of this county who were deterred in the above manner from
voting; they would not take the tickets offered by these men; rather
than have a disturbance and I)loodshed they returned to their homes
without having cast their vote; others, for fear of being visited l)y
,midn(ight visitors, took the tickets so offered and voted themn, thus
ailing against their will in electing those who have been elected on
the demuocratic ticket in this section of this congressional district.
JUSTICE,
By W. S. MAYFIELD.
MAXEYS, GEORGIA, December 30, 1870.
DEAti SIR: Your favor of the 2Rth instant is before me, aldl contents notic(ed.  And, in reply, I have to say thl-t the election in this
counIty was carried by intimidation.  To illustrate:  The colored
people were told publicly that to vote without hatving paid their
taxes for 1869 would be to vote illegally, and that the pulnishment
was conftinement in the penitentiary, and that several of their number was then under arrest and in jail, and would be prosecuted with
all the rigor of the law.  This can be substantiated by any number
of witnesses of either party. And further, parties told a voter who
was willing to swear that he had paid his taxes in an a(Iljoining
county, that if hlie did vote under his oath, they would prosecute
him, and the penalty would be the penitentiary.  The result of these
intimidating measures was that not one-half the voters of this county
polled their votes.
The election was held on the first day at this precinct, under the
election bill of 1870, and at the court-houise, from first to last, under
the old election law.  Some part, therefore, must be illegal, independlently of the intimidating measures used. It is the commonly
received opinion of all intelligent and thinking men that there has
been no election held in this county, but that a farce has bceu enacted.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. H. BRIGHTWELL.
Mr. W. J. WHITE, Chairmait.
LEXINGTON, Ja?nuary, 1871.
SIR: According to your request I will give you a true statement
of the election in Oglethorpe County, heli on 20th, 21st, and  22d
days of December,  1870.  I will state nothing but what  I would
swear to and can prove.  First, the commissioners took the oath laid
down in the late election bill, but then three of the comlnrissioners
said they would not allow any voter to vote who had not paid his
poll-tax the year previous, aqg so conducted the election the first
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AND THE REBELS.
day with a great deal of dissatisfaction and contention with the colored voters and their friends, the democrats telling the colored men
if they did vote that it was contrary to the law and the Constitution,
and they would prosecute them and put them in the penitentiary, and
that they were better friends to them than we were; and by that
means scared them out of their vote. The second day the commissioners, or a majority of them, agreed that if they would take
the oath that they had not paid the tax, nor had not had an opportunity of paying they would allow them to vote. Under that head,
then, with hard persuasion, we got a few of them to vote; but the
lawyers and a number of other men threatened them so hard with
the old law and the penitentiary that we could not do much with
them; but after the turn of the day we got to voting them so heavy
they had some four or five arrested for illegal voting, which, we believe, was done to intimidate; for this reason, there were a good
many more that took the same oath and were not arrested. Tlhey
held a commitment trial, and committed them to jail, and kept them
there until the election closed. We believe this was all to intimidate, as well as the threatening to the penitentiary. The names of
those arrested and put in jail are, Jim Eberhart, Randlle Jones, Adam
Smitlh, Miles Dozier, Lewis Stevens, and one other, I do not recollect the name. The third day passed off quietly, on account of these
being in jail, only every day there were several colored men that had
paid their taxes and did not have their receipts with them and were
not allowed to swear to it, and were not allowed to vote unless some
white man would vouch for them that they knew that their taxes
were paid.  This the commissioners done.  Several cases under my
own knowledge, and I heard several others say so. All these are
facts under my own knowledge, and they can be proven by a host of
witnesses.
J. F. CUNNINGHAM,
Deputy Sheriff of Oglethorpe County.
Mr. WILLIAM J. WHITE.
P.S. - There are a great many reports, of which I cannot state as
facts, but other reliable men will, that there was a great deal of
threatening of different kinds, and hiring them with different kinds
of pay. I heard some men say they saw a colored man have some
money that was given to him to vote a democratic ticket; showel
the money, and was trying to get more. All such doings as this:
telling them that the republicans were not their friends - that they
were; that the republicans were just ruining them; telling them that
they owned all the land and stock, the republicans none, and how
could we be their friends?
J. F. CUNNINGHAM.
I wish you to let me know whether you get this or not. We have
some doubts about our letters ever reaching their destinations on
some occasions.
J. F. C.
No comments of mine cat add anything to the over
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303 
TEE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
whelming force of this testimony. Read and ponder it,
ye craven ones, who for a mess of miserable pottage,
far inferior to Esau's savory dish, will inaugurate measures for the reinstation in office, of the despicable villains whose exploits are here recorded.   Shame on any
man, calling himself a Union man, who can apologize
for such men; and talk of their sorrow for their crimes,
and our duty to kill the fatted calf in their behalf.
We can all see, as in a glass, the reflection of the
deeds that will everywhere obtain, when the South is
allowed to manage its own affairs, without any interference on the part of the National goverment. Here is
the delightful state of affairs for which we are preparing.
Who can say that another war will not be the sure and
certain result of that policy, that thus proposes binding
the Union men of the South into bundles, and casting
them into the heated furnace of Southern hate, whose
fires are so devotedly tended by Northern supporters of
the rebel democracy?
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CHAPTER XXX.
AFFLICTING DISPENSATIONS, AND DEATH OF MY
AGED MOTHER.
Thus ended 1870, the fifth year of my Southern sojourn. By the good providence of God, and after herculean efforts on my part, the whole of Rev. Dr. F.'s
clain was adjusted, and my poor sainted mother was
spared the terrible infliction that at one time seemingly
awaited her, of seeing our property torn from our hands,
and re-consigned to the rebels, from whose grasp it had
so remarkably been rescued.   If our ever kind and
sympathetic friend, S. C. S., had not again come to the
rescue of our colored friends, I see not how this sad
catastrophe could have been averted.
My mother's health had been failing for some time,
and a few days after the commencement of the new
year, her holy and perfect soul took its flight to its everlasting home, from which it now looks down in joyful
satisfaction, at the final result of our' Southern mission.
Her disease was the slow typhoid fever, and  was short
in duration. Before her eyes were closed in death, we
were able to impart to her the joyful intelligence, that
the claim of Dr. F. was adjusted, and the black people
would be allowed to retain their land, and homes, from
all of which, they would have been ejected, if F., and
his unfeeling advisers, could tave had their own way.
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
A little previous to this event, she, with her own hand,
signed a mort,gage of her Northern property, in order to
do her part towards preserving this place, inviolate, for
the sacred purposes for which it had been reserved by
the God of Israel. Words cannot describe the seraphic
smile, that played upon her features, as she became conscious that her self-denying act, had accomplished its
purpose.  How often had she said to me; "0, Charles,
don't turn these poor colored people out of doors. The
Lord will provide a way to prevent it, I am certain."
Her friends at the North, severely blame us, for allowing
her to commit this rash act, as they termed it; but "the
secret of the Lord is with them who fear Him," and
she knew what her Lord and Master wished her to do,
in the premises, and hesitated not to obey his commands.
Happy will it be for all, when they are as willing to
obey God's commands, without regard to consequences.
My mother was also a woman, not easily turned from a
purpose once formed, to do a good act, and our puny
efforts to thwart her benevolent wishes, we well knew,
would be useless.
I must here beg my reader's pardon for introducing
the following testimonies to my mother's worth, from
those who knew her well. I do this, because she has
numerous friends who will peruse this book, and would
be pleased to read these particulars respecting my
mother, who came as near being a perfect woman as any
one with whom I have ever been acquainted. If the
reader is not interested in these particulars, he can turn
over these pages, until he reaches another chapter.
"At the request of my brother, I here subjoin a brief
account of my dear mother's life and death. She was
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AND THE REBELS.
in many respects a remarkable woman. Left a widow
at the age of thirty-five, she never married again, but
endeavored to train up her four children in the fear of
God, and lived to see them all professedly walking in
the truth.  The promise given her as she said, when
first left a widow, that, "great shall be the peace of thy
children, and they shall be all taught of the Lord," she
oft repeated to us children, and strong and unwavering
was the faith with which she rested on this promise,
even when its fulfillment was delayed. Those who only
saw the sweet gentleness of disposition she manifested,
supposed her easily influenced; but we who knew her
more intimately, were aware that this was an erroneous
idea. She was strong in her convictions of right, and
very positive in her adherence to them, especially upon
points of religious faith. Though a champion of the
Anti-Slavery cause, from her first knowledge of it, and
ever warmly defending the so-called Garrison party, yet
she retained her own religious opinions, unshaken by
the views of those she revered for "their work's sake."
Her many Springfield friends can recall many interesting incidents in her Anti-Slavery life. She was one of
the first in S. to extend a welcome hand to "Sojourner
Truth," and alwavs remained her firm friend. The
Temperance cause always found in her an earnest and
zealous advocate, and she carefully trained her children
to walk in her steps, in this respect. She was also a
firm and unwavering advocate of the "Moral Reform"
cause, which she espoused in its infancy. She was a
life member of that Society for thirty years, and active
in promoting its objects. No annual Thanksgiving day
ever passed, without contributing her mite for the
" Friendless Widow's" funds.  Though always limited
in her means, yet she was "rich in faith, and in good
works very abundant.''  She was very active in visiting
the sick and poor in our town, and never did a needy one
call upon herfor aid in vain.  Her house was the home
of the wayfaring one, and never was a meal so scanty,
that it could not be shared with those more needy.
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
During the last two years of her residence in Springfield, she was actively engaged in collecting clothing for
the poor freedmen on my brother's plantation in Georgia,
and in the neighborhood around him, and many an
article was contributed from sheer personal regard for
her, by those indifferent to the cause in which she was
engaged. She joined our Georgia mission at the age of
eighty-four, and threw her whole soul into the work,
according to her custom in other enterprises, regarding
nothing as too valuable to be cheerfully contributed to
the work, so that it was necessary for me to restrain her
liberality in this respect. One of her first acts was to
deprive herself of necessary clothing, for the benefit of
still greater sufferers than herself; and one of the last
was to dictate a letter to a friend in Vermont, which
was responded to, by sending her a valuable barrel. of
clothing for the freedmen.
Through her long life, she had loved and labored for
the poor slave, and now she desired to see them herself,
and to witness the practical workings of freedom, and
though she was in some respects disappointed in them,
yet we well may say her life there, was a fitting close to
her whole suffering and laborious career. Though her
refined and cultivated nature shrank from too close contact with objects so degraded as some of them were, yet
she spent her strength to the last, in teaching these poor
forlorn children, nearly twenty of whom were under her
instruction. One of them was a tall boy, seventeen or
eighteen years of age, whose loud voice grated harshly
on the ear, when mingled with those of the smaller children, and him she undertook to teach alone, and actually taught him to read and spell, and something of
arithmetic. She was always in the day-school, at its
opening in the morning, and sometimes spent the whole
day there, either taking classes of four or five, or teach.
ing the pupils individually. One of them was a beautiful girl of seventeen, who was almost white, to whom
she had taught history and grammar, and who apparently loved her with  the affection one would feel for a
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AND THE REBELS.
mother, and now cherishes her memory among that of
her dearest friends.
Upon her death-bed, my mother was asked if she was
not sorry she carme to Georgia?  She replied, "No, I
am very glad."  Hers was not a spirit to take back any
thing she had given to God. Her frequent exclamation,
during her last sickness was, " Tell me,  Oh, tell me,
what is the will of God concerning me, and I will do
it."  It was the will of God to usher her well-trained
soul into that brilliant abode, every crevice of which is
penetrated with the celestial light, that is poured forth
from the resplendant form of Him  who is " the light
thereof," and whose glory fills the whole heavens; there,
not so much to bask in the luxurious and softened light,
as to gather so- many of its golden rays about her person,
as would form a spiritual halo, for the attraction of the
many less developed ones, among whom she wished to
labor. She believed that our labors of love on earth,
only fitted us for more perfect ones hereafter.  "For
as one star differeth from another star in glory, so also
is the resurrection of the dead." Great as is the loss to
us, we are therefore constrained to say, to her, and to
the world of mankind, it is great gain.
Her affectionate and loving child,       R. W. S."
"SPRINGFIELD, MASS., JAN., 1872.
My  Dear Friend, -As  I understand you  intend
alluding to the purity and excellence of your dear
mother's life, in the book you are writing on Southern
society, I have thought this little fragment from  my
recollections of her, might form an agreeable contrast to
the dark shades of life your history will compel you to
draw, and perhaps serve to arouse within some of those
darkened minds at the South, some aspirations after a
higher and divine life than is usually exhibited around
them. If you agree with me, you are welcome to publish this extract, furnished by myself, for the eloquent
eulogy pronounced on the occasion of her death, by the
elder of the church to which she formerly belonged.
a
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
"Mrs. Stearns was my dearest friend outside my own
family. She did more to improve my character, and
cultivate my faith in God than all the rest of my acquaintances. She exemplified her christian character
more by deeds than words.  I will speak of a ciircumstance that occurred several years ago, the first summer
of my intimacy with her.  I had returned to rest early
one night, when a boy caine after me to go over to Mrs.
S.'s house.  I immediately arose and went.  "Come in,"
said she, as I knocked at the door, "you are younger
than I, and it is now nine o'clock, but you must go to
our neighbors and get some food for the breakfast of a
poor family whom I have taken in, as I have not enough
to supply them all, they are so hungry." I looked at
her smiling face, pale but resolute, and wondered if I
had better obey.  I could not resist the sweet pleadings
of heavenly love writteni there, and I obeyed not without reluctance.. Others were alike moved with myself,
and the result was a bountiful supply of provisions, not
only for the breakfast of the poor travellers, but to cheer
them on their tiresome journey.  After they had thrown
their weary forms upon the soft couches so kindly prepared for them, I said,
i Grandma, how could you do this thing?  A  woman
at your age with no man in the house to call on, to let
such a family in, there's no knowing what terrible event
might follow such rashness! "  She replied in tones
never to be forgotten,
" Give to the winds thy fears,
My Father is at the helm.
I have experienced too much of the loving kindness of
ny merciful father, and his tender mercy has been too
freely given me, for me to refuse any of the human
family the accommodations of my home for one night.
I have a prayer-hearing God, an ever present help in
time of need."  I being obliged to return home left her
with her numerous gueste  whom she had chanced to
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AND THE REBELS. 
meet, on her return from one of her favorite moonlight
walks which she enjoyed so much.  They had walked
all the way from Canada, and were on their way to
Hartford, Conn., penniless and wearied out. As she was
never known to pass an object of distress even in the
street without dropping a word of sympathy, she stopped
to question them a little, and learned their condition,
and immediately took them to her home, although she
was seventy years of age, and was that night alone.
She provided them with water and towels, and made
them take a good bath, and then furnished them with
supper and made beds for them. There were nine persons in this wayfaring family.  In the morning I went
over and found them all right, and refreshed by their
food and rest, and she was in the act of praying for them,
and such a prayer as I shall ever remember. Years
afterwards, the man came to see her, and stated that up
to that time, he had led a wicked life, but the unusual
nature of his treatment, together with the prayer offered
up, had so impressed his mind, that from that day forward he began in earnest to try to lead a new life, and
had come to God for that purification of his nature those
words of prayer had pointed out, as possible through
faith in God's holy Son. He also wished her to receive
a small sum of money from his wife, which she finally
did and applied it to the carrying out of some cherished
plan of benevolence.
"I well remember how beautifully your mother talked
to us that morning, she thought she had become blind,
while confined to her bed, from the effects of that terrible fall.  She looked up at me, as I hurried into her
room, and said;' I can see you; I am so thankful I can
see you once more; but I had a most distressing experience last night.   I awoke about one in the morning,
and as I could not see, I concluded the shock to nmy
system had caused total blindness.'' O! what did you
do?  Did you call no one?' said I.' No;' said she,
'at first, I prayed to God that I might become willing;
desiring to remember, that I had been most wonderfully
o
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
blessed, in having my sight so many long years;  that I
had read my Bible many times over, I trust understandingly; had committed to memory, many and many a
hymn, that will comfort me the rest of my days; and I
almost concluded it was a kind Providence, enabling me
to cast all care, for the future, on my God.  Perhaps,
thought I, it will be easier so to live, at my time of life;
to rest under the shadow of' the Rock that is higher
than I.' May I say from my heart, though he slay me,
yet will I trust him.'
" She often said to me,' The Lord will do much better for you, than you ask for yourself;' and she always
tried to cultivate in her friends, a childlike, and trusting
spirit. How many such instances of her rare faith in
God, could I narrate, if space permitted?   I desire,
hliumbly to thank God, that it was given to me to know
her; and may I ever reflect on, and try to imitate, her
pure examples and most beautiful faith. As to her future, I doubt not, she will be' a shining seraph, in the
day of the Lord Jesus,' as was beautifully remarked at
the funeral sermon in S., by one who knew her well.
Yours sincerely and truly,         M. G. D."
May I be excused for adding to this testimony, the
simple remark, that religion, when allied to benevolence
as in my mother's case, is surely undeserving of the maledictions heaped upon it by those reformers at the
North, who can see no beauty in a well developed character, simply because the symmetry of such a characite, is
produced partly by a rational faith in the name of the
"despised Nazarene."
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CHAPTER XXXI.
PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES, AND DELIVERANCE FROM
THEM; WITH ARRIVAL OF NORTHERN EMIGRANTS.
Sad were our feelings, as we entered upon the trials
of another year, bereft of the wise counsels, and the
earnest sympathy of our sainted mother. But her death
was not the only dark shadow that crossed our path;
poverty, dire, unfiflinching, soul-crushing poverty, again
pressed its heavy heel upon our devoted heads. Every
member of our lessened family-circle, felt its cruel
touch; but the most worthy one of all, was where "the
wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest,"
in the bosom of her Father, God.   We  rejoiced that
however much the remainder of us might suffer from
pinchling hunger, she was  where  the saints of  God
"hlunger no more, nor thirst any more."
But other troubles followed closely in the wake of
this one so great.  God, for wise purposes, saw fit to
allow our income from every source to cease, and we
met besides with heavy losses on our farm, among which
was that of the remnant of our once bountiful dairy
and a valuable horse. Our land remained in our possession, but we had no means for its cultivation, and it
was therefore valueless for present needs, unless parties
-appeared to hire or purchase, and then we should have
received no immediate incode.  We had used all our
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
available funds, in discharging the debt due our Boston
creditors, and were literally penniless. No colored man
appeared who could pay anything down oil his land,
although many wished for it, without paying anything
until the end of the year. We could have indeed sold
out to our rebel neighbors on advantageous terms, but
that we had refused to do, when sorely pressed for
means to pay the Boston creditor, and now that his
claim had been satisfied, it did not appear at all right for
us to distrust God, so much as thus to cut off our colored
friends from the opportunity to own land, we were able
to offer them. Previous to my mother's death, a rich
rebel had urged us to sell to him, and we felt somewhat
inclined to do so; but my mother so strongly urged me,
that I forebore,.and the result proved that her faith was
not ill-founded.
Perhaps the reader may not perceive the connexion
of my own pecuniary affairs, with either the black man
or the rebels, and certainly cannot see how they were
owing to the "outrages" of the latter. But even if
they were not, it would be inexcusable in me, after having been delivered safely from the hands of these rebels,
and having survived the losses consequent upon some of
the "characteristics" of the  blacks, not  to render
"honor to whom honor is due," for the unmistakable
protection afforded me in all of my trials and dangers,
by Him " who never slumbereth nor sleepeth," or allows
the faintest cries of any of his obedient children to go
unheeded. I am writing this book for the purpose of
enlisting the sympathies of others in behalf of the
colored people, and of inducing them to do as I have
done at the South, by laboring for these poor and imbruted ones.  If I could nut recount to them some of
.,:..'"
4
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AND THE REBELS.
my deliverances from these trials, I should fail to
encourage them; and if I created the impression that
no pecuniary sacrifice was required of laborers in this
unpromising vineyard, they might afterwards curse me
for persuading them to embark in such an undertaking.
I wish the reader therefore to understand distinctly, that
losses are likely to follow all who engage in this mighty
enterprise, but that in the midst of them all, the right
arm of the eternal Jehovah will always and forever be
extended in their behalf.
We met with severe losses in our Northern property
also, and it became absolutely necessary for some one of
our family to hasten thither, to repair those losses.
But we were wholly destitute of the means with which
to defray our expenses. Nevertheless, my sister commenced packing her trunk, as something seemed to urge
her to this course, and to say, "the means will be provided as soon as you are ready."
We sent to those at the North whom we supposed
would be ready to help us, but were flatly refused, on
the ground that helping us would be helping the blacks,
and the parties refusing did not wish to aid them in any
way.   In this our distress, we again cried unto the
Lord, fully believing that we should be heard, and then
a voice said, "write to such and such persons." We
obeyed, and the answers came in a few days from both
of them, complying with our request. This was the
more remarkable, as we had not before thought of
writing to either of these persons. I again beg the
reader's pardon for so often alluding to these "heavenly
suggestions." I do it for the sake of aiding others, who
are alike needy and know not which way to turn. It is
my firm and unwavering brief that when a soul enters
a
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
into a solemn covenant with God, to do his bidding
always and at all times, and keeps this covenant, that
soul will always be furnished with means to enable him
thus to obey God; for it would be singular enough for
God to command one for instance, to publish a book,
and then fail to provide him with the means for so doing.
I therefore believe that on my arrival at the North, a
way will be opened for the publication of this book,
although at the time of writing these lines I have only a
small portion of the necessary means on hand; and
when I commenced the task not one single cent that
could be used for that purpose.
God has created man for a beneficent purpose. It
cannot be his desire that man should really and permanently suffer. He must therefore have so arranged the
laws of the Universe that obedience to them will prevent
permanent suffering. Of course non-obedience to them,
being a disturbance of the beautiful harmony of the
Universe, must cause misery, as an injury to one of the
strings of a musical instrument, must mar the musical
enjoyment of its player, and of the listener to its sounds.
As man's nature is diversified, so are the laws of that
nature, answering to the different strings of a guitar or
violin, each one of which is necessary to produce perfection of sound. The spiritual laws of the Universe
are as essential as the material, and ploughing and hoeing are no more essential to material results, than are
hearkening and believing to spiritual ones.  Honesty is
one of the laws of our moral nature, obedience to which
will produce moral pleasure, but it may be obeyed, and
yet the body suffer from a broken limb. So, believing
in divine or spiritual influence will not preclude pain
from non-obedience to phyical law; neither will obe
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a 
AND THE REBELS.
dience to all the moral and physical laws of the Universe,
produce perfect bliss, while the spiritual laws of our
being are neglected, But obedience to all physical,
moral, intellectual and spiritual laws, will produce the
highest happiness humanity is capable of enjoying.
An elegant house is a good thing. Superb furniture
delights the eye. Music and statuary add to these other
enjoyments.  Comfortable  clothing detracts not therefrom. A well furnished library is above all price, and a
quiet conscience added thereto is better than all. But
far beneath all these factitious advantages lies the substratum of the human soul- the ever present Meof the philosophical school, never satisfied with the
attainments of the not me of the outward world. The
wants of this imperative ruler of the human being must
be met, which they cannot be without fellowship with
an eternal me, fully capable of satisfying all of its
loudest demands. No human me is thus capable, but a
divine one can meet all of the wants of this clamoring
spirit, the principal ones of which are, light and love.
"God is light and in him, is no darkness at all."  "God
is love." Light to know the truth, love to obey it.
There need be, and there is no miracle necessary, to
bestow this light and love upon the insatiable me of the
human soul. It is simply receiving spiritual influence,
as the needy earth receives the welcome rain, by baring
its bosom to the heavenly outpouring. So we shall receive innumerable spiritual blessings by imitating Nature,
and gladly throwing ourselves open to this divine power,
which always envelops us, and seeks to pour its innumerable gifts upon all who sincerely court them.
The air that we breathe, the flowers whose perfume
we inhale, the stalwart tres, beneath whose shade we
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
regale our weary limbs, the wide-spreading and universal
grassy verdure around us, all are overflowing with the
redolence of the breath of the Almighty, imparting a
health-giving power to these inanimate things. " Why
should it seem incredible" that the same being should
seek to impart spiritual life, to that higher workmanship
of his Almighty hand, the human soul? Shall he who
"stretcheth out the North over the empty place, and
hangeth the earth upon nothing," be thwarted in his
endeavors. to enlighten and purify the human mind?
Is there not "a spirit in man?" and does not the
" inspiration of the Almighty give understanding?"
Will not God "guide the meek in judgment, and teach
the meek his way? " Is it not true that "I will instruct
thee, and teach thee in the way which thou shalt go; I
will guide thee with mine eye.?"
There seems to me  not the slightest tincture of
fanaticism in thus crediting the assertions of Infinite
Wisdom, and taking him at his word.  But even if
there was too much credulity manifested in this practice, if the results are good, why should we not reap the
benefit to be derived therefrom? Too much faith may
produce extra hazardous efforts, resulting in narrow
escapes from destruction. But who shall measure the
terrible depths of that knawing, mental disquiet; who
shall describe the melancholy echo of that "sounding
line" which we almost despairingly drop into the
tumultuous waters of doubt around us; who shall estimate the amount of that paralysis of soul, all produced
by a lack of rational faith? Verily, if a superabundance
of faith "has slain its thousands," a deficiency of this
life-giving element has "slain its tens of thousands."
But I am wandering far rom my narrative. Excuse
me, patient reader. 
318
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AND THE REBELS.
Our other wants were at length relieved, and before
the close of the Summer, we knew what it was to sit
down to a table, and eat sufficiently to satisfy our hunger, which had not been the case for many months previously.  "The young lions do lack and suffer hunger;
but they that wait on the Lord shall not lack any good
thing." They may lack what seems to them good
things; but in such cases, it is manifestly best for them
that they should thus temporarily suffer.
Many things of an unpleasant nature occurred this
summer and fall; but as so much of this character has
been already alluded to, I will omit in this narrative any
farther reference to the faults of my sable friends, and
will hasten to the close of the narrative.  In the spring
of this year, (1871,) I resolved to defer no longer the
commencement of the task to prepare for publication,
a narrative of my Southern experience. But as the
weather increased in warmth, I was obliged to desist
from it for a season, but was able again to resume it in
the fall. This interim of labor allowed me to think still
more earnestly upon the grand remedy for the unfortunate condition of the colored people, which, at the commencement of my task, I judged to be the furnishing
them with land according to my adopted plan; but
after praying earnestly and repeatedly for light upon
this subject, my mind was suddenly influenced to see
that another remedy was to be added to those already
partially adopted: the introduction, into the midst of this
class, of a body of Northern laborers, whose example of
neatness, order, sobriety, intelligence and industry, should
serve as a standing rebuke to the poor colored man for
his deficiences in these respects. Accordingly, before I
knew of the plans of others, I prepared the chapter on
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Northern emigration, and resolved to present it to my
Northern friends as the grand desideratum in the negro's
case. It is true, that the attention of Northern philan  thropists has long been drawn to the necessity of North  ern emigration, in order to benefit the South, and I had
myself labored for the accomplishment of this purpose,
but the new light on this subject was, that these emi grants should be working men and women, in lieu of cap italists and politicians. Not necessarily carpetbaggers,
(as the rebels facetiously term Northern adventurers,)
but genuine settlers, who should themselves till the soil,
and establish the various mechanical arts that have made
New England the glory of all nations. My plan is more
fully developed in Chapt. VI., of the second part of this
work, and I will add no more upon the subject at pres ent, except to briefly allude to the realization of these
ideas, as far as this county is concerned, by the arrival
of quite a number of the right stamp of men and women,
who seem disposed to carry out the very idea, that my
mind had been led to dwell upon as so necessary in the
negro's case. I am not sure as they will approve of this
publicity of their philanthropic purpose, but I am sure
they will pardon me when they consider that the knowledge of their example will perhaps influence many others to "go and do likewise."
About the close of a bright sunny day, near the middle of October, 1871, my heart was made glad, by seeing a horse and buggy drive into our yard, with two
men, one of whom proved to be the Rev. Joseph T. Curry, of Boston. He had sent word of his intention to be
here about this time, and notice had been given of it to
the colored people, all around.   They seemed much
pleased at the news, and flocked in great numbers to
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320 
AND THE REBELS.
hear him preach his first sermon, which was on Sunday,
the 22d of October.  It is difficult to divest the colored
man of the idea, that in some way or other, the arrival
of a Northern man will result in his benefit; and in this
case he had promised to send them some teachers, if they
ardently desired a week-day school.  In his sermon, Mr.
C. dwelt upon the blessings deemed by him to be in
store for the colored race, and it was amusing to see
with what complacency they drank down his favorite
doctrine, that their race was destined to be particularly
favored of-God, in the introduction of that "new dispensation" he believed was about to dawn upon the
earth. I could not deny that numerous passages of
Scripture seemed to favor this idea, and was myself quite
pleased to hear it so ably and eloquently advocated. It
mattered not to me, or to the blacks, how singular his
religious faith might be in other respects, he had c6iie
ostensibly to lift the degraded from their unfortunate
condition, by imparting unto them the blessings of a
thorough education; and it was no consequence whether
he labored under the auspices of the great denominations
of the day, or pursued his course solitary and alone,
without being the organ of any particular denomination,
as he declared was his position. They seemed highly
delighted as he explained to them his educational plans,
in their behalf. About a week after this he returned to
the North, to engage his teachers, after having been received with the utmost enthusiasm by the colored people
in Augusta, who flocked in great numbers to hear him
whom  one of their pastors termed  this "wonderful
man."
On the 9th day of December, he again entered  my
yard, with the pleasing intelligence that an accomplished
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Northern teacher would soon be upon the ground, and
also a family to superintend the affairs of the mission.
Thus seemed to be answered our long continued requests
to God, to furnish us with teachers, for the permanent
establishment of a day school upon our place. Ever
since my first arrival here, this object had lain very near
my heart; and Mrs. Sherman, whose daughter Lizzie
taught the first week day school established on our place,
had often asserted that no progress could be made in
civilizing these people, until we established a day school.
I had corresponded with Northern societies on this subject, and at one time the Quakers in Pennsylvania had
partly concluded to send a teacher here. I had applied
to Baptists, Methodists, Congregationalists, and Unitarians, to establish a day school on my plantation; but
while they all admitted the necessity of the work, their
furids would not allow them to send teachers, unless I
would contribute more to their support than I felt able
to do; but here, in the providence of God, were men
and women ready and willing to come and do what
others had refused to do, wholly at their own expense.
While I do not blame other societies for their inability
to comply with my urgent requests, I respectfully ask
them not to condemn me for accepting the offer of those
whose religious tenets they so highly disapprove, as they
do those of Mr. Curry and his associates. It is unnecessary for me  to state that I do not endorse these
opinions, although I cannot help regarding their advocates as honest and self-denying men and women, as it
has often fallen my lot to behold. Their deep piety is
unquestioned, and the fervor of their religious zeal
knows no bounds. In proof of my assertion that I do
not endorse their peculia faith, I may be allowed to
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state, that just before I left Georgia, my own religious
opinions, as expressed in another portion of this work,
were severely denounced by Mr. Curry, and I was
assigned to those regions of the' dead," so thickly peopled with the souls of unbelievers, according to his
honest opinion and peculiar faith.
On the 16th day of January, 1872, my hopes were
realized in the arrival of seven persons from the North,
who were destined to form the nucleus of the colony
Mr. Curry was intending to form, among whom was the
accomplished and intelligent lady above alluded to, who
had been a teacher in one of the Boston public schools.
A beautiful site for a village was selected, which commanded an extensive view of the surrounding country,
and a portion of South Carolina; and as soon as necessary arrangements could be made, the school was put in
successful operation.
A  second installment of these "pilgrims of hope,"
soon followed, and at the time of this writing, early in
March, nearly fifty persons, principally from Massachusetts, have become residents on our plantation, on
portions of land contracted for, by their leaders. These
new comers went immediately to work, with an energy
that showed them to be of true Yankee grit, remodelling the place, and making arrangements for the
accommodations  of others.   The  rebels  all around
seemed pleased with the idea of Northern working-men
coming here, and not depending upon the blacks for
labor; and numerous'offers have been made by them of
land, and the necessaries of life, for the accommodation
of the pilgrims.  They say all they want is, that "the
emigrants should not meddle with the negroes.  We can
put up with anything else."
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ETHE BLACK MAN. OF THE SOUTE,
And now as the way is open for my retiring from the
scene of my nearly six years labors among an oppressed
and ignorant race, I gladly bring this narrative to a
close, hoping that I have not by its length entirely
wearied the patience of my readers, and  bespeaking
from them their candid attention to other and more important parts of this work. Previous to this however, I
wish to express our gratitude and that of the blacks, for
the numerous gifts to our mission of clothing and
books from various friends of the freedmen at the North.
Our little enterprise has been sustained mostly by faith,
having no organization pledged to its support; but He
who approves o] every sincere effort to advance his course,
no matter by whom undertaken, has not withheld his
smiles from our work, and has not entirely forgotten our
necessities.
In particular we would mention the reception at one
time of four barrels of clothing with the freight prepaid,
from the Sanford St. Colored Church, Springfield, Mass.,
through Mrs. Harriet Thomas and her mother-in-law
Mrs. Sophia Thomas; as well as three barrels at a later
date, from the society worshipping under Elder Curry's
auspices in Springfield, with the freight also prepaid.
Also numerous donations from members of other
churches in Springfield, very valuable boxes from Rev.
Mr. Coggins' Society, in Boxford, Mass., and an exceedingly liberal donation of new school books from Rev.
Mr. Van Normans' school of N. Y. city; and at sundry
times various donations from other societies and individuals; all of which have been applied according to the
expressed wishes of the donors, to the relief of those
suffering ones connected with our Sabbath school and
mnssion.
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AND THE REBELS.
I will only add, that on the 6th of March, 1872, we bid
adieu to our long cherished colored friends, and started
on our mission to the North in behalf of the entire
colored race at-the South; holding several interesting
farewell meetings with the objects of our sympathy here
and in Augusta, and "Commending  all to God and the
word of his grace which is able to build them up, and to
give them an inheritance, among all which are sanctifled."
Augusta, Ga., March loth, 1872.
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CHAPTER XXXII.
LEADING C ARACTERISTICS OF THE FREEDMEN, SUCH
AS SELF-ESTEEM, UNWILLINGNESS TO OBEY ORDERS,
WASTEFULNESS, LYING AND STEALING.
It is my  purpose now to introduce  a few of the
prominent characteristics of the colored race, as far as
my observation at the South has extended. I will commence with that of self-esteem.
It will hardly be credited by those not familiar with
them, that self-esteem is one of the most prominent traits
of character of the freedmen. It is well known that
their white neighbors possess this quality to perfection,
but that a race sunken so low as the blacks are, should
also abound in this quality seems a marvel indeed. But
so it is, from the smallest child that tottles acioss the
yard, to the gray-haired veteran, soon to enter upon
such scenes as will produce humility in the wisest of
men - all seem to possess the most unlimited confidence
in their own abilities. It is seldom you can find a man
who will own his ignorance, or inability to perform a
specified task. Said a man to me one day as he was
attempting to gin cotton, but failed to do it well,  "I
know all about ginning." A young man from the
North at length discovered the cause of the trouble,
which though slight, had %ntirely escaped the notice of
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AND THE REBELS.
this expert ginner. And so it is with all kinds of labor.
Valuable property is often seriously injured, because
these men will pretend to knowledge they do not
possess.
In one instance a carriage needed repairing, and one
of these men was asked if he could take it to pieces, so
as to perform the required task.  "0 yes," said he, "I
have worked on carriages all of my life;" but after
fumbling over it for a long time, he was forced to own
that the task was too great for his genius, and yet it was
a comparatively simple one.
We have found this trait the most formidable obstacle
in the way of their improvement. They cannot be made
to realize that they are spiritually "poor and blind and
naked," but they believe they are "rich in goods and
have need of nothing" spiritually. Said one of the
most ignorant ones, to whom I was endeavoring to explain some simple problem of morality, "It may be as
you say, for I suppose you know a little more than I do;
you can read at least, and I cannot." To convince them
of the unbounded treasures of wisdom and knowledge,
hid from them by their ignorance, is an almost herculean
task.   Every  man  as soon as converted religiously,
enters at once upon the work of preaching to others,
without the least possible feeling of embarrassment or
show of diffidence, An ignorant boy of eighteen or
twenty, just emerged from the slough of sin, as he believes, will talk as flippantly as the oldest saint on religious matters; and I do not believe would at all hesitate
to address an audience of learned divines, if so invited.
On some accounts it is well for them that they are so
conceited, for no possible amount of reproof will ever
disturb their equanimity of.oul. They do not like to
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
be reproved, it is true, but reproof never wilts them
down, and discourages them as it does other mortals.
The winds and waves of rebuke may blow and beat
high around their heads, but their imperturbable souls
are as placid and calm as under the influence of a gentle
summer zephyr.  "God knows my  heart, and he will
save me," is their inevitable reply to religious reproof.
Closely allied to this sublime self-conceit, is an utter
unwillingness to obey implicitly any order given them. I
can hardly recollect a single instance, of perfect obedience to an order, during my sojourn among them. It
matters not what the direction is, it is utterly and entirely impossible to induce one to obey it entirely. The
smallest child is guilty of this disobedience, as well as
the wisest man among them. It is often extremely
ludicrous to witness the mistakes they will make, in
their efforts to evade your command. I suppose the
reason of this is, that under the reign of Slavery, this
implicit obedience was required of them, and they cannot comprehend the idea that freedom is consistent with
such obedience; but it seems derogatory to their present
condition, thus to obey. A large portion of the difficulties between them and the whites, are traceable to this
cause. It is extremely annoying to a Northern man,
and doubly so to one always accustomed to receive
implicit obedience from them. An acquaintance of
mine, once while sick, called in his head man, and gave
him minute directions as to the disposal of several of
the crops, then being gathered. The corn, fodder, and
hay, were to be put in separate apartments, each one of
which was particularly designated by my friend. To
make sure that his orders were understood, he required
the man  to repeat them.ever to him, which he did
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correctly; but on his recovery, on entering his barn, he
found the crops disposed of in all entirely opposite malnner from his directions. I once directed a' man to drive
to a certain house on Broad Street, Augusta. He had
nothing to do but to obey my orders. I looked for him
for a long time, without perceiving him, and at length
went  in quest  of him, when  I found  him  slowly
approaching the house from a street at right angles
with the one he was upon, and. which would have led
him directly to the desired point. His only excuse was
that he "thought he would try the other street."  At
another time, my overseer and I both directed a man
where to go and wait for us, when he reached Augusta;
but on our arrival there, we looked in vain for him, but
at last found hin after several hours' fruitless search,
quietly waiting on a back street entirely away from the
specified spot. In both cases, no excuse was offered for
this disobedience. Every one claims the privilege of deciding for himself as to the propriety of your commandIs.
This might be tolerated, if they would dispute your
orders at the time, for then you would know what to expect; but they invariably respond to your orders, "Yes,
sar, yes, sar," and sometimes with a low bow. If yoa
tell a house servant to place a chair in a particular part
of the room, it is sure to be placed a few feet distant at
least. If you wish a window opened, it will probably
be the door that will be thrown wide open. We had a
house servant who was as. kindly disposed as one could
be, and in most respects a very desirable servant, (and
this was not Margaret,) who for years would never use
the exact proportion of acid and soda, in mixing bread;
so that her bread was usually unfit to be eaten, unless
you measured out those articles yourself. At last she
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
became convinced that our directions were necessary,
and she was much pleased with the result of following
them, saying, "I never could see afore why you was so
'ticular about these things." Others would abuse us
for requiring such  obedience, and  say it was good
enough for them, and they guessed it was for us. A
Southern lady informed me, that sometimes they directed
a thing to be done precisely the opposite of their wishes,
and then it would be done as they really wished.
How to account for this obstinacy I know not, but I
know that it is a real and tremendous grievance, and I
doubt not caused many of the cruel whippings inflicted
upon the blacks while slaves, although the evil was not
nearly so great then as since freedom. It is not by any
means true that the Southern blacks are willingly an
obedient race. They easily succumb to violence, but
unless that is used or threatened, it is not a part of their
nature to obey orders. And there is no doubt that they
derive this trait, as well as its corresponding one of inordinate self-esteem, from their white neighbors. They
do not like to obey much better than the blacks, as will
be perceived by the lack of perfect discipline in their
soldiers. The whole Southern people fancy they were
"born to rule," and not to obey. It is sometimes
amusing to see how even the blacks, will tyrannize over
those subject to their orders. I once appointed a black
mnan temporary overseer on my plantation, and his overbearing way of ordering the men about, soon produced
mutiny among them. Indeed, duriing the days of Slavery, a black driver was always considered worse than a
white one.
Even the little chilren will " lord it over" each other
with a vengeance, whenever opportunity offers. I am
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AND  THE REBELS.'
inclined to think that if the blacks should obtain power
in this country, they would prove more tyrannical than
the whites, and for that reason I believe power should
be partly withheld from them until they become enlightened. Parents tyrannize over their children, anD
husbands over their wives. The men all claim the right
to whip their wives, for non-obedience to their commands, but the wives do not quietly submit to these
whippings, and terrific commotion sometimes ensues.
But the black race is not naturally a cruel race.
Vindictiveness is not one of their characteristics. On
the contrary, I think they are naturally disposed to be
quiet and live peaceably with all men. It is true they
are obstinate in their dispositions, but they are not
fighters by nature,.nor of a quarrelsome disposition. In
our little community, comparatively few fights occurred.
In this respect they excel the belligerent portion of the
people of the North. The children are cruel to animals,
but this arises more from an innate love of fun, than
from a cruel disposition, and also from the absence of
benevolence.
lVirtIhfulness is a very prominent trait in their character. This is manifested on every occasion however
trivial.  They are disposed to "look on the bright side
of things," and seldom appear to be cast down by misfortunes that will well nigh crush their white neighbors.
This native exuberance of disposition was often mistaken,
during the days of slavery, for contentment with their
lot, and we were often told of the "happy and contented slaves." This apparent contentment arose firom
a happy disposition to make the best of everything, and
not from any love of the yoke of slavery.  It is the
same now.  If a crop in whih they are pecuniarily in
331
6 
THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
terested, happens to fail, they bear the loss with far
more equanimity than the whites, who are equal sufferers
with themselves.  Their organs of hope and mirthfulness
are both extremely large. Nothing is more common in
seasons of heavy business depression, and when great
losses stare them in the face, than to hear their merry
laughter ringing through the quarters, and the surround ing woods. Almost every one of them knows how to
sing, and singing is one of their constant employments.
They sing at their work, sing in coming from it, sing in
their night schools, and sing eternally in their religious
meetings. Even their burials are conducted principally
by singing, and it is a pretty as well as a melancholy
sight to witness one of their funeral processions, the
whole company keeping up a continued singing from the
time they leave the house, to the moment of placing the
body in the grave.
Another of their prominent traits is approbattiveness.
There is always hope for a race or for an individual, who
can be influenced by public opinion, but in their case
this love of approbation operates in a singular manner.
While they are extremely sensitive to reproof, they are
not influenced for good by praise. If you praise one of
them, he will immediately relax his efforts to please you,
he having obtained the object he had in view in being
good, viz. your approbation. This was so common that
it became proverbial at length, that if you wished Jim
or Maria to do well, you must studiously avoid praising
them when they did well.  While ordinary mortals will
reach an almost Atlantean moral height under the powerful pressure of commendation, these people will sink
into a corresponding depth of moral delinquency, fromn
the effects of praise for tie past. We once had a gar
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dener named Anthony who was at first a model of excellence in his department. The appearance of the
garden pleased us so well, and his alacrity in obeying
every order, so highly delighted us, that in an unguarded
moment we took occasion to commend his excellencies
in public, but from that moment his whole character
seemed to undergo a complete metamorphosis; the garden was neglected, and he became as unpromising a
hand as the place afforded.
But still they covet praise. They seek for it in their
actions, but do not in their minds connect its continuance
with their good behavior. At one time, we hired a new
hand to cut and bring to the house our fire wood, a job
which was bv no means a sinecure- as three fires had
to be supplied, and the rooms were not constructed on
the air-tight principle. The one formerly employed, had
tormented us by his neglect of duty, and we had dischlarged him. The new man worked magnificently for
awhile, and blazing fires greeted us, where before, only a
few embers served to drive away the chills of our winter
atmosphere. We were delighted, and expiressed our
delight to the industrious worker, when lo! and behold!
he too, consigned us to the same fate as his predecessor
had done, and we were again found shivering over a few
coals or half burned brands of soggy wood.
It is often amusing to behold their rag,e at one another,
when accused of some act of delinquency. Such cases
as Margaret's were by no means peculiar. To be accused of lying or stealing, aroused their anger, although
not considered particularly sinful. In hoeing cotton the
planters profit by this approbativeness. They select
the best hoer and place him at the' beginning of a cotton
row, and then say,' boys, see now how many of you
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
can keep up with Bob." It is astonishing to see the
sudden change from inertness to alacrity under the influence of this emulation. In cotton picking time it is
turned to very great account, each hand having his cotton weighed as he deposits it on the gin-house platform;
and the excitement is great to see who has picked the
largest amount. The one who falls far behind the others, is made a butt of their ridicule as a "no-account fellow."
Drunkenness is not a prominent vice among them.  On
the contrary, during my six years residence on our plantation, I do not recollect of witnessing more than two or
three cases of intoxication, and one of them was on the
part of a non-resident, and this among a total population of over two hundred different persons. But neither
is total abstinence one of their virtues. Nearly all will
drink when it is given them, but they do not like to
spend their money for it, when they need other things
so much.
Another trait of the freedmen is wastefulness and
carelessness. It seems incredible that a class so destitute,
should be so destructive of the little they do possess. I
was one day speaking of this fault to a colored man,
comparatively well off, and expressing my surprise at
its existence, when they were so poor, and he replied,
"Why, that's the very reason they are so poor; they
take no care of what they have got." I can describe
their conduct no better than by calling it a perfect
carnival of waste. Often the things given them, which
with proper care would last months, are torn into shreds
in a few weeks, so that latterly we have been obliged to
confine our gifts to those whom we knew would take
care of them. Often a nice little Sunday suit will be
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334 
AND THE REBELS.
put on a small boy, to wear every day, when an everyday suit had also been given him.  Hats and caps are
thrown around wherever the wearers find it the most
convenient, and coats are often found lying near the
spot where the owner  last worked.   The place for
Glenn's hat was always in the wood-box. It is a difficult task to teach them to take care of their own
clothing; but some of them have learned it to great
perfection.
Bits of cloth, buttons, refuse food, and every other
nameable article with which they have had any thing to
do, are strewn about their premises, with the utmost
profusion. Often when viewing this scene of waste,
have I been forcibly reminded of the passage of Scripture, " Destruction and waste are in all their borders."
TWant of punctuality is another of their distinguishing
traits.  Procrastination, that great" thief of time," holds
universal sway over them, and paralyzes much of their
labor.  On our plantation were 750 acres of woods, a
large portion of which were not one-eighth of a mile
from our dwelling; and yet it was only by the most
unwearied efforts that our family was kept supplied with
fuel. If we had lived in the city of Boston, and wood
had been $100 a cord, we could not have been reduced
to greater straits for fuel, than we have been for much
of the time of our Southern residence. Every white
woman on the place had rendered herself hoarse, in
screaming to the hanlds for wood, and every man had
nearly broken the third commandment, in his efforts to
secure the needed fuel. In the first place, no one could
see why we burned so much wood, and in the next
place, why was it necessary to cut it a particular length;
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
and then no one could divine why we wished for an
armful in advance of our immediate necessities.  They
did not wish to see us suffer from cold, as they felt that
suffering keenly themselves; but "why go after it,
until it was needed to burn?" they said, all of which
obtuseness of mind, was in consequence of this everlasting want of punctuality in all their labors. They of
course meant to get us wood, but it was a thing that
could be put off, and therefore was. It may be asked,
why, having exclusive control of these hands, we did
not force them to haul us wood in season for our wants;
but to answer this question would to be to open a long
chapter, in reference to the means necessary to produce
perfect obedience among them. I can only say that it
required more power of persuasion than I possessed, ever
to get a negro to do anything, the reasonableness of
which was not clear to his obfuscated vision.  As we
could not convince him of the propriety of the Northern custom of providing fuel before hand, so all heaven
and earth could not induce him to act so preposterously,
unless we used absolute force. When we first went
there, Margaret never had a wood-pile at her door, but
whenever she needed fuel, she went into the adjoining
woods, and gathered an armful.
Once I conceived the preposterous idea of having my
wood-house filled with wood during the Fall. I called
W. to see me, and to talk the matter over with me. I
laid down before him the advantages of such a course,
and succeeded in convincing him that it would be for
his interest to adopt my plan.  He was to haul anti cut
my wood for a certain sum per week, and to use a mule
he was working, in helping to haul the wood.  I told
him I would give him tle use of a yoke of oxen, if he
336 
AND THE REBELS.
would haul the wood then, and convinced him that two
weeks labor would complete the job, and he would not
then be interrupted in his farm labors during the next
season. He was at work for himself, and of course
would be much benefited by this arrangement. But the
first day of April arrived, and saw my wood-shed as destitute of wood as on the day we made the agreement.
He always granted that it was a first-rate plan, and always meant to carry it out; but the oxen were obliged
then to go elsewhere, and the wood remained unhauled.
If there is any better school in which to practice the
glorious lesson of patience, than a Southern plantation,
I should like to know of its whereabouts.
It was so in the matter of an erection of a partition
we once needed, i job requiring about three days labor,
but which we were not blessed to see the completion of,
until the expiration of five months. We also waited patiently about three months for the repairing of the roof
of our kitchen, enduring many miniature deluges while
the slow-moving mechanic was getting ready to do the
job.
At whatever hour a meeting is appointed, the audience fails to assemble till about an hour afterwards, and
it is usually nine o'clock at night before their own
prayer-meetings get well under  weigh.  If a wagon
needs repairing, it is deferred until the last possible moment, and perhaps until the very moment it is needed.
In our house, if we were like to need an article of food,
the cook would never tell us until it was entirely exhausted, which was  slightly inconvenient to persons
having to go eleven miles after their supplies. Once it
took eight weeks to overhaul and repair a wagon, all the
labor on which could have been performed in one or two
337
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
weeks at the farthest.  When the mules were not at
work, they sometimes failed to get their breakfast until
ten o'clock in the forenoon. If hay of their own need ed cutting, it would be left standing until nearly dried
up; and if we found fault with all this dilatoriness, we
would be denounced as "worse than the rebels."  There
were times when their anxiety to go to town, would
spur them up to " take time by the forelock," and they
would manage to start by daylight. It is for this reason, among others, that I cannot conscientiously advise
Northern men to come South, and depend on negro labor. In another portion of this work will be found a
description of the kind of Northern emigrants needed, as
an offset to all this shiftlessness and procrastination.
Want of perseverance is another trait in the character
of the freedmen. Great numbers would begin to learn,
and after a few spasmodic efforts would abandon the
task. They must sadly lack the organ of continuity,
for it seems almost impossible to get them to fix their
minds upon any one subject, for a great length of time.
They get tired of listening, even to their own florid
preachers, and frequently fall asleep in the midst of the
most glowing descriptions of the torments of the damned.
Although they often continue their meetings until the
break of day, it is not because of their powers of cQncentration, but simply from a lack of energy to break
away from the religious spell, so strangely affecting them.
This listlessness of mind is one of the natural consequences of slavery, but is none the less a tremendous obstacle in the way of their mental improvement. I should
say that mental laziness was far oftener a fault with
them, than the physical malady of that sort, to which
Andrew Johnson so often alluded.   They are ready
e
31018 
AND THE BEBELS.
enough to work physically, but to persuade them to
throw off this mental inertia, is a task of no mean magnitude. I have yet learned of but one motive sufficiently powerful to break this spell, and that is the desire to
own land. That will arouse all that is dormant in their
natures, far more than any other consideration I have
seen presented to them.
Another trait of theirs, is the the last one we should
suppose they would possess, and that is conservatism.
Although they have endured so much at its hands in the
form of slavery, they still cling to its antiquated form,
and prefer its rusty appendages to the bright accoutrements of the chariot of reform. Old ideas, old customs,
old ways of performing labor, and especially old sins,
seem almost sacred in their estimation. It is on this account they are not so enthusiastic in favor of voting as
they ought to be.  The new ways must be made fashionable, and then their approbativeness may lead to
their adoption. I do not think there is any natural element of reform, or earnest yearning after perfection, in
the natures of a majority of them. I think their organ
of ideality is very little developed, and they are consequently disposed to be content with things as they are.
I have already so frequently alluded to stealing, that
it will not be necessary to add much under this head.
Both lying and stealing are extremely common among
them. Their ideas of stealing are sometimes of a comical nature; At one time, three of our men stole and
killed a hog belonging to a brother black, on the next
plantation, and they were detected in the theft. One
of my best scholars, by the name of Greene Johnson, was
connected with the theft. I sent for him to come and see
me, and when he made his appearance, I said to him,
40
339 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIIH,
"Greene, I am extremely sorry to hear of your being
caught in such a scrape. I should not have thought it
of you, Greene." Looking up, with some degree of sur  prise, he replied, "what scrape, Mr. S.?  I han't been
in no scrape."  "Did you not aid Nelson in stealing
Allen's hog? " said I.  "No, sir," he replied.  "I had
nothing to do with stealing that ar hog."  "What did
you do about it then?" I enquired.  " 0, I only held
the hog still while Nelson cut his throat. I did not
steal him, sure and sartain, Mr. S."  "And did you not
help Nelson carry the hog away?" I asked.  "0, yes,"
said he; " I toted him on my shoulders part of the way,
because Nelson said if I didn't, he wouldn't give me any
of the meat; but I certainly had nothing to do with kill ing or stealing the hog." And he then asked, with an
air of amazement, "Why, Mr. Stearns, you don't sup pose I would steal a hog, does you, after what you have
told us in the Sunday school about stealing?"
"Greene," said I, "what do you mean by talking so?
You surely knew you was doing wrong in what you
did?"'  "No, indeed, I did not," said he, looking completely puzzled, as well as sorry, that I should so wrongly accuse him. I then tried to explain to his besotted
intellect, the nature of the transaction in which he had
been engaged, and he listened with deep attention,
swallowing every word, and at the close of my remarks,
he said, with a brightened countenance, "Well, I see
now, I'e done wrong; but, Mr. Stearns, I sartain didn't
think I was doing wrong at the time of it." He afterwards went to see the owner of the hog, and agreed to
pay him, at the end of the year, for his share ill the villainy. He said if a man should steal a piece of pork
from my cellar, and give him a part of it for carrying
a
340 
AND THE REBELS.
away the remainder, he should not consider it stealing;
)but if a man should steal a dollar therefrom, and give
him a part of it for hiding the rest, he should think it
-as stealing.  Perhaps, in God's sight, the moral ob fuscation in this case, was no greater than in that of a
learned divine, who could sell one of Christ's little ones,
and with the proceeds purchase a new theological library.
Nelson's excuse was, that everybody, black, and white
stole; and that stealing, was one of those sins no man
could live without committing. He was quite indignant because I refused to protect him, against the officer
of justice, who was in pursuit of him, saying; "I
thought you pretended to be the colored man's friend."
I am told by some Northern people, that the blacks are
excusable for stealing from their old masters. However
this may be, they certainly cannot be excused for stealing, from those whom they regard as their best friends,
and I have yet to learn of any difference in this respect,
in their conduct. I am pained to be obliged to allude to
this crime, so pointedly; but as my object is, to tell the
whole truth, I cannot pass over this common practice
of theirs.   Nothing that we possessed, was safe from
their pilfering hands. Watches, clothing of all kinds,
household utensils, all kinds of tools, and provisions
without limit, were the objects of their indiscriminate
plunder. It could not be said that hunger always drove
them to the commission of these thefts, for at the moment of their commission, we were supplying some of
them  with food, gratuitously.  Trhey also stole from
each other, whenever opportunity afforded, so that every
one of their tenements was kept locked, in the absence
of its occupants. I think it is safe to say, that property
to the amount of fifteen hundred dollars, has been pil
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
fered from me during my sojourn here; although I cannot say that all the thieves were blacks, yet there is no
doubt they were, in a large majority of cases. Some of
these cases were so aggravating, that I cannot forbear
mentioning them.
Some of the inmates of our family had been extremely
ill, and while thus unable to watch the household property, these thieves actually ascended the chamber stairs,
passed directly by the door of the sick room, and ascending another pair of stairs, proceeded to help themselves
to clothing of all kinds, amounting to about fifty dollars
in value. At another time, when an aged member of
our household, who all her life had been a laborious
friend of their race, lay at the point of death, these
fiendish thieves, penetrated to her apartment, and
actually rifled her trunk of the clothes deposited there
to be in readiness for any especial occasion. At still
another time, a watch, presented to my sister by her
brother on his death bed, and therefore highly valued as
a keepsake, was taken from her private room, by one employed as a house-servant, and who had received many
favors at our hands. And once, while holding a meeting in our house, for the express purpose of enabling
others to right some of the wrongs of these poor creatures, the door of a store-room was accidentally left
open a few moments, when some one entered and stole
a quantity of meat therefrom. With too many of them,
their regard for us and our interest, seemed to depend
upon the amount of stealing it would enable them to
accomplish. Very near the house we had an half-acre
patch of water-melons, and through one whole season
we never obtained six ripe melons from the field, although it produced bournifully.   But it is useless to
342
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AND THE REBELS.
. multiply these instances; enough has been already said,
here, and elsewhere, to show that the propensity to steal,
is one of the fireedman's most prominent traits of character; and this propensity seldom involves them in injuririous consequences. Of all the innumerable thefts committed on our place, we have never been able to detect
the perpetrator, except in a very few instances. Perfect
adepts in this art, their cunning is beyond conception,
and almost always screens them from punishment.
No earthly motive will ever induce them to betray
one another, always defending their brethren, as much as
the free-masons are wrongly accused of doing. They
dare not tell of each other, even if so disposed. Soon
after my arrival, I was so little acquainted with this
trait in their character, that on missing some valuable
article, I told my overseer to offer a dollar to whoever
would betray the thief. "I can tell them," said he,
"but if you should offer them one hundred dollars, it
would make no difference; they would never tell on
each other."
I am happy to be able to state, that there are one or
two limits to this propensity. They will never molest
tools left on a newly made grave, where they are usually
allowed to remain several weeks after a burial. And
they will not steal sassafras wood, believing that burning
it ensures ill-luck to the consumer. But Bibles, hymnbooks and school-books of every description, they will
steal as quickly as food or clothing. We have had at
least 200 dollars worth of carpenter's tools stolen fiom
our place, since I came here.
But let it not be supposed that every black man is a
thief. There are some who will not steal. We have
sufficiently tested them, andfeel confident of this fact,
m
343
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
although all of the Southern people constantly assert,
that there are no negroes who  will not steal.   At
one time a coat was given to one of our hands, who,
after carrying it home, found a pair of old gloves in one
of the pockets, which he immediately returned to us,
asking if we knew they were there; but these cases are
so extremely rare, that they form the exception and not
the rule.
Perhaps some colored man will feel aggrieved at these
statements; but let me ask you, my firiend, how can I
correctly deseribe the diseases of your brethren at the
South, and leave out this important one? You know
the truth of its existence as well as I do. If I call on a
physician to visit a patient dangerously ill, what should
I gain by varnishing over the ugly-appearing symptoms
of his case? I want physicians to rush to the South,
and aid in curing the sin-sick souls there so numerous;
and it is only by correctly describing the extremely
dangerous condition of the patients, that I can expect to
arouse the sympathies of these benevolent doctors.
"They that are whole need not a physician, but they
that are sick."
a
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CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE RELIGION OF THE BLACKS, WITH ANECDOTES
ILLUSTRATING THE SAME.
I now come to the religion of the blacks, and truth
will require of me  great "plainness of speech."  A
more melancholy misnomer than that of the Christian
religion, as applied to the heathenish observances of
the plantation blacks, cannot be conceived. Volumes
might be written  upon  this subject;  but my space
admonishes me to be brief. The subject is too peculiarly
awful to me to dwell upon it at length. To see a race
so thoroughly demented, as to call insane yellings, and
violent contortions of body, totally disconnected from
any kind of an idea, the Christian religion, is melancholy
indeed. I am constrained to say, "if the light that is
in them be darkness, how great is that darkness." It is
hard to say, that their false religion is the greatest
obstacle in the way of their improvement, and yet
honesty compels me to make the assertion. The socalled "saints" on my plantation were invariably the
worst people I had; more dishonest, disobedient, lazy,
less interested in education, and in every other good
thing, than those they facetiously termed "sinner men."
I can think of no vice that was not practiced by those
calling themselves Christian, to as great an extent as
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
by sinners, and some vices to a greater extent. I tried
to be charitable towards their religion, permitting them
to hold their meetings at the close of ours, and I often
remained to witness their unhallowed performances.
But a regard for consistency, led me at length to withdraw all support from their religious mummery, for such,
and nothing else, are these socalled religious services on
the plantations. The name of'Christ at first was seldom
heard, except in some shocking misrepresentation of his
nature and work. When I first came here, he was
literally unknown to the most of them. Said a comparatively intelligent woman to me one day, "Mr. Stearns, I
have been wanting to see you for some time, and find
out about this Jesus you tell off. Will you come ill and
hear me tell what my ole massa used to tell me about
him, and tell me whether it is true or not." Of course
.1 complied with her request, and seating myself on one
of her little wooden benches, I listened to her story.
"He told me," said she, "that Jesus Christ once got
drunk, and that one of his sons insulted him while he
was drunk, but the other was good to him. After he
came to his senses, he found out what had been done to
him, and he cursed his bad son, and said his children
should always be the slaves of his brother. He said we
all came from the bad son, and they all from the good
one, and that was the reason why we were their slaves.
Now, Mr; Stearns, you know whedder this is true or not:
please tell me." Of course I denounced it all as a lie,
and she was highly delighted to learn "that Jesus was
no such man as ole massa said he was."
The original of this story will be at once perceived.
How could they reverence such a Jesus? Nearly all
with whom I conversed, etpressed great aversion to the
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AND THE REBELS.
Bible, and were not at all disposed to learn to read its
contents. They would appear quite interested while I
read some story from a child's paper, and would answer
questions respecting it, afterwards; but it was hard to
gain their attention while reading the most interesting,
portions of the Bible. At length I ascertained the reason for this conduct, and found that they considered the
Bible a slave-holding document, and therefore did not
believe in its divinity. It became my duty, therefore, to
dispel this illusion from their minds, and show them
that the Bible did not uphold slavery. But to this day
the impression remains among the ignorant ones, that
"the book," as they term it, is in favor of human slavery. Is it any wonder that they reject a religion founded on such a book?   Perhaps our "free religious"
friends at the North, might see in this a favorable omen
that they had a religion, which, ignoring Jesus and the
Bible, was founded on three things: first, their own experience; second, the Spirit of God within them; and
thirdly, various visions and revelations; but as the fruits
of suchl a religion were so far removed from the lofty
morality always advocated by our skeptical friends, they
might not, after all, endorse these men as true disciples
of the new school in religion. Said an old aunt, when
remonstrated with for not attending our Sunday school,
and learning to read the Bible, "I don't want any of
your book-religion. I got my religion from God in de
wilderness,"  This same aunt, and all her family, were
the veriest thieves upon our place, and she herself was
once detected in the act of feloniously abstracting a
quantity of sweet potato plants from our garden.
Their common method of expressing contempt for
Christ's teachings, was -to cal them "book religion."
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Even the very children would tell my little girl, that the
Bib)le was only an old package of papers tied up together, and of "no account."  Sometimes, after we had been
here a good while, an animated discussion would arise
on the comparative merits of the Bible and "the Spirit
within;" a portion contending that the Bible was superior to the Spirit, while others as stoutly asserted, that
their "own hearts" were mostly to be relied upon.  In
proportion to the ignorance of the disputant, he would
contend for the superiority of "the spirit within," to the
written word.  It was in vain they were told, that there
could be no conflict between the teachings of the Spirit
now, and those recorded in the Bible. The former they
knew about, while of the latter they had no knowledge.
Their overweening self-esteem, is never more apparent
than in their religious faith.  What they had expe(rienced
they knew to be true, and no power on earth could possibly shake this faith.
Quite an animated discussion on this point oncte arose,
between several of the blacks, in one of our meetirngs.
The disputants were equally matched as to numbers,
there being two on each side. The point in debate was,
"whether the Bible came from God or not."  Two of
the disputants were prominent church members, one of
them named David, being the spiritual shepherd of'the
black flock on my plantation.   The other two were
those denominated by the religious ones, "sinner-men."
The two religious ones were wholly uneducated, while
the "sinner-men" were among our very best scholars,
and were models of good behavior in other respects.
Now, reader, on which side of this important question
do you suppose these conflicting parties were arrayed?
"Tell it not in Gath, publih it not in the streets of As                    o
848
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AND THE REBELS.
kelon," that the " sinner-men" were eloquent in the de fence of the Bible, while the "saints" were as loud in
its condemnation. The eloquence of the sinners seemed
likely, however, to carry the day, when David arose and
denied their right to speak at all on the subject, saying,
"dem ar sinner-men, Mr. Stearns, hab no rights at all in
dis yer concussion. I protesh agin dem sinners being
'lowed to teach we who are de saints of de living God."
Whatever might be said of the truth of David's theology,
he had evidently learned from some source, the power
of the modern gag-law, and failing to reply to his opponents logic, he resorted to the almost universal weapon
of errorists, and attempted to crush out the truth. But
as I had learned from the Bible itself, that "where the
Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty," I objected to his
course, and declared that my meetings should always be
free to all classes. David, foiled in this attempt to gag
his adversaries, all at once arose, as if under the influence
of some powerful inspiration of the Spirit, and advancing
to the table, on which were lying the Bible and two
hymn-books, he seized them in his hands, and holding
them up before the excited audience, he exclaimed, at
the top of his by no means diminutive voice, "Now
here is tree books, all de wich ye say comes from de
Almighty; " and growing warm with the brilliancy of
the idea, he dashed them down with tremendous force
upon the quivering table, and yelled out, "and yet
ebery one ob dem is'tirely different from de ober. Can
de holy God write all dese tree books, and dey all so
different from de obers?" Saying this, he dropped into
his seat, the perspiration standing in big chdrops upon his
dusky forehead, for it was on a warm Summer day.
His opponents, not having adocated the divinity of the
a
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THE BLACK M   OF THE SOUTH,
hymn-books, of course failed to be convinced by his
extraordinary eloquence. David himself felt quite crestfallen, when he was quietly informed that his formidable
argument was based on an entirely wrong premise, no
one advocating such anl idea. I am not able to state
the effect of this array of words upon the minds of the
auditors; but all could see that David had the worst
end of the dispute.
An intelligent Southern gentleman told me not long
since, that he thought that nine-tenths of the plantation
hands were disbelievers in the Bible.  Some of them,
however, are now quite anxious to be able to read the
Bible, and even David, not long since, applied to me for
a copy of the Bible. Thus has the pro-slavery portion
of the church of America, in its endeavors to uphold
Slavery by the Bible, destroyed the faith of millions of
poor creatures in its divinity, while it accused of "infidelity" those who strove to defend the Bible against
the worst possible of accusations. It is hard to account
for the astonishing ignorance of these people, in reference
to Jesus, for many of them had been in constant attendance upon the preaching of their white brethren. Can
it be that in these Southern churches, Jesus was as
effectually ignored in name, as his precepts were in
practice? At one time, ill quite a large audience, I
asked,  "Who was Jesus Christ?"  Not one could tell
except a preacher, named Brannon, who hesitatingly
enquired if he "was not the king of the Jews?"  No
other one seemed to have the least idea of him, notwithstanding his name had been often mentioned in their
hearing, we of course taking it for granted that they
were familiar with the whole story of his life and death.
But they did not know  anything abo ut him, only that
But they did not know anything about him, only that
350 
AND THE REBELS.
he once lived, and in some way was the benefactor of
their masters. If I might hazard an opinion upon the
subject, it would be that they supposed he was some
sort of an adjunct to their masters, in holding them in
Slavery, and that therefore the less they had to do with
him, the better. How dreadful that the glorious moral
light of the Universe, should be so cruelly misrepresented
to them! And how could they be righteous, when the
main sinews of the world's spiritual strength, were thus
ruthlessly cut away from their diseased souls? As well
might we expect a star-gazer to behold the rings of
Saturn without a powerful telescope, as these imbruted
ones to "see God," and become true men and women,
without "the light of the knowledge of the glory of GCod
in the face of Jesus Christ." If God has chosen to reveal himself through his Son, can these freedmen know
God, except through him who, when praying for his
disciples, so pathetically declares, " O righteous Father,
the world hath not known thee, but I have known thee,
and I have declared unto them thy name, and the glory
which thou gavest me, I have given them."  But it is
not my purpose now to describe my own theology, but
that of these poor benighted and ignorant religionists.
While I endeavored to describe the life of Christ, and
his death on the cross, they listened as to an entirely
new story. None of them knew whether he lived fifty
or a hundred years ago, or in what country he lived, or
what became of him after his death. Of the manner
of his death upon the cross, they were totally ignorant.
They were alike ignorant of all biblical knowledge.
They had never heard of Adam, Eve, Cain or Abel,
Abraham, Moses, Joshua, Samuel, or any of the Bible
worthies, except Daniel, o whose dwelling in the
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THE BLACK MAN OF TIHE SOUTI,
lion's den they had an indistinct idea. Some of them
had heard of the Virgin Mary, even of those who had
never heard of Jesus. I once questioned a girl whose
father was a religious exhorter, about Jesus, and she replied, "I never hearn tell on him afore.  Did he live in
Gorgy? " She would sing a song, however, having
these words in it, "May I die like the Virgin Mary."
I asked her what she meant by that, and she said,
"Why, she died for de world, didn't she?" and oil
ag,ain being questioned as to her meaning, she replied,
with great animation. "Why, de Virgin Mary did die
for de sins of de world, didn't she?" On the whole, I
think the Virgin Mary had made more sincere believers
in-her power than Christ had, and yet there were no
Catholics in the neighborhood.
One little boy said "he had hearn tell of Jesus, but
he did not know who or what he was." Others of the
children were confident they knew who Jesus was, and
on being asked to tell who he was, they replied, with
great confidence, "He is the brother of Washington."
One day a lad about fourteen years old, from an adjoining county, came to my house, to see if I had any clothing for him. He seemed the very embodiment of
shyness and fear, and if I attempted to look him in the
face, he would at once thrust his head away, and hidfe it
behind the form of some other person, and then cast
a sidelong glance out of one corner of his eyes, to see
if- I was noticing him. After asking him various questions about the people where hlie lived, anrid his replying
" Some said dat Slavery be done gone, but some say we
be still slaves," I ventured to say to him, " Well, my
little lad, can you tell me who Jesus Christ is?" If I
had asked a Northern Sunday school scholar who
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AND THE REBELS.
"Vertumnurs" was, they would have been no more
surprised than he was. i' Wat you say, massa? what be
his name? " said he.  "Jesus Christ," I replied, as dis tinctly as possible. He scratched his head, looked
puzzled, but at lengthi replied, "Dunno, massa; neber
hearn ob him."  "Don't you know  who Jesus Christ,
who died for you, is?' said I.  Then, as if some new
light had burst upon his mind, but still he was not
quite certain about it, he exclaimed, with brightened
eyes,  "0 yes hese old Mose, ant he?" accompanying
the remark with an inquiring look. I at first supposed
that by " old Mose" he meant the Moses of the Bible;
but on sounding the depths of his theological knowledge
still further, I was somewhat surprised to learn that
" old Mose" was a colored preacher of some celebrity,
who died not many years ago.
I once asked a little boy, who said he attended a Sunday school in town, and "learned the catechism," who
was the first man?  "God," he replied; and "who  the
first woman? " I enquired, "Adam," said he; and so f
concluded our negroes were not the only ignorant ones
in the world. At other times grown up girls, living
within a few miles of us, could not tell who made the
world. We found on our place two old women, who
did not know there was a God, but both of them have
since that time, professed to become followers of Jesus.
But the absence of religious knowledge would not
seem so tremendous an evil, if their religion produced
any good fruits whatever. It is here that its baneful
character is most apparent. With the most high-sounding professions of religion on their part, open immorality
is unblushingly practiced. Stealing, a vice not considered elsewhere consistent Ath a respectable standing
a
353 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
in society, among them, is no barrier to the highest
religious life. Said a woman, who was remonstrated
with for stealing a goose, an,l told she could not be a
Christian and steal, "La me! dus yer think I'se gwine
to gib up my Jesus for an old goose?" and she held on
to her religion, as if she had done nothing inconsistent
with its claims.
Once on visiting a friend's plantation I enquired for a
man by the name of Jim, who was a preacher, but
usually absented himself from the religious services we
occasionally held on the place; because I said so much
about lying and stealing as he said.  I was told he was
in jail.  "In jail!" said I with great surprise.'" Jim the
preacher in jail, what can that be for?" *'  nothing,"
said Thomas, my informer, "he only jus stole a few
turkies, and den he sell'em, and got cotched," and he
added, "I went to see him de other day, and he tells me
"you jus tell dem darkies as blongs to my church, not
to be down-hearted, for de Lord will bring me one day
to be wid um agin, an dey must not forgit to pray for
me." It never seemed to occur to him, that he had
committed an offense inconsistent with his religion, and I
do not know as he had; as I have never known of a thief
being disciplined in this region by his colored brethren.
I am suire that when I came here, they did not regard
stealing as a sin, certainly not as a "mortal one."  And
even now, I cannot positively say that they look upon it
as a sin, which a christian will never commit. I am in
hopes that they feel now that they oug,ht not to steal,
just as all church members own that they should never
get angry; but I hardly think that they will admit that
the sin of stealing will exclude them fiom heaven. Indeed some of them will oAn that under certain circimn
ioi 5 -1
a 
AND THE REBELS.
stances they would steal. I have known whole platoons
to arise, and leave their seats and not return to the place
of worship, when stealing was touched upon in the
mildest manner.  And it is a common remark among
them, "we  would go and hear Mr. S. preach much
oftener, if he would leave off preaching against lying
and stealing, and preach the gospel." Many laughable
scenes have occurred in connection with this strange
hallucination of theirs, respecting this vice.
At one time, I gave notice that on the following Sunday, I would deliver an address especially on stealing,
and show them why it was wrong. When Sunday
came, a goodly number assembled from other plantations, they not knowing the subject of the discourse;
but not a soul of the adults on my place, numbering
about forty, made their appearance, until very near the
close of the sermon, and remarks were being made about
God, and the pain it caused him for his creatures to
steal. They were always ready to hear about God, and
living with him in heaven, but seldom wished to hear
of their duties to each other.. After the close of the
meeting, I was waited upon at my house by a deputation
of the brethren, who gravely informed me that my
sermon had given great offense, and the people were determined to abandon the Sunday school and meeting, if
I persisted in talking about such worldly matters.
When I informed them that I could not desist from denouncing the sins they were guilty of, one of them persuasively said, "Now  Mr. S., if you must talk about
stealing, why not call us together on Monday and tell us
about it, and let us have a good heavenly time on Sunday, in worshipping the God we all love so much." At
these words I could hardly kep from bursting into a
o055
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
loud laugh, the whole thing seemed so supremely ridiculous, and withal it so forcibly reminded me of similar
deputations waiting upon Northern ministers, in the
good old days of slavery; and threatening to desert
them if they continued to preach against slavery on
Sunday. I have now in my mind, the pastor of one of
the finest churches in one of New England's most beautiful towns, who at one time preached a tremendous
sermon against slavery, when he was waited upon the
next day by one of the wealthiest of his flock, who informed him, that he would withdraw from the church,
unless he would promise to preach no more Anti-Slavery sermons. The residents of that town will remember, whether the pastor complied with such solicitation,
or manfully refused to sell his soul for a "mess of pottage."
While writing these lines, one of my men, and a member of the colored peoples' church, is lying in jail for
stealing from a neighboring plantation, he having been
in the habit of stealing from me very frequently. Only
a few nights before this last theft, he came to me for the
key of the meeting-house, so that they could hold a
prayer-meeting. Sunday is a favorite day for their indulgence in this unhallowed pastime, as it affords a grand
opportunity for the worst ones to leave the hodse of
worship, and prowl around the premises in quest of
booty, while the bulk of the worshippers are engaged in
a far more ennobling employment. This the blacks acknowledge themselves to be true, saying, they dare not
all leave their houses on such occasions, but some one
must stay at home to guard against thieves.
But stealing is l)y no means the only crime committed
by the brethren.  It wruld be far easier to enumerate
-356
0
a 
AND THE REBELS.
the crimes of which they are not guilty, than those of
which they are, for the number of the former, would be
very small indeed. But this whole subject is so exceed  ingly distasteful to me, that I am almost inclined to pur  sue it no farther.   It is not pleasant to record these
things; I had much rather tell of the good deeds of my
proteges, than of their evil ones; and it would reflect
far more credit on my own labors, to be able to say, that
these depraved ones were patterns of morality; but
Would it be right to conceal the truth, in a book profess ing entire impartiality in its details? Hereafter it will
fall to my lot to tell of the "outrages of the whites,"
shall I not also tell of those of the blacks?
Lying is a vice so inherent in their nature, that it is
questionable with me, whether they know the difference
between a lie and the truth. I do not think they con sider it at all sinful to lie, whenever a lie would be bene ficial to them; and such lies as they will tell, none
but "the father of lies" can equal them! An instance
of this unblushing falsehood, has lately occurred; a
gentleman had made a written contract with one of his
former hands, to let him have a parcel of land, the use
of a dwelling house, and a mule, for which, this mendacious fellow, was to pay him one hundred and seventyfive dollars, out of his first cotton; and in order to reinder himself secure, he had taken a lien on the man's
crop, according to the common custom here. What was
his astonishment, when pay-day came around, and the
cotton was sent to market, to hear the black man swear
that he had never signed the lien, that the man read
another paper to him, and then got him to sign this one
instead. But this lying was too transparent to succeed,
for several persons had seen hl sign it, after it had
357
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
been read to him twice, and minutely explained, and
he afterwards owned that such was the case; and he
was one of the most fiaming professors of religion in this
vicinity.
Their chief fault of an immoral nature, is an utter, and perfectly reckless disregard of their word and
promri.e, in all of the relations of life.  No promise that
they may make, is considered sacred by them. Said a
man once to me, when I remonstrated with him, on the
sinfulness of violating an agreement he had made to
hire some land of another person,  "0, Mr. So-and-so,
offered n)e some land cheaper;" and this seemed sufficient justification for a violation of a positive contract.
A man will agree to do a piece of work for you, at a stipulated price, and for a stipulated kind of pay; perhaps
after a few days, he will come and tell you he has
changed his mind, and concluded not to do as he agreed,
and this with all the "sang-froid" imaginable; or, what
is altogether more likely, he will not come to you for a
long time, and perhaps never again, leaving you in utter
ignorauce, as to his intention about doing the work at
all.
One of the worst instances of this violation of an agreement has recently occurred, and as illustrative of what
I have stated, I will give the particulars of the case. It
w ill be borne in mind, that I am now describing the religious condition of these people. We have on our place,
a stout, full-blooded negro, named Willis Jackson. He
is of medium height, and about twenty-two years of age.
Like most of the blacks on my place, he is a Christian;
that is, in his own opinion. Previous to his supposed
conversion, he was extremely eager to learn to read, and
wa       s a    constant at tendan  upon our Sunday School.  Af
a
358 
AND THE REBELS.
ter he had "done, got through in religion, (their term for
conversion,) he grew quite remiss for a while in his
studies; but as the novelty of his religion wore away,
he again became constant at our exercises; and some  times severely reprimanded the children, for their inat  tention, and want of interest in their lessons. He seem  ed cut out for a reformer, and was always  "hauling
over the coals" some one for his or her neglect of duty.
He was extremely loud in his professions of devotion to
my interests, and often entertained me with serious tales
of the depredations committed by every one else on my
property; always winding up his story, by saying, in a
very pathetic manner, "0, Mr. Stearns, it's a perfect
shame these niggers treat you as they do. If it want for
me, you'd have nothing left; but I allers stands up for
you, because you's a Yankee, and has done so much for
my race." He seemed so honest in these professions,
that we all looked upon him as our best friend among
the colored people, and one on whom we could rely in
any emergency. It is true, that many little things on
his part often occurred, that looked rather shaky, but
some how or other, we always managed to find an excuse for him, "because it was Willis."  If we wanted
any little chores done, that bblonged to no one in particular, we instinctively called upon Willis, who was generally very good natured, and quite ready to oblige us.
He and his family, however, were always taxing our
limited means, by begging and borrowing trifling articles
of food and medicine, and implements of labor; but no
matter how great our hurry, it was for Willis, and we
always left off our work, and waited on him. In short,
Willis was the pet negro of our plantation, and in consequence looked upon with disfavor and jealousy by oth                               o
359
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lb 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ers. Sometimes an open fight took place between them,
which Willis always assured us, was on account of his
zeal for our interests. Like the rest of his race, Willis
was possessed of an an over-powering self-esteem, which
was augmented by our confidence in him. He also
seemed to regard himself as a special favorite with the
Almighty. It was his custom, in every trivial circumstance, to allude to God, and to express his deep devotion to his as well as to our interests. In short, he was
pre-eminently the pious one on our place. Once, when
he had neglected an important trust confided to him, in
reference to the other hands, and in consequence it was
dangerous drawing water from our well; I asked him
how hle expected to get water for his own family, and he
replied, " C, I trust in God that he will supply us." At
another time, when my boy remonstrated with him for
neglecting to feed a mule in his charge, he said, "You
shouldn't be so anxious about that mule, you should
trust it all in God's hand, and have more faith in him." I
have said that he was the very embodiment of self-esteem.
It was laughable to see him strutting across our yard,
with his head thrown back, so that its top would be on
a straight line with his heels. His blue military coat,
with its brilliant brass buttons, would then be buttoned
to his chin.  I do not know that he had ever heald of
Alexander Selkirk, but I often imagined I could hear
him complacently utter the memorable words that fell
from Crusoe's lips, "I am monarch of all I survey."
And this was the more apparent, after I rented him a
choice piece of land, adjacent to my dwelling, in addition to his own selected  plat elsewhere.  And now
comes the denouement of all this pretence on his part.
Just a week ago to-day,Wt accidently came to my knowl                   e
360
a 
AND THE REBELS.
edge that in spite of all his professions of piety, and of
superior regard to my interests, he was intending to take
his cotton into town, and sell it, and appropriate the
money to his own purposes.  The year before, he and
some others had failed to keep their agreement, in
reference to paying a certain sum  on their land, and  I
had been subjected to great inconvenience and expense,
in consequence; and I early in the season determined to
guard ag,ainst a similar catastrophe this year.  Accordingly I made them give me a written lien on all their
crops, for the payment of a specified sum, which lien
rendered it obligatory on  their part, to  carry  their
cotton to a particular ware-house in Augusta, as soon as
it was ginned, and there leave it until its proceeds were
sufficient.to liquidate my claim upon them.  This lien
was read to him twice, and particularly explained, and
then signed by him, in the presence of several witnesses.
He was told at the time, that if he sold it, after having
signed this lien, he rendered himself liable to imprisonment, for so doing. During the whole of the Summer,
he had expressed his determination to pay me the whole
sum, even if he had no cotton left afterwards; and, consi(lering his great professions, he was the very last man
on my place whom I could have suspected of trying to
forfeit his word.
Having ascertained his purpose, I was onI hand early
on the morning of the day on which he was to start;
and when he saw that I was about to interfere in his
nefarious design, he threw off all disguise, and boldly
declared with oaths, that he would never take his cottoni
as he had agreed. Of course I was obliged to prohibit
the cotton fi'om leaving, under such circumstances. A
day or two afterwards,  it ovas  again  placed on our
,;161 -
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
wagon, by his orders, and suddenly I appeared and took
my seat on the wagon, when he again swore it should
not go to town, unless he could go with it, alone. But,
weary with the fatiguing contest, I at length consented
to his carrying it to town alone, and on the preceding,
ilght, sent my  boy into town, to inform  the cotton factors of the state of affairs, He carried the cotton to
the place agreed upon, contrary to his solemn oaths, but
succeeded in inducing the dealers to pay him one half
of the value of the cotton, he representing to them that
even then, he would have enough more cotton to pay
the whole of my demand.  With the fifty dollars thus
received, he supplied himself and family with a great
variety of necessaries and luxuries, among the latter of
which, were forty-five sticks of candy. This was a
severe blow to me, as the example, if followed, would
jeopardize all my arrangements for supplying the blacks
with land; and in order to prevent others from follow
ing his bad example, with the advice of a lawyer employed by my Boston friends, to look after their interests in these matters, I despatched a messenger for the
sheriff of the county; who soon adjusted matters so that
Willis could sequester no more of the funds he had
agreed to put in my possession. To the credit of the
remainder of the colored people, I will add, that Willis
found no justifiers of his course, except in his own
family, and happily for us, no imitators of his dangerous
example.   I must also add, that his brethren in the
church, actually "set him back," as they termed it, one
of the most encouraging signs I have seen, of a reformationI in their religious ideas.  This "setting back " in
the church is considered an everlasting disgrace, and
poor Willis, when he afterwards walked across the yard,
362
a 
AND THE REBELS.
hel(l his head at quite a different angle from his heels,
fioom the former one.  But the effect of this delinquency
upon all of us, was terrible.  It kept us in a continual
state of anxiety, during the remaindei of the cotton
season, for if Willis, our "well-beloved disciple," had
served us so, there was no telling what the others might
feel justified in doing.
But a violation of their agreements is not the only sin
they "roll as a sweet morsel under their tongues."  In
every department of life they fail to apply the sublime
principles of the christian religion to their conduct. Indeed, they do not seem to comprehend the idea that religion imposes upon them any duties in reference to
others, and especially towards their employers. At the
beginning of each year, our hands were required to sign
a contract, agreeing to perform certain specified duties, in
return for which we agree to pay them a certain sum of
money.  But it was almost impossible to make even the
most pious ones realize that after having signed this contract, they were bound to keep it sacredly, only so far
as it suited them so to do; and alny attempt on our part
to enforce its provisions, was pronounced by them the
acme of oppression, as worse than the "rebs" served
them. In lieu of other penalties, we relied on fines for
non-performance of duties, all of which were specified
beforehand in the contract, so that there could be no
misunderstanding in the matter. These fines were
trivial, and some of them were as follows, "for profane
swearing, twenty-five cents," "abuse of animals in their
charge, twenty-five cents;" "beating one's wife, fifty
cents;" "refusal to work, fifty cents; " stealing, 5,00;"
and so on; but not one of them was ever paid without a
solemn protest at its injustice. If they had agreed to
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a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
obey all of our orders with alacrity, and never to be
saucy or iuipudent to their employers; still they could
not comprehend why they should obey an order they did
not like, or why  refiain from  insulting us when  so
prompted. It was all oppression on our part, whenever
we attempted to enforce obedience, and God knows we
were lenient  enough  towards them.  One  year the
colored preacher, ill other respects a noble fellow, was
the worst person on the place to obey our orders. He
paid no attention whatever to our wishes, expressed or
implied, unless the notion suited him.  His idea was that
he was to be the judge of the propriety of every order,
and if it did not seem to him a reasonable one, he would
disregard it entirely   Of course, a planter's life must be
a very delightful one under such circumstances.
But if half a dozen of them refused to obey us, we
were powerless and had to submit. We could only discharge them, and that would leave us without hands.
It was this terrific state of affairs that induced all the planters at first to hail with deli,ght the formation of the KuKlux order, promising as it did, to rectify all these
abuses, as well as to promote the political welfare of the
country. Of course all of this was only a pretext on
the part of the Ku-Klux, but it was by pretendini to
aid the planters in the laudable object of raising good
crops and thus benefiting the whole country, that this
nefarious "order" obtained so strong a foothold in the
South, that it could not be rooted out; except by the
military power of the United States governmenit.
But the point now und(ler consideration is, the failure
of the black peoples' relig(ion to make them obedient
laborers.  It must l)e continually boirne in mind, in this
portion of our work, that the object aimed at is simply
0
i"-l 6 4 
AND THE REBELS.
to show the utitter falsity of the pretentions of the blacks
to t)c in possession of the religion taught by our Lord
Slid Saviour Jesus Chr,ist.  ()f course they were  reli(ious, as the Jews, Maohaminedans and Pagans were
religious, but in no particular was their religion a counterl)art of that relio?ion whose fruits of holiness are decliclred by its founder to be the only test of its genuineiess. The question may be asked, why am I so anxious
to prove this point? If the religion of the blacks is a
spurious one, why not leave them in the enjoyment of it
so long as it suits their capacity.  My answer is, that
first and foremost in the regeneration of any nation or
people, must their religious institutions be moulded into
the forms of morality, or else it is in vain to preach
morality to the people. If the saints of a nation can
be imnmoral, of  course its sinners will be doubly  so,
or  at least they will never  be any better than the
sanctified ones are.  In proof of  this assertion you
have only to look at the character of all nations where
an immoral religion prevails.  Therefore, if you would
reform the freedmien of the South, you must commence
with their religion, and no efforts corresponding with
the mighty interests at stake, will ever be put forth to
accomplish this task, until the Northern people are made
fully acquainted with the hideous evil here exposed.
Northern teachers and laborers have an immense task
before them; and it is my solemn conviction, that unless it
is resolutely undertaken, twenty-five years from to-day
will find the schools and all Northern appliances for the
regeineration of the freedmen, swamped and swept entirely out of sight, by the fearful waves of social vice
engendered and taught lby the rel,icdio  of the Southcrn
neyroes.  Perhaps I am  aloup in uttering this wainirng
9,6i,)
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUITH,
voice. If so, it cannot be helped, the necessity is all
the greater for others to arouse themselves to the
task of coping with this mighty engine of immorality,
and sweeping it from existence.
At one time we had a stout young girl to work for us
named Priscilla.   Among other of her shortcomings,
was the inconvenient one to us, of staying about an
hour, whenever she went to the quarters on an errand.
One day, Aunt Rinah, a great saint among us, and quite
an intelligent woman, came in and said to me, "Bless
the Lord, brother Stearns, the Lord has given us another
soul."  "Who is that?" said I, in an incredulous tone,
for I was beginning to look with suspicion on all new
converts to their religion. " 0, it's Priscilla!" said she;
"she's done got-throug,h, praise the Lord." I expressed
my doubts of Priscilla's piety, when Annt Rinah exclaimed sorrowfully,  "You  mustn't doubt  her,  Mr.
Stearns, as she has told us her experience, and we were
bound to receive her." We called Priscilla, and she related her experience as follows: " I saw de old ship
Zion, with my name written on it in great big letters,
and Jesus Christ hanging on de cross just over de ship.
He said,' Priscilla, get aboard.'  I asked him how to do
that? He said,'go to Aunt Rinah, and Aunt Susan,
and they will tell you.' I did as he said, and got aboard,
and den the old ship began to sail, and sailed on, till it
got right over hell, and then it went straight on from
dere, to de heavenly land, and I found mesel in heaven."
I asked how the inhabitants of hell looked, and she replied, "They were barefoot, had dirty faces, dirty and
ragged clothes, and hair hanging about their ears, just
like some of the people in de quarters, only ten times
worser." She was silent aoto the flames of hell, and I
366 
AND THE REBELS.
did not question her any more as to her vision. But I
said to her, "Priscilla, did you know that your religion,
if it is genuine, will make you a better girl, and cause
you to do your work more faithfully?"  "No, sir; will
it?" said she, in a tone of surprise.  "Did no one ever
tell you," said I, "that religion will make you do more
as we require of you?" "No, indeed," said she; "Mammy told me if I did not do as you wanted me, you
would not keep me; but I never knew that religion had
any thing to do with my work."
And this was no doubt the exact truth. Until we
came there, no one had ever told them that Christianity
would regulate their daily lives. With them, religion
was, and is now, to a great extent, merely to pray, dance
and sing, in their meetings. It may be added, that after
Priscilla learned what was expected of her as a Christian, there was a change for the better in her deportment, until one day she had a quarrel with some one,
and she was found "totiiing" about a big knife, with
which she said she was going to stab the one who had
quarrelled with her.   But it is not in reference to
conscientiousness alone, that their religion is at fault.
It is equally so as far as benevolence is concerned. It
seems as if they cauld not be made to comprehend the
nature of benevolence. While they are tolerably kind
towards their own "kin-folks," who are needy, no argument can convince them of their duty to aid those who
are not their relatives. When appealed to, to do certain
things for the sake of their race, such an appeal seldom
moves them at all. One of their deacons, who in the
main was quite a conscientious man, and I do not think
a thief, was asked to contribute a small sum to establish
a free school, but he decliqnd to do any more than to
la
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
pay for his own children; and he could not to be con  vinced that those who had money, ought to do something
towards establishing a school, that should be free to all.
Those who had learned to read a little, were very un willing to spend the time on Sundays in teaching those
l ho could not read at all; but after spending a few mo ments in that way, would abruptly leave their class, and
take a book and go to studying themselves.  On this ac count it was exceedingly difficult to find teachers, for all
who came to our Sunday school, and each one would
complain if he did not receive his share of attention from
the Superintendent. As there were but few white
teachers, many of the scholars, on account of this lack
of benevolence, had to go untaught. There was only
one really benevolent black person on our place, and she
was nearly worn out with calls from her neighbors. It
was always extremely difficult to get assistance from
them, when any of our own family was sick, unless they
were certain of being rewarded for their services. If I
was in danger from the rebels, they would rush to my
protection, but that was because it was for their interest that I should live.  I am sorry to say that instead
of being ready to aid us in sickness, as has been already
stated, they took that occasion to increase their depreda
tions on our property. In one instance, a watchier drank
the contents of a small bottle of French brandy, and replaced them with camphor from another bottle. There
was one women who was usually ready to watch with
the sick, but when she was taken sick herself not a soul
would come and watch with her, and her own son, after
a hard day's labor, was compelled to sit up all niight with
his aged mother. As far as my observation extends,
selfishness, thorough and entire, is one of their ruling
.:j'6 8
a 
AND) THE REBELS.
traits.  The great majority of them seem almost, if not
quite insensible to the claims of gratitude. They seemed
to receive all of our favors as a matter of course, and to
consider that for some reason or other they merited
them. I speak of course only of those who came under
my, observation, and of those there were but few exceptions to this rule.
But I do not think they are naturally as grateful for
favors as the Northern Irish are, at least, they fall far
behind  that class il  their  expressions of gratitude.
Neither do they express much gratitude for the precious
boon of freedom, although they profess to prize it so
highly. But perhaps this is owing to the fact, that except in the matter of their religion, they are not a
demonstrative race in any respect.  Under the influence
of their religion, they become excited, but seldom under
any other influence.
Their religious exercises are of a novel character, and
I will endeavor to describe themn briefly. At about nine
o'clock in the evening, they collect together, and generally sing a few hymns worn threadbare by oft repetition
while the tardy ones are entering.  Their singing is
limited to a very small number of hymns, which are
generally of a solemn nature, quite frequently funeral
ones; and these are usually sung to a melancholy tulle. It,
is seldom you hear in their meetings, (I am speaking now
of those I have attended only) the notes of joy and rejoicing so common in Northern Methodist prayer-meetings.*  After all have assembled, the preacher in charge,
a man if possible more ignorant than the remainder,
* Perhaps I ought to state that the blacks on our place, and in our neighborhood were nearly all Baptists, and the wl*es also.
369
a 
THE BLACK M_AN OF THE SOUTIH,
arises and gives out another "hime," as it is termed by
them, which is sung in a like melancholy manner with
the former ones. He then attempts to talk to them, but
in these plantation meetings, it would puzzle a spectator
to comprehend the meaning of a single sentence uttered,
although doubtless they all have a meaning to the
initiated. Often the preacher, who is usually one of the
plantation hands, becomes very much excited, foams at
the mouth, and stamps furiously on the floor, frequently
striking the floor vehemently with the legs of the chair,
behind which he attempts to stand, so that your anxiety
is aroused for the safety of both floor and chair. Some
of them make somewhat sensible remarks founded on
what they have heard others say, but I have heard them
speak, when not one intelligent sentence was uttered.
through the whole of the discourse.
After the exhortation, the same brother gives out
another  "hime," which is sung with a little more ailimation, and then he leads in prayer; and such praying I
am sure was never heard elsewhere than in a negro
prayer-meeting. The prayer is generally of great length,
and full of grandiloquent expressions, borrowed from
solme white brother, or more talented colored one, strung
together, utterly regardless of their meaning, and repeated over and over again, an innumerable number of
times, and the whole uttered in a tone designed doubtless to imitate Gabriel, in the sounding of his resurrection trumpet, and which is quite sure to ariouse every
tired sleeper on the plantation. This prayer, loud as it
is, is sometimes half drowned by the utterances and
groanings of others, so that sometimes it is almost impossible to tell who, in reality, is praying. Their meetings are usually continuel until midnight, and quite
370 
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AND THE REBELS.
often until the break of day, for each brother having a "call to preach," is obliged to "clear his skirts of the
blood of his hearers," at every meeting he attends, and
as nearly every brother has this call, it is impossible for
their meetings to be of much less duration. Just before
they break up, when "the spirit is upon them," as they
term it, they engage in a kind of Shaker dance, which
they term singularly enough, shouting. They seldom
shout aloud, " glory to God," as we often hear in religious meetings elsewhere. I do not know as I can describe this dance so as to be intelligent to my readers,
but I will do my best. A ring of singers is formed in
an open space in the room, and they, without holding
on to each others' hands, walk slowly around and around
in a circle, the back of the foremost one comining close to
the front side of the succeeding brother or sister. They
then utter a kind of melodious chant, which gradually
increases in strength, and in noise, until it fairly shakes
the house, and it can be heard for a long distance. This
chant is responded to at intervals, by a grand chorus, composed of all the audience, for they are all singers, which
response is almost invariably the same. The dancers
usually bend their bodies into an angle of about fortyfive degrees, and thus bent, march around, accompanying their steps, every second or so, with a quick, jerking
motion, or jump, which I can compare to nothing else
than the brisk jumping of a frog, only this is very regular, and the motion is designed to keep time with their
voices, which it comes as near doing as the firing of
the cannon came near keeping time with the notes-of
the grand organ in that glorious carnival of music, the
monster jubilee of 186G9, in Boston, Mass.   The performers also accompany the erking of their bodies with
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THE BLACK'IAN OF THE SOUTH,
.a corresponding clapping of their hands, and motion of
their arms. The songs are mere repetitions of some
meaningless sentences, not to be found in any hymnbook in creation, but handed down by tradition from
their ancestors, of whose ceremonies in their native
lands, these gyrations are supposed to be an imitation.
Occasionally, one of the most zealous of the sisters,
throws herself up so as to nearly touch the ceiling over
their heads, and then falls down helplessly into the eag,er
arms of some stout brother, who springs forward with
alacrity to receive her. I know of nothing similar to
this dancing or shouting, in the religious exercises of
any. other class of people.   It is entirely  unknown
among the white Christians here.  One of the leadingr
members of a white church near here, told me the other
day, that he had never witnessed it until recently, and
he was so shocked with its seeming indecorousness, that
he had refused to aid the blacks in buildling, a chlurel,
unless they would agree to dispense with these performances.   Many  of the intelligenit blacks here, and in
Augusta, are also opposed to them, as they are to this
whole system of "all night" meetings.  A  Northern
gentleman, who has spent two years upon the coast of
Africa, after witnessing these exercises, told me they
were almost precisely like those of the heathen blanks
in Africa, only that the latter did not allude to the one
God of the Christians.   Another Northern  gentleman
who had'visited the Fejee Islands, told me that these
services resembled, very nearly, those of the cannibt)alworshippers on those ill-fated Islands, only  that ours
were not followed by a feast on human flesll, as he had
witnessed in the case of the islands mentioned.
I have often heard the backs relate their'religious ex
P) 7 2
a 
AND THE REBELS.
perience, and seldom have noticed a detail of such mental exercises, as are common at the North, with converted persons.  There is seldom even a conviction of
sin, or deep sense of having wronged a holy God, and
kind and loving Father, or heartfelt sorrow for such
acts; and especially is there but seldom an account of
an entire consecration of the whole being to God, and
perfect submission to his will; and as for faith in
Christ, that is reduced merely to some vision of Jesus,
haiging on the cross, or otherwise, and seldom has any
thing to do with that trust in him to purify the soul
from sin, that was the burden of the preaching of the
apostles. I once heard a woman testify, that she saw
Jesus on the cross, and felt his blood trickle down her
person, from her head to her feet. This was considered
a remarkable experience, and the sister was received into
the church by acclamation. Many of them insist upoii
it that Jesus is still hanging on the cross, giving as a
reason for this belief, that they have thus seen him in
their visions of him.
But in spite of this absence of a genuine religious
experience, no people on earth believe more fully in the
old-fashioned Methodist doctrine of "full assurance,"
although their faith, unlike that of the early Methodists,
is totally disconnected with its correlative of works.  It
matters not what sin they may be guilty of, their confidence in their acceptance with God is unshaken. With
most people, being, a Christian includes so much, that the
purest of beings sometimes fear that they are not wholly
right; but with these M)lacks,' not a wave of trouble
rolls across thIeir I)etLctful lbreasts."  I have never seen
one yet, professing to be a (Ch-iistian, who was troubled
with any doubts upon the suject of his acceptance with
e
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
God.  On  some accounts, such a state of mind seems
desirable. On others, it cannot be considered so great
a blessing. But it presents a somewhat ludicrous aspect,
to one who believes in the apostolic injunction, to "give
all diligence to make your calling and election sure," and
"let him that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he
fall."
I have already stated, that some of the religious ones
manifested far less interest in education, than the unconverted ones. Brannon, one of the preachers, was an
exception to this rule, he always being in his place in
the Sunday school, and using all of his pastoral influence in favor of education; but David, his successor,
exercised all of his powers in exactly the opposite direction, seldom attending school himself, and seizing every
opportunity to oppose our efforts in that direction, declaring that he knew enough already, and did not want
to learn any more. I am informed by others, in other
localities, that they often meet with the same kind of
opposition. If the teachers would inculcate the religion
of the blacks, perhaps this opposition would cease; but
as education almost invariably tends to lessen the number of their hearers, their opposition to it, is not so surprising. I have known other instances than that of
Willis, where persons recently converted lost all their
interest in education, and where they did not like him,
ever regain that interest; which I account for, on the
ground of their dwarfed intellects, not being able to
drink in but one idea at a time.
Before closing this long dissertation upon the religion
of the blacks, I ought in justice to state, that in one
particular they do seem to have imbibed a portion of the
teachings of Jesus. Saidd once to a large congregation,
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AND THE REBELS.
to whom I had endeavored to depict the intimate connection of those two great truths of Christianity, viz.,
love to God, and love to man," how do you feel towards
your masters who have injured you so much?"  Instantly a whole row of aged women, seated just before
me, responded, "we forgive them, we love them;" and
in this respect, it is but fair to say they greatly excel
their white brethren, from whose hearts the spirit of love
seems to have entirely fled. I have also occasionally
listened, to as genuine and affecting religious experiences,
as ever a mortal man could give, involving great perception of the holiest acts of a chtistian's life, and including
obedience to the most exalted christian precepts, but
this was in a church in Augusta, where a vast amount
of intelligent preaching had been listened to by the converts; and where the church was presided over by such
excellent men, as the Rev. Messrs. Watts and Jackson,
the only colored pastors of Augusta, with whom I am
acquainted. I have no reason to doubt that the same
results have been witnessed elsewhere, from the preaching of educated and truly pious men; but these results
are not witnessed where the preachers are as ignorant as
the great mass of the plantation preachers.
It may be asked how could the ignorant blacks have
these visions of Jesus, when so many of them had never
heard of him? Of course those so utterly ignorant of
him, could.not have these visions. It was only the more
advanced ones who had "heard of him by the hearing
of the ear," that were so remarkably blessed as to be
favored with these heavenly visions. Those who insisted
that he was now hanging on the cross, were not the
heathen ones we found on our first arrival; but those in
whose ears had since been eounded the gospel trumpet
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
"long and loud," calling on them to believe in Jesus,
and flee to him for salvation.
A few remarks upon the white peoples' religion, and
this almost interminable chapter will be brought to a
close. I have said that the spirit of love to their
enemies, seems to have entirely flown from the hearts of
our white brethren. It is said, that during the war, a
Methodist minister not many miles from here, prayed il
church, that " they mighlt ride in the blood of the
Yankees up to their horses' bridles." In no one particular is the contrast between the Southern religion and
that of Jesus Christ more striking, than in the universal
spirit of hatred sanctioned by the former. On the occasion of the terrible Chicago fire, involving the loss of so
many valuable lives, and the untold misery of so many
multitudes of people, one of the churches of A        was
at one time nearly deprived of its female audience, because the clergyman was intending to lecture upon this
great calamity. I am told by those who reside near
there, that many expressions of joy were heard in that
city, at this appalling disaster, which elsewhere awakened
the most unbounded spmpathy, even in hearts of stone.
One kind-hearted gentleman, undertook to raise money
in behalf of the sufferers, and he had already obtained
one princely donation of $1000 and several smaller ones,
when he was informed that he would be driven from the
city, unless he would abandon his heavenly task. Commenit on such a satanic spirit is uninecessary.
Said a gentleman to me at one time, "0 how I do
hate the Northern people!  I hate them with a perfect
hatred; I detest them from the bottom of my soul."
i Not so fast, my good friend," said I to him; "the
Southern people have manp warm friends at the North.
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AND  THE REBELS...
Only a few years ago an attempt was made to burn a
colored asylum with two hundred and forty inmates, by
fiiends of the South in N. Y. city."
"O  yes," said he, "I forgot that; yes there are some
good people in the North, but the great majority, all the
republicans at any rate, I hate with a perfect hatred."
"Well," said I, "then you do not believe in Christianity?"
, O  yes," replied he with a smile, "I believe in
Christianity.   I profess to be a Christian myself, and I
think I am one."
"What then do you do with that precept of Jesus to
love your enemies," said I.
"O," said he quickly, "we have nothing to do with
that command, that was not given to us."
Another gentlemen who assured me  that he was as
good a Christian as any about, said that if any one
accused him of cowardice, he would nash his head into
a jelly. Another pious professor refused to send medicine to a neighbor who was a republican, saying he
would "see him and all the rest of the radicals in the
bottom of hell first." Southern white christians, evidently no more think it a sin to hate their enemies, than
the black christians think it is to steal. I will not say
which of these two systems is the remotest from the
teachiings of Jesus, but I think neither of them is in
very close proximity to that blessed code.
And now that I have alluded to the Southern white
religion, I must be permitted to bear my unequivocal testimony against any attempt, on the part of Northern
Christians, to unite the two systems, the Southern  religion, and that of Jesus Christ.   I am astounded at
the remarks of a leading religpus periodical of Boston,
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O 
THE BLACK SIAN OF THE SOUTH.
in 1867, addressed to the Southern churches of its peculiar faith:  " We  believe  in your  Christianity,  arnd
would gladly receive you to our embrace." If our religion countenances a religion of hellish hate, and one
whose advocates do not pretend to have repented of the
sin of holding men and women in bondage; but on the
contrary if it were possible would again enslave their
fellow-men; can it be the religion of Him who  came to
break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free?"
Can Northen men and women, who come South ostensibly to teach Christianity, do anything for the furtherance
of their noble mission, while they thus strike hands with
murderers, and dealers in the "the bodies and souls of
men?" Without wishing to be uncharitable, I cannot
forbear adding, in the words of Holy writ: "Come out
of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins,
and that ye receive not of her plagues."   "My  son,
walk not thou in the way with them, refrain thy foot
from their path," for "her house inclineth unto death,
and her paths unto the dead; none that go unto return
again, neither take they hold of the paths of life."
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CHAPTER XXXIV.
DOCTRINES PREACHED TO THE BLACKS BY THE AUTHOR.
It may be interesing to some of my readers to know
what kind of doctrines I have preached to the blacks, in
lieu of that false religion which I have so emphatically
comdemned; so that they can judge whether my system
is an improvement upon theirs. Perhaps if a different
system had been proclaimed to them, better results
would have followed. Let me then briefly state, the
sum and substance of my preaching to them during my
sojourn among them.
First, I have not dwelt upon the doctrine of eternal
torment, choosing if possible to draw them to Christ by
the cords of love, rather than to frighten them into a
forced submission to his claims. As has been already
hinted at, their own preachers dwelt upon this point ad
nauseam. From the beginning to the end of their dis-'
courses, the flames of hell are pictured before their
hearers, without much regard to commonly received
ideas on that subject either. They hesitate not to adopt
any version of this doctrine, that may seem to them calculated to influence their stolid flock; oftentimes minutely describing the operations of the devils, who, as they
say, are sometimes engaged in pitching back into the
flaming gulf, those who have seen so fortunate as to par         379
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
tially escape therefrom; and at others, busy with rakes
in hauling coals over the prostrate forms of the damned.
On the contrary, I have dwelt much upon the love of
God, and have striven to represent God to them as a
father and friend who loved them far more than the
kindest parent loved his children, and was grieved l)eyond measure at their sinfulness. At first this seemed
to touch a new chord in their dull hearts, but when it
came to urging upon them an abandonment of all sin,
because it was displeasing to him, another phase of the
question was presented to them. It tickled their fancy
to know that God loved them, but it did not seem to
them to follow, that they ought to love him so fervently
as not to sin against him. On the contrary they sai(l,
"If God loves us he will not deal harshly with us, if we
do sin a little," thus "trampling under foot the blood
of the son of God." Perceiving the tendency of their
minds in this respect, I was forced to turn their attention to the consequences of sin, and to show them that,
"the wages of sin is death," and that although God
loved them, he would not and could not look with favor
upon their evil conduct. I tried to point out the unchangeable nature of God's moral law, and to show that
he could no more lessen the demands of that law to suit
their sinful inclinations, than he could change tho laws
of gravitation and cohesion, to prevent injury to their
violators. I endeavored to show them that God wished
for their holiness because it would promote their highest
happiness, and to point out that great law of the universe that sin always and forever produces misery, and
that no sinner can ever be truly happy, in the very
nature of the case. That on the contrary, holiness always and forever producs bliss, and that a holy person
380
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AND THE REBELS.
would inevitably be happy, let his outward condition be
what it might. I showed them that it was not in the
power of God to introduce them into heaven, unless
they were holy, and that if he should do so, "heaven
would be the severest part of hell" to them.  Also, that
in the very nature of the case, God could not smile upon
them approvingly, only as their conduct was a close
imitation of his own perfect example. This doctrine
was exceedingly distasteful to them. Why sin should
thus injure them they could not see. They relished the
idea of sinners being burned in a fiery hell, for in some
unexplained way they fancied they would themselves
avoid this dreadful fate. But when the broad doctrine
was proclaimed that all sinners would be punished, that
tribulation and  anguish "were to be visited" upon
every soul of man that doeth evil, for there is no respect
of persons with God; "that the wrath of God is revealed against all unrighteousness," and that there was
no escape from this inevitable consequence of sin, except
by an utter abandonment of all wrong doing, they
neither could nor would receive any such severe doctrine.  They said, "God is not like man, and he is not
going to punish us for every little sin." I could not tell
on what ground they expected exemption from hell,
while those around them were doomed to roll in its
flames. It was not on account of their superior exemption from sinful conduct, for they did not pretend to
that; and it was not on acc6unt of Christ's atonement,
for of that they knew nothing, and were entirely silent
respecting it in their preaching; their religious faith being a curious compound of infidelity, orthodoxy and
superstition, entirely unlike that of any other religious
body, it has been my lot to e acquainted with.  They
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THE BLACK Ma  OF THE SOUTH,
rejected the Bible, yet believed in a literal heaven and
hell. They knew but little of Jesus, and never dreamed
that he was God, and yet they were great sticklers for
"having the Spirit of God within them."  They knew
nothing of the orthodox doctrine of the atonement, and
yet evidently relied on something besides their "good
works" to save them; and as has been shown, they had
some confidence in the Virgin Mary, and yet had never
heard  of  the  Catholics.   They  eschewed  common
dancing as a great sin, and yet practiced what they
called the "holy dance for Jesus' sake."
How to proceed to thread my way through such a
heterogeneous compound of contradictory doctrite, was
not at first evident to me, and if the conclusion I came
to, as to the best way to extricate them from this labyrinth of error, does not commend itself to the reader as
the best one, may I ask him to suppress his judgment in
my case, until he has been placed in similar circumstances. I realized the responsibility of my situation, and
earnestly prayed to the "Father of light," for guidance
in my difficult task of removing error, and enforcing
truth. Perhaps I erred; but if so, I pursued the course
my reason, enlightened as I trust by God's spirit, led me
to adopt. My first duty was, respecting Jesus, of whom
as I have stated, they were wholly ignorant. I knew of
no better course to pursue, than to confine myself to the
written declarations of Scripture upon this point, avoiding the language of the schoolmen, on both sides of this
great controversy respecting the name of Jesus. It was
plain, and could not be denied by any one, that the New
Testament declared that Jesus was the Son of God, whatever doctrine respecting his divility might be concealed
beneath this comprehenive term.  Then, if I told them
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AND THE REBELS.
this fact, I could not possibly err, for no follower of
Jesus has ever denied this to be the truth. Then, in
reference to the atonement.  To  "the law and the testimony" I must again refer; and that unequivocally
stated, that Jesus was a Saviour of some sort. I then
turned eagerly to the various passages of the New Testament, where this glorious doctrine is taught, and found
it stated in so many words, that he was "the Lamb of
God that taketh away the sin of the world," that Jesus
himself hath said, "that God sent his Son that the world
through him might be saved," and that "whoever believeth on the Son, hath everlasting life." Now here were
two things that the blacks could comprehend; first, that
Jesus was God's well-beloved Son, and second, that Jesus was in some sense, a Saviour. I then searched anxiously for the plainest declarations, as to the character
of this salvation. What was salvation? and how did
Jesus save mankind? Happily the Scriptures left me
in no doubt on this point. The angel, who appeared to
Mary, had declared, "Thou shalt call his name Jesus,
for he shall save his people from their sins."  The Holy
Ghost, through Zacharias, had declared, that God "hath
raised up a horn of salvation," * * * "that we, being
delivered out of the hands of our enemies, might serve
him without fear, in holiness and righteousness all the
days of our life."  Jesus himself had said, "Come unto
me all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give
you rest;" and Peter very early declared to the Jews,
"Unto you first, God having raised up his Son Jesus,
sent him to bless you, in turning every one of you from
his iniquities."  Peter, Paul and John, often dwelt upon
the great purpose of the life and death of Jesus, being to
"redeem unto himself a peculia people, zealous of good
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
works;" and John had waxed bold, and declared no
man was a Christian, unless he had been delivered from
the power of sin, by faith in the blood of Jesus.
With these, and a multitude of kindred passages before me, could I err, in declaring that " Him hath God
exalted with his right hand to be a prince and a Saviour,
for to give repentance to Israel, and remission of sins."
And this view of the case seemed to be wonderfully
adapted to the condition of their sin-scarred, and morally
weakened souls. Slavery had pressed its iron foot so
heavily upon their moral natures, that their moral powers had practically become utterly inadequate to the task
of keeping God's commandments.  Said a colored man
once to me, with tears in his eyes, " 0, me so thankful
for what you done told me about Jesus.   Oders has
said, obey God or you'll be damned; but'fore you
come, we never hemrn how us poor souls could'bey God.
Pears like we try, and we like a man trying to'scend a
high hill with a heavy load on his back. He try and
den he fall down, and den he try ag(ain; but now poor
me say,' Milassa Jesus help me be good. You say you
will. I believe you good man, and you keep yer
word,' and now it be so easy to do, as de Alnighty
say, which we  could never do afore," and springing
from the ground with unutterable joy depicted Qil his
dusky face, he cried out,." Glory be to God for ginninlg us dis glorus Jesus, who does help us be good."
The experience of this poor soul accorded somewhat
with my own.  This view of Jesus had always  filled
my own soul with light and love and peace, and in proclaiming it to these benighted ones, its power seemed
greatly enhanced in my own soul. Stalwart men, in
possession of prodigiousnoral powers, having firom their
a
384 
AND THE REBELS.
infancy been surrounded with favorable moral circtnumstances, and being of a lovely disposition, might keep
the commandments of God, without relying on Jesus,
or any divine influence; but surrounded as I was with
bitter enemies, thirsting for my blood, and with friends
no less anxious after my purse, I, no more than the darkies, could "love my enemies, and do good to them that
hate me," without some unseen hand was stretched out
for my moral guidance.  With a very low estimate of
God's law, I might possibly obey it without help from
above; but when "righteousness was laid to the line,
and judgment to the plummet," I felt myself inadequate
to the task.  If there are moral heroes, who can live a
perfect life, by and through their own force of character
alone,  I thank God for their existence.   Not many
such souls existed in the days of Christ and his apostles;
but the world has advanced mightily, since the day
when Paul declared, "I know that in me (that is in my
flesh) develleth no good thing," and when Christ asserted, " Without me ye can do nothing."  If any tried
and(l tempest tossed soul, like those of the majority of
mankind, who essays to "do good, and finds evil present with him," should read these pages, allow me to recommend to such a soul, this panacea for his moral ills.
Passion, pride, anger, envy, worldly-mindedness, impa:
tience, and a thousand other sins, seem to wish to drag
your soul down to perdition. You look at the immaculate law of God, requiring perfect love to Him and to
all men, and you despairingly exclaim, how shall I ascend these Alpine heights, with this banner, on which is
inscribed "Excelsior," in my hands?  What good monk
shall place beneath me his powerful arms, as my weary
limbs begin to fail, under thecombl)ined influence of this
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
moral snow, and these fearful blasts, of the tempestuous
moral winter around me? Happy will it be for you,
before your strength entirely fails, and you are engulphed in the snowy depths through which you are almost
hlopelessly floundering, if the silvery light, gleaming
from some friendly lantern, affixed to the castle of refuge far above you, shall cast its hopeful rays upon your
sinking form, and enable you to discover, emblazoned on
those celestial walls, the memorable words of an elder
traveller in the same dangerous path, "I thank God
there is deliverance through Jesus Christ our Lord."
This was, then, the way by which my friends were to
be delivered from that labyrinthian theological maze, in
whose intricate depths I found them. I was to declare
unto them, first, the immaculate purity of God's law;
secondly, that by disobedience to its requirements, they
had acquired a habit of sinning, that actually rendered
them unable to obey it; thirdly, that without obedience
to its spirit, there was no Heaven for the soul, either
here or hereafter; and fourthly, that there was hope for
them, in the fact that God had "laid help on one
mighty to save,"  " who of God was made unto us, wisdom, righteousness, and sanctification and redemption,"
and that he was "able to save to the uttermost those
who come unto God by him;" and that this gospel, " is
the power of God unto salvation, to every one that believeth."  I.said to them, "He comes to us as a friend and
elder brother, and offers to our souls the glories of Heaven. Beholding us poor anid disconsolate, he imparts
new life into our souls, and so inflames us with the love
of God, that we desire nothing only to glorify and honor
God. The world is nothing but a glittering bauble, of
no especial value, in comparison with Him, who, once
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AND THE REBELS.
ciucified for us, now seeks to be the matchless Saviour
of our souls."
But did these darkened beings understand these doctinies; or, comprehending them,  did they fall in love
with such a Saviour?  Truth compels me to admit, that
a desire to "perfect holiness ill the fear of God," is not
an overmastering principle in the African mind, any
more than in its more robust counterpart, the AngloSaxon one. Indeed, in justice to all parties, I must say,
that while some of the freedmen evince a desire to do
righlt, and do aspire after excellence, the great mass of
those who came under my observation, manifested no
such desire; and many of them seemed to be only thinking, animals, whose highest aspirations were to eat, drink,
sleep, and play; and in whose souls there was no response to the most fervid appeals to the nobler sentiments of mankind. But I do not on this account despair of their elevation, for I believe Ged has not "left
Himself without a witness," in every human soul, and
that the most unpromising soil is susceptible of cultivation; but I believe this redemption will require a great
multiplication of the means now in use for that purpose,
which means, will be alluded to hereafter. In the meantime, let us all labor and pray for the fulfillment of that
prophecy, which declares that,  "Ethopia  shall soon
stretch out her hands unto God."
a
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CHAPTER XXXV.
THE MARRIAGE SYSTEM OF THE BLACKS. AMUSING
MARRIAGE CEREMONY IN A WHITE CHURCH.
This description of the "black man at the South"
would be incomplete, without a few words in reference
to the system of marriage prevailing there, which like
many other of.their customs, differs essentially from that
prevailing in other parts of our "highly favored " land.
As is well known under the influence of slavery, marriage was virtually annulled, and instead of their present
freedom in this respect, being a matter of surprise, it is
a wonder that they are not ten times worse than they
are.  I know not what our modern "free lovers" would
say of their mode of life in this respect; but certainly
those in favor of "free divorce,' would be in raptures
at the practical freedom prevailing among them on this
subject. The words husband and wife with them, simply mean a man and woman, who feel inclined to live
with each other for the time being. Of course they do
not advocate any particular theory on this point, for
they have never heard of the wise discussions of our
modern philosphers upon this mysterious subject. While
slaves, all the marriage allowed them, was to live with
the one "massa" was pleased with.  Now they claim
the right to live with theone they are pleased with, and
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AND THE REBELS.
no amount of arguing can convince them of the im propriety of following their inclinations in this matter.
In this respect, as in many others, they are "a law unto
themselves," and " do that which is right in their own
eyes."
After emancipation, a rebel Legislature of Ga. passed
an act legalizing the relation existing between those
who were living together in March, 1866, and at that
time had no other husband or wife. If either party had
another   "affinity," they must be legally married  to
some one, or they were to be considered as living in
adultery. Consequently, by far the greater portion of
plantation hands, are to-day living without any marriage
ceremony having been performed over them. Occasionall       y  we h ear of a couple who have lived together for
many years seeking to be united by law, "after the
manner of white folks;" but the number is quite small
of those whose consciences urge them to this step.
Many of them are too poor to afford a marriage license,
but the bulk are too much wedded to things as they
were, to wish for any innovation in this respect. We
were often considerably puzzled to understand the degree of consanguinity existing between certain parties;
they   having married so often, and having so many sets
of children, who in like manner had married and mixed
together, until it would have required the genius of a
"Philadelphia  lawyer," to have made  a plain story out
the complicated snarl of their family arrangements.
One man named Peter, while living with us had a wife
named Lizzy, but various other children than hers
claimed their paternity of him, all of whom he endeavored to protect, as far as his limited means allowed.
At length, one of the former~hildren created dissatisfac
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389 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SCUTIH,
tion between Peter and Lizzy and they parted; both remaining however on the plantation. Peter not believing
it "good for man to be alone," soon rushed again into
the jaws of connubial bliss after his fashion, and introduced to his home another woman; while Lizzy being
of like mind, soon solaced her grief-stricken soul by
giving herself to another man, he also having griefs of a
like character to assuage, in marrying Lizzy. But
Lizzy and her new chaperon having both had some experience in matrimonial broils, soon repeated some of the
lessons so easily learned, and a rupture of their verv
slight  matrimonial  bond  again  occurred.   Nothing
daunted, Lizzy made a third trial for a husband, with
whom she managed to "jog along" in the matrimonial
course, until this her last lover "flew the track," and
again was she left comfortless and alone. But as good
fortune would have it, Peter who had experienced some
of Lizzy's luck in his matrimonial ventures, was by this
time convinced that his old spouse was, to say the least,
no worse than some of his new ones, and so one day the
two after comparing notes upon their respective matrimonial journeys, and finding them so very similar, concluded to hitch horses together again, and make
another grand effort for that earthly bliss, supposed to be
found only in the matrimonial heaven. But harmony
still eluded their grasp, and they again separated, but
the goddess of love a third time bound them together,
and Discordia again separated them, and this time she
drove one of them into Carolina and the other into
Augusta.  But let not the reader suppose that a public
party, or form of any kind signalizes these oft repeated
matrimonial events. The pub)lic are not supposed to
know or care about these things, leaving every one to
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AND TIlE REBELS.
regulate his hymenial matters according to his own
notion.
Justice compels me to state however that while thus
inhabiting the inner ring of the matrimonial course, each
party is usually satisfied with one partner, and we seldom hear of their having a lover outside of this course,
perhaps for the reason that it is so easy to change a
companion when their "affinities" lead them that way.
Great numbers of them in the meantime do not change
their companions, and as far as I could see, are as faultless in their adherence to the laws of matrimony, as the
masses are where no such freedom exists. Some of the
men acknowledge that although none of them were
faithful while slaves, yet now that they are free, it is
their intention to be thus faithful. Young persons quite
often obtain a license, and are married legally, but the
white clergyman who marries them is not always particular, as to whether the law has been complied with or
.not. I have known several instances of parties having
been thus united without the legal forms being complied
with. In this state, a marriage license must be issued
by the "Ordinary" of the county where the bride elect
resides, but clergymen and others will marry the black
people, when the license has been issued by officials in
another county, contrary to the plain letter of the law.
An amusing instance of these lax ideas has just come to
my knowledge.  A colored man residing near my place,
by his arbitary conduct had estranged the affections of
his wife from him, and she had left for distant parts.
About six months afterwards he prevailed upon another
woman to live with him, on the following liberal terms.
They were to be legally married, but when the truant
wife returned, the wife of convenience was to absent
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
herself and return to Savannah, her husband paying all
her expenses, and also a moderate sum for her labor as
housekeeper during the term of her wife-ship. Under
these conditions the twain were actually married by a
colored clergymen in Augusta, he, and the officer who
issued the license, according to the story of the man
himself, approving of the arran,gement; but it is my
ol)inion, that they could not have understood the matter
ttioroughly. The bridegroom had not been divorced
from his absconding wife, to whom he was legally married according to the laws of the State.
The following account of a marriage ceremony at a
white church not far from here, I received from a white
person present on the occasion.   "Some five or six
couples were to be married, some, if not all of whom,
obtained their licenses in another county.  At the close
of the church services, the minister called upon those
who wished to be married, to stand up together in the
aisle fronting the pulpit.  Previous to going there, some
of them had arranged for "grooms and maids" to accompany them to the altar, after the manner of the
whites, and of course were slow to obey this summons,
which obliged them to leave their "waiters" behind.
The minister repeated the direction, ordering all who
wished to be married to stand up, the mnen on one side,
and the women on the other. They reluctantly obeyed
the summons, when the minister directed them to join
hands, each man taking the hand of the woman whom
he had selected for his wife. This they did, also, very
reluctantly.   Ile then repeated once the words of the
marriage ceremony to the whole ten persons, and called
for their responses in the usual manner. The men, after
delay, replied with the usual affirmative response, but
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392 
AND THE REBELS.
the women persistently refused; when the minister said,
"Well, it will make no difference, I suppose. You
agree to it, of course, and I pronounce you all men and
wives." The colored people were greatly offended, but
there was no redress, and they left the church, each one
wondering, as one of the men afterwards said to mne,
who was his wife, and who was her husband. I remember, when surrounded by that blood-thirsty mob  at
Apling, that one of the charges brought against me was,
that I was in favor of a law, compelling the colored people to be legally married; those bringing this charge,
seeming to regard it as an act of oppression to pass such
an enactment.
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CHAPTER XXXVI.
INTELLECTUAL TRAITS OF THE BLACKS, AND COMPAR    ISON OF SAME WITH THOSE OF THE WHITES.
Having said so much upon the moral and social traits
of the blacks, my space will allow of but a brief mention
of their mental characteristics. It will doubtless surprise the readers, as much as it has myself, to learn that
ini their reflective faculties, they are not so deficient as
in the perceptive ones. Size, weight, number, order, color, eventuality and individuality, are quite small, while
causality and comparison are of ordinary size, and language is uncommonly large. They are especially deficient in number, or calculation; and to teach them
arithmetic, seems an almost hopeless task. I have had
them repeat over the multiplication table, with and without the assistance of a numeral frame, probably one hundred and fifty times, and I question whether there is
a single individual to day in our neighborhood, who tan
say it alone. It seems well nigh an impossibility to teach
arithmetic even to excellent scholars in other respects,
although it can be, and has been done by persistent effort. As has already been stated, they are also exceedingly deficient in memory; the most so of any other
class of people with whom I have been acquainted.
But in composing sentences that shall contain a specified word, they excel greasy, and even very young chil         394 
AND THE REBELS.
dren are quite proficient in it; and as I have elsewhere
stated, they seem to be natural orators.  They use the
most words, however, in describing the simplest acts,
that I ever heard among any other class. I once told a
girl at work for us, to go to Mr. S.'s room, and see if he
was going to Augusta that day, and would take a letter
for me.  She soon returned, and stationing herself in
the middle of the floor, she delivered herself as follows:
"Mr. Stearns, I done as yer told me, and I goes into
Mr. S.'s room and Mr. S. done gone out to de lot, but I
axed his wife, and she say as how Mr. S. done gone to
de lot, and when he come in, she says as how she will
ax him if he goin' to town to-day, and if he say he be
goin', she says as how she'll den ax him if lie be willing
to carry de letter, and if he say he will, den she send de
little boy upstairs, and he tell you, and de little boy can
take de letter down stairs, and gin it to him."
Now  this is no exaggeration, but the strict literal
truth. In all their addresses, both public and private,
they abound in comparisons, which often are very appropriate. They reason from cause to effect, quite well
also, and are especially good in adapting means to the
accomplishment of the end in view. Indeed, they often
evince a shrewdness and knowledge of human nature
quite surprising. Since their freedom it has been with
them emphatically, "root hog or die," and althou;gh
compelled to root with dismembered snouts, very few of
them have died from neglect of rooting except directly
after emancipation. In the great struggle for life, I app:'elhin(d with a little assistance in the way of furnishing
thiemi land, and the means of its cultivation, they will
out distance many of their white competitors.  In making this remark, I by no10 means forget what has been
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THE BLACK MAN OF ToE SOUTH,
said concerning their degradation. It is one thing to
lal)bor expertly for a mnere sulb)sistence, being impelled
thereto )by all over-weening love of life, for which they
are distinguished; and quite another thing to be lifted
out of the scale of animal life, and " labor for the meat
that perisheth," only as at means to the attainment of a
higher and nobler end.  Most animals and all savage
tribes will exhibit a certain skill in obtaining food and
shelter, which often proves the existence of a marvel lous degree of animal instinct; witness the bee, the
beaver, the ant, and the savage tribes of Africa and
America. It is on this lower plane, that the intellect of
the plantation blacks is at present principally manifested.
I do not doubt its capability of being used, in the higher
sphere of moral and religious culture. Although I have
been conversant with some pretty low specimens of the
African race, yet I fail to see any native deficiency of intelleet, on the part of the black man. I have watched
even these lower forms of life with intense interest,
during my Southern residence, and I give it as my
settled opinion that the only mental and moral difference
between the two races, is that of edueation. Give me an
equal number of white and black children, and let them
be under my exclusive control for a certain number of
years, and I will engage that the average mental product
of one color shall be as nearly like that of the other, as
if all the pupils were of the same color. I am not
prejudiced, either for or against the colored race. I
regard them as my brethren, just as I do the most degraded of the white race, and as susceptible to the
genial  influences of  cultivation, as are  their white
brethren.  "God hath made of one blood all the nations
of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth." There
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AND THE REBELS.
is a remarkable degree of similarity between the Southern whites, and the blacks in very many particulars.
The reader has already perceived this resemblance in
some of the distinguishing traits of the blacks. The
whites are also noted for their self-esteem, unwillingness
to be ruled over, approbativeness, mirthfulness, hope,
carelessness, want of perseverance, conservatism, unreliability, and false ideas of religion. They both excel
in adhesiveness, and I think the reflective organs of the
whites, are larger than their perceptive ones. The
whites have also large language, and like the blacks are
particularly fond of singing. There is to question that
the blacks are essentially and thoroughly human. As
one of their teachers has well remarked, "They possess
the failings of our common humanity to a sufficient extent, to entitle them to a high rank among those intelligences known as human beings."
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CHAPTER XXXVII.
REBEL ATROCITIES, COLD-BLOODED MURDERS IN LIN   COLN COUNTY, AND LYNCH LAW IN COLUMBIA
COUNTY.
Having thus attempted to do justice to the character
of the freedmen, we will now present the reader with
a few instances in which these "bones of their bones,
and flesh of their flesh," have been "taken care" of by
.
the rebels, premising that in thus doing, we are only
aiming at the presentation of the whole truth, respecting
both black and white. We have no ends to compass, in
writing this book, but those of justice. We believe the
country needs reliable information concerning that class
of its wards that it has undertaken to bless; and in all
of our animadversions of the colored race, we have aimed
at their good only; believing that a knowledge of their
true condition is absolutely necessary, to induce- the
Northern people to put forth efforts for their redemption,
commensurate with the greatness of the task to be accomplished. I repeat this remark, already made elsewhere,
that it may be deeply impressed upon the minds of my
readers, for it seems to me that but very few persons are
sufficiently awake upon this subject. It also seems rear
sonable that my testimony should be added to that of
the "thousand witnesses," who have already testified
against rebel atrocities. Not because the crimes I shall
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AND THE REBELS.
depict are more startling than those which the public is
already familiar with; but simply because this portraiture
of the Southern people, would be incomplete, if it did
not describe the wrongs done to the colored people,
as well as the wrongs done by them. As some of
my democratic friends, have quietly perused the one
recital, may I not expect from them an equal degree of
attention to the other description. I am aware of the
great risks I run in giving publicity to these occurrences,
for in so doing, I am exposing my property here to the
depredations of my rebel friends; but when the word
of the Almighty comes to one and says, "Son of man,
go get thee unto the house of Israel, and speak my words
unto them, that one thus addressed cannot refuse obedience, and still be a'Son of God.'"  I have been
called upon to testify against the misconduct of the
blacks, I feel equally called upon to "cry out" against
the crimes of the whites, but in both cases I trust my
motive is the same, viz., love to those I rebuke.
During the time I have resided at the South, I have
kept no record of these crimes for several reasons. First,
they were a matter of such constant occurrence, that
amid the multiplicity of my other duties, I really had no
time to record them.  Secondly, I did not expect for
several years of my Southern residence, ever to be
called upon to portray these untoward events. I expected to live and die at the South, and I did not wish
to frighten Northern people, so as to prevent them from
joining me in my Southern home. Thirdly, niot expect ing to be called upon for these details, I tried to banish
from my mind their harrowing memory, as speedily as
possible, and therefore while I listened attentively to
these sad recitals, being aware of my inability to remedy
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIIH,
the evils complained of, I did not treasure them in my
memory. I also considered them temporary evils, which
the good sense of the Southerners themselves would
eventually rectify.
Therefore my statements will be meagre, and divested
of the interesting details, more likely to be connected
with freshly narrated events. But they will possess the
advantage of not having been perused previously, by the
great majority of my readers. The reader will please
bear in mind the impropriety of  my  mentioning the
names of the actors in these dramas, and will therefore
excuse me for omitting them. If any of them are inclined to doubt my assertions, I am willing to furnish
the names of the parties concerned, if they will call on
me in private. The events that occurred at Apling during" the reign of terror," of course need no repetition.
Nor will it be best for me to dwell upon election atrocities merely, but I will rather present matters that occur
in connection with the daily life of the employer and the
laborer.
I cannot commence this task better, than by presenting a few of the narratives of the blacks, related to an
officer of the Freedman's Bureau, at my house, a short
time previous to the closing of their office in Augusta,
premising that the facts stated are only samples of what
has occurred since. I quote from the record of the Secretary of the meeting:
"R. J. testified, that A., a colored man, was killed
in the fall of 1867, at a plantation near ours, by the
white overseer on the plantation. A. was in his own
house when the overseer told him to open the door,
which he did, when the overseer said,' I thought I told
you not to burn pieces of rail.' A. replied that hlie had
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400
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6 
AND THE REBELS.
no wood, and that he was obliged to burn something.
The overseer then ordered him out of the house, and on
A.'s obeying, he took a piece of rail and knocked him
down twice.  A. started for town the next day, and was
met by the owner of the plantation, who persuaded him
to return, which he did; and not long after he died
from the effects of the blows he had received.   The
overseer kicked him several times after his return."
"XV. J. testified, that where he lived; last summer,
a woman was assaulted by the son of the owner of the
plantation, who struck her on her head with a piece of
plank three feet long, and the owner of the plantation
also struck her on her limbs with a large pine stick, and
nothing was ever done about it."
"L. J. testified, that where he lived last summer, a
fellow servant was shot through the head by a young
white man, a member of the family, who accused the
woman named Diiah, of stealing clothes from the house,
which theft she denied. She was dangerously sick a
long time, but finally recovered, and her husband was
paid to let the case alone."
"W. W. testified, that his employer set his dog on to
his boy for going to the Sunday school, to' hear that
d —n old hypocrite, Stearns;' and because he interfered to protect his son, he beat him on his head severely."
One day "Aunt Suky," a colored woman seventyfive years old, and bent nearly double from weakness
and hard usage, called upon me, and after looking around
cautiously to see if any other white person was present,
told me she had been beaten on her head by her employer, with a large hickory stick, until she was covered with
blood, because she did not bring him some salt, immnediately, when he called for it. Her head was then bound
up from the effect of the blows, and she came to ask me,
if there was no redress for her; but said, I must not tell
any one she had been to see we, as they had threatened
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401 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
her life if she informed on them. I was obliged to tell
her there was no remedy in her case.
In March, 1869, I learned of the killing of a colored
man named Israel, not far from Apling, by a white man,
who also cut Israel's father badly. The cause was, that
the colored man had informed of a theft of cotton, committed by the white man.   As usual, no notice was
taken of the event.  About the same time, Sam Buck, a
colored man, was killed by a white man, not far from
here, cause unknown, but no notice was taken of the occurrence.
In the same spring, a colored woman, sixty years old,
named Sally, was brutally beaten on her head with a
pair of tongs by her mistress, for refusing to leave her
child and take care of a white woman's child. She lay
for a long time in a very dangerous condition.
About the same time, some colored men stopped at
my house, and reported the recent killing of three of
their comrades by the Ku-Klux, in Lincoln county, adjoining ours.
The summer before, a colored man was attacked in
the woods, by a party of white men, against whom he
defended himself, and killed one of his assailants in so
doing. He was immediately taken and hung by the remainder of the party.
About the same time, J. D., a colored man, living a
few miles from here, was met in the road by three men,
a horse-back, one of whom  dismounted, and went up
to him, and stabbed him te1rribly in different parts of his
body. I am well acquainted with the assailant and with
the colored man, and received from the lips of the colored man, the particulars of the case.
In 1867, three white men in front of my house,
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402
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AND THE REBELS.
boasted of the crimes they had committed against the
colored people; one of them laughing heartily while he
described the appearance of the woman whom he had
beaten; saying, "she was the bloodiest looking beast
you ever saw." Another of them said, he made it a
point to whip one or more negroes soundly every year,
as an example to the others. Another owned that he
had fired at a negro for disobeying an order, and "should
have shot him, but he dodged behind a tree." Neither
of these men were rowdies in the common acceptation
of the term, but well-to-do farmers, living very near my
place, and I do not suppose they imagined they had
done wrong.
The first year of my residence here, a white and black
man had some altercation on a plantation a few miles
from here. The next day, a gang of armed white men
rode up to the place, seized the black man's wife, and
threatened to kill her, unless she would point out the
hiding place of her husband, Overhearing this threat,
with true connubial affection, he sprang from his concealment, when he was immediately fired upon by the
whole crowd, as if he had been a dog or stray hog, and
his body was literally riddled with bullets. Several of
the white men were arrested for the cold-blooded murder, but of course were soon discharged.
Previous to this a white man undertook to do violence
to the person of a negro girl at a public place. She was
defended by her brother, when the white man took his
revolver and shot him dead instantly.  In this case the
white man  left the county,  fearing the rage of the
negroes, and also the interference of the Freedmen's
Bureau, which was then in operation. Quite a numb)er
of colored persons have been taken from the officers of
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a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
justice in this county, by a mob of white men and put
to death. In two cases they were taken from the jail in
Apling, and in one while on their way to the prison. I
learned the particulars of one of these cases from the
jailer himself, who was called out of his house at midnight, and forced to deliver up the keys of the jail to
the mob, who took the prisoner, and hung him from a
bridge near the town. This was the same Apling where
the author came so near sharing the same fate.
I give the particulars of the other case, as given me
by Aunt Rinah Hill, who has lived on my place several
years, and is a woman of veracity. She says, that in
the summer of 1869, a little child belonging to R. R.,
ten or twelve miles from here, bit off the finger of a
colored child on the place, whose mother was named
Minty.  She ran after the white child, without reflecting
upon the criminality of a black person pursuing a white
one, and meant as she said, "merely to slap it on its
ear." The child's father, seeing the black woman pursuing his child, rushed upon her and beat her tremendously with a large white oak stick. This of course
roused the ire of Berry, the colored woman's husband,
and he attempted to interfere, when the oppressed victim of "imperalism " and "centralization," exercised his
natural right " to shoot a black man, and fired at Berry,
wounding him in the thigh. Berry fled to Augusta, and
on his way passed by our place, and Aunt Rinah gave
him a drink of water. The next day he returned
guarded by two men in a buggy before him, and the
same behind him, and with another at his side a horseback. The next news from this party was, that Berry
and his wife, after having been lodged in jail at Apling,
were taken out by a mob and hung; and it was reported
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AND THE REBELS.
that the heart of the man was cut out and given to the
dogs. So great is the horror of the colored people of
Apling, jail, that some of them declare they never will
be taken there alive, and one of them not long since,
when on his way for an alleged theft, undertook to escape from the constable, who shot him through his body,
without the least compunction.
I cannot begin to recall the instances, of maimed and
wounded men, who have come to me with the story of
their wrongs. Some with great gashes cut in their heads,
some with wounds in their bodies, and others with
mangled and shattered arms; to all of which, I have
been under the sad necessity of saying, "I can do nothing for you, except to call upon the United States government to protect you;" which seemed to them, almost
a mockery of their woes.
It is not for me to say who is to blame, for this failure
of the government to protect its citizens. It is, perhaps,
inherent in the nature of the goverment itself, and can
only be remedied by a radical change in our govermental theory.  No true man can cry out against "centralization," when without it, there never can be, any safety
for " the black man of the South," from "the outrages
of the rebels."  We have entreated long and loud for
protection; petitions have been forwarded to Congress,
entreating its interference; and Gov. Bullock has exerted himself nobly, in behalf of his colored constituents;
but Congress has chosen to hear the cries of the enemies
of the Union, rather than those of its defenders. Some
of the blame rests upon those betrayers of our cause,
who, in connection with rebel democrats, have visited
Washington, and poured into the ears of Congress, and
of the President, such missttenments of our condition,
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
as have led them to doubt the necessity of their interference. In the meantime, the craven, false-hearted cry of
"universal  amnesty," has uttered its fearful notes, all
over the land; sounding in the ears of the terror-stricken
Southern Unionist, as disnmally as the yells of rejoicing,
that went up from ten thousand rebel throats, when
McDowell's panic-stricken squadrons, fled from the furious hosts precipitated upon them, at the unfortunate Bull Run rout. While we have been surrounded
by implacable foes, thirsting for the blood of all true
Union men, and have imploringly cast our eyes Northward
for assistance, as the dying soldier on the battle-field,
lifts his head occasionally, to see if no friendly hand can
be found to wet his parched lips; those to whom  we
fondly looked as the embodiment of all our hopes, have
sternly covered their eyes, and looked away from our
imploring gaze, being dazzled by visions of future political glory;  and instead of responding, "You shall
be protected," have uttered honeyed words, in dulcimer
strains, that have electrified the hearts of our enemies;
but have sent a mournful sound, like that of retreating
squadrons, into our ears, filling us with blank dismay,
and awaking in our pierced hearts, the most melancholly
forebodings for the future.
But to return to my narrative of rebel atrocities.
Lincoln county, adjoining this county, is emphatically,
"the valley of the shadow of death," for the poor colored man. Ever since I commenced residing here, have
terrific stories of his abuse, in that county, reached my
ears. Among the many tales of violence perpetrated
there, I will simply give pul)licity to the following, as it
is in every one's mouth. In the summer of 1868, when
political excitement ran oigh, there were two colored
406
a 
AND THE REBELS.
men, father and son, named Roundtrees, and another
colored man named Billy Tully, who were quite prominent republicans, and it therefore became necessary to
sacerifice  them.  Accordingly,  one  night  they  were
aroused from their slumbers, taken from their beds, and
carried to a neighboring mill-dam. They were then
offered their choice, to join the democratic club, or to
walk out on that mill-dam and be shot. With true
Spartan courage, they chose the latter fate, when they
were immediately placed on the mill-dam, and given the
poor privilege of jumping into the water, to escape the
rebel bullets, as the Indians often allow a prisoner a
chance to run for his life, while they are firing at him.
They all three jumped into the water, at a given signal
from these " well-disposed " and " repentant " rebel
democrats, to deprive whom of political power is considered so very oppressive, and for whom we are so constantly exhorted to " kill the fatted calf."  One of the
Roundtrees and Tully were shot dead, the other managed
to escape by dodging in and out of the water, amid the
shower of rebel bullets aimed at his devoted head. He
was severely wounded, but fled to Augusta, and was for
some time cared for at the "Freedmen's  hospital" in
that city.
If any one is disposed to doubt this story, I would.
state that the widow of the murdered Roundtrees is now
(at the time of this writing) living at Hon. J. M. Rices'
place, two and a half miles from Augusta, and can be enquired of respecting the facts as above stated. Not
long since an intelligent white man, from Lincoln county,
repeated to me these facts, which I had often heard
before, and said some of his family knew the names of
the murderers. I have beeps repeatedly informed by
a
407 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
both white and colored men, that during the same summer, it was no uncommon thing to find eight or ten bodies
of murdered colored men, lying on the public road.  All I
would ask of any doubter of these statements, is to go
to Lincoln county himself, and ascertain their truth or
falsity. But be sure, and not let it be known that you
are from the North, otherwise you might not escape to
tell the result of your investigations. Col. O. PRo-urke,
agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, once undertook to
travel incognito through that region. I saw him on
his return, and enquired as to his success, and he replied, "Yes, you don't catch nme in Lincoln county
ag,ain I assure you. I would not take another trip
there of this kind for a million of dollars.  I saw enough
and heard enough to satisfy me, that if they had dreamed
who I was, they would have shot me dead instantly."
A Southern lady residing in Lincoln county, stopped
at our house and took breakfast one morning, and told
me she was fleeing for her life, because she had boarded
awhile, Mr.  MIadison, the republican member of the
Legislature from that county, who of course owed his
election to the negroes.  She stated, that rocks were
thrown at her little boy while sitting ill her wagon, in
front of a store ill Linconton, and  vlwhenii a  other's love
led her to remonstrate with the ferocious villains. who
threw them, they said, " well, s'posing we do kill him,
there will be one radical less to grow up."   Mr. Madison has never deemed it safe to return to Lincoln county
since his election to the Legislature in 18683; and the
three members from our county all testify, that it is not
safe for them to attempt to live in this county.
The public are familiar with the murder of the Hon.
M    r.     Adkins, an aaged genieman, of unblemished charac
e
408 
AND THE REBELS.
ter, and an accredited minister of the Methodist Church
North, who was killed by a bullet fired from a copse
of woods through which he was passing, on his return
to Warren County from the Legislature.  He had been
repeatedly threatened with death if he attempted to return home; but finally ventured the experiment, and
lost his life while riding in a buggy, driven by a negro,
who was also killed a few days after. This occurred in
the senatorial district adjoining ours.
Not long since a colored man, named Wm.  Bowns,
fled from the Ku-Klux, in Lincoln County, who, as he
said, had attempted to kill him three times.  He-said,
" when a man would not do just as they wanted, they
would try to kill him." Some of the blacks say, they
would not live in Lincoln County for five dollars a day.
A young white man informed me the other day, of quite
a nuinber of Ku-Klux outrages in this and neighboring
counties, all of which he was inclined to justify on the
ground of necessity. He said, that not long since, the
Ku-Klux visited a plantation in this county, and whipped
seventy-five negroes, because their employer was too lenient towards them. He also said, that in Burke Co.,
last spring, they burned three colored men, and three
white women, alive, because they lived together. His
name can be given to any one who doubts the truth of
this statement. He also gave me the details of another
Ku-Klux outrage, by far too indecent to mention in pual
lic. It was his opinion, that there were now nearly as
many whippings as in the days of slavery, although the
whippings were much less severe than in olden times.
The victims were not so often tied and whipped as in
the days of yore, but were beaten with whatever implemenIt came handy on the spur of the moment; and were
a
e
409 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
often pelted with rocks, or stones as they would be called
at the North. He, himself, used a large raw hide for
that purpose. A former neighbor of his, tied them utip,
and whipped them in the'good old-fashioned way of slavery. All of these things he told of his own accord,
and attempted to justify them.
A little incident once occurred onI my own plantation,
wvliich finely illustrates the nature of this treatment of
the slaves.  I had rented some of my land to a southern
gentleman of good habits, and as civil and obligi(ng in
all of his intercourse with me, as any man I ever met,
and he was also a church member.  But his feelings
towards the blacks were different.  One day, a boy of
about fourteen years of age, "sauced him," as he said,
and he drew out his knife, and cut the boy's arm severely.  He then came to me immediately, and told me
what he had done, evidently feeling justified in performing the rash act. The same man came near shooting a
colored man who had talked very insultingly to him, and
was only prevented by so doing, by the interference of
a third person, who peremptorily ordered the colored
man away from the place.  Now, northern men, if so
excited, will refrain from these acts from a wholesome
regard for the law; but here, there is no law for the negro, and of course, nothing to restrain passionate.men
from wreaking their vengeance on those who provoke
them. Imagille how it would be in New England,
even, if-there was no punishment for assault and battery,
and then consider the extreme excitability of the southern character, and also they having been accustomed to
nothing but deference from the blacks; and the enigma
of their acts is easily solved.  It is not because the
Southern people, in their every day intercourse with the
410
0 
AND THE REBELS.
world, are any worse than other people, but it is the peculiar circumstances in which they are placed, that leads
them to act so savagely. I make these remarks, because those who have seen the Southerners when not excited, cannot believe that such urbane gentlemen can
conduct themselves so unseemly towards the blacks.
The reader must never forget, that while many outrages
are committed at the North, their perpetrators are almost always punished by law, but here this is seldom
the case; and this fact constitutes the great difference
between Southern and Northern society on this point.
What the friends of the blacks are laboring for, is the
establishment of law for their protection.
Let the broad regis of law be lifted up in behalf of the
colored man, and. the ample folds of the mantle of justice be thrown around the white man, and these evils
will nearly cease.  When it cannot be done by our civil
law, we ask for the -establishment of military authority,
as absolutely necessary to protect both black and white.
a
411
a 
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE REBEL SIDE OF THE STORY. " LET EVERY MAN
SPEAK FOR HIMSELF."
I cannot thus arraign before the public bar, the Southern white man without allowing him, like every other
accused person to testify in his own behalf. As one of
old said to a supposed culprit arraigned before him,
"Thou art permitted to speak for thyself."  Said a very
intelligent Southern gentlemen to me one day, after I
had described to him my wishes respecting the blacks,
"The  difference between you and us, Mr. S., is this.
You agree with us that the colored man is degraded, but
you believe he can be elevated, (and we do not doubt
your sincerity) while we know that he cannot. "Another"
gentleman when told of the plans of others to reform
and christianize the blacks, replied, "We have been trying our whole lives to evangelize them, in our churches,
in our families, and in every other way, and we have
not succeeded, and I don't believe Mr. C. will ever be able
to do it." Very many of the Southern people really
wish to see the negro different from what he is, but
know not how to bring about his redemption. Others
despise him, and do not wish for his elevation. But
those who would gladly raise him from his moral degradation, cannot conceive of the right way to accomplish
so desirable a task. When Northern men and women
412
a 
AND THE REBELS.
come down here, and boldly proclaim their faith in the
elevation of the negro, Southern approbativeness is
touched, and they feel as if "thus saying, thou condemneth us also," for have we not tried our best to bring about
such a result?  Such persons cannot bear to have it
said that they are not the friends of the negroes, for
they feel in their hearts that they are, and they consider
the Northern people guilty of great injustice in denying
it; and unconsciously their feelings towards the new
comers become embittered.
Among some of the whites, there is a feeling towards
the blacks, not possessed by even the Northerners. I
have known many instances of great favors being shown
the freedmen by rebel whites; sometimes by those who
were once their masters, and often by those who were
merely acquaintances formerly. Indeed I do not think
that the worst rebels hate a negro as badly as a
Northern copperhead does. When the negroes are
willing to vote the democratic ticket, there is no lack of
affection towards them on the part of the whites; and
when the negro does his whole duty towards his employer,
I am constrained to say that in a majority of instances, I
believe his employer feels friendly towards him. But
these conflicting interests so constantly arise, that in
self-defence the employer feels constrained to use severe
measures. The negro often fails to perceive his true
relations to his former master; he does not comprehend
the binding nature of a contract, and frequently uses his
freedom in a latitudinarian way, alike unjustifiable by
reason or expediency. In a great multitude of instances,
the blame is almost wholly on the side of the negro.
And why should it not be so? Emancipation was coinferred on him instanter, witi? no instruction as to its
413
a 
THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH,
duties, and how could his darkened mind understand its
true nature?  Designing men also, both white and bla(k,
in a few instances, took advantage of the negroe's ignorance, and filled his mind with fatlse ideas of liberty, in
order to ingratiate themselves with the blacks.
The-officers of the Fr-dcmfens Bureau, often found
that the black man  was the aggressor, in many eases
brought before them for adjudication. As is well known,
I am not a rebel, although a white man; but still in my
intercourse with the blacks, I have often found them disposed to take advantage of me unduly, it being impossible for them to divest themselves wholly of the idea,
that no white man can be their true friend; and yet they
professed to regard me as their greatest friend.  Now if
they have been disposed to treat me unjustly, knowing
that I was their friend, and not a rebel, is it unreasonable to suppose, that they do treat their rebel employers,
with still greater injustice?  Do  not understand me  as
justifying the rebels, in their outrages upon the blacks;
as far as the heaven is from the earth, so far am I from
intending to do that. These outrages ring in the ears
of the "Lord of Sabaoth," and hlie will yet "make inquisition " for the blood of the injured ones, and this,
not only of the misguided rebels, but of their more yuilty
Northern compeers, who so steadfastly oppose the a(loption of all measures for the protection of the blacks.
But in writing this book, I wish to deal out, even and
exact justice to all parties.   There was  a palliation
for the crimes of Napoleon, and of other great conquerors. Seldom is an act of villainy committed from
sheer love of crime.  Men almost always think they are
justified, in all their villainous transactions. Doubtless
the "Tammany Ring," d(W  that which was "right in
a
414 
AND THE REBELS.
their own eyes;" and the loathsome debauchee, finds
excuse for his suicidal course, in the strength of his own
ungovernable passions.   But this mantle of charity,
thrown broadly over the whole whirlpool of tempestuous
acts, should never be held so firmly down, as to preclude all efforts to cleanse the noisome locality, of its
pestiferous elements.  The small-pox is indeed a loathsome disease, in spite of all the efforts of friends to mittigate its terrible severity. The great Eastern simoon
sweeps over vast tracts of country, carrying destruction
in its path, even if the unfortunate travellers are able to
escape from its terrible power, by humbly  prostrating
themselves upon the ground; and so, the acts of the
rebels, towards the colored people, are none the less outrageous, because thiere is some mitigation of their severity, in the kindly relations mentioned; and still less
are these acts virtuous, because some extenuation of
them can be found.   I deeply regret that the blacks
should ever place themselves in the attitude of aggress ois, but I am compelled to say, that they are sometimes
thus guilty; and I know not why I, as. their friend,
should cover up their iniquities; besides, by admitting
the whole truth, will not reasonable people, be moo,
willing to unite in bringing these outrages to a close,
than if I had written a partisan book merely, and sought
only to denounce the rebels, and praise the blacks? But
it is not my nature to misstate facts, for the purpose of
sustaining a theory. I am therefore obliged to admit,
that the blacks are, oftentimes, most exceedingly and ay #ravatinyly provoking; and that taking into consideration
the irascTte nature of the whites, and other circum stances, I am not at all surprised at their insane treat ment of thIese laborers.
415
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
But having been an eye witness of these scenes for so
many years, can] I sit calmly still and behold the immense black cloud of angry elements, sweeping across
the sky, and threatening momentarily to burst in unwonted fury on all classes below, and utter no warning
voice to those who might escape from the angry deluge?
I see elements of discord, and of terrific hate, brewig,
and gathering strength all over this ill-fated Southern
country, which elements are being fanned into a perfect
storm, by Northern winds of mistaken generosity; and
shall I not cry out to those soon to receive the peltings
of the pitiless storm, " beware of your danger, and flee
to some' ark of safety' for protection?"  That " ark
of safety" is merely the erection of such halls of justice, as will gather within their righteous walls, all perpetrators of villainy, of whatever creed, race or party, there
to dispense to them that even-handed, and exact judicial
treatment, that the Almighty declares is the crowning
glory of his august character. " For my mouth shall
speak truth, and wickedness is an abomination to my
lips."
Not long since, I had a long conversation with a
Southern young man, and I will give his testimony on
this subject. He was not a Ku-Klux himself, he said,
but if I should have him put in jail, he would be rescued
in two days by the Ku-Klux, who were his friends. He
had a cousin who was a Ku-Klux, and during his career
had killed fifteen men, white and black, and was finally
killed himself. It may be well enough to state his ideas
of the Ku-Klux, although not essential to his defence of
the whites. He said they were generally wealthy men,
and not the poorer classes, as some supposed.  The
whole people approved of the Ku-Klux, considering
416
0 
AND THE REBELS.
them necessary to the preservation of order among the
blacks. He thought that in this county, there were twvo
hundred and fifty more of the Ku-Klux, then there were
men who went into the rebel army. He believed there
would have been no Ku-Klux, if the blacks had behaved as they ought. He said the Ku-Klux was not a
political organization, but simply a "vigilance committee," to keep all classes straight.   In support of this
view, he adduced several cases, where they had punished
whites as well as blacks.  His great idea seemed to be,
that kind treatment was thrown away upon the blacks,
and that it was impossible to get along with them without whipping them. He said, a gentleman of this county adopted the kind method, and his hands literally
laughed at all of his orders.  If he wanted a mule sacdled, he was obliged to go to the stable, and saddle it
himself, and so with nearly every thing else.  At last
one day, in perfect despair, he called upon a resolute
man of his acquaintance, named T., and offered him
$200, if he would come down to his place, and relieve
him from his troubles. T. came, and in a few days order reig(ned, where anarchy had previously held sway.
If a mule was wanted, half a dozen men stood ready to
saddle him.  Previous to his arrival, there was no such
thing as getting the hands out early in the morning, but
after T. had been there two days, all were at their work
by sunrise.- The method he adopted, was an indiscriminate use of blows, belaboring the recreant ones with
whatever implement was at hand, until no one thought
of disobeying his orders.  lie mentioned other similar
cases, and cited his own.  He said he was naturally a
very passionate man, and he had a brother who was still
more irascible.  This brotheihated the very sight of a
417 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
negro, but his father was very indulgent towards them,
and was consequently run over by them, as all were,
who did not resort to blows in their treatment of them.
He said the blacks would not obey him, without the
use of blows on his part, and he was so hasty, that he
was afraid he should kill some of them; and he should
have killed one not long ago, if his wife had not prevented lum. For this reason, he was determined to
abandon farming, and engage in some other business.
He said the people ill this county were "very spunky,"
and would never submit to being obliged to treat the negroes kindly.   He believed they would fight, rather
than alter their course in this respect.  His old grandfather, who is over ninety years old, told him the other
day, that he was ready at any time to go to war again,
to subdue the negroes. He thought this war would
come on in less than three years. He and many others
were in favor of sending the blacks to some other place,
and he thought the Southern people would gladly pay
the expense of all that would go away.
This testimony I introduce, for the sake of allowing
all parties to be heard. I know nothing of either the
truth or the falsity of his statements, but he seemed to
be a fair and honest man, an,l to deprecate what he considered the sad necessity of the present treatment of'the
negroes. It will be observed that he admits fully the
charges made against the whites, and justifies their cruel
conduct.
Only a few days ago, a wealthy planter near me said,
"The only way of managing the negroes, is to beat
them with a ten fo6t pole." Now this is the usual defence of the Southeners, when they talk on this subject,
that the negroes behave sobadly, that force is necessary
418
a 
AND  THE REBELS.
to compel their obedience. I must also add, that one of
their reasons for hating the Northerner is, their supposition that the Northerners are the cause of much of this
disobedience on the part of the negroes. But in this
idea they are evidently mistaken. I have never seen or
heard of a Northener, who did not earnestly strive to induce the negroes to obey their employers, and be honest
and true towards them.
I have done with this defence of the whites. It is
short, but comprehensive on their part. It is the sum
total of their defence, for all the outrages committed
since I came to this region. As I have said, it is too
true in many instances, but instead of affording any real
justification for the whites, it is only a strong additional
reason, why the'poor, erring black man should be protected by the strong arm of rigid and impartial justice.
Colored voters swimming  thle Creek on election day.  p. 205.
a
419
a 
CHAPTER XXXIX.
WHO ARE THE KU-KLUX? WHAT ARE THEIR AIIIS?
AND HOW SHALL THEY BE OVERTHROWN?
I have purposely omitted nearly all reference to this
body of villains, until the close of the first part of this
work, so that the main portion of my book may partake
as little as possible of a partisan character; but I cannot
reconcile it to iny conscience, to let this occasion pass
without an attempt to enlighten the public mind in
reference to a subject seemingly so shrouded in mystery.
Good men seem to differ widely in their opinions, respectingo, this nefarious organization.  On the one hand,
we hear it asserted that the " Ku-Klux" are made up to
a great extent of the irresponsible element of the South,
young men who graduated in the rebel army, and at the
close of the war, found themselves without means, and
never having been accustomed to labor, were incapable of
adapting, themselves to the new order of things. Then it
is said, that the Ku-Klux are chivalrous gentlemen, with
their bosoms burning with indignation at the wrongs of
the comparatively small number of Southern gentry, still
deprived of political rights; and if " a generous measure
of amnesty could be passed, it might prove the solution
of the difficult problem."
Others assure us that the Ku-Klux are the disfran                         e.
chised ones themselves, anxious to prove their repent         420
a 
AND THE REBELS
ance of their former acts of rebellion, by a continued
series of still more rebellious acts. Then, it is gravely
asserted by some who ought to know better, that the
supposed acts of a few men in robbing the treasury of
Georgia, of a large sum of money, are the excuses of the
Ku-Klux, for their hellish outrages;  although  they
began to be committed, at least a year and a half before
these so-called robbers had access to the Georgia treasury;
the one beginning as early as June or July, 13868, while
these "peculators" were not placed within reach of the
Georgia pie, from whose luxurious contents they were
supposed to have abstracted so many sweetmeats, until
December, 1869. But all of these suppositions exhibit
a great degree of ignorance, as to the whole matter of
Southern Ku-Kluxism.
It is not to be supposed that an outsider can positively
define the aims of a secret organization, but as "actions
speak louder than words," those aims may be divined by
a (diligent attention to their acts. When did the KuKlux commence their operations? From diligent enquiry, I believe that it was not until after the election
of our state government, in the Spring of 1868. I suppose that I ought to know something of their history,
residing as I have done for years in their midst, and
being accustomed to hear almost daily of their acts of
violence. The first definite information I had of their
existence in our neighborhood, was not long after the
April election in 1868, at which time a colored man
from an adjoining county, who had taken an active part
in the election, showed me a large sheet of paper, on
which was written il letters of blood, various threatening
messages, warning,  him  to leave the country under
penalty of death. The sheet was embellished with
421
0
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
various bloody devices of "raw head and bloody bones,"
pictures of gallows, coffins, &c., and signed in large
letters, " Ku-Klux Klan." The reader was benevolently
advised to wash his hands after handling the sheet, as it
was poisoned. I have never heard the consequences of
the black man's temerity in refusing to leave his home,
at the bidding of these anonymous scribblers. He found
the missive nlailed to his door, he said, but he seemed determined to maintain his rights.  From that day, until
after the presidential election, the whole talk of the
blacks was of the Ku-Klux and their threats.
I learned that it was the custom of these noble-hearted
fellows, so eager to defend their neighbor's honor, to
dress themselves up at- night with hideous masks, and
various kinds of white garments thrown over their persons; or more usually, large sheets, which were thrown
over them and their horses, and in this disguise to visit
the cabins of the colored people. Sometimes they would
rap violently at their doors, and when opened, would demand in a hollow voice, "water! water!" to quench
their thirst, exclaiming in sepulchral tones, "I have had
no water since the battle of Manasses." When water
was given them, they would seem to swallow a whole
bucket-full of this refreshing element, having an apparatus contrived for carrying the water off, unperceived in
the darkness of the night. This, of course, astonished
the aftrighted blacks, and prepared them for the assertions of these ghosts, that they were dead people come
back to tell the negroes, not to vote the " radical ticket
at the next  presidential election."   Sometimes they
would pretend that they were the ghosts of the former
masters of the blacks whom they visited, and that they
were slain in battle; at over times they would assume
422
0
6 
AND THE REBELS.
to be "simon-pure" negro ghosts, who had come on the
disinterested errand, of persuading their colored brethren to vote as the white people wanted them to vote.
As is well known, the colored people are all exceedingly
superstitious, and easily frightened at any thing of a
supernatural character. It is difficult to persuade them
to enter a'one a room containing a dead person. Accordingly, when these ghosts first appeared, the poor
creatures were more frightened, than if they had seen "an
army with ba)nners."   They usually fled precipitately
from the pale forms of these supposed celestial beings.
At one time the ghostly visitants were attracted to a
prayer-meeting being held in our neighborhood, which
visit of theirs was a signal for the hasty flight of all but
one of the praying ones. He, a little more valiant than
the rest, was so presumptive as to fire at the heavenly
visitors, although the white lady of the plantation had
warned them not to fire at them; for if they did, they
would fall dead themselves. To the surprise of all, after
one or two shots had been fired, a groan, like that often
heard from live mortals similarly situated, was heard to
proceed from the company of celestials, and then the
remainder of the company  put spurs t) their horses,
and galloped away, leaving some of their celestial robes
behind them; which, on examination, proved to be made
originally, of such cotton, as the darkies themselves had
picked on this mundane sphere. The next day, a well
known citizen of our neighborhood was found to be
severely wounded, so that the ghost hallucination speedily came to an end. Previous to this denouement, it was
confidently believed by the colored people all around us,
that the Ku-Klux were actually inhabitants of the other
world. 
423
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
In Carolina, not far from here, some twenty or thii'ty
Ku-Klux, arrayed in their accustomed garb of white,
posted themselves in a grave yard, near which a prominent colored man was intending to pass during the evening.  They threw themselves upon the ground, in different parts of the cemetery, where they remained until they heard the footsteps of their intended dupe,
whose approach was watched for by a comrade, divested
of his robes; when they arose simultaneously, and gathering their robes about them, slowly approached the undaunted traveller, but he failed to be persuaded, even if
"one should arise firom the dead," and walked away,
with slightly accelerated steps, but silently.
As far as my knowledge of this gentry is concerned, I
take them to lie the mnore adventurous portion of the
Southern people, who, after dreaming over the terrible
effects of negro domination, can restrain themselves no
longer, but in true imitation of Don Quixote, don their
armors, and rush to battle with windmills, or whatever
else may oppose their progress. I have no doubt that
the love of fun, which is a strong element in Southern
character, enters largely into the composition of these
Klans," and that to frighten the darkies by  their
ghostly appearance, was rare sport to the original perpetrators of these deeds; but as no notice was taklen
of their midnight dissipation, and as they saw how easily
frightened "Sambo" was, other and darker counsels entered into their plans, and at length they conceived the
idea of controlling the elections by disguised force.  I
do not believe they designed to commit deeds of blood,
until impunity in their fun-loving proceedings, had emboldened them to extend their objects, and multiply
their designs. I am more 4nclined to this opinion from
424
0
0 
AND THE REBELS.
the fact, that well known citizens of this county, belonging to the fraternity, are neither better or worse,
than the average of the population; but simply young
men, with plenty of leisure on their hands, and with a
great love of adventure in their souls, and intensely
rebel in their proclivities. It is not by any means true,
that they ale either ineligible politicians, or their particu
lar friends exclusively, although some of each of these
classes, undoubtedly belong to them; but they are certain persons taken indiscriminately from the community
at large, like the members of a fire engine company, or
an old-fashioned Northern military organization.
They are not desperadoes by profession, nor more inclined to deeds of violence than some of their quieter
neighbors, who as'" gentlemen of property and standing,,'
fully endorse their proceedings.  I should say they were
rather the exponent of the average Southern sentiment,
than an exceptional class of any nature whatever. They
may be regarded as the working force of the great body
of Southern politicians. They are not outlaws in any
sense of the word, and the "good and true men in the
Southern States" who are represented by some wily
politicians as sufficient to put them down, are but as "a
drop in the bucket," in comparison to the immense
majority that sustains them. If the opinion of these
political owls is true, why do we never hear of the least
attempt on the part of these "good and true men" to
have the Ku-Klux arrested?
I am safe in saying, that no Southern court has ever
attempted to take cognizance of their actions. Unmolested alike by judge and jury, they roam over the country accomplishing their nefarious tasks, with none to
molest them or make them afiid;" and are as perfectly
I*
a
425 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
safe from all danger of this kind, from the "good and
true men" at the South, as are the " night police" of
the city of Boston. They are in fact, the government
of the Southern States, fully as much as the California
"Vigilance Committee" were that of the gold regions
at a certain period in their history.
What then is their object.? To answer this question, is
but to point to their acts. On whom do they wreak
their vengeance?  On those who differ from them politically. It is my candid opinion, that bad as are the KuKlux, and savoring as their conduct does of unmitigated.
rascality, there is yet, as there is for the worst of men,
some apology to be offered. Of course this apology is
not offered for the purpose of shielditng the miserable
creatures froim  punishment, but for the purpose of our
arriving at a full understanding of what seems to some
such inexplicable conduct on the part of the Southerners.
Are they not our brethern of the human family, and
were they not for many years loving  members of our
great political institutions, and how can they justify these
enormities? is well asked by numerous sincere people at
the North. This is true, but Cain did kill his only
brother, and fathers do sometimes murder their own
children, unaccoutntably strange, as it; may seemn.  I will
therefore attempt to explain the fearful mystery.  fThe
great bug-bear of the Southern people is, ne)ro domination. The idea that an irresponsible class of men, formerly their slaves, and for whose abilities they entertain
the most sovereign contempt, should become their rulers,
is well calculated to arouse their direst al)pehenlsions,
and to fill their souls with unutterable madness.  I cannot but sympathize somewhat with this feeling, althloulgh
I so thoroughly detest thb means taken to avert what
a
426 
AND THE REBELS.
they consider so dire a catastrophe. I am sure, that
Northern man as I am, and a life long friend of the
colored race as I have been, defending them everywhere
at all hazards to my person and my purse, as I have
been in the habit of doing; still with my present knowledge of the incapacity of the uneducated blacks, I could
not consent for them to be rulers over me and my children. With what melancholy forebodings then must
the proud Southerners, always looking upon the blacks
as but little removed from the animal creation, have
surveyed the prospect before them, of b)eing entirely
controlled in all their governmental affairs by these
"pesky niggers" as they call them; and their "i detestable  supporters," the  Northern "carpet  baggers."  I
must be permitted to say, that I am sorry for our Southern friends, and I lament the dire necessity that caused
this domination to be  forced upon  them.   I fought
against it, previous to the adoption of our State constitution, contending for an insertion into that instrument
of a clause, limiting office holders to those who had
been loyal citizens of the United States for twenty years;
thus excluding both rebels and blacks, until each class
had served a proper tutilag,e under the new political dispensation.  But wiser men than I am, decided that the
colored vote could not be secured to our party, if such a
provision was adopted. I question however, if more
would have gone over to the rebels, than have already
done.  Some of the staunchest friends of the colored
man have assured me that this love for office, was the
great bane of the colored people, and that if they were
deprived of office, their political loss would inot equal
their moral gain. Of course, other things being equal,
the black man has the same eight to office that any other
e
a
427 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
man has, but considering the necessary political igno rance of the great masses, it seems to me that the part
of true wisdom would have been, to have held before the
admiring gaze of the black man, the prize of political
preferment, at such a time as his mental improvement
qualified him for such onerous duties; and thus placed
before him a powerful incentive to the acquisition of
political wisdom.  These renmarks are intended to apply
solely to the Southern freedmen, and not to those enlightened colored men at the North, who  have been
"loyal citizens of the United States," for a long number
of years. It is a burlesque on legislation to elect any
man, black or white, to the dignified position of lawmaker, who cannot read the bill presented to him, to receive his vote upon. With what chagrin must such a
man contemplate his own conduct, when he afterwards
ascertains that the bill for which he has voted is one
diametrically opposed to the interest of his constituents;
he not having been present at its first reading, and the
second and third reading having been dispensed with by
vote of the house.  Nearly thirty of the colored members of our Legislature, actually voted for a measure that
finally resulted in their own ejection from the halls of
debate.  Would they have pursued this course, if posses-,ed of that political wisdom, that comes from political
acquaintance with the history of our own and other
nations?
But while I am thus disposed to make allowance for
this awful horror of negro domination, on the part of the
Ku-Klux, and their friends; still the truth compels me
also to admit, that they themselves were responsible for
this very state of affairs. Very few negroes would have
been placed upon the repulicaii ticket, at the time of
428
0 
AND THE REBELS.
our obtaining possession of the State government of
Georgia, if competent white men could have been found
who were willing to fill the desired positions. We ransacked our county in vain, for white republicans, and
even for moderate Southern men, who would consent to
serve, if elected as republicans; but the pressure of public opinion was so great, that even those who had no
objections personally, to such a course, were afraid thus
to jeopardize their temporal welfare, in other respects.
In Lincoln county, we could find no white Union man
to fill the office of "Ordinary," and we were obliged to
nominate and elect a black man, utterly unqualified for
that office. Now if our Southern friends had buried
their animosity to the United States government, and
had manfully come forward to sustain the party laboring
for their political renovation, no colored man would have
been elected to any office whatever, in Georgia; but
they persisted in "breathing out threatenings and slaughter," against our party, and our government; and what
else could we do, than put into office, loyal black men,
even if they were intellectually unfit for their posts?
Was not moral unfitness, a little worse than intellectual
incapacity? But the opposition of the Ku-Klux was not
limited to negro rule; they also hated political equality
with the blacks, even as voters, and especially did they
hate the domination, of their victorious conquerors in
the war, from whose effects they were striving to recover. So that the whole object of the renowned Ku-Klux,
can be stated in one single sentence; opposition to radicalism, or republicanism. For the purpose of making
this opposition practicable, was the whole horrible machinery of Ku-Kluxism set in motion.   In this they
were manifestly wrong, for the negro had the same right
a
0
4 -. 9
0 
THE BLACK M.AN OF THE SOUTH,
to vote, that the ignorant foreigner in New York had.
The right to vote, by no means includes the right to
hold office; all men who are entitled to the one, are by
no means qualified for the other.  And  here the rebel
democracy displayed a vast amount of political folly.
If it had imitated the action of the Northern democracy,
in securing the votes of Irishmen, it might to-day, have
held unlimited sway over the entire South, as comnpletly
as the Northern democracy "sweeps the course," with
a certain class of laborers. But instead of thus imitating the political wisdom of its Northern allies, it fell to
beating and abusing the negro unstintedly, almost as
soon as the new political boon was conferred upon him,
without his being at all to blame. Southern democracy
thus almost immediately drove from its folds those, Who
under a different political regime, would have proved
its best friend.  At first, the negro did not know with
which party to cast his lot, but the democrats began to
curse him, and the republicans to comfort him; and human nature, being as it is, he could not hesitate long, in
choosing his political mates.
Thus has the pride of the Southerners gone before their
political fall, and to-day, all over the South, nothing but
the direst political vandalism on the part of the thus
rejected democracy, prevents overwhelming majorities
of black men from voting the republican ticket. By
this time the negroes have learned who are their best
friends, and have found that they are certainly not those
who maim, wound and kill them, but those who seek to
protect them by every means in their power. Many of
the negroes now declare, that they will die before they
will thus strike hands with the murderers of their brethren; and every renewed attempt of this kind to convert
430
a 
AIND THE REBELS.
them to the democracy, only results in their still further
estrangement from the democratic fold.  Elsewhere, persuasion is the grand electionieering weapon, wielded by
all parties.  Here it is "the knock-down and drag-out
principle."  "You vote as I tell you, or I'll kill you."
This is the present language of Ku-Kluxism, and this is
its great object: to frighten men into entering their political fold, as cattle are driven on board a steamboat,
with immense clubs, and by using terrific oaths.
It is needless to say, that such a party is di,gging, its
own political grave, a thousand fold faster than could
be done by the most determined efforts of all its enemies.
But why does Ku-Kluxism flourish so vigorously at the
South?  Because an infatuation seems frequently  to
seize on the enemies of virtue, and induce them to shorten their own reign by the detestable lengths of vice to
which they are driven, as the Spartans placed before
their children the vilest debauchees, that they might
witness for themselves the horrible effect of drunkenness.  So the Ku-Klux "are made mad by the gods who
would destroy them," in order to arouse within the
whole nation, such a detestation of their conduct as
shall eventually cause them to be swept from existence.
Ku-Kluxism may wade to its knees in the blood of its
murdered victims, for a season, but as sure as the laws
of the universe are based on justice, so sure will its
bloody reign terminate, and posterity will execrate the
memory of its actors, as it does now that of the sanguinary heroes of the bloody days of the French Revolution of 1789. That in a free country, where every party
has an equal political chance, any one party should
choose to promote its ends by terror and bloodshed, is
monstrous, is terribly infamos; and yet the democratic
431
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTI-H,
party at the South, essays to do that very thing, and its
Northern allies look on approvingly, pat it on its head,
and say, "good fellow."  I do not charge upon the rank
and file of Northern democracy, complicity with rebel KuKluxism, but I do say that the leaders of this party, are
"hale fellows well met," with the rebels, in all their nefarious schemes to upset our republican institutions.
Southern Ku-Kluxism "lives and moves, and has its being," in the brains of such men as Frank Blair, Horatio
Seymour, and et id genus omne.  Seated on the platform
in Tammany Hall, is the sachem, whose talismanic wand
vibrates through the whole land, South and North; and
as its Northern extremity comes in contact with the
great heart of the Irish population, arousing within it all
its latent hate of the negro, and of Protestantism; so does
its far reaching Southein point, penetrate the great cesspool of Southern hatred of radicalism, creating a stench
not to be endured by Northern olfactories, but gratefully
inhaled by those of the Southern Ku-Klux. One word
from Tammany, and both Irish hate, and Southern anger, are more fully aroused, and each wing of the great
democratic army rushes to the conflict; the one to the
pulling down of negro houses, and the burning of colored orphan asylums, the other to the wholesale slaughter of Union men, both black and white. Truly has
Benj. Butler said, "That one word from the leaders of
Northern democracy to their Southern allies, would put
a stop to all this terrible effusion of Union blood."
The question then alises, how shall the lKu-IKlux be
overthrown?  I       a nswer, first, by such a mighty revolution in public opinion at the North, as shall render it impossible for the habitual allies of this accursed band, to
control our lIorthern elections. This battle must com                        40
a
4!OD 2 
AND THE REBELS.
menee at the North. Who then, are the allies of the
Southern Ku-Klux? Let the records of the Congressional debates on the Ku-Klux bills, and their enforcement, reply! Every man, woman and child at the
North, who endorses the efforts that will be made at the
corning session of Congress, to prevent the re-enactment
of that portion of our present Ku-Klux bill, that expires
by its own limitation next July, is upholding the KuKlux. Previous to that time, a mighty, a satanic effort
will be made, to sweep that bill out of existence, under
the rotten plea, that it endangers the liberties of the
South; and who are those who thus  cry out, "forget
the past, and let by-gones be by-gones?" Are they not
the identical persons and papers, that attacked the
lamented Lincoln, and termed him a monster of oppression, because he was crushing the rebellion? So it will
be, with the opposition to the re-enactment of the only
clause in the Ku-Klux bill, that renders it valuable.
Deprive the President of the power to enforce its provisions by military power, and it ceases to be anything
but a dead letter, as far as protecting Union men at the
South is concerned. If the writ of habeas corpus is not
suspended, the Southern civil law will infallibly deliver
the culprit from the officers of justice; and not one of
the Ku-Klux villains will be brought to punishment. r
repeat the assertion that every one at the North, who
endorses this opposition to the Ku-Klux bill, as it now
stands, is a friend to the Southern Ku-Klux, and  anI
enemy to those of us who are now being protected by
the wise provisions of that bill. Deceive not yourselves,
my friends. I have been in the hands of the Ku-Klux.
I have lived among them for years, and I know that
they stand in fear of no ptver on earth except the
433
6 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
mnilitary power of the United States. If that cannot be
used for their suppression, then farewell to all attempts
to control this nefarious organization. 0 friends, follow
me to the graves of the thousands of victims of these
maddened men, and reflect that if it had not been for
these rogues, those who now lie beneath the clods of the
valley, might have been blessing innumerable homes
with the smiles of their presence, homes which are now
bereft of every earthly protector. Follow me to the
sick chambers of thousands more, whose bodies are
racked with pain, and their dislocated limbs tortured
with indescribable anguish, the effect of the awful
wounds inflicted by these vindictive men, and perhaps
you will relent in your sad determination to give these
rebels a new'lease of power, and a prolonged furlough
to inflict renewed vengeance on their helpless victims.
0, if you had endured what it has been my lot to
endure, of torture, of mental agony, as I closely scanned
every place of retreat, that I thought my house afforded,
as a hiding place for my beloved ones, when Ku-Klux
bullets flew thick and fast around me, you surely would
not endorse these unfeeling men, who could take delight
in pouring their shot into the premises of a single person,
lying apparently in the agonies of death. Words can
not express the sorrow I feel while I write these bitter
words of condemnation, of many whom on many accounts, I highly esteem for their upright conduct, and
for their friendship towards myself; but I cannot allow
any personal feeling to deter me from discharging my
whole duty towards the "scattered and peeled" ones,
whom I came here to protect and benefit. Ask any
Southern negro, who he fears more than any other
person on earth, and his nvariable reply will be, "The
434
0 
AND THE REBELS.
Kii-Klux, sir." Take from him the terrible fear of these
midnlight assassins, and his life, now a series of terrors
from early dawn to late at night, on account of these
"spawn of hell," will become a bright and beautiful
thing, gilded with the rainbow of promise, whose many
colored beauties will then be indicative to him, of that
joyful state on earth, that was so long the object of his
fond anticipations during the terrible days of slavery.
Ask the colored matron, as she gloomingly gazes into the
distant twilight, and fancying she sees a shadow approaching, hastily gathers the coarse garments into
which she is attempting to put a few hurried stitches,
ere the light of day has fully vanished, why she thus
leaves her important labors, and she responds with a
heavy groan, " 0, sir, the Ku-Klux, the Ku-Klux will
see me;" and entering her rude cabin she shuts and
bars the door behind her, as our fathers barred their
doors against the wild Indians. Now this, dear reader,
is no fancy sketch, but a living and dread reality, to one
half of the 10,000 negroes in this county. One year
from this time, rival candidates for the office of president
of the United States, will be brought before you. Who
they will be, of course no one can tell, but I beseech
you, ye friends of the Southern freedmen, not to cast
your votes for any of them, not open and pronounced
enemies of the Southern Ku-Klux. Be not deceived by
the cry of magnanimity towards the Ku-Klux. As well
cry out forbearance towards the midnight robber, who
plunders your house and murders your wife, and then
sets the house on fire to conceal his villainy. When the
"era of good feeling" is ushered in towards the rebels,
and the Ku-Klux, let its dawning be hailed by kind words
and good deeds towards your own brethren, who now
435 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
reside in this unfortunate country; and towards the poor
colored men, whom they have come here to protect.
But it is unnecessary for me to add any more to this
appeal.  If you would hear no more of the outrages of
the Ku-Klux, cease to uphold any party that endorses
those outrages;  and labor for the overthrow of  all
political organizations and candidates that would strike
hands with Southern rebels. But if you cannot make
up your mind thus to act, then will the sound of these
outrages continue to ring in your unwilling ears, until
the lurid light from the Southern sky tells of burning
dwellings, and towns laid in ashes, by those who tired of
waiting for you to avenge their wrongs, have undertaken the task themselves.
The next step for the overthrow of Ku-Kluxism, is to
sustain the efforts, now being made at the South, to bring
these villains to punishment. WVe must thoroughly divest ourselves of the foolish notion, that each state
should be allowed to take care of its own criminals.
Did not the United States government station soldiers
ill Kansas in the sanguinary days of'56, for the purpose
of protecting its inhabitants from home outrages? To
be sure, Kansas was then a territory, and not a state;
but is not the government under as much obligation to
protect its citizens in one part of the land, as in another?
I do not understand that Congress received these rebel
states back into the Union, with power to crush their
loyal citizens. It was understood that the rebels had
repented of their unjust acts; and obedience, on their
part, to the laws of the Union was implied, if not expressed. As I write these words, I can look out upon a
broad highway in front of my house, over which hundreds of Ku-Klux miscreants have passed;  and from
0
436 
AND THE REBELS.
which have often sped the rebel bullets, just alluded to,
as aimed at my house and the residents on my place.
Sup)posing, before this ink is dry, I should hear the
fam,iliar sound of their bullets whizzing past my ears.
Wvhat is my redress? To apply to the State authorities?
As well might I apply to the authorities of Pandemonium.
Satan is not divided against himself; and no sheriff or
constable of our county would aid in arresting a KuKlux.  But if a few soldiers are stationed in this county,
their known presence would prevent this firing, and
other outrages; for then, a messenger could be dispatched to their camp, and soon, two or three of Uncle
Sam's brave boys would be in hot pursuit of the marauders. In Kansas, the presence of the United States
soldiers saved Lawrence from destruction, when attacked
by 2300 men in Sept., 1856, and no one thought of condemning the expense thereby occasioned. The democratic party, although ridiculing our sufferings, yet sent
soldiers to Kansas who sometimes protected us; and
quite often defended our enemies from our attacks. If
the presence of these soldiers shall be the means of preventing another civil war, will not the expense of maintaining them prove to be a good investment? Is not
"an ounce of prevention worth a pound of cure "?
The present Ku-Klux bill, we fear, will never effectually quell these outrages; because it is limited in its provisions to those cases where the civil power has tried to
suppress these disorders and has proved ineffectual.
While we all admire and respect the noble men who
procured its passage, we rejoice with trembling, lest on
account of the above mentioned provision, it should
prove ineffectual in those cases, where no "insurrection"
437
a
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
exists.*  I repeat that, in my opinion, nothing short of
permanent military occutpancy of the disaffected Southern
regions, can render existence tolerable on the part of the
hapless victims of the Ku-Klux outrages. Could their
progenitors, the Tories of the Revolution, be guarded
against by the people or the State government of South
Carolina? Supposing this execrable doctrine of unqualified State rights, had been in vogne then, where would
have been our Revolutionary ancestors of that State? It
is well known that during the Revolution, South Carolina
was kept from being overrun by the Tory Ku-Klux of
those days, only by the constant occupancy of her state, by
United States soldiers. As the well-disposed people of
that state were then powerless in the hands of this
organized Tory Ku-Klux mob, so to-day, those who would
be friends of our government, are kept in awe by the
descendants of these tories, whose hellish instinct for
innocent blood they seem to have inherited. Did
Massachusetts complain of the expense of thus protecting her revolutionary brethren? Did she not rather rejoice at being able to rid the country of its To'y oppressors? Did Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and
Benjamin Franklin cry out against this "unwarrantable
interference" in the affairs of the South?  No,  and
why? simply because Adams, Hancock  and Franklin
were in earnest, and wished to have the British tyrants
driven from the country. And do you think our" South
* The above lines were written just after the passage of the Ku-Klux bill in
1871   At the completion of this book in March, 1872, I am happy to state that
our fears were not realized; but the bill was so grandly enforced, that life and
pr Lperty became comparatively secure even in the worst portions of the state of
Georgia.  All honor to him who kept his promise made in the spring of 1869,
that, "you shall be protected."
0
438
0
a 
A-ND THE REBELS.
side" republican politicians would utter this cry to-day,
if they were equally in earnest, in wishing to destroy
rebel domination at the South? Whenever I hear the
cry "hands off, don't punish the villains," I know from
whence it comes, no matter what outward garb of republican sanctity the utterer may wear. Was Andrew
Johnson any less an enemy of the Southern Unionists,
because he professed to be a republican?
What would be said of a Methodist bishop who should
cry out against an examination into the affairs of the
"Book Concern," on the ground of "unwarrantable interference " in its rights? And of an orthodox clergyman who should publicly declare that an attempt to enforce the seventh commandment, was an "unwarrantable
interference" with  the rights of debauchees v  And
what shall we say of a professed republican, who "makes
the welkin ring" with his shouts of opposition to the
protection of Southern loyalists? But it is unnecessary
to multiply words on this subject.  Satan never was in
favor of punishing his liege subjects, and his followers
will always be opposed to the same "oppression!"
You are aroused at midnight by the cry of fire.  You
open your chamber window, and the lurid flames have
lit up the whole earth around you, and the overhanging
sky.  Stalwart men are rushing to and fro, in frantic
eagerness.  The cry is everywhere heard "where is the
engine? why.don't it come?" You open your door and
pass quickly to an adjoining engine house, and instead
of beholding the frantic horses just ready to start on
their benevolent errand, you see them unhitched, the
doors of the engine house shut and barred, and sentinels
pacing to and fro, to guard the building. Astonished
beyond measure, you cry out "why don't you open
a
4,'D'9
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
these doors and hurry to the fire, don't you know that
the whole city is in danger?"  The faithful guardians
of the engine reply, "Yes, the fire ought to be put out,
that's certain, but see here," and taking from his capacious pocket a printed document, one of them begins to
read to you a clause from the constitution of the engine
company, which expressly forbids an engine company
acting, except under the orders of one of the officers of
the company.  "Swear in a new one, if there is no one
here" you excitedly cry, "that fire must be put out."
Reluctantly and perceiving your earnestness, the men
begin to comply, not without muttering a few curses
against this "unwarrantable interference."  They elect
their captain in haste, and proceeding to the fire, aid
effectually in subduing the angry element.
So now, the red and lurid flames of Southern hate,
encircle the whole region, and dazzle its whole atmosphere. Brawny men of a dusky hue, rush from one
point to another, crying out lustily for help.  "Can't
these flames be quenched?" they cry. "Yes," replies
an honest Yankee teacher, "the government of the
United States can quickly subdue them, and I will immediately apply to it for your protection." But some
Southernized friend of that government, exclaims, "Not
so fast, my friend, it is necessary to proceed with.caution in these delicate matters. Perhaps the originators
of those flames will not quite like our interference. You
see we are only' a congeries of states,' and not a consolidated government. We must act according to the
genius of our institutions, and consult the Southerners
first. If they say,' Put out these fires,' wve will quickly
do it; but we dare not move without their consent;" and
the flames leap higher, Ad  shine more brilliantly, as
a
440 
AND THE REBELS.
they sweep over vast areas of ground, and their rapid
crackling is heard, even up to the throne of the Most
High.
But what can be done?  You say, "Must not the
Constitution be obeyed? And what is the Constitution?
Is it not a facile instrument, ever yielding to the powerful touch of its most skillful manipulator? Gen. Jackson
could say, "The Constitution as I understand it," and
the whole democratic party said, "Amen."  Does  not
every political party that has ever been founded, base its
contradictory action, upon "The Constitution"?  Did
not the Southern rebels secede in obedience to its provisions?  And do not all parties fight under its ample
folds? If the constitution makes no provision for the
protection of every citizen of the United States, then it
is high time it was altered.  Let this be the rallyiug-cry
of all lovers of their country; a Constitution that shall
protect the meanest citizen, living beneath its ample jurisdiction.
Said the Hon. Judge Gibson, of the Superior court of
our county, "It is impossible for a colored man to obtain justice against a white man, in Columbia and
several other counties." Now in all such counties, martial
law must be proclaimed. Why sport with life and death
in this matter? How silly to talk of punishing men fo,r
these crimes, when, as is well known, no court will convict them? Complain of Ku-Klux outrages to a Southern court, forsooth? As well complain to the Emperor
of Brazil, of outrages inflicted upon the slaves there.
He punish such outrages, when, as he believes, they are
necessary to uphold slavery?  So with  a Southern
court.  They will never punish acts, considered by them,
necessary to the well-being &f society. During the six
441 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
years that have elapsed since my arrival here, I have yet
to learn, of the first instance of a white man being pun ished by our courts, for anl outrage committed upon a
colored man, and the name of such outrages "is legion,
for they are many."
It is not many days, since a poor miserable victim of
a white man's rashness came to my house, hardly able to
crawl along, and detailed to me a story of his wrongs;
which, he said, he had experienced at the hands of his
employer, and which had nearly cost him his life; be cause, as he said, he had asked the white man to pay
him some money, he thought was his due. Nothing
whatever had been done to arrest the perpetrator of this
deed; and in a feeble voice the poor invalid inquired of
me, if there was no protection for him. I frankly told
him I knew of none; for no jury would convict his assailant, however great might have been the outrage
committed. Such a case as this, is not included in the
long list of offences so amply provided for in the KuKlux bill, as can be seen by referring to its provisions.
I ask, if it is for the white man's interest, or true welfare, that such a state of things should exist?
But as this whole subject will be treated upon under
the head of "Protection for the Blacks," I will desist
from farthier comment.   May the great Head of the
Church, for the promotion of whose sacred cause, this
volume is being written, accompany these truths to the
hearts and minds of those who shall peruse them, causing all thus influenced, to re-dedicate themselves to His
bleeding cause, as manifested in the sorrows of the least
of His brethren. May the truth of that eternal law be
recognized, that indissolubly binds together the interests
of all mankind, rendering i impossible to trample upon
442
4 
AND THE REBELS.
the rights of one, without injuring all, as one block of
granite cannot be removed from a church tower, without
endangering the safety of the entire structure; and as
one of the attributes of the Almighty cannot be annulled without effecting the glorious symmetry of His allperfect character; so may we all learn, that the splendid
fabric of American republicanism, cannot lift its burnished and glittering surface, before the admiring gaze
of future millions of the race, unless every stone in
that vast structure remains intact, polished brightly,
and in harmonious relations with every other component
part of the noble edifice. Then shall the great Architect of this Spiritual Temple, who ever operates through
the humblest of His children, inspire the latest laborer
upon this magnificent pile, as he "brings forth the head
stone thereof," to do it, shouting aloud, "Grace, grace
unto it; " and thus shall the Temple, once uncouth and
marred, because of the substraction of so much of its
material, become beautiful beyond description, a "crown
of glory in the hand of the Lord, and a royal diadem
in the hands of its God," "causing the Gentiles to come
to its light, and Kings to the brightness of its rising."
EMD OF PAT FIRST.
a
443 
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
PROTECTION OF LOYALISTS, WHITE AND BLACK.
'Having endeavored to present to the reader faithfully,
the "lights and shadows" of iegro life, and to do justice to the rebel side of the story, adhering firmly to the
determination expressed in the first pages of this book,
"to extenuate nothing, and to set down naught in malice;" but to tell the plain, simple truth, let who would
be offended; I now proceed to explain.what seem to
me, the measures necessary to "bring light out of all this
darkness," and to make this Southern wilderness,' bud
and blossom as a rose; " and cause the serpent of Southern hate, to eat the dust of the earth, instead of fattening on the blood of its poor victims.
The preceding pages have been mainly devoted to the
arousing the sympathies of the reader, in behalf of the
colored population of the South. I now wish to show
how these sympathies can be manifested so as to secure
the highest welfare, of this unfortunate class of our
fellow citizens. Among the several measures essential
to the accomplishment of this result, the foremost is
protection of all classes, black as well as white, and
union men as well as rebefdemocrats.
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AND  TI-TE REBELS.
It is the well established policy of all civilized govern ment to protect all of its citizens alike, without especial
reference to the moral or intellectual status of such
persons.  A Jew has the same claim upon the protecting
care of our government, that the most devoted Christian
has. A drunkard can call upon our authorities to
defend him against enemies, as well as the most re nowned doctor of divinity. This being the case, it follows
that however base may be the victims of "rebel outrages," they have a right to be protected from those outrages, as much as if they were "saints of the first water."
In these days of prison reform, and of anti-capital punishment, when in nearly every locality, petitions are often
signed to avert the fate of a murderer, it surely will not
answer for us to say, "Well, let the freedmen go, they
are too vicious for us to interfere in their behalf. They
deserve the hard fate they experience." But such is not
the "genius of our republican institutions."  Like Him
who "sendeth his rain upon the just and unjust," does
this government open wide its arms of universal beneficence, saying to Jew and Gentile, to bond and free, to
male and female, to saint and sinner, "repose beneath
the luxuriant foliage of our mighty trees, bask in the
sunshine of our loveliest grassy lawns, inhale the delicious
perfume of our sweetest flowers, regale yourselves alike
upon the bountiful harvests of our fertile soil, partake
of all that distinguishes our country from other countries, and renders it deserving of the appellation "home
of the free and land of the brave." You may be undeserving of these rich behests poured into your laps so
abundantly, by our all bountiful Mother earth; but they
shall not be withheld from you even if you use them but
to abuse them, and strive td turn the gifts of God into
m
445
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
curses for yourselves. Thus speaks the goddess America
to all of every name and clime, who seek a home beneath the magnificent folds of her ever glorious Star
Spangled banner, and desire to repose in the broad
shadow of her political aegis, the far famed Constitution
of America.
"Not the righteous, but sinners, "Jesus came to save."
"We have all sinned and come short of the glory of
God," and when we were without strength, " Christ died
for the unyodly."  Were we all to be weighed in the
balance of strict and impartial justice, who shall say, that
our scale would hang any lower than does that of the
poor imbruted freedman, with the scars of his long
night of servitude still visible in every part of his person.
With the red sword of justice lifted over our heads,
should not we, as well as they, need the benignant form
of the angel of mercy to push aside its fiery blade?
But we ask for mercy for those children of sin, oni
account of the tens of thousands of true men and
women, whose fate is indissolubly linked to theirs; and
also for the sake of great numbers of the fireedmen
themselves, who do not imitate the vices of the majority.
We also claim it because of our own country's reputation,
whose "good name" is everywhere spoken against, on
account of its failure to protect those who fled to its
rescue, in that solemn hour of trial forced upon it, by
those from whose wickedness our wards are now suffering. Manifestlv then, we are called upon by every
claim of humanity and justice, to do somnething for the
protection of the Southern blacks, and their white
friends.
But it may be said by the Northern people, in reply to
this statement, "We havetone all we could, consistent
446
a 
AND THE REBELS.
ly with the nature of our government, and that having
given the blacks their freedom, and the elective frailn chise, secured by constitutional amendments, our duty to
them is wholly discharged." Far be it from me to ar raig,n the republican party as a criminal of the deepest
dye, on account of its failure to do the whole of its duty
towards the defenders of its country's flag. Parties are
no more perfect than individuals, and "he that is without sin" in this matter, can cast the first stone at the
republican party. No one can discharge his whole duty,
while much of his time is occupied in beating off the
dogs howling around his track. Ever since the war, its
enemies have barked and howled, at every movement of
this party in favor of the freedmen.  Step by step, every wise and decent measure for the protection of the
freedmen, has been disputed by the warm allies of the
South, and one after another of the republican strongholds, have yielded to this incessant political bombardment. The republican party would have been more
than human, if, under these circumstances, it had never
failed in its duty to the black man. To be sure, it may be
foolishly said, that the republicans, being in the majority,
had all power in their hands, and should never have
hearkened to the "mad dog" cry of its opponents.
This is undoubtedly true; but, nevertheless, in its failure to do so, it has only followed the example of the
ins " every where, who are more afraid of the " outs,"
than of their own consciences. Let us, then, bestow the
true meed of praise upon that party, that saved the Nation from the horrors of a long continued civil war, by
the simple, but noble act, of emancipation, which raised
up four millions of stalwart defenders of its country's
flag, in the very heart of its enemy's country. Let us
447
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0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
also applaud that party, who, in the face of the direst
democratic opposition, placed the ballot in the hands of
the emancipated ones, and altered the constitution to
guarantee them in its possession. We will not forget,
also, its noble achievements, through the Freedmens'
Bureau, and all of its efforts in behalf of the education
of the blacks.  Still less, any more than "our right hand
shall forget its cunning," will we ever forget its earlier
efforts, in behalf of bleeding, and dying Kansas, when a
little handful of "Free-State" men were hemmed in on
every side by the myrmidons of the slave power, gathered from the purlieus of every Southern city; and were
finally plucked from the jaws of these insatiate monsters,
by the timely interference of this noble party.
But while endeavoring to do justice to the republican
party, it will not do for me, as one of its truest friends,
to bolster it up in its short-comings.' Faithful are the
wounds of a friend." As such, I must be permitted to
avow my convictions, that this party has lamentably
failed in doing all of its duty towards the emancipated
slaves, and needs to be exhorted to return to its "first
love." If this party could only remain as single-heartedcl
in favor of the right, as it was in the days of its " first
espousals" to Christ, in the form of bleeding humanity,
all would yet be well. Let us trust that its vitality "is
not dead, but only sleeping," and that it shall yet experience a "time of refreshing from the presence of the
Lord," that shall cause it to outdo all its former efforts,
in behalf of  "Christ's brethren,"  remembering that
"in as much as it does it to one of the least of them,"
it does it to Christ himself.
It is impossible, for one not a resident of this country,
to form an adequate conception of the perfect powerless
448
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AND THE REBELS.'
ness of the colored race before their oppressors. Time
would fail me, and expediency would forbid my detailing
more minutely, the outrages so common at the South.
The Northern press teems with their melancholy recital;
and the pages of the N. Y. National Standard, for more
than a year, have been crowded with the sad tales. If
anyone desires more positive inforimation, than I have
already given, he is respectfully referred to the printed
testimony given before the "Reconstruction Committee,"
in the case of Georgia, of which Sec. Boutwell was
chairman, and published in the spring of 1869; which
pamphlet can be obtained by application to the proper
United States authorities, perhaps to Ex. Gov. Boutwell
himself. I can only say a few words in explanation of
the reasonableness of the stories so minutely narrated.
Imag,ine a person cowed- down by long years of the
most abject thraldom! His manhood denied by law,
and he classed among goods and chattels.  "A slave can
do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire anything, but
what belongs to his master." (Louisiana Slave Code.)
"Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law, to be chattels personal in the hands of
their owners and possessors, to all intents, constructions,
and purposes whatsoever." (South Carolina Slave Code.)
Mark the completeness of the subjection, "to all purposes whatsoever." Could anything be any more sweeping? This was the condition of the slaves before emancipation.
Has emancipation altered the slaves' nature one whit,
except to disabuse his mind of the fact, that his master
had the right thus to control him? The idea of his
inferiority had been enstamped upon his mind from time
immemorial, and how could a few years of freedom
40
a
449 
TEo T   PLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
efface it entirely? There it still remains, burning into
and blistering his inmost soul; and effectually neutral izing all his aspirations after equality with his white
brethren. While a slave, he rebelled inwardly against
this assumption of power, as a worm squirms when
trodden upon; but, he nevertheless fully believed, in the
existence of this inferiority on his part. He knew that
he was powerless as a child, in the strong grasp of his
tyrannical master. This belief of his own inferiority,
then produced abject submission ill the vast majority of
cases. The heavenly influences of religion were invoked in the service of this same falsehood'; and he was
taught that God had made him inferior to the white
man.  Now as "like causes produce like effects," so the
continued belief of this dogma, must perpetuate the
false reign of the master over the freedman. It is true,
that overweening self-conceit, has been described as one
of the characteristics of the black man; but this conceit
seldom manifests itself in the presence of a genuine,
"lord of the whip  and spuri."  Whatever pretensions
the black man may have made of skill or excellence,
they all "vanish into the air" as one of these knighted
, lords of the manor" approaches.  It is seldom, that
in the face and eyes of his former master, that a freedman will dare repeat the story of his past or present
wrongs. On this account, their testimony cannot always
be relied upon, when most needed. Multitudes of outrages are only witnessed by the black hands of the
oppressor; and it is nearly impossible to persuade them
to testify against him. Often, will they deny the statements they have made a moment before, when a rebel
approaches, only to reaffirm them after his absence.
Truth compels me to state that the black race at the
4 -;o
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AND THE REBELS.
South, is mostly an abject race, notwithstanding the innumerable provoking acts they commit.   These acts
are, almost always, committed behind the backs of their
employers, and seldom in their presence. And it is not
to be denied, that they have more respect for a loudmouthed Southern declaimer, who boasts of having yesterday fired at two of his negroes, than they have for the
gentle-minded Yankee, who approaches them with love
in his heart, and uses only, words of a mild and tender
accent.  Like Topsy, they say to such an one,  "La!
Miss Ophelia, you can't hurt a'skeeter." All rude natures, stand in awe of physical, much more than of
moral or intellectual power. I well recollect while in
Kansas, a certain pro-slavery doctor, who constantly
"defied all the armies of the living God," in the shape
of Free-State men, so that none dared to question his
word. I saw him one day, cut the face and head of a
lawyer in Lawrence, because he refused to admit the
truth of some proposition he had made. But one day,
Davy Evans," from Missouri, came to Lawrence, and
learning of the fear that this brow-beating doctor everywhere inspired, he marched boldly up to him,  and
poured out such a hurricane of terrible epithets, into the
affrighted man's ears, as I never thought it possible for a
man to utter; and when he had finished, he flourished
his bowie-knife in his face, and said: "There now, help
yourself if you can, you foul whelp of hell!"   The
braggadocia doctor turned as pale as a sheet, and from
that day onward, was never heard to utter an uncivil, or
scarcely a loud word in the streets of Lawrence.   It is
so with the Southerners, both black and white.   The
rebels turn pale only, when Uncle Sam precipitates himself upon them; and the blacks are only awe-stricken,
in the presence of the rebels.
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THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
Now, who can wonder that the rebels exercise this
power, that they are so conscious of possessing over the
blacks? It would be contrary to human nature for
them not to avail themselves of its influence. Their
object is to rule over the blacks. This they perceive
they can do by force, far better than they can do in any
other way. Consequently, the law of force prevails
largely, and far outshadows in magnitude, every other
law thought of in relation to their treatment of the
colored population. As the blacks live under the force
of the same law of fear that they formerly did, and are
not changed in their mental habits in this respect, so
have the rebels failed to change one whit in their disposition to use the same force that they did in the days
of slavery. They perceived its excellent results then,
they are fast learning of its equally important influence
now.  The abolition of slavery neither infused nolieness of character into the hearts of the emancipated
ones, nor kindness of disposition into those of their
masters.
Under such circumstances, what else can be expected
than the exercise of terrific power on the part of the
whites? Those who profess to doubt its existence, lack
mental perception; and fail to credit the universal
operation of the great laws of the human mind.
So far from there being any reason for the wide
spread unbelief respecting these outrages, the mystery
to my mind is, that they are not ten times more common
than they are. The whites would be angelic, rather
than human, if under the circumstances of the case, they
did not abuse the helpless creatures over whom they possess so much power. The mere voice of the rebels will
start the poor blacks from any lethargy, into which they
452
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AND THE REBELS.
may have unconsciously fallen.  Their word of command even now awakens within them, the old sound of
the overseer's whip, especially as it is apt to be followed
with stinging blows as in the days of slavery.  Those
of the Northern people who affect to ignore this state
of things, remind me of the ostrich, who in the face of
danger, hides its head in the sand, fancying that the
danger is averted, because it can no longer behold its approach. Some of us at the North have become tired of
hearing about the black man's cruel treatment, and so we
hide our eyes from the sight, and then go around rejoicing
because we can no longer witness his scars.  But, dear
reader, remember that while you are conjuring up ten
thousand other objects of benevolence to occupy your
mind upon, and saying, " this and that thing is the next
reform in the order of God's providence, now that the
black question is disposed of," "the black man at the
South," still remains bleeding at every pore, and wondering why the fulfillment of the promises you made
him of relief, is so long delayed. The infatuation of the
American people on this subject is simply amazing, and
can be but the prelude to a more terrible awakening in
reference to it, than words seem to be destined to ac-.
complish; even such a one as the angel of war only can
produce. How any friend of the freedman can for a
moment entertain the idea that the black man's con dition, as.far as the rebels are concerned, is improving, I
am at a loss to divine.  Here  I am  every few days
delectably engaged in dodging rebel bullets, and my
friends at the North are rejoicing over the happy
"restoration of concord and harmony' throughout all
our borders.
Sitting, at a front window in my lonely retreat, pein
4 o 3
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ning these  lines, suddenly I hear the  crackling of
musketry. I arise and step outside the door, and behold
three colored girls all racing through the yard, with
their clothes flutteringo in the breeze, and they almost
out of breath. Behind their fleeing forms, I notice our
front gate wide open, and going up to the oldest of these
girls I say, " Docia, why will you always leave that gate
open? Haven't I told you ever so many times you
must shut that gate.  I shall be obliged to fasten it up,
if you all will persist in leaving it open."
She replies,  "0  massa, I done forget all'bout that ar
gate, I'se so busy trying to get away from dem ar rebs.
I'll look out next time sure."
I then ask her older brother standing near, what is it
about the rebs? and he says, "Didn't you hear them guns
a minit ago?"  I reply in the affirmative, and then learn,
that these three girls were passing peaceably along on a
bank near the road, when some white men in a buggy
came by, and hallooed to them to know what they were,
"democrats or radicals?"  "They replied "radicals,"
when instantly a volley of rebel bullets was poured
upon them, which they found it difficult to escape
from. I returned to my house, and as I was describing
this outrage for future reference, my  eye fell upon
some passages in a Northern newspaper, lying partly
beneath the paper on which I was writing.
Some distinguished friend of "amity" was writing to
some other one, whom he seemingly was attempting to
hoodwink into believing in his peculiar political faith;
and he used words like the following, "Why be forever
stirring up these flames of discord between the North
and the South?   The South  are well-disposed; and
treat their negroes with all tat urbanity of disposition,
a
454 
AND THE REBELS.
for which they have been so long and so justly celebrated. It is only the miserable carpet-baggers, who
would persuade you to the contrary. Come, friend, let
us' bridge over' this awful chasm that has so long divided those hearts yearning for each other's love. Let
us'clasp hands' over this yawning aperture, and let
'by-gones be by-gones."' The reader can imagine my
feelings towards the miserable political scherrmer, that
was defying heaven with his tissue of misrepresentations.
And then, again, knowing the irascible spirit of the
Southerners, and the intensely provoking conduct of
many of the blacks, there is still less room for wonder
at the black man's fate. I question if the imperturbable
spirit of a William Penn, if here, would fail to be
wrought upon at times, so as to be tempted to say or do
something awful to these provoking creatures, the
former plantation-slaves. Innumerable are the instances
of their provoking conduct in little affairs, one or two
of which, as they have just occurred, I wvill relate, as an
illustration of many others. Day before yesterday, I
asked a colored man, who owes me a large sum of
money, which will probably always be as large, and one,
on whom I had conferred many pecuniary favors, to
loan me his mule for an hour or two; when he refused,
although I had, not long since, leaned him ten dollars to
buy corn with, for this very mule. Another man who
also owed me a small sum agreed to go into the woods,
and cut a little wood for me on the next day; but failed
entirely to keep his promise, although he knew I was
entirely out of wood. And then, as elsewhere stated,
their habit of never obeying your orders exactly as they
are given, is proverbial. Who can wonder at the exasperation of the rebels towardsthem?  It must be borne
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
in mind that the Southern people are none of your
patient Jobs, but almost universally fiery Hotspurs;
with whom a blow is sure to follow a word, and quite as
often to come first. They are irascible by nature, and
impetuous beyond conception. No Southern man dare
call another a liar, without being prepared for the use
of powder and ball.
Then, human life never was considered so sacred, as
it formerly was, and is now, to a great extent, in our
beloved North. The doctrines of peace never had, even
a "corporal's guard" of believers at the South; and
non-resistance with them, is the strangest conceivable
infatuation.
Now, taking all these things into consideration, is it to
be wondered at, that the newly emancipated slave, fares
hardly, at the hands of his former master?
It is my opinion that he who saves us from doing
wrong, serves us a better turn, than he who encourages
us in that wrong, or endeavors to protect us from its
consequences. Therefore, I feel that I can truly claim
to be a much better friend to the Southerner, than those
who cry out, "Let him alone; don't encroach upon his
rights."  I love the white man at the South, equally
with the black man; and my heart yearns over his unfortunate condition, fully as much as it does over that of
his miserable victims.  I have often told the blacks, that
I would shed my blood as quickly in defence of the
whites against their outrages, as in defence of the
blacks against the whites. I love all men without reference to race or color; and always intend to defend the
oppressed against the oppressor, let the former be the
proudest, or the lowest of  creation.   My motto  is
now, When the blacks do tioong let them suffer, and when
456
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AND THE REBELS,
the whites do uwrong, let them suffer also. It is as much
of a sin, to deprive the whites of their rights, as to do
the same towards the blacks. I wish for equal and impartial justice to be done to all, irrespective of race or
color.
It is then, because of my love for the whites, and of
my intense interest in their welfare, that I advocate this
measure of protection for the blacks. It is for the interest of the whites pecuniarily, that they should not be
allowed to continue this insane treatment of their former
slaves. No Northern man likes to bring his family into
such a nation of fighters. Capital is proverbially timid,
and can never allow its golden streams to flow into the
laps of those who know not how to guard the valuable
deposit. The press of the South, that is so continually
laboring to foster this turbulent state of affairs, is the
greatest enemy the South can possibly have; and is
doing far more to curtail its prosperity, than the whole
legion of "carpet baggers," multiplied a million fold.
If it was once understood at the North, that these outrages had ceased, real estate would increase in value, at
least fifty per cent.
But who can say that it is best for the moral nature
of the white man, that he should be left to cut the
throats of his employees? How wrong for any one to
accuse us of injustice to our white friends, simply because we are not willing to allow them to commit murder?  I once, by force, restrained a colored woman from
doing violence to her boy, and half an hour afterwards,
she came to my house, and thanked me for my interference, saying: "I should have felt terribly bad, if I had
killed my boy."  And so with very many of the whites.
An intelligent Southerner, qpce thanked my sister for
0
a
457 
THE BLACK MAN OF THIE SOUTH,
interfering in his attempts to' shoot a negro.'  In our
better moments we all love the one who rescues us
from the power of the tempter, better than the one who
tempts us. Like a loving father we would hold the
arms of these would be murderers, like the two Southerners who are represented in our picture of the Apling
mob, as thwarting a fire-eating Ku-Klux in his murderous intent. Supposing that poor slave of passion, had
succeeded in hurling that rock at my head, how much
happier would he have been after he had executed his
fell purpose;  and were not his "oppressors," as he
doubtless considered them, his best friends?
I have stated that the black man is utterly powerless in the hands of the whites. Judge Gibson, as already quoted, states that "civil law affords no security
to the black man in Columbia, and several other counties." I can see no practical difference between his
helplessness now, and in the days of slavery. Indeed, I
think there are far more murders committed to-day, than
there were in those days, for the sufficient reason that
then, the slave sustained a monied relation to his master,
that is not now the case. To-day, who cares how many
darkies are murdered, so long as no white man suffers
thereby? In the year 1870, a black man on Hon. J. M.
Rice's place, in the edge of this county, was deliberately
shot dead by a white man for refusing to go and work
for him, when he had agreed to work for some one else.
A distinguished planter, who happened to be a strong
friend of the colored man, said he would have the murderer punished, if it cost him all of his property, and the
murderer was arrested. When the trial came on, after
some delay, a letter was produced in court, ostensibly
signed by a colored man living on the same plantation,
40- 8
0
a 
AND THE REBELS.
saying, "that the white man killed the black man ill
self-defence," and the white man was discharged on this
testimony. The black man afterwards denied having
signed such a letter, or having been questioned at all in
reference to the matter.  This is the second black man
that has been killed in that neighborhood, since I came
here. This plantation is eight miles from here, and is
under the control of black men, the owner, Mr. Rice, fearing to reside there, on account of the oft-repeated threats
against his life, he having been a member of the Georgia
Legislature, and a devoted friend of the black man, at
all times and places.
It nmay be asked, if the story of these outrages is true,
how does it happen that my life has been spared for so
many years? My reply is, that the preservation of my
life is as great a mystery to me, as it is to all of my
friends at the North. I do not see how it can be sufficiently accounted for, without believing in the interference of God in the affairs of men; but still it might
savor of arrogance for me to assert that God had saved
my life, and allowed hundreds of others, as devoted to
his cause, to perish at the hands of the rebels, and I will
therefore endeavor to account for it, from a human point
of view. I am sure it is not because of any remarkable
good will towards me, on the part of the whites; aid
still less because I am suspected of any leaning towards
the democracy.
But it is'well understood throughout this county, that
murdering me would not be an altogether safe proceeding on the part of the rebels. It is true that I have
never countenanced the idea, that my death should be
avenged by the blacks, but nevertheless I feel morally
certain that if in an evil kour it should be brought
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0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
about, it would be the "additional ounce that breaks
the camel's back" and scenes not altogether pleasant
would be quite likely to follow. At least I gather this
firom conversation with the blacks, and from their
anxiety to destroy Apling, as described by my sister, on
her arrival at my apparent death-bed. The blacks, it is
true, will and do steal from me, and they, do many other
things calculated to wound my feelings; but I must do
them the credit to believe, that they would defend my
life to the last, and many of them would die to save me.
I owe my safety then to my unremitted efforts in their
behalf, and I know that in my destruction, all their
hopes for future elevation in this neighborhood would be
so effectually dashed to the ground, that in their despair
they would fight terribly. Again if I should be killed,
there would be no one about here to counsel moderation,
and their anger would find vent in bloody deeds; they
being no longer content with the defence words afforded
them. Let me therefore warn my rebel friends, who
may be displeased at some of my remarks ill this book,
neither at this or at any other time, to wreak their vengeance on me, or on my property; for I cannot interfere
to protect them after my exit from this world.
One evening I was detained on the public road, by
conversing with a gentleman until after dark, and before
I could reach my house, I met fifteen colored men,
armed and in military style marching to my relief, commanded by one who had been a soldier in the Union
army; and they returned in triumph, with my person in
their convoy. Then, it is also well known, that no
attack could be made on our place, without the most
determined resistance of men,  women  and  children
Men and dogs are on guard at all hours of the day and
9 a~~
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AND THE REBELS.
night; and woe be to whoever attacks us, unless we
are overpowered by a multitude. It is our ability to
defend ourselves, and the determination of the brave
hearts on our place to do so, that renders my situation
at all safe.  It is not the civil law that affords me any
protection whatever.
But I submit to all candid people, if it is right for me
to be thus left "to the powers of my own right arm"
for protection.   Ought not the government  of  the
United States, to afford me protection in the discharge
of my official duties at least? Does not the Constitution
guarantee to every citizen, protection in the discharge
of his duties as an officer of the law? To be sure, I
hold my present position as an appointee of the Governor of our state; but has he no authority? Has Gov.
Bullock never applied to the United States government
for protection against domestic violence? No one, who
has long been in Washington, since the inauguration of
our Governor, and been at all conversant with public
affairs there, can deny that long and loud have been the
appeals for aid from our state government, backed by
the most thrilling ones from a multitude of our citizens;
and yet these cries nave not been heeded. By what
method of reasoning can it be denied that Section 4th,
of Article 4th, of the United States Constitution, renders the duty of our government imperative in this
matter? As an officer of the law, elected by the people
of this county, was I driven from my post, and forced to
resign my office, or suffer death. The United States
government has been repeatedly informed of the facts in
the case, and our executive has, as repeatedly, applied
for help to suppress " domestic violence"; but in this,
and many other cases, it hasnot been granted. The peo
461 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
ple of Columbia County, Georgia, are, to-day, precisely
as great rebels against the United States government, as
they were, when marshalled in battle array, against Gen.
Grant, behind the defences of Richmond. Did not the
members of that mob defy the power of Congress?
And do they not today, stand triumphant over the
armies of the United States? But my case is by no
means a solitary one. Great numbers of other officials
are not able to hold the offices to which they have been
elected; and especially to visit their homes while they
thus hold them.  But it matters not to me, that I am
thus deprived of office; for no earthly power would induce me to attempt to occupy that position at present.
I only state facts, to show precisely how matters stand;
to let the people of the North know, that in Columbia
County, Georgia, to say nothing of other counties, a
regularly elected, and appointed officer of the government, can no more hold the office to which he is entitled,
than if he was an inhabitant of Europe, and should
attempt to fill an office here. Georgia thus rides triumphantly over the Union; and yet we are tenderly invited
to " let these dear, erring, and  repenting, brethren
have their own way. Don't trample on their sacred
rights!  Do be kind  to the  unfortunate  fellows."
Sometimes I see it argued in Northern papers, that, the
rebellion having ceased at the South, there is no reason
why the South should not be left to control its own
affairs, the same as Massachusetts, and other Northern
states. I can remember when United States soldiers
were freely used in Massachusetts, not to suppress a riot,
but to guard against an anticipated one; and this by the
direction of a democratic administration. WVhy, then,
should it be deemed so iwjust, to use United States
462
0 
AND THE REBELS.
soldiers to suppress riots of long continuance? The
fact is, there has never been an entire cessation of the
rebellion at the South. I do not think there is a city,
town, or county, throughout the South, where the life
of a Union man is perfectly safe.
But it may be asked what kind of protection do I demand for myself and others? I reply, simply, that
which will be effectual, and no other. I ask for no unnecessary expense, for no useless array of military
power; but simply for that kind of protection, that will
avail to render safe my life and property; and that of all
Union men, black, as well as white. And I ask it under
those clauses of the Constitution, that are ample in their
provisions on this point. In the Section, above quoted,
it is made the imperative duty of the United States government, to "guarantee to every State, a republican
form of government." A republic is defined by lexicographers to be "a government where the supreme power
is vested in the people." Of course, not in a small minority of the people, but in the majority.
It is a cardinal principal of a republican government,
that the will of a majority of the people as expressed
through the ballot box, shall be the law of the land, to
which the majority shall submit. Then, whenever a
portion of the people shall refuse to submit to the expressed will of the majority, Congress or the Executive
is bound to subdue this insurrection; and that without app1lication from the State Executive. In the article alluded
to, there are three distinct clauses, first "the United
States (whoever that may be), shall guarantee to every
State in this Union, a republican form of government;"
secondly, "shall protect each of them against invasion;"
and  thirdly, "on  applicaion of the Legislature  or
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a 
- THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Executive, against domestic violence." Now, as soon as
that august power  answering to the  term  " United
States," learns of the overthrow of the laws by a mob
or otherwise, it is bound to send its soldiers immediately
to re-establish those laws; unless it shall be made plain
to them that such a step is unnecessary. How comical
it would look for a father of a large family not to
establish order among his disobedient children, because
the disobedient ones do not request his interference?
WAVere our fathers fools when they adapted this wise
provision? Says an intelligent commentator on this
clause, "It was left as it is, with the presumption
that the authority of Congress would authorize an
interference to suppress any insurrection, violence or
revolution, which was so serious or universal, as to
prevent any Legislature or Executive application for
aid." No other than this, can be a common sense view
of the case; for if Congress is excused from action, on
account of not being requested by the State authorities to act, then the most formidable of all rebellions,
where the State government is implicated, cannot be
quelled; and this too, if nineteen-twentieths of the
State are opposed to the rebellion, provided the State
government is in its favor. Verily, such an interpretation of the Constitution would emphatically render it,
what it is now deemed to be by the Southern people, a
mere "rope of sand" to be blown hither and thither,
according- to the whims of ever so small a minority of
the people; and we are left to that most despicable of
all governments, one where the aristocracy governs.
If any one doubts that Union men need protection,
let him come here and occupy my post. Let him simply
engage in teaching the blacks, and in advising them
6    a          0
o
464 
AND THE REBELS.
politically and otherwise; and after the knowledge of
that fact has been spread abroad, let him travel alone in
the upper part of this county, or in Lincoln, and I am
of the opinion that he would be on the stool of political
conviction, in a short space of time. I have often
wished that some of these public men who talk so loudly
about the oppression of the Southern people, could be
obliged to live here a few months; but the trouble is,
while they talk so loudly about the lies of carpet baggars, they keep their own precious selves safely ensconced
in snug quarters at home. I may be allowed to say,
that during my residence here, I have been much oftener
threatened, and have been in much more real danger
than I was thirty years ago, when residing in the State
of Kentucky.  Although I proclaimed my hostility to
slavery, yet I travelled alone and unarmed through
large portions of that State and Tennessee, and never
was attacked by a rebel highwayman, or assaulted by a
pro-slavery mob. Never during several years residence
there, was a single bullet aimed at my person, or any
kind of a deadly weapon used in assailing me, although
my life was often threatened. But how has it been
here? Not a day or night has passed, for more than one
half of the time I have been here, without my fearing
an attack from the rebels. Oftentimes, while sitting
quietly in my house, has the noise of rebel bullets disturbed my serenity; and men have rode by my house
rending the air with their hideous shouts and murderous
yells, as if all Pandemonium was let loose. For months
and months in succession, I have not passed a single
night without springing from my bed at hearing some
unusual noise, and at such times hours would elapse
before I could rest quietly Cgain.  I seldom go  any
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ITHE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
where unarmed, not even on the road leading from my
house, unless accompanied by other parties. There are
portions of this county, and the whole of neighboring
counties, where I should no more think of travelling
than among the wildest Indians on our continent. No
Union man's life would be safe for a moment, in some
counties near here. In one county, not even General
Butler, with all his confidence of personal impunity, nor
General Grant himself could travel safely. There is no
spot in this county, where a Union man would be safe in
addressing a political meeting, except at a very few
private houses. An attempt was made last Fall, to hold
a meeting at Apling, but it ended in the severe wounding
of one of the speakers, the Hon. J. M. Rice; and I
think all classes agree that free speech is virtually at an
end in this region of country.
Now, I ask all reasonable men, if it was for such a
purpose as this, that blood and treasure were poured out
like water, during our sanguinary struggle with the
South? Previous to the war, I could travel unmolested
through certain Southern states, with no government to
appeal to, in case of an attack; but now, I can go no
where, unarmed, except at the peril of my life.  Then,
my sleep was never disturbed by fear of midnight assassins; but now, hardly a night passes over my  head,
without my slumbers being aroused from apprehensions
of this kind. Then, not a gun was kept at my bedside,
nor a revolver ever hidden beneath my pillow; but now,
such weapons, with a plentiful supply of ammunition,
are every night, placed carefully where they can be
easily snatched, at a moment's warning; and they are
often grasped, amid the darkness of the night, to repel a
supposed attack. Sometimes, our family devotions at
466
a 
AND THE REBELS.
night, are disturbed by a rapid discharge of musketry;
and, on enquiry, we find that a company of rebels have
stopped in front of the house, and discharged their
weapons at our abode; and been replied to, by the firearms of our valiant boys, who are usually ready for such
an emergency.
Men of the Union army, soldiers who braved rebel
bullets, and waded through the noxious, miasmatic localities of the South, inhaling the deadly malaria there
engendered at every step, in order that you might behold
"the flag of our Union" safely waving throughout the
entire South; are you satisfied with the result of your
perilous efforts? Do you think that you risked your
lives for a worthy purpose, if such are the fruits of our
"glorious war"?. Will you sit supinely by, and hear
sycophantic politicians declaim about the "unconstitutionality" and "unnecessary expense," of measures designed to render your services productive of good; and
to prevent you from being described as those who have
"spent your money for that which is not bread, and
your labor for that which satisfieth not"? What have
we gained by incurring this tremendous debt, so paralyzing to all branches of industry? It seems to me, as if
the possession of a tithe of the spirit, that actuated our
fathers at Bunker Hill, would arouse every son of the
North, to crush this rebellious spirit, that not content
with defeat in battle, seeks by midnight raids, to accomplish what it failed to do in open and fair warfare.
Shall we allow our foes to effectually accomplish secretly,
what they could not at the cannons' mouth?  Then the
deafening roar of artillery, that, like a mighty earthquake, shook our nation, shall prove to have been, but a
deceptive sound, ushering in; fatal triumph, won by our
enemies, the fruits of which, they are now enjoying.
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THE BLACK MAiN OF THE SOUTH,
I am amazed, and almost petrified with astonishment,
as I read the crazy assertions of pretended lovers of their
country, that military occupancy of the South, would be
a " dangerous precedent," and inimical to republican institutions. Depend upon it, such fearful souls, have
been galvanized in their intellectual perceptions, by the
power of the Southern siren, who so bewitchingly sings
in their deluded ears, such soft strains of seducing
music, as produces in their emasculated souls, this infatuated love for the monstrous Southern harlot, who is
" drunken with the blood of saints, and with the blood
of the martyrs of Jesus."
Nothing is so dangerous to our institutions as anarchy
and mob-law-.  I cannot speak calmly of such folly.
Dangerous to protect men and women from such brutal
outrages, as we fail to find recorded on the pages of
history, and as cannot possibly be described on paper;
outrages so unusual, that not one in ten of those who
hear of them, would believe to be true!  One such outrage, was lately described to me by a rebel himself, and
excels in intense obscenity, and terrific cruelty, anything
occurring in the very purlieus of hell itself.  It is my
candid opinion, that but comparatively few of the outrages actually committed, ever find publicity in the pa,
pers of the land; for I have never seen the remotest
allusions to matters of everyday occurrence in our neighborhood. There are vast tracts of territory where no
ear, but that of the Almighty, ever listens to the deep
throbbings of innumerable souls, who  are made  "to
drinkl of the wine of the wrath" of these pro-slavery
demons, day after day, and year after year.  In  oulr
county, I know of not a single resident, who would ever
u4ke public the story of any outrage upon the black
468
0 
AND TITIE REBELS.
man, however great; and I do not think there is more
than one in Lincoln County, adjoining ours. Over all
of these vast tracts of land, the stillness of midnight
reigns, as far as the voice of an opposer of tyranny is
heard; and the unbroken silence, that can be almost
felt, it is so profound, is only interrupted by the crack
of the demon-like scourge, which is followed by the deep
groan of the miserable wretch, to whose back it is applied, crying out, in mournful refrain, "' How long, 0
Lord, how long?"  And fronm whom proceeds this cry
of tyranny, but from those rebels, and their allies, who
condemned Lincoln's "tyranny," in calling for the first
seventy-five thousand men? It comes from men who
care not a straw for the Constitution, or its provisions,
and who, like a noted rebel leader in Augusta, Georgia,
"thanked God that he had once trampled under foot the
United States flag, and hoped that he would be able to
do it again." These men were then shocked, and are
now scandalized, at the use of measures designed to perpetuate the glories of that flag, by making it the synonym with justice and humanity, wherever on earth its
starry folds may proudly wave, and
"Peace and order and beauty, draw
Round its symbol of light and law."
One word in reference to the expense of military occupancy, of disaffected Southern territory. This could
hardly exceed three millions of dollars per annum, allowing fifty men and twenty-five horses to be stationed in
each of twenty such counties as ours in Georgia, and
the same in each of the other ten states. And what but
a "drop in the bucklet" is such an item in comparison
to the millions wasted annually in listening to long
winded speeches in Congres in opposition to such
~
469
0 
THE BIACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
righteous measures?  Wily, the mileage itself of members
of Congress, over and above the amount to which they
are legitimately entitled, added to the large sums wasted
through the "franking" privilege, would nearly defray
the expense of so wise a measure. And then the vast
sums expended in carrying on our Indian wars, could be
easily lessened enough to sustain a measure, to say the
least, fully as rational as the attempt to subjugate by
force of arms alone, the vast Indian tribes now hanging
upon the skirts of our nation.
Were not forty millions of dollars expended in subduing the brave Osceola and his Seminole subjects?
Was any thing then said by the South about the useless
expense? Is it not -equally important to subdue men
not possessing a tithe of Osceola's humanity, and all of
his cruelty?  In the year 1836, did not the South wring
from the pockets of Northern working-men more than
this sum, by having the " surplus revenue" unevenly
distributed? And were not twenty-seven millions of
the capita]. of the old United States bank, sunk at the
South, without a word of complaining on the part of
the North? Ever since this government was founded,
has not the great Northern workshop poured its treasures of wealth into the lap of the miserable Southern
mistress, who has so effectually captivated the hearts of
Northern politicians? One writer estimates this sum as
high as several hundreds of millions of dollars; and
now is it any hardship for the South to be called upon
to reimburse a small portion of this amount. Let the
government of every Southern State be obliged to foot
the bill, for military occupancy of its soil? It is the
penalty it should be made to pay for its failure to protect its citizens. But letethe property of every open
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.0
0 
AND THE REBELS.
and avowed Union man be exempt from assessment for
this purpose. A commission could he appointed, to visit
each county and make out lists of all, who would take a
solemn oath never to interfere with the administration
of justice; and that they are not, and never were members of the Ku-Klux Klan, and never have countenanced
them in the least degree. If it shall appear that any
persons have taken a false oath, let them be tried for
perjury before an United States court. It is not likely
that the whole South would perjure itself, to save a
little money. Then let the expense of every military
trial be borne by the county, excepting those who are
known to have expressed their thorouoh dislike to the
operations of the Ku-Klux.
But no matter-who bears all this necessary expense,
it is cheaper in the end, to prevent outbreaks, than to
quell them afterwards; and inhabiting as I do one of
these rebellious districts, it certainly seems to me  far
better, to be allowed to sleep in quietness, not expecting
every moment to hear a rebel bullet whizzing past my
ears, even if it does cost a little money; than it is to live
h life of continual terror, never knowing at the beginning
of each day, whether I shall see its close in peace or not.
But perhaps this is selfishness on my part, and I ought
to be willing to endure this constant mental agony, for
the sake of saving our worthy uncle a few dollars of expense, in maintaining order throughout his dominions.
Or, perhaps I have no business to live here. I was not
born in the noble State of Georgia, but was so unfortunate as to inhale the first breath of life, in that "dreary
old State" of Massachusetts, whose only exports are
said to be "rock, and ice;" and what right have I to
leave my own home, and venture to reside inll a State so
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0
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
near Heaven, in moral and intellectual acquirements, as
Georgia, the "empire State" of the South! The South erners say, "You are a Yankee, G-d d    n you; and
have no business here;" and then to show their vast su periority to us miserable Yankees, they will add what I
heard one of them say, "I can whip a dozen Yankees at
any time, and I look upon every man that was in the
Union army, as a d    d horse-thief."   But if I have
the right to dwell here, then for God's sake let me be
protected.
What is the great argument that is used in opposition
to this idea?  It is, that "drawing the reinis tightly on
the rebel steed, will cause him to dash on more vigorously than ever;" or, as Mrs. Davis said to the officer
about to arrest.her petticoated husband, "don't anger
him, he may hurt you!"  Now, one could give these
cautious politicians the more credit for believing their
own creed, if they could ever be heard advocating the
same idea with reference to other criminals; but no political party has as yet adopted it, as a plank in their
platform, that equal generosity should be shown to the
poor woman who steals a loaf of bread, with which to'
feed her starving children. There is a New York editor, whose lucubrations often meet my eyes, even in this
darkened mental region, who professes to be one of the
moral lights of the world, and who is exhalted by some
of his followers "above all that is called God; " whose
advocacy of this fallacy, has caused the South to become a vast Aceldama, and still his sayings are quoted
as the embodiment of political wisdom. Now, I would
respectfully, and almost reverently, (for I tremble at the
thought of questioning the infallibility of such a demigod), ask this paragon of iagnanimity, how it happens
472
6 
AND THE REBELS.
that the above poor woman does not need his eloquent
appeals, almost as much as dear old brother Davis, and
our nice cousins, Toombs, Ben. Hill, Quantrell, and the
keepers of Andersonville and Florence prisons? Or is it
great criminals, only, to whom the "olive leaf" of peace
is to be extended, on the principle, that "one murder
makes a villain, millions, a hero!"
Perhaps the example of our Heavenly Father, would
not be a bad one for us to follow, who, although he
"makes the sun to shine on the evil and on the good,"
still emphatically says, " except ye repent, ye shall all
likewise perish; " and who has certainly kindly ordained,
that unrepentant rebels, shall never  wear the "long
white robe and the starry crown." Does nature approvingly smile upon the criminal? Ask that poor
soul, who when ordering a mag(rpie's nest to be torn
from the top of a very high tree, near his house, gave as
a reason, that "it had never ceased reproving him for
the murder of his father." Does conscience ever acquit
the sinner at its righteous bar, until he has "brought
forth fruits meet for repentance?" Why, then, should
these Southern sinners be toasted so often, and eulogized
beyond measure, as poor unfortunates, on whom the
hand of our despotic government has been laid heavily,
before they have shown the least sign of repentance? I.
must be excused for saying, that hypocrisy is the only
appropriate name, to give to the conduct of those, who
so flippantly talk of pacifying the rebels, by freely pardoning their offences without repentance.
Never, since the conclusion of peace, have the dictatbes
of common sense been applied to our relations with the
South. Not content with the result of long years of
experience previous to the wa since its close we have
a
473 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
been constantly repeating the same lesson, and "reaping the whirlwind by sowing the wind." There never
was a better illustration of this folly, than in the case
of the chicken-hearted soldier, who, when his comrades
were discussing what should be the fate of a rattle-snake,
who had intruded into the camp, suggested, "Do with
him?  Why, swear him, and let him go."  So have we
been doing, swearing the rebels, and letting them go, to
infuse there poisonous virus into the whole community.
A distinguished preacher, who doubtless now laments
his utterance of such foolishness, shortly after the close
of the war, at a celebration at Fort Sumpter, reparked
that while there, he was stung by a wasp, and his first
impression was to kill the vicious little thing; but he reflected, like uncle Toby, in the case of the fly, that the
world "was wide enough for both him and the wasp,"
and he therefore opened the window, saying, "go, poor
devil, go; you will never sting me again."  Now this
would have been truly Christian conduct on the part of
our kind-hearted brother, if he and the wasp were the
sole inhabitants of this planet; but when the probability
was, that some one else would be stung by the unrepentant wasp, it was cruelty to them to allow the wasp to go
in peace.
But the Southern States have been received back into
the Union, and what has been done cannot be well undone.  They now compose a part of our glorious political fabric, as they did previous to their warlike efforts
to escape from the tyranny of thlis political fold, and
they are not content with " taking the back seats" in
their old home, but demand rejoicing, on our part, at their
return. When I was a boy, I once escaped from the
rigor of my grandmothw's righteous rule, but after a
a
474
0 
AND THE REBELS.
short absence, as night drew on, I slunk back into the
fold, expecting and deserving a severe reprimand at
least; but my grandmother, dear old soul, feared she had
done wrong in provoking me, and received me with distinguished favor, preparing with her own hands, a nice
bowl of white bread and milk, for myself, in place of the
brown bread that was usually my portion. So with us.
The South has returned from self-interest alone, and we
are eager to show her, that we almost regret having
driven her away by our unguarded conduct, and we
mean to be more careful in future. Poor thing; it is
born in her to be rebellious, and we must be more careful about applying a torch to her nitro-glycerine heart,
lest a worse explosion than before should ensue.
Supposing one-tenth of the outrages that have been
committed at the South had occurred in Boston, upon
the persons of the Irish, how many weary months of application, on the part of the Romish priests, would have
been required, to induce Congress to interfere? What
burning words of eloquence, would have dropped from
the lips of every democratic orator in Congress? But
because it is the South that plays  these "fantastic
tricks," every eye must be closed, and every ear shut
against the sight and sound of these "irregularities."
The South always was a petted child with our government, and bids fare always to remain one, albeit the
scars of the wounds she inflicts upon the remaining members of the family, are yet visible, and likely to remain
so for a long time to come.  Perhaps she will outgrow
this refractory disposition, after she has been allowed to
nourish it to her satisfaction, upon the blood of tens of
thousands of Union men and women, who now lie passive at her feet, waiting her 4nalignant pleasure. But
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4THE BLACK MIAX OF THE SOUTH,
in my opinion, a "straight-jacket" is best for a lunatic,
and strenuous efforts to hold a maddened child, are con ducive to its highest welfare. Let us, then, imitate a
wise father, who will not let his passionate child imbrue
its hands in the blood of a brother; and let us calmly
say to the South, "you shall not maltreat your bretlhren, and if reason avails nothing with you, the strong
arm of the law shall; for you shall not oppress a single
citizen of the United States." An old man once found a
rude boy picking apples from one of his trees. He cried
out to him, "Come down, my lad; don't touch those
apples;" but the youngster only helped himself more
plentifully, when the old man cried out, "Sirrali, come
down!" and threw tufts of grass at him; but the young
thief heeded not the admonition, when the farmer cried
out, "Well, young thief, as you will pay no attention to
my words, and to soft weapons, I will try what virtue
there is in stones; " and he began to pelt the boy li)crally with them, when the youngster was glad to descend the tree speedily, and humbly beg the old maii's
pardon. So let us deal with the South. We have tried
words and grass long enough; now let us "see what virtue there is in stones."  "The sword is not a terror to
good works, but to the evil."  "Do that which is good,
and thou shalt have praise of the same."
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4 
CHAPTER II.
EDUCATION OF THE BLACKS.
The second step necessary for the elevation of the
freedmen is education. Their being no dissent from this
opinion, extended remarks will not be necessary upon
this subject. If I was always in favor of the education
of the negro, a residence at the South, has only increased
my convictions on that subject a hundred fold. No
words can describe, nor pen portray the absolute and
terrible necessity for the education of this darkened
race. A cloud of midnight darkness hovers over the
whole South, illuminated only by a few straggling rays
of -- Northern light," proceeding from the small number
of schools established in prominent localities. I say
small number, not to depreciate the noble efforts of the
martyr teachers, who have dared to brave the wrath of
the rebels and to establish schools in every Southern
city and large town; but because these schools are so
few in comparison to the vast fields utterly unoccupied,
and where the rank weeds of ignorance grow in such
stately luxuriance, as to defy all attempts to destroy
them. 
The whole number of Northern schools for the freedmen cannot reach over five thousand, and probably will
fall far short of that number, loving at the very lowest
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
calculation, all of three-fourths of the colored people
unprovided with schools. There are four and a half
millions of freedmen at least, which would give about
one million six hundred thousand children between the
ages of five and fifteen; and allowing seventy-five children to a school, a larger number than the schools will
average, the number of schools needed would be twentyone thousand three hundred and thirty-three. This
condition of things would be encouraging nevertheless,
if the number of schools was encreasing; but instead of
this being the case, we are continually told, that it is next
to impossible to sustain teachers in the fields already
occupied. Ever since I commenced my residence at the
South, I have tried in vain to induce some of the many
organizations in existence, to send teachers to our'
locality. Until recently, there has not been a single
week-day school in this county for the blacks, except
one a portion of the time on our plantation. Every
large place is tolerably well supplied with teachers, but
this county, containing nearly twice as many negroes as
Augusta, has never had a single teacher supported by
any Northern organization; and I suppose that this
county is only a sample of nearly all the counties of the
same character throughout the South.  No  doubt this
was the wisest course to pursue at first, as Northern
teachers could not have lived in most of the Southern
counties; but as soon as the programme of the preceding
chapter is but partially carried out, teachers should be
sent into the country, as well as into the cities.  The
sad example Of the Paris Communes, should warn us
against an attempt to educate the cities alone. Paris
was the center of intelligence. It's people were enlightened, while the country people were ignorant, and
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AND THE REBELS.
Paris should therefore rule.  Now if the country had
been educated, this bloody proposition could never have
been enunciated.
It is a mistaken idea, to suppose that the city negroes
exert an unbounded influence over the country ones.
So far as my observation extends, they exert almost no
influence over them. On the contrary, there is a narrow
jealousy existing between these two classes, almost as
much as if they were of a different nation.   I have
heard black youngsters in Augusta, cry out, as a load
of negroes from the country approached, "country niggers!"  On my arrival here, our negroes often visited
Augusta, and yet their ignorance was as complete as it
well could be; still there were eight or ten schools for
the freedmen in that place.   I do not complain of the
past, but it is my candid opinion, that the time has come
for more enlarged efforts in this direction, on the part of
the Northern people.
It may be said, that the necessity for action on the
part of the North, no longer exists, on account of the
"free school system" already introduced by the Legislatures of several of the Southern States. Without intending to be hypercritical in reference to this "free
school system," yet I cannot help regarding it with
great suspicion, when upon its face it bears the mark of
unjust prescription. In Virginia, no colored child can
attend a free school established for the whites; and no
white child can be a member of one established for the
blacks.  In our own State the law says, "The children
of the white and colored races, shall not be taught together in any of the sub-districts of the State." Now
who can suppose that these separate schools established
for the blacks, will deserve the name of free schools?
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
An extensive movement is now on foot in this State,
and advocated by the public press, to exclude all Yankee
school books from Southern schools. A distinguished
Southern professor is engaged in preparing a series of
reading book<, from which shall be excluded all Union
sentiments, and everything obnoxious to the Southern
chivalry! The terrible necessity exists of having these
books published for the present, by a Northern house,
but when a few more bountiful crops of cotton have
been produced, the Southern parents may be able to
bear the additional expense of having these emasculated
productions printed at the South. Of course, the most
distant allusion to freedom, will be excluded from this
new-fangled school literature, and no doubt the history
of our revolution will be overhauled by these haters of
the loftiest flights of the human intellect. No patriotic
song will hereafter be sung, and soon no Northern
teachers will be employed. But Southern eyes are not
always eagle's eyes, and Southern intellects are not
always remarkably keen. It would doubly surprise the
ghost of Noah Webster, to learn that in lieu of a more
pro-slavery book, the Southern matrons now claim his
little blue and red immortal speller, as a Southern book.
One of our scholars showed a white lady her "Reader,"
with its pretty pictures, and asked her why she did not
'obtain one for her child. She took the book with the
tips of her fingers, and scanning its pages suspiciously,
she at length returned it to the girl, sneeringly remarking, "I don't want any of your old Yankee books," and
hugged Webster's old spelling-book to her bosom very
complacently.  The colored children all call this speller,
"the reb spelling-book."
It is the glory of our common-school system at the
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AND THE REBELS.
North, that it proscribes no scholar on -account of race,
or condition in society; and why should not the "reconstructed" South follow this impartial example? At the
South, any more than at the Ndrth, why should a colored
child go miles from his dwelling in quest of a colored
school, when a white one is to be found near at hand?
It may be said, that a "half a loaf is better than no
loaf"; but who shall distinguish between the two races?
Multitudes of Southern children are so white as to pass
for white children; and yet they are to be excluded
from white schools because a small amount of negroblood courses in their veins.   Thus, over one half of
the population will be excluded from the first-class
schools; for no one can imagine, that, having separated
the two classes, it is the intention of the Southerners to
educate them alike. The idea is preposterous in the extreme.   Since emancipation, the Southern mind  has
manifested signs of mental hydrophobia, at the very
mention of negro-education;- and, has it experienced a
new baptism of love for the African race, that it is now
disposed to exert itself for their complete mental elevation?  It is hard for "the Ethiopian to change his
skin "; and it will be many years, before the Southern
mind becomes sufficiently divested of its hatred to
negro-education, to tax itself heavily for that education:
All seeming pretentious of this kind are delusive.
Nothing has occurred to induce the Southerners  to
change their opinion of the value of education, anid especially, of its varue for the black man. If they believe
more in education for themselves, they believe less in it
for the blacks; because they cannot be persuaded to
bridge over the intellectual gulf, existing between them
and the blacks.  Nothiing, thet I. have ever done at the
a
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THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
South, for the blacks, has aroused Southern hostility
more, than my feeble efforts for their education. Every
one is aware of the large number of negro-schoolhouses that
have been burned, and of teachers that have been driven
from their schools, in many portions of the South. Said
a comparatively well-disposed Southern gentleman to
me, " I cannot bear the idea of my children seeing
negro children, attending school and learning to read."
It is well known, that the sight of a negro-schoolhouse,
stirs up the rabid feelings of a Ku-Klux gang, as the
sight of water, is said to disturb a mad do,g.
Then, the Southern teachers by no means compare, in
mental acquisitions, with Northern ones; and, of course,
the poorest and cheapest, if any, will be selected fo(r the
black schools.. Some years ago, the teacher of a white
school in Kentucky, assured me that he did not believe
in the ordinary doctrine of the earth's revolution around
the sun, because his own eyes assured him of the contrary. A teacher of a white school in this county, gave
as a reason for not being able to answer some political
question, "that she was no politicianer."  The teachers
in Virginia, write word that the trustees of the free
schools there, openly avow their determination not to
employ teachers who are republican. Perhaps I am too
suspicious, but it seems to me, that this new-born meal,
in behalf of negro-education, has, for its object, the
overthrow of the school-system established by Northern
societies; and when that is accomplished, they will quite
suddenly lose all their zeal, and the poor negro will be
left without any education at all. Intelligent colored
people, all around, look at the matter in this light.
Sometime since, the whites in this neighborhood, after
having severely condemned our efforts to teach the ne
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AND THE REBELS.
groes on Sundays, in many instances threatening with
loss of employment those who attended, and sometimes
executing their threats, all of a sudden, became convcrts to the doctrine of negro-education, and started a
Sunday school near here. They endeavored to persuade
the negroes to leave ours, and attend their Sunday
school. One day, I asked the blacks in public, why
they supposed the rebels had become such friends to
their education? With a sly twinkle in the corners of
their eyes, they responded with emphasis, "To break up
your school, nothing else in the world, and we shall not
go to their school."
Will it not prove the same with the week-day schools?
Far be it from me to paralyze any well-meant efforts of
the whites to educate the blacks. I only state my opilnion, to warn our Northern friends, not to relax their
efforts, or withdraw their teachers, on account of any
law that may be passed by Southern Legislatures, ostensibly, in favor of free schools. These schools, would
not be generally attended by the black children, if
established.
But it will be asked, if we must always educate the
blacks? This brings me to the subject of a national
compulsory educational bill. If ignorance is a national
evil, and jeopardizes our institutions, then, is it not- a
part of the duty of a national Legislature, to require the
establishment of free, anti-sectarian schools, throughout
the length and breadth of the land?  We will admit,
that many Southerners sincerely desire the colored man's
education; still, their faith in his capacity is so small,
that, after a few ineffectual attempts to promote it, they
will become discouraged, and retire from the field in disgust. It proved so, with tkose who started the school
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
in our neighborhood. They soon abandoned the task, as
a hopeless undertaking.   A  Northern man does not
doubt the capacity of the negro, as the Southern man
does. The latter, can never divest himself of the idea,
that the negro race is naturally an inferior one; while
the observing Northern man, with such bright and shining examples to the contrary all around him, knows its
falsity. It is therefore vastly important, that teachers
should be furnished, who have full faith in the natural
ability of the colored race; and can dig through the unpromising outer crust of the negro's mentality, until the
pure "hard-pan" of intellectual strength is reached.
Teachers, to be successful, must also ardently desire, the
mental development of the blacks.   In the days of
Slavery, the masters ridiculed the negroes' efforts to use
good language, and become like the whites; and would
Southern teachers now, be wholly divested of this feeling? They would not be likely to exert themselves
mnuch to awaken the dormant energies of their pupils.
It seems necessary, therefore, for our government to
step in and demand a national system of education.
But, in order to deprive the South of all excuse for forcing education upon them, it would be as well, to allow
them a full opportunity to try the experiment in their
own way; with the exception of the abolition of caste,
and the non-exclusion of school-books, on account of
their Northern origin. I would recommend the establishment of a national board of education, composed of
both Northerners and Southerners, to whom the selection
of both teachers and school-books should be left; and
then allow the Southerners to start their own schools.
If they refuse to do this, then, let the national government take the matter intoits own hands, and compel
484
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AND THE REBELS.
the establishment of proper schools all over the South.
But let our government be generous, as well as just, and
ascertain the exact ability of each section to sustain
schools, and generously supply the deficiency of means.
It would be hardly just to force virtue uponi the
vicious, at their own cost, or knowledge upon the ignorant and they pay the expense; but it could not be
unjust for the government to force education upon the
people, at the expense of the government itself. In
New England the whole people pay the expense of instructing the poor, of course a small portion of this expense falls upon the poor themselves. So it should be
with our national system of education. The expense of
sustaining free schools at the South, if the South refuses
to sustain them herself, should be borne by a tax upon
the whole people of the United States; and under such
circumstances the whole people, through their representatives, should decide as to the character of the
schools established. First, allow the South to establish
and support schools free to all, and without the exclusion of Northern books or teachers. If they refuse to
do this, then adopt the other alternative, and let the
government establish and support these schools; and in
order to deprive the South of all ground for complaint,
it would be advisable to make the system universal,
taking care, as far as possible, to guard the rights of
each State and smaller locality. The benevolent people
of New England must surrender some of their private
rights, for the sake of promoting the welfare of the
whole country.
As is well known, ignorance lies at the basis of nearly
all crime. If the negroes were educated, the turmoil
and confusion now prevailing at the South, would be
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
considerably lessened. Educate the negro, and he can
read his own contracts. Educate him, and he will recogniize the binding force of a contract. Educate him, and
he will no longer be guilty of the innumerable little
offences that now render the planter's life, and his own,
a miniature hell. Educate him, and you transform him
from a stupid blockhead into a reasonable being. Educate him, and you in reality lend a helping hand to the
whites in their efforts to improve their own condition.
Educate the negro, and you disabuse his mind of his
false religious ideas, and prepare him to receive that religion that is based upon intellectual perfection.  Fill
his mind with knowledge, and he becomes a humble
man, in place of such a bag of self-conceit as he is, in
his ignorance. In short, let the negro be educated, and
he stands back aghast at the sight of his many imperfections, and gross ignorance; as he beholds shining
around him the glorious light of so many illustrious
examples, of men rising from a humble condition, to
that of poets, scholars, learned divines, scientists, and
men of distinguished business attainments. Nothing
does the negro lack more, than encouragement to rise
from the stupidity of former years. Without education,
he was and is but a brute. With it, he can equal the
proudest of his white compeers. As has been said, the
only difference between the two races, is that of education. Ths difference, as stated between the Augusta
negroes and those on our own plantation, was simply
that of education.  Let then those rays of burning light,
forever emanating from that great intellectual luminary
of the Universe, the "Spirit of Truth;" who  as he
moved upon the face of the darkened deep, said " Let
there be light and there wa~light; " and who, according
e
486
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AND THE REBELS.
to the inspired penman, was with God, "from the beginning, or ever the earth was, when there were no depths,
and no fountains abounding with water, when he appointed the foundations of the earth;" let those celestial
rays of truth and living light, fall in their native splendor, upon the dark abyss of the negro's uncultivated
mind, dispelling forever the dank and noisome vapors of
ignorance, bestiality, and mental woe.
And  to whom  is committed the execution of this
noble and god-like task?  On whom rests the glorious
responsibility of this movement? To the Northern
people is committed the divine work of remodelling millions of your fellow creatures; of raising from the condition of beasts of burden and thinking animals multitudes of souls, whose hearty thanks shall greet your ears
on the great day of final account, as your turn comes to
receive your reward from the august Judge of the Universe. God, originally created these souls in his own
image and likeness. Slavery obliterated this image.
Unto you it is given to restore it to innumerable souls.
If the divine mind contemplates with ineffable complacency, throughout the endless ages of eternity, those
angelic beings who have retained his handiwork in their
natures, and his benevolent heart is filled with holy delig,ht at the sight of the innumerable throngs from whom
was never effaced his glorious image, will it not afford
you extreme delight to gaze upon another multitude, to
whom as the almoners of heavens' bounty, you have restored the divine image intellectually, and fitted them
to appreciate the sublime occupations of the intelligent
throngs, that surround the throne of the God of infinite
wisdom?
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CHAPTER III.
KIND OF SCHOOLS NEEDED IN ADDITION TO COMMON
SCHOOLS.
The first in importance, under this head, is the Normal school. It will be seen at a glance, that this kind
of a school is of the utmost importance. Its necessity
has already led to the donation of large sums, which
have been appropriately expended. On the right character of the teachers employed, depends the whole
value of the common school system. It is a grave error,
that only the poorer classes of teachers, are needed for
this Southern work.  It is often said, "He is not much
of a teacher, but I guess he will do to teach the niggers." No more ruinous mistake than this, can be made
by those having the supervision of our Southern schools.
Of course, it is not necessary that a teacher should be
versed in the classics; but in other respects, the very best
of Northern teachers are none too good, to lay, broad
and deep, the foundations of the school system at the
South.   Send inexperienced teachers anywhere else,
than to the South. Teaching at the South is no sinecure, but a laborious service, taxing the mental powers
of the best minds, to their utmnost capacity.   What
would be said of a General, who should select as army
scouts, some of his poorest soldiers, on the ground that
488 
a 
AND THE REBELS.
they were not to meet the disciplined forces of the enemy, but only to hang upon the outskirts of his camp,
and perform whatever odds and ends of service, that
came in their way?  It would require no keen prophetic
vision, to predict the failure of such a general's campaigon.
At the North, a small portion only of the child's education is obtained within the walls of a school-room.
The whole Northern atmosphere, is loaded with the rich
perfume emited by the fragrant fruit of the tree of
knowledge. Every conceivable avenue to instruction is
open on all sides, to the inquisitive child; and angels of
intelligence are stationed at their entrance, inviting all
to walk in their pleasant ways. But here, there is absolutely nothing blt the school, to enlighten the mind of
the child. At the North, the street, the shop, the market, the play-ground, and above all, the home, unceasingly pour streams of knowledge into the receptive mind
of the young.  But here, a "thick darkness covers the
whole land," and the school house, is the only luminous
object visible, amid the surrounding gloom.
The teacher, must not only be versed in the studies
taught in Northern schools, but he must be a walking
eneyclopedia, capable of imparting information on every
conceivable topic. Three-fourths of a Northern ehild's
knowledge is obtained from his mates, his brothers, sisters, and parents. But, among us, all are alike in ignorance, an(d an older brother, is more stupid than the child
itself; and the. parents are the most stupid of all. There
is absolutely no knowledge, of any kind, among a lot of
plantation hands, previous to the establishment of a
school among them, except that which relates to the
simplest labors of life.  If you have not witnessed this
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0 
THIIE BLACK M   OF THE SOUTt,
ignorance, you cannot comprehend its extent. They,
literally, do not know their right hand from their left,
their own ages, and scarcely their names. Everything
that is known, must be taught them. Even the books
put into their hands, they will hold upside down, or
sideways, as often as in the proper manner.  The name
of the most common object around them, they are ignorant of; as they are also of every fact in History, Geography, Astronomy, Natural History, Natural Philosophy,
Chemistry, Arithmetic, and Grammar. But they are
quick-witted, and will soon begin to ask questions, that
will confound the teacher, unless he is a person of varied acquirements.
Then, of course, such minds are wholly undisciplined,
and disposed to cling to the few ideas already formed in
their minds. Northern children, are used to some kind
of discipline from their infancy. They early acquire the
habit of fixing their attention, if it is only to listen to
the beautiful story Aunt Maria is telling them, or to
some of grandpa's funny anecdotes. But the poor colored child, never had an aunt, whose mind is stored with
all sorts of baby-lore, wherewith to regale the ears of
her childish auditory. This little outcast, never had a
kind grandparent, whose stock of funny stories is never
exhausted, when the "wee ones" are teasing him for a
"new one."  Think of this, ye highly-favored Northern
children, and learn to pity this poor child of mental
want. His aunt, and grandparents, have hardly any
more knowledge, than the poor child possesses himself.
Consequently, his mind has been undisciplined from the
first. Teachers need an infinite amount of skill, to enable them to contrive methods, of arousing within these
wandering minds sufficient interest, to induce them to
490
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AND THE REBELS.
fix their attention on some given point. The opening
of a door, the passing of a person by the window, or the
slightest motion of any one, will often throw the whole
school into confusion, and quickly banish from their
minds, the sound of A, B, C, which the teacher is endeavoring to fasten there. Nothing is more common,
than for half a dozen scholars to rise and leave the room
for a few minutes, and then return. Of course, these
difficulties must be overcome, or there is an end to all
order and discipline. This, of course, requires considerable tact on the part of the teacher.
Then, the amount of confinement such natures will
uninjuriously endure, is another nice point for adjustment. No method, hitherto adopted, in all of these
matters, will avail here; and the teacher, to be successful, must be a perfect Napoleon of invention, of "ways
and means" to accomplish the desired ends; none of
which qualifications can be obtained, without thorough
and systematic training.
I pass now to a consideration of the question, where
shall these teachers be educated? I answer, if possible,
partly at the North, in addition to the term of years
necessary here. Particularly is this necessary, with colored teachers born at the South. It is difficult for them,
born and reared at the South, as they have been, to
comprehend the magnitude of their task, until they have
seen some country, on whose fair surface the hideous
cloven foot of Slavery, has never been planted  The
scenes witnessed in our busy Northern workshops, must
be daguerreotyped upon his mind, by an actual observation of them; before he can fully comprehend the illimitable distance between Northern and Southern industrial
life, and mental and moral acquirements. He must see
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
for himself Northern industry, must drink in the spirit
of Northern intelligence, by actual contact with its fountains of knowledge; he must enter into its hallowed
sanctuaries, and witness its unostentatious piety, with
his own eyes. Then he will return to his brethren, fired
with a holy zeal, to impart to them some of the rich
treasures of wisdom and knowledge, bestowed upon
him. He may acquire some of this zeal, by a residence
of a few years, within a good Normal school institute
here; but one year's residence at the North, will do
more for him in this respect, than several years study
here. Of course, the Norman schools here, are absolutely necessary, only that when possible, the pupils
should visit the North for a season.
The next question to be considered is, shall the teachers be white or colored?  I should say both.  For years
to come, the white teachers will prove the most competent; but in the great dearth of such teachers, colored
ones must be employed. There is also no disguising the
fact, that in many cases they will be better received, than
their white comrades; for strange as it may seem, the negro is not wholly divested of "prejudice against color;"
or, at least, is.not free from suspicious feelings against his
lighter complexioned brothers. The black teacher, also,
understands more fully than his white brother, the
quality of the material he has to mould; and succeeds
better than he, in administering reproof to his erring
friends.  The black teacher is besides a "living epistle,
known and read of all men," of the power of education
to remodel the human soul.
Next to Norman schools, in importance, is the Manual
Labor, or self-supporting schools. Important as they
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are, even at the North, in aiding indigent students, they
are still more so at the South, where all labor has been
looked upon as degrading. When labor, and the cultivation of the intellect are united, the prejudices against
the former are likely to vanish; especially when it appears that without such labor, education must be dispensed with. A manual-labor school of this kind, could
easily be established. A small farm could be obtained,
of sufficient capacity to furnish labor for thirty hands.
Sixty persons could be employed upon it, one-half of
whom could work in the forenoon, and the other half in
the afternoon, thus keeping the working force of the
farm intact. The labor of these sixty persons, each
working one-half of the time, and studying the other
half, would be worth seven and a half dollars per month.
It would cost four dollars a month for their provisions;
and the rent of cabins for their accommodation, allowing
four persons to a cabin, would be only fifty cents a
month, leaving then a margin of thirty-six dollars per
annum for other necessary expenses. The tuition would
be necessarily free.
Another advantage of such an institution, would be
that young children could be thus taken, and educated
away from other influences.   It is the opinion,  I believe, of most of the teachers, that one great obstacle in
the way of their success, is the adverse influences of the
homes of the children. These are too apt to be nurseries of vice; as well as of ignorance. I can see no way
of dissevering the link, that binds these children to their
old slavery-acquired customs, except a total removal
from the scenes of their former degradation, and a substitution of an entirely new life around them. You
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
teach a child purity of speech, and after its return home,
it will quickly unlearn the precious lesson. Inculcate
upon the child lessons of gentleness and kindness, and
half an hour's life amid the rude scenes of its home, will
banish them from his mind. His parents are rough and
boorish; how can you expect him to become refined and
gentle? His brothers and sisters, cousins and playmates, are immodest in word and action, cruel in their
treatment of the brute creation, and uncivil towards
each other, and towards their superiors; how, then, can
you expect him to be modest, kind to animals, and civil
towards others? A removal from the untoward influences of a colored child's home, becomes then in many
instances, of the utmost importance. Teachers have
often told me of the necessity of such a step, and some
of them have seriously contemplated the establishment
of such a home themselves.
A manual-labor school would effectually accomplish
this end, if thoroughly undertaken, and properly managed. There is always plenty of labor on a Southern
farm, adapted to the capacities of children, so that they
could easily defray the expenses of their food. But this
brings me to the consideration of a third kind of school,
and one imperatively demanded by the wants of the
freedmen. This is, the Industrial School, which differs
from a manual-labor, or self-supporting school, in this
way. Its object is not to enable the pupil to defray the
expense of his mental training, but to teach him how to
work, and that in employments new to him. While the
manual-labor school, aims principally at intellectual advancement, the object of the Industrial school, is primarily physical or material education. If such a school is
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AND THE REBELS.
needed in Boston, and other large cities at the North,
much more is it needed here, where all kinds of industrial arts are neglected by the whole community. It is
notorious, that in the days of Slavery, even the scourge
and branding iron, were of Northern manufacture; and
to-day, almost every article of comfort and luxury, is
manufactured away from home. Good mechanics are
few and far between, and very many of them are of the
colored race. I cannot but regard instruction in the
mechanical arts, as a very important step, in the elevation of the freedmen. A nation of farmers only, can
never acquire true independence, any more than one of
artizans alone. God never intended England to be the
"workshop of America," while America is the grand
grain-producing country of the world. We must live
within ourselves, if we would attain to true and permanent prosperity.
How absurd to raise coqtfon at the South, transport it
a thousand miles to be manufactured, and then return it
to our own doors in its remodelled condition. Georgia,
especially the middle portion of it, is emphatically adapted to manufactures.  It is too far South to be a good
grain producing region, and too far North to compete
successfully with States farther South in raising cotton.
But occupying as it does, a sort of middle ground between the North and the South, it would find a large
market for its productions; which would also be furnished to its Southern brethren, cheaper than if they were
manufactured at the North. I think here is a fine field
for the operations of Northern capitalists. But as I am
writing for the benefit of the freedman, I will only consider this subject in relation to their interests. If they
are now properly educated ii these trades, it may pre
495
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THE BLACK MAN OF THIE SOUTHI,
vent the ingress of a large foreign population, who will
soon be needed to carry on the various industrial enterprises now contemplated in our State.
But other Southern States are also turning their attention to manufactures, and the same necessity exists
all over the South, for the speedy establishment of Industrial Schools for the freedmen. I would have these
schools at present, limited in their operations to the
colored youth. The plan I would suggest is this. On
some suitable farm, let a large building be erected, sufficient to accommodate quite a number of different trades
with workshops. Let steam power be provided for this
building, and rented out to persons desirous of engaging
in the various trades, like similar establishments in
Worcester, and other New England towns. There
could be a boot and shoe shop, a carpenter's shop with a
turning lathe, a sash and blind manufactory, a brush
and broom shop, a harness slfop, a whip manufactory, a
plough shop, and in an adjoining building a large tailoring establishment. Apprentices to all these trades from
amiong the fieedmen could be taken, while the great
body of the workmen could be good Northern mechanics.
In the manufacture of all the lighter articles, children
could be employed, and thus taught the first great lesson of civilized life, the science of construction. But
if this be deemed too complex an arrangement to cominence with, the children could be taught the arts of
domestic life, ard instructed in the thousand and one
things, necessary to the happiness of every well ordered
household; trustingo to the gradual development of the
system to accomplish all that has been described. But
we must have well ordered industrial schools, for the
education of children, if nothing more is attempted.
o
496
a 
AND THE REBELS.
The boys could be taught to work on a farm, or in a
garden, and to make small articles needed everywhere,
and the girls could be instructed in cutting and fitting
dresses, making their brother's clothes, and in every
kind of useful and even ornamental sewing. A large
sum of money would not be needed with which to commence operations. A single house large enough to accommodate fifteen or twenty persons, would suffice to
begin with.  The school could be kept in one room of
the building, another large room could be used for a
small workshop, and a few roomns set apart for the
teachers; and the remainder used as dormitories for the
children. If a manual-labor school is connected with
the industrial school, the youth employed would only
have to recite in the schoolroom, the eating and sleeping
accommodations being elsewhere, as before suggested.
Then five hundred acres of land could be obtained to
start with, which would be amply sufficient for the employment of the thirty hands above alluded to, and for
timber purposes. The whole expense of the farm need
not exceed $6000, and it would be necessary to pay
only a portion of it down, the remainder being secured
by mortgage. There are a plenty of chances of this
kind in this county. Besides the amount needed to pay
on the farm, about four thousand dollars more would be
needed as a working capital, making only ten thousand
dollars in all. For this sum, nearly seventy-five human
beings could be successfully established, as the nucleus
of a great manual labor, industrial and -reformatory
schllool, for the whole South; and after the experiment
had proved a successful one, there would be no lack of
inunificent endowments, to make it the model institution of the kind in the world.  The whole of this move
49T
0
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
ment could be connected with the far more extensive
one of establishing Northern villages throughout the
South. This experiment had better be tried on a farm
contiguous to one of these Northern settlements; and the
isolated farm house, with its hum of busy voices, attuned
to a hymn of industrial praise, would afford a grand
accompaniment to the loud chorus of the many voiced
village; and the two combined, would startle the dull
lagg,ards of the South, by the magnificent music of these
happy laborers, as the mighty chorus and orchestra of a
monster musical jubilee stir the busy inhabitants of a
crowded city.
0
e
498
a 
CHAPTER IV.
INTRODUCTION OF TRUE CHRISTIANITY, DETAILS OF
THE PLAN, CONSEQUENCES OF THE SAME.
Next in importance to schools, as an agency for the
elevation of the freedmen, is the introduction of true
Christianity. I place this next to schools, because, without some education, it is impossible, to make the blacks
comprehend the nature of this grand remedial agent for
the world's moral ills. To this end, preachers must be
provided of precisely the right stamp. They must be
preachers of Christ, and not of creeds; of personal
holiness, and not of barren forms. They must be men
who, like. the primitive preachers of Christianity, feel
that "a woe is upon them, if they preach not the gospel,"  and men who have been "endowed with power
firom on high" to preach this gospel. "Words of man's
wisdom," will fail to reach the sin-encased consciences
of these stricken ones. Naught but the power of God,
can qualify a man to attack these outposts of the devil;
and sustain the pressure that he will endure, while contending  with the hideous moral nightmare, brooding
over the souls of this people. Exposed alike to rebel
bullets, and stolid indifference on the part of the blacks,
he must be more than an ordinary well-to-do clergyman,
accustomed to gifts innumerably and abundant sympa         499  
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
thy from his hearers. Ile must be like his divine Master,
raised far above the fear of man, and so filled with inex tinguishable love to God, as to be happy, although all
men turn against him. He must renounce the love of
"filthy lucre," and of peisonal renown; for neither of
these rewards will fall to his lot, if he does his Master's
will faithfully.
At first, his hearers will shout "hosannas" in his
hearing, and perhaps strew the ground with branches of
palm-trees, as in Christ's time; but as his mellowed
accents are changed into stern denunciation of the violators of God's law, "a change will come over the spirit
of the dreams" of his hearers, and he will find himself
abandoned by many, who at first, would have "plucked
out their eyes and given to him." Then will come his
hour of trial; and, if not a true man of God, he will
falter in his task, and cry "peace, peace, when there is
no peace "; in which case, he will be shorn of his spiirit
ual strength, and become like other men. Thousands
of preachers, have thus become emasculated, before the
domineering power of Slavery, both here and elsewhere;
and thousands of others, will lose all their claim of being
the chosen of God, if they fail to declare his whole
truth.  Northern ministers coming here, need to be
especially cautioned on this subject; for no class of
religionists are more unwilling to hear the pure gospel
of Christ, than the plantation blacks.
The preachers to whom they are in the habit of listening, a       re infinitely worse than no preachers.  Their characters h      ave been already alluded to, and need not again
be         described. The only particular in which they are
above their fellows, is, in their superior audacity. In all
other  respects,   in learniig, morality, piety, and intelli                  0
500 
AND THE REBELS.
gence, they are on a par with the weakest of their flock.
Of course, such preachers can never reform the people,
for "a stream can rise no higher than its fountain."
But how shall a change be produced? In the first
place, by the education of devout men among their own
number, as teachers and preachers.  This vastly important labor, has been auspiciously commenced in several
places. A Theological school; under the auspices of
Northern Baptists, has been established in Augusta, and
has made commendable progress in this highly Christian
work. But efforts should be made also, to educate
some colored preachers at the North, who would return,
bearing not only messages of truth and love in a religious point of view, but also, deeply imbued with the
spirit of Northern ideas and customs.
The whole structure of Southern society, is so far removed from a Christian basis, that no education, fully
equal to the emergency, can be obtained here. It is impossible to estimate the importance of such a step.
While being educated here, the student continues his
labors among his flock, and however distasteful to him,
he feels obliged to "rave and rant," on a Sunday, instead
of reasoning with his hearers; for if he does not thus
"speak great swelling words of vanity," his critical
flock will cry out, "Oh! he's no got de Holy Spirit, he
only de book lamrning man; we no want sich a preacher." A man educated at the North, will be removed
from these vicious tendencies; and will return to this
moral waste, with instincts tolerably pure, in comparison
to those who have always been surrounded with this
vast sea of crime.  He will at least, stand something of
a chance to get his mind disabused of the popular idea
among the blacks here, that a tief can be a Christian.
501
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
In my description of the religion of the blacks, I have
not exaggerated, but have rather fallen short of the
truth, in describing the miserable character of their religion. This being so, no candid person will fail to see
the absolute necessity of a change, in order to promote
the elevation of the negro. It is true, that education
will accomplish much in this respect; but Christianity,
its glorious handmaid, must second its efforts, before this
moral "desert will bud and blossom as a rose."
By Christianity, I do not mean sectarianism, in any
of its forms, but the pure and simple religion, as taught
by our Lord himself, in his inimitable teachings while
on earth; accompanied by the influence of his own
Spirit since his death, to make those teachings efficacious "in pulling down  the strong-holds of Satan."
And here, may I be allowed to intrude a few thoughts,
perhaps not strictly connected with this subject, and
yet, forcibly suggested by the condition of my sable flock.
In my isolated Southern home, a stray Northern paper
occasionally reaches me, teeming with incidents of all
kinds; and among other items, I sometimes see allusions
to what I should judge to be a new party, termed by its
friends, "free religionists."  As far as I can learn, this
party is inclined to ignore Christianity, or at least, to
affect a superiority to its claims. Now, while I would
not say that those engaged in this new movement, are
not actuated by a desire to do good, yet I would respectfully ask its gifted advocates, if they can point to any
community, where Christianity is fully practiced? If
not, and I have never heard of such an one, would it
not be well to wait until such a community is produced,
and its character well weiglled, before thrusting Christianity aside, to make wgy for "another gospel?" It
502
l 
AND THE REBELS.
seems to me, that to turn Christianity "out of doors,"
before its full power has been experienced, in a single
town or village, is like failing to allow a president, a
single day, in which to test the value of his cherished
notions, but to turn him out in the first months of his
presidential career. It may be said, that Christianity
has had 1800 years, in which to test the. value of its
principles, but such is not the case. No nation, as such,
has as yet adopted them.   They remain almost  as
unknown, practically, as when Jesus first proclaimed
them. It is discouraging, to be sure, to reflect that people will not accept these precepts, but would it not be
better for our " free religion" friends, to bend all their
energies towards the introduction of these principles,
into some one hamlet, at least-? And then, if after a
few years of trial, they fail to prove " the wisdom of
God and the power of God," let them be superseded
by something better. I am persuaded, that in this section of country, at least, Christianity has hardly been
heard of, much less believed in and practiced. It does
seem to me, that Christianity is eminently calculated to
fit men for a true life here, and a glorious one hereafter.
I cannot conceal my love for its author; and admiration
for his precepts, and I would fain do all in my power to
introduce this religion into the benighted South.  It is
a mighty work, and requires all the energies of the most
energetic of men.
Both white and colored preachers, can be advantageously used in this work; only let educated white men
superintend all efforts of this character. The colored
men can more easily find their way to the cabins of the
people, and that without arousing the supicions of the
whites.  The "Methodist Epicopal Church North," is
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
doing a great work, in this matter. Its greatest danger,
is in coalescing with its foul Southern sister, whose em brace is spiritual death.  Oil and water can as soon mix,
as the Northern and Southern religions, only by the for iner being absorbed by the latter.  Vhenever the North ern Methodists, unite with the Southern, "Ichabod"
will be written upon the walls of their churches, and
God will not, and cannot own them as His true and de voted children.
The inquiry will naturally arise in the minds of my
readers, what does the author mean, by true Christianity?
My answer is, not the preaching of this or that creed,
but the simple doctrines taught by Christ himself. He
is the author of Christianity, as far as its proclamation
to man is concerned, and His teachings must constitute
the essence, of what I regard as the "sovereign balm
for every wound, the cordial for every fear," in a moral
point of view. Christ preached holiness of heart and
life, and not adherence to any particular forms, or modes
of belief. The grand moral thesis he evolved was, that
purity of heart alone, fitted man for acceptance with
God, here and hereafter. In thunder tones, as well as
with melliferous accents, hlie proclaimed these startling
truths, viz., the unalterable nature of God's law, requirinig perfect love to God, and equal love to man; the utter inability of man to obey that law, without divine assistance; and the full and complete provision made in
Christ for obedience to that law.  "Thou shalt love the
Lord thy God with all thy heart, with all thy soul, with
all thy mind, and with all thy strength."  "On these
two commands, hang all the law and the prophets."
This do, and thou shalt live."  "Heaven and earth
shall pass away, but my wrds shall not pass away."
a
504 
AND THE REBELS.
"No man can come unto me, without the Father that
sent me, draw him."  "As the branch cannot bring
forth fruit, except it abide in the vine, no more can ye,
except ye abide in me."  "Without me ye can do nothing."
"Wherefore he is able also to save them to the uttermost, that come unto God by him."  "God sending His
own Son, in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin,
condemned sin in the flesh, that the righteousness of the
law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not after the flesh
but after the Spirit."  "Likewise reckon ye also yourselves to be dead unto sin, but alive unto God, through
our Lord Jesus Christ."
Or to sum it up more concisely, sin shall always receive its proper punishment. There is no escape from
its power except through divine help. Christ lived,
died, and now lives for the express purpose of saving us
from sin.
In direct opposition to this system is the religion of
the Southern blacks. This system places a light value
on forms.  "Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall
see God." The religion of the blacks delights in them,
from immersion in the water, which they make a sine
qua non, to their heterogeneous compound of shuffling,
and dancing, termed by them  shouting.  Christianity
deals with the heart. Their system cannot comprehend
such a thing as a pure motive. Christianity inculcates
disinterested action, as the foundation of purity of heart.
Their system knows nothing of other than selfish action.
Christianity requires  obedience  to God,  from  love.
Their system, ignores all action of this kind, and teaches
obedience  to God  from  fear.   Christianity  requires
knowledge, according tc ourwpportuniiity for its acquisi
505
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
tiou. Their system places no value upon religious
knowledge, neither historical, doctrinal or practical.
Christianity teaches honesty. Their system, makes this
of but little value. Christianity makes acceptance with
God conditional upon holiness of life. Their system
eschews this as utterly unattainable and undesirable,
and substitutes therefor, dreams, visions and supernatural
sights. In short, Christianity teaches an entire devotion
of the individual to the service of God, and to the promotion of the interests of mankind, " That they which
live should live not unto themlelves, but unto him that
died and rose again." Their system fails to comprehend
the possibility of such self abnegation.
But it is unnecessary to continue this parallel. The
intelligent reader can continue it himself from the history heretofore given of the practices of the blacks. It
is sufficient to know that the two systems are diametrically opposed to each other. I do not deny that in large
towns, there are Christian churches among the blacks,
but they are only bright spots on the broad surface of
that funeral robe, that covers the whole of the Southern
religion, as with a pall of midnight darkness.
In opposition to it, we desire to see the bright resplendent garment of genuine Christianity exhibited to
the admiring gaze of the people, expecting that its
brilliant colors will allure the beholders from the sombre
robes of their own system; and induce them to cast
away the blackened covering, and " be clothed upon
with our house which is from heaven;" whose immortal
sheen shall far exceed all the "tabernacles of'earthly
houses," ever devised by erring man.
But how shall this change be accomplished?  Never
was more applicable, our Saviour's direction, "Be wise
506
a 
AND THE REBELS.
as serpents, and harmless as doves." Laborers in this
vineyard must "lean not to their own understanding,"
but obtain "wisdom from above." God alone can so
direct the steps.of the proclaimer of Christianity, as to
enable him to obtain a foothold, among the dark systems
of false religion. It will be useless to denounce this
system in words.  All religionists are sensitive to attacks
upon their peculiar faith; the Mormon and Mohammedan, equally with the Puritan and the Christian. A
man's religion, whether true or false, is his dearest idol.
I never knew the most rigid adherent to the "five
points of Calvinism," more ardently attached to his
peculiar faith, than these poor sons of darkness are, to
to their midnight carousals.   The preacher of pure
Christianity must then avoid, if possible, all direct conflict with these infatuated ones; and direct his efforts to
the gradual undermining of their system, by implanting
beneath it, those seeds of truth, that shall, as they shoot
upward, become the mighty tree of life, whose leaves
shall be, for the healing of the nations.  This he can
only do, by boldly proclaiming the doctrines of true
Christianity, and insisting upon it, as did the Saviour,
that no religion is worth a farthing, only as its fruits are
those of righteousness; and that all creeds, forms, and
observances, must be tested by Christ's eternal rule, "By
theirfruits, ye shall know them."
Then, to render attractive this new religion, as his
hearers will regard it, let him surround it with beautiful
externals; not ostentatiously, or without a due regard to
Christian economy, but let the beautiful form be attired
in neat and tidy garments; alike worthy of the wearer,
and in accordance with the purity of its own character.
I would advocate first, the erection of small chaplels of
o
e
507 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
a neat and tasty character, painted white outside, or, at
least, whitewashed, and the benches fastened inside; so
as to prevent the floor being used for their religious
dances.  Let the walls of this chapel be hung with colored pictures, illustrative of Scripture incidents; inexpensive ones, answering every purpose. At night meetings, let the whole be brilliantly illuminated; argand
burners sufficing for this purpose, as their own meetings
are often carried oil with no other light than a pine-knot,
blazing forth from the dingy fire-place. Above all, let
instrumental music be added to the charms of the new
religion. The minister, if possible, should be a good
singer, or he should be accompanied by one; and let himn
be provided with a small parlor organ, melodeon, or at
least, a violoncello. This is very important; for their
meetings in the country are wholly destitute of instrumental music, and the blacks are extravagantly fond of
music.
Then, let a selection of verses from the Scriptures,
suitable for chanting, and containing a high moral lesson,
be printed in very large, and perfectly plain letters, on
good sized cards, and be kept for the use of the congregation; and let the people repeat them, and sometimes
sing them in concert, in connection with the minister.
These, they would soon learn to read; and thus their
progress in letters would be accelerated. At the close
of each sermon, which should be instructive, and not
exhortatory merely, let the congregation be encouraged
in asking questions respecting the new doctrine; and let
the pastor also question the fleck, in reference to what
they have heard. Then, let the aspiring brethren have
a short. time in which to exhibit their talents, as they
would not patronize a meeting where this was not occa                          o
508
a 
AND THE REBELS.
sionally allowed; but let them be instructed not to yell
when they piay, but to speak to God as reverently and
confidingly, "as one friend speaketh to another."  Meetings of this character, would not fail to be attractive to
the blacks; and thus be the means of rendering them
disgusted with their own barren services, and perhaps,
at length, result in their acceptance of the new or Christian religion.
But some doubts may be felt, as to the final success of
a movement, the object of which is to introduce a relig,ion, so different from the prevailing one. This objection should not be made in the face of the great success
of foreign-missions, as will appear from the following
considerations. First, the language of these heathen is
similiar to our own, and requires no years of laborious
effort to comprehend it; which is one of the greatest
tasks of the foreign missionary. Secondly, the government of the country is friendly to these efforts, and is
not arrayed in bitter opposition, as is so often the case
with foreign-missions.
Thirdly, the Christian teacher will be received with
distinguished favor, by the people whom he wishes to
convert, and not be martyred, as is often the case
abroad. This is of itself, a sufficient reason, for sending missionaries to this field. The advent of every new
preacher from the North, will be hailed with pleasure by
the colored people all around.
Then, the great truth remains, that all souls are either
emanations from, or creations by, the eternal God of the
Universe; and were originally formed in "his own
image and likeness."  How ever long may have been
the soul's journey from its father God, the cord that
binds it to the parent stock is never wholly unwound;
m
509 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
but retains its connection with God, ready to be used in
drawing the distant wandererer back to his "father's
house," as the cords of love, reaching forth from the
heart of his father, to the "prodigal son," served at last
to draw that wanderer thither. So that all mankind are
susceptible of gracious influences, and only wait the
" new creation" taught by Christianity, to be restored
to God's favor, and to the pristine beauty of their
former glorious condition.
To restore the mental nature, to one from whom it
has been well nigh obliterated, is a task worthy of the
most superhuman efforts.  How much more glorious, is
that of extricating a soul, from the slough of sin, and
error, into which it has fallen; and extending it in our
arms of love, before the gaze of our Redeemer, as one
of the trophies of his grace, having been transformed by
the power of his wonderful love from its former fallen
condition, into that of resemblance to the truth and
beauty of his own immaculate character? As eternity
opens before us, its gladsome secrets, shall we not there
behold more than one glorified spirit, belonging to that
innumerable throng, who are "saying with a loud voice,
worthy is the Lamb that was slain, to receive power and
riches, and wisdom and strength, and honor and glory
and blessing," who will under God, owe to us his ability
to join in that rapturous song?  And will not a sight
of that beatified soul, with  our  knowledge of the
"rock from which it was hewn," and of the "pit from
which it was digged," sufficiently recompense us, for
our efforts in lifting it from its darkened earthly condition? And as the sound of its rejoicing, echoes and
re-echoes through the vast arches of heaven's magnifi
0
.
510
0 
AND THE REBELS.
cent temples, shall not its wonderful strains excite
within us greater feelings of delight, than if earth had
poured into our lap its richest treasures of wealth, pleasure and reuown?  "Let us then, not be weary in welldoing, for in due season we shall reap if we faint not."
511
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0 
CHAPTER IV.
LAND FOR THE LANDLESS.
From the close of the Feudal ages until to-day, thile
struggle of human beings has been for homes that they
could call their own, free from the tyranny of heartless
landlords. Previous to the abolition of the Feudal
system, the laborer and the land were sold together.
To-day, the land can be sold, the laborer never. Without wishing to burden the great cause of land for the
homeless freedman, by the introduction of intense radicalism, I may yet venture to say that'the only true
model of a laborer's paradise, was the old government of
the Peruvian Incas; who acted as the fathers of the
people, and held the landed estates of that fine country,
in trust for the tillers of the soil, dividing it at stated
times among them, according to the needs of each.  No
grasping monopolist could seek to claim "all the land
adjoining his," until he became the owner of millions of
acres, while thousands around him did not own a rood.
No avaricious father could portion out a vast estate,
giving to each of his sons sufficient land to support a
hundred laboiers; but as each soul was re-committed to
its mother's bosom, "earth to earth, dust to dust," it
ceased being the owner of more than sufficed to cover
its mortal remains.         4
512
0 
AND THiE REBELS.
When a young man married, he came into possession
of a certain number of acres of land, which was increased at the birth of each successive child, the whole
of which reverted back to the State, on the death of its
cultivators. Poverty, that direst physical curse of
humanity, was unknown, as was also extreme wealth,
resulting in enervating luxury.  The nearest approach
to this desirable paradise, is when the owner and tiller
of the soil are always the same.  When he who "eats
bread in the sweat of his brow," produces that sweat by
labor on his own, and not on another's domain. To dig
and delve always on land belonging to another, without
the possibilitv of ever owning it, like many of the farm
laborers of England, is an abominable shame. Akin to
it, is the fate of those of our laborers, who often die
landless, after expending their strength in enriching
another person's monopolized acres. Words cannot express the horrors of such a life. The poor laborer
sweats profusely, only to feed another, who is not willing
to lose any of his precious physical power. Such is the
character of the present wages system when applied to
land.  It is bad enough when machinery is the juggernaut that crushes the life out of the laborer, that stamps
its iron foot upon the neck of the working man, and
almost grinds him to powder; but it is still worse when
.God's green fields and fertile vales, overhung by his
broad and beautiful sky, looking down so lovingly on
all, become the laborer's oppressor. Such is emphatically the condition of the mass of colored farm laborers
at the South, and many of the white laborers at the
North. Here gigantic monopolists claim all the land,
forbidding the laborer to own an acre, and requiring him
to work  on their land, or sibmit to starvation.  The
0
513
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
most cruel laws are enacted to enforce this compulsory
states and woe to the white man  who dares to sell to a
colored one, an acre or a rood of land. The storms of
Ku-Klux wrath begin to rage about him, and he is
hissed at and growled at, as an enemy of his country.
And yet this guilty course curses itself as well as
others.  The  "whole land is cursed with  a curse."
Agriculture becomes the most slovenly and unproductive of all pursuits. Immense tracts of land are but a
burden of expense to their owners, yielding them no income whatever. Many Southern land owners claim
from two thousand to ten thousand acres of land, which
is mostly unproductive, and the remainder cultivated so
shiftlessly, as to be poorly remunerative. Notwithstanding the pride of ownership, which stands in the way of
improvement in this respect, yet the time must come
when the owners will perceive that it will prove vastly
more renumerative to them, to dispose of their supernumary acres, and invest the proceeds in some paying enterprise. What can be gained by keeping one thousand
acres of land lying idle, and serving no other purpose
than to increase the commissions of the tax gatherer?
Five hundred acres is sufficient for all practical purposes,
of the farmer in this country; and yet that amount
would be considered quite a small farm. One of my
ueigflbors owned before he died, four thousand acres,
and most of the farms around here, contain from one to
two thousand acres. One family in this county own
ten thousand acres.
Of course, I do not advocate taking this land by force
from its present owners. According to our present laws,
they have the same right, that a poorer man has, to his
fifty or hundred acres: blt, if I could convince these
514
a - 
AND THE REBELS.
land monopolists of the pecuniary injury they are doing
themselves, I should rejoice. During the most of my
sojourn here, my mind has been agitated with the question, how shall these swarthy laborers become owners of
land? In the spring of 1869, I visited the North with
this project in my mind, of providing homes for these
landless people. That project was sanctioned, so as to
enable me to offer homes to fifty or sixty heads of families, of these landless ones. But only about twenty, or
twenty-five, have yet been able to avail themselves of
this offer, owing to their poverty, and the bitter opposition of their rebel employers, to their becoming owners
of land. It seems absolutely necessary, to the wellbeing of the black man, that he should become a landowner; and if temporary assistance could be afforded
him, in making a crop, many more would gladly avail
themselves of this privilege. A few would prefer the
easier way, of working for wages; but numbers would
gladly own land of their own, if they possessed means
for its cultivation. To remedy this want, while at the
North, it was proposed that we should form a society for
the purchase of laind, to be sold on time to the blacks;
who also should be aided in cultivating the same. In
this latter project I was unsuccessful; and some of those
who have taken land have been compelled to abandon it,,
for want of means for its cultivation: while others have
struggled on, with what little assistance I could render
them.  It does seem as if the great Northern public was
not sufficiently awake on this subject. While many
admit that the colored man should have land, very few
are willing to aid him in obtaining it; and still fewer, in
furnishing means for its cultivation. There are some,
who favor the adoption of *he co-operative principle
515
a 
THE BLAEK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
among the blacks; but my experience is, that although
co-operation is the grand remedy for the ills complained
of by workingmen, yet the freedmien are not sufficiently
advanced, intellectually, or morally, to render its adoption among them, a practicable thing: although, it is to
be hoped, that after the lapse of years, that desirable
end can be obtained. At present, the very best that can
be done, is to furnish land to small squads of five oi six,
-all members of the same family, or related to each
other. If others, however, see fit to risk their funds in
a co-operative experiment here, I have not a word to say,
only to warn them beforehand, that co-operation certainly requires an amount of business talent, and selfabnegation, that is not to be found among the plantationblacks; if indeed it is, among the whites of the South.
We found that a large portion of those engaged in this
enterprise, would inevitably shirk their portion of the
work, leaving it to be performed by those more honest;
and yet would claim an equal share in the profits with
others. This, of course, created dissatisfaction among
the industrious ones, and jangling and disputes followed;
until it was apparent that those most needed in such an
enterprise, preferred working for themselves.   After
this matter had been pretty well tested on our place, I
put it to vote to a large company, assembled from all the
neighborhood, to hear the result of my Northern mission;
and their voice was unanimous in favor of each man
having twenty-five acres of his own, in preference to
their working together.
Accordingly, I proceeded to supply them land in the
way  they preferred.  Many united together in small
squads, admitting none but near relations. One company of five persons, consting of a father, three sons,
e
516 
AND THE REBELS.
and a son-in-law, took one hundred and twenty acres
of land, and worked it together quite harmqoniously,
considering their natural selfishness which would some
times leak out. Others, in bands of two or three, took
smaller amounts of land, and worked amicably together.
They usually prefer working with others, if all will
do their share of the work, but the industrious ones
have no notion of working hard, while others are listlessly performing their task; and I cannot possibly
blame them. One man, this year, felt obl)liged to give
his own son a tremendous beating, for not performing
his due share of the labor devolving upon him.
It is'difficult to perceive, why the rebels should so
object to the freedmen becoming land owners. One of
my neighbors declared at one time, th)at "if the niggers
get land, I shall leave the country." The argument
they use is, that if the negroes have land of their own,
they would not cultivate it, but would depend on stealing for a living. But my experience proves the reverse
to be true. I have known men who were idle and
trifling to a proverb, while working for others, and yet
would cultivate a little patch of their own, with heroic
industry. One man, named Levi Reed, took twenty-five
acres, and planted fifteen in cotton, and the remainder
in corn, performing all the labor with the assistance of
his wife. His cotton was separated from mine, by only
a tence, the soil of both fields being of the same quality.  From his fifteen acres, he obtained nearly three
times as much as I did from double that quantity,
worked by several hands on shares.  His cotton was
half as high again as mine, and entirely free from
weeds, presenting a beautiful appearance, while mine
was choked with weeds, wlich greatly retarded the
517 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
growth of the cotton. I have already alluded to being
prevented from visiting my farm by sickness in my
family, and this was the result thereof.
This contrast was seen in other fields, showing that
they will work far better for themselves, than when
only partially interested in the crop.  When the land i;
theirs, they feel that every blow is struck for themselves alone, while on any other principle, some other
one is receiving partial benefit from these blows.
The spur of having a home of their own, enables
them to overcome some of these most inveterate of their
evil habits; and they will become saving, and even
very penurious, under its magic influence. While extravagance and recklessness are the general rule among
the freedmen, under this new influence, they become
worthy rivals of "poor Richard" himself, for the prize
of industry and economy.
It is also a grand school for sharpening their wits. It
is amusing to witness their skill in devising "ways and
means" to compass their ends, under this new arrangement. I think greater progress will be made in mental
development, from the necessities imposed upon them,
than even in mastering the mysteries of the ordinary
sciences.  Said an old man to me last year, "I never
studied so hard in all my life afore as I have dis years in
'triving how to git along," While slaves, of course they
were spared all of this "studying." If they wish to
pay for their land, they must study "mighty hard."
By becoming land owners, they are much more likely
to be honest. It is rare, that a colored man will betray
a thief of his own race, as has been already stated; but
not long since, a colored man owning land near me,
heard some one in the n4ht in his white  neighbor's
518
a 
ANDI) THIIE REBELS.
cornfield, and immediately informed his neighbor of the
fact. His interest now is united to that of other property holders, and he makes common cause with them;
whereas before it mattered not to him, how much stealing was practiced. He now feels the same indignation
at the thief that the white man feels.
At the South the mania of the white planter is to add
"field to field." This spirit is soon developed among
the colored owners of land, and often in a very amusing
manner. One man at first, bought fifty acres of land,
and the next year he purchased ninety-one more. Between him and another colored man, there was a field
of twenty-five acres, which he became extremely anxious
to possess also, and he was very much "hurt in his feelings" as he said, because I would not let him have the
whole of the twenty-five acres, but wished to reserve a
portion of it for his neighbor. No freedman wishes to
be outdone by his comrades, in the amount of land he
possesses.
But it may be said in reply to all this, "very well, we
admit the importance of the colored man's having land,
but it is equally important that the white man should
be the owner of land. Why waste your energies upon
the black man, and leave the white man landless?
When is this everlasting prating about the black man's
right to cease? We are tired and sick of hearing so
continually of the black man's necessities. Let him
learn to take care of himself." This objection is sometimes offered by those who in more favorable spiritual
moods, professed to be the black's friend, and have in
reality made sacrifices in his behalf, and is therefore entitled to respectful consideration.
I will briefly adduce Vight principal reasons, why the
519
0 
THE BLACK MAgI OF THE SOUTH,
Southern black man is likely to be benefited, by the suecessful result of these efforts in behalf of his becoming
the owner of land.
First, at the North no one objects to the laboring man
becoming the owner of land. Here, nearly every one is
thus opposed. If a farmer's son at the North wishes to
buy a farm, almost a hundred haDds are stretched out
to aid him in so laudable an undertaking. Rich men
stand ready to assist him with their capital, because
they expect a return from it in the shape of interest.
All are confident of his success, and one foot quickly
follows the other in the road to agricultural excellence.
No'aristocrat fears any encroachment by the ambitious
youth, upon his peculiar domain, that being surrounded
by still more insurmountable inner walls. But here, the
great aristocrat is the land owner. Even the merchant
and professional man seek to enter the aristocratic enclosure more easily, by adding to their other possessions,
the ownership of many broad acres.
Previous to the war, as great efforts were made to
prevent the "poor white" from becoming a land-owner,
as are now to debar the negro from this aristocratic step.
Now, this objection has ceased; and the "poor white"
is welcomed to this landed enclosure, if he will join in
the crusade, against the negro's reception therein. Ie,
must be debarred therefrom, at any rate. I know of
but one other enterprise than ours, in all this region;
and that is on the part of another Northern man. It
becomes therefore necessary, to aid thle black man in acquiring land, as the odds arrayed against him are so
formidable; and n,ot because hlie is deserving of more
sympathy, from the mere fact of his color.  Both white
and black laborers should own the land they work upon.
520
a 
A^'D THE REBELS.
There is no objection now made to the white man's suc cess in this particular, while there is very great to that
of the black man.  He should therefore be helpe(ld.
Secondly, there is a political necessity for this move ment, which does not exist in the case of the Northern
laborers. In this county, out of some seventeen hundred
colored voters, only one vote was cast for the republican
ticket in the last presidential election, as has been
already stated. About two hundred voted elsewhere.
O)f the balance, a few voted the democratic ticket, under
duress, but the mass did not vote at all.  It is true,
that at the North, a laborer is sometimes discharged for
voting eQntrary to the wishes of his employer; but such
a man is met on every side with sympathizing friends,
and his ill-treatment redounds to the welfare of his own
party, who consequently, either toast, or lionize him.
But how is it here?  "Vote as I tell you, or I will not
hire you another year," says the plantation owner.
The laborer refuses;  and his case is immediately reported all over the county, and every planter's gate is
closed against him; unless there happens to be a great
scarcity of hands, which is not often the case. Said Gen.
Wade Hampton, in an address in Charleston, South
Carolina, a few years ago,-" Agree among yourselves,
and act on this agreement, - that you will not employ
any one who votes the radical ticket."
How can we expect the negro to stand up, under such
a pressure?  WVhat little moral principle he may have
acquired since emancipation, is effectually crushed out
of his soul by this process. In some few cases, men
have said that they would die, rather than to yield to others
upon this point; -but such cases are "few and far between," as the results of suce elections abundantly
i
a
521 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
prove.  In 1868, there were eighty thousand colored
voters in the state. Not twenty thousand of them voted
at all, in the presidential election of that year. In our
Senatorial district, out of three thousand colored voters,
only eighty-six voted for Grant; and yet, nine-tenths of
the colored people of Georgia are decided republicans.
In an adjoining county to this, out of seven hundred or
eight hundred republican votes, not one was cast for
Grant. As has been shown, the last state election was
carried overwhelmingly for the democrats. To be sure,
physical intimidation was everywhere used; but behind
all this violence, stood the demon of poverty viewing
the freedmen with angry looks, and threatening to
pounce upon them, if they dared to disobey the will of
their employers. Great efforts have been put forth, to
import both white and Chinese laborers, to supply the
place of the contumacious ones, who are consequently
filled with terror, as the black man's home instincts are
very great; and, on this account, these threats possess a
peculiar power over him.   He  is  not  naturally  a
"wandering Jew," or even a "travelling Yankee," but
a great lover of home. It is not probable, that these
new-comers, would prove one whit more subservient to
the whites, than are the blacks; but yet, it is a rod that
can be, and is, held over the heads of the blacks, to
deter them from exercising their political rights.
Now, if the black man owned land of his own, he
would not be exposed to the tender mercies of a domineering landlord. He might, indeed, be killed for exercising his political privileges; but that will be prevented,
when our government does its duty in the matter. The
danger to him industrially will still exist, even if our
government contemptuously hurls from it, the ineffably
e
522
0 
AND THE REBELS.
mean accusations of hair-brained political demagogues;
and marches boldly up to its lawful work, of protecting
all men, despite the sneers of assassins and murderers;
some of whom, for the sake of office, would consign
every black man at the South, to the regions of black
Tartarus forever, along with every Union man, who
dares protest against the black  man's wrongs.  The
black man must be placed on a firm industrial pedestal,
as well as on a sure political foundation; and this can
only be done by furnishing him with land. It may be
said, that it would take a long time to remedy this evil,
in this manner; that the few aided, would hardly be
missed from the ranks of the great landless masses. Of
course, this is partially true; but in such a county as
this for instance, in favorable seasons, the demand for,
and supply of laborers, are nearly equal. If the supply
falls short of the demand, great injury will result to the
planter. Now, supposing I say to one hundred men,
"You can have land of your own, and a little assistance
in making a crop if you wish," and they accept the
proposition. There is immediately created a deficiency
of hands, amounting to the number of those thus furnished with land. Some of the planters will vainly
search for hands in their places; and such disappointed
persons will exaggerate the deficiency, until a little
panic about laborers will be produced in the county;
all from the simple fact of one hundred men having
been furnished with a little land of their own. Then
the Southerner, being prone to imagine evils in the future, wherever the negro is concerned, will say, "next
year, every nigger will have land, and our farms will
have to lie idle." Acting under the influence of these
fears, he determines to break aay from his political
523
0 
THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
obligations; and he goes secretly, to several very radical negroes, known to stand in fear of their employer,
and says to them, "come  and work for me next year,
and you may  vote  for whoever you  please."   The
negroes, highly elated with this idea, forthwith engage
themselves to the "new departure" planter, and he
chuckles over his success, to his neighbors. One by one
with secret steps, they apply in the same manner, to
some fire-eating rebel's hands, and make the same bargain with them; so that it turns out, by next election
time, that at least, two hundred more votes are added to
the small republican vote. Now, I know the truth of
what I affirm; for the negroes do not hesitate to unbosom
themselves to me, and I know they are ready to resume
their old places in the republican ranks, just as soon as
these two movements are made in their favor: first, protection against rebel bullets, and secondly, the ability to
furnish food for their children, without reference to their
rebel employers.
Even the small movement that with the aid of a few
Northern friends has been here inaugurated, has had
a perceptible effect, in the matter of increasing the
wages of the laborers, which have risen from fifty and
seventy-five dollars, per annum, to one hundred, and
one hundred and twenty, and many of them are promised political immunity also. It's a little amusing, to
see the deference with which some of the most rabid
of the rebels, will approach our place with smiles on
their faces, and words of smooth-flowing accents, to see
if we have any handsto spare; when before this movement, they had said, " I wouldn't hire one of Stearns'
d-m niggers to save them from hell."
If one fourth of the negroes in this county, could be
.
524
a 
AND THE REBELS.
supplied with land, Ku-Kluxism would hide its hateful
head, and flee to some other community; for irascible as
are the Southerners, they will learn to govern their fiery
natures, when they ascertain that the negroes can refrain from working for them if they please.
A third reason for this movement is, that now, the
poor laborer is almost a slave in the hands of his employer, although the legal relation of Slave is perhaps
forever abolished. In this state, if a laborer is hired,
without the consent of those for whom he has agreed to
work, the one hiring him, becomes liable to a fine of t?vo
hundred dollars. This law is a rod continually held
over the freedman's head, to deter him from fleeing from
unjust treatment, and is peculiarly oppressive in its
operation. At the North, if a man is treated badly by
his employer, he is at full liberty to seek employment
elsewhere, rendering him liable to a suit for damages at
the most. But here, if a man comes to me, with scared
visage, and mangled form, followed by his frightened
wife and screaming little ones, and begs me to give them
a home, and protect them against the wrath of their
employer; pretty soon, I shall behold this employer in
hot pursuit, and with vengeance in his heart, he rides
up to me, and threatens me with a fine and imprisonment, if I offer a home to the unfortunate family.
I know this by experience; and the case is the same
if I do this ignorantly, not knowing that the man was
hired elsewhere. I can hire no man, except at the close
of the year, without first ascertaining that he has not
hired himself to another; and as the negro will not always tell the truth, extreme caution is necessary. At
one time, a neighbor rode all around, to forbid any one
hiring a woman, who had been abused by his family.
525
6 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
The excuse of the framers of this infamous law is, that
without it, their negroes will leave on every slight whipping, and all wholesome discipline is at an end. It is of
course an evil for a man's hands to leave him, but why subject innocent men to punishment for hiring them? The
planter escapes from the obligation to pay his hand for
past wages, whenever he thus leaves him, and he also
has the delectable privilege of imprisoning him, conferred upon him by the same, or by a similar law. What
would be thought of a Massachusetts Legislature, if it
should pass a law, fining a corporation two hundred dollars, if it hired a person who had left another corpora,
tion? Is this much better than Slavery? Think of it
ye arrant humbugs, who prate about permitting the
Southerners to act as they please! This law has been ill
operation ever since my first arrival here, and I have
never heard of any attempt being made for its removal.
Now supposing our colored friends had a little land
of their own, on which they' could work, when these
whippings                 became "immoderate,"' would not their condition be somewhat improved? At present his employer
may beat him, stab him, set the dogs upon him, or fail
t     o       give hi m  his regular rations!  He may force him to
occupy one corner of another man's cabin, with no place
of privacy on all the premises; or he may oblige him to
change his cabin every week! He may forbid his'sending his children to a Sunday, or week-day school, or attending himself! He may prohibit him voting any ticket, but the one pleasing to him, and he may insult him
to his heart's content! It matters not. If the black man
leaves his employer, without his consent, the person who
hires him, is liable by law, to the above mentioned fine,
of two hundred dollars,-thus the poor creature is al
526
0
a
I 
AND THE REBELS.
most entirely at the mercy of his employer. Well may
the black man reproachfully exclaim, "Is this the liberty
for which we fought?   Is this the freedom conferred
upon us.by the immortal Lincoln?"
The fourth reason for this movement is, that in this
way, can the black man obtain a more comfortable living, than by working for wages. There have been years
during my residence here, when the sum total of a black
man's wages for the year, was from fifty to seventy-five
dollars, besides his rations. Now, what possible progress can a laborer make in pecuniary elevation, with
only such a pittance for his subsistence? It will only
suffice to furnish food for a few of his children, leaving
him utterly destitute of the means to clothe himself and
them. And if he receives one hundred dollars, the present price of labor, there cannot be a very large margin
left at the end of the year, unless all of his family are
able to work. Very few black people find themselves
in possession of any great sum of money, at the end of
the year. I have heard a planter boastingly say, "I
never mean to let a nigger have over ten dollars at
Christmas." He said he should charge him a dollar a
plug for his tobacco, and every thing else in proportion,
and charge him well for absences, so that there would
not be much his due at the end of the year; for said he,
"it will do a nigger harm to have much money coming
to him; it will make him proud and overbearing."
Every year negroes come to me, complaining bitterly
of their employers withholding from them their dues;
and particularly when they have been to work for a
share of the crop. It is possible, that in some of these
cases, they may not state the exact truth; but I have
repeatedly asked them for all the items of their labor;
O
527
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
the number of acres cultivated, amount of corn and cot ton raised, the price it brought, and the amount they
had received; and in a multitude of cases I was forced
to admit, that they had been shamefully robbed, unless
they are the greatest liars in existence. But there is
the more reason for not doubting their statements, when
we reflect upon the probable fate of many laborers at
the North, if their masters were amenable to no law in
the pecuniary treatment of their employees; and espe cially if these hands could neither read nor write. Per haps this is one reason why the planter's evince so
much opposition to the instruction of their negroes. An
intelligent Irishman, of whom I once inquired, as to the
reason of this opposition to education, replied, " because
if the negro is educated, they cannot cheat himn so well."
If the negro had land of his own, he would at least
avoid this cheating process, and of course would be likely to receive all he earned.
One colored'man, to whom I sold twenty-eight acres
of land, has this year rented that same land for two
hundred dollars, besides making good crops elsewhere.
Whoever receives himself the entire profit of his own
labor, is better off pecuniarily than if that profit had to
be shared with others.
It is certain that by working for wages, the liegro
may labor to the end of his days, and die penniless.
His whole life will have been spent in adding to the
wealth of another. While I shudder at confounding
moral distinctions, such as those between slavery and
freedom, yet I cannot help believing that there is not
such an heaven-wide difference between the principle of
wages, and chattel slavery, as we would be glad to believe. When the black man was a slave, his master
o
Q
528
0 
AND THE REBELS.
speculated upon his labor. He gave him his food and a
few clothes. Now, he gives him his food and a few more
clothes, and perhaps a few dollars in money. But
he enriches himself from the labor of others, as he did
before. Of course he does not compel ally one to work
for him without he first agrees thus to work. He does
not buy and sell God's image, and does not control him in
every respect, but he is guilty of robbing him of his earnings as surely, although not as extensively, as in the
days of slavery.  Having spent so much of his life in
enriching others, ought not the black man to be allowed
at least, to own land enough to afford a final resting
place for those weary limbs that have toiled so incessantly, and have been scourged so unmercifully during
his life long pilgrimage?
A sixth reason for engaging in this enterprise is, the
poetic justice of the matter. The black man has toiled
unremittingly on these vast estates, and his labor has
given them their principal value. Now as the wheel of
fortune turns, why should he not become the owner of
some of this land, by just and honorable means? At
the North every one feels that it is right for a son to
inherit the soil he has labored upon for many years, and
thalt at his father's death, no stranger should take possession of the acres, endeared to him by long years of
their cultivation. Why should it not be so with the
inegro? His sweat has enriched that soil, his sinewy
arm has stirred up its hardened surface, his hands have
gathered its bountiful crops; why should he not now be
permitted to continue those labors in his own behalf,
and in behalf of future generations of his children?
But seventhly, I advocate this measure because it is
necessary to the black mian's &levation.  It is the only
impetus that will arouse Lhim fromn his mental stupidity,
529
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
and make him a keen contriver of ways and means to
enrich himself; and thus impart to him a self-respect,
and nobility of soul hardly attainable in any other way.
The eighth, and last reason which I shall adduce in
favor of this important enterprise is, that here, the laborer is seldom a mechanic, while at the North he is, in the
great majority of cases.  There, multitudes of working
men would hardly cultivate the land if it should be
given them, while here, agriculture is the principal occupation of the freedman. It is necessary for the negro
to be instructed in the mechanic arts, in order to promote his highest elevation; but while the great body
of laborers are agriculturists, it becomes important that
he should be furnished with the opportunity to compete
with the same kind of laborers in other parts of the
world, or at least to guard against the rapacity of agricultural employers. It is true, that the negro will live
and die as a tiller of the soil, that being the occupation
for which he is at present better fitted than for any
other. And there is no degradation in th! kind of life.
If any man on earth deserves the thanks of the community, it should be the one whose labor lies at the basis
of all wealth, the genuine and original producer. But
if the black man could easily engage in mechanical employments, there would not be so great a necessity for
providing him with land, as there is at present.
It is unnecessary to multiply these arguments. It
must be apparent to all, that our brethren of the colored
race, pre-eminently need to become the owners of land
themselves. But it may be asked, if white laborers do
not also stand in need of homes of their own?  I answer in the affirmative, and in the next chapter, these
claims in connexion withehose of the colored man will
be considered.
530
a 
CHAPTER VI.
NORTHERN EMIGRATION OF WHITE LABORERS.
I may be allowed to state that during the whole of
my residence here, it has been the anxious enquiry of
my mind, " how shall these poor creatures be delivered
from the multiplied evils of their present condition?"
No one can dwell ainong them and not be affected even
to tears, at the sight of their unfortunate situation. I
camne here to learn for myself, the whole story of their
degradation, and having learned it, to proclaim to the
world the result of my observations, and if possible to
point out a true and sufficient remedy for their woes. I
may be mistaken in supposing that I have discovered
this remedy; but if my scheme shall prove a successful
one, then shall I feel recompensed for all the losses and
privations it has been my lot to endure, during this to
me terrible sojourn, among a people so entirely distasteful to me in all of their mental and moral acquisitions, as well.as absolutely repulsive in their physical
surroundings.  If I can but see these enemies of the
colored race, fleeing from before the new order of things
I would fain have introduced here, then I shall feel like
exclaiming, in the words of the immortal Nelson, "I
die happy."
The plan I would propose Is as follows. Let our
531             t
a 
THIE BLACK 5LN OF T[{E SOUTIH,
Congress appropriate ten millions of dollars, in the form
of a loan to an incorporated society, whose object shall
be the purchase of lands at the South, on which slhall
be allowed to settle the poor Northern laborer, and the
Southern freedman. Let these lands be deeded to the
U. S. government, so as to guard against all loss, and
let this society oblig,ate itself to pay annually to the
government, four or five per ct. interest, on all the
money advanced. This sum to be advanced only so
fast as the land is procured, which might not be more
than a million of dollars annually; and for several years,
perhaps considerably less. The officers of this society
must be responsible men, who wvill be good for the
amount of the interest, and whose word can be relied
upon, to return the deeds to the government, as fast as
the land is obtained.   In places where the government
owns suitable land, in the Southern states, that could be
used for the same purpose, instead of purchasing elsewhere. Then, let a farm of one thousand acres be purchased in as many counties as possible, the object being
to obtain that number of acres, in every Southern county.
In Georgia, there are one hundred and thirty-two counties. In some other states not so many, so that the
whole inumber of Southern counties is not far from
1000, which would give one million of acres for, the
whole South, at the rate of one thousand acres to every
county. Land can be bought on an average, of about
ten dollars an acre, which would amount to ten million
of dollars for the whole South. Now let this land be
divided into farms of twventy-five acres each, which is
about the amount that can be cultivated here by one
man, besides leaving enough for timber.  Let this land
be offered to proper persqos on the following terms.
e
532 
AND THE REBELS.
Let ten or twelve dollars be paid in advance by each
settler, which will be sufficient to pay the interest to the
government; and let the remainder of the interest, and
one-tenth of the principal, be paid at the end of each
year, which would be $25, on the principal, and as
much more in the shape of interest, as the society deem
expedient. Ten per cent. per annum, would cover the
whole expense of interest to the government, of purchasing the land, superintending the farming operations,
and collecting the amount due at the end of the year.
On each farm of one thousand acres, it would amount to
$5o00, besides paying the government five per cent. interest.  One agent could superintend the farms in a
number of contiguous counties; so that the income derived from this source could be made to cover the whole
expenses of the society, and make it a self-supporting
institution. Or, if agents could be found benevolent
enough to perform this labor gratitiously, or a part of
it, the amount thus saved could be deducted from the
interest of the poorest ones.
Let the society then raise a sum of money to be used
as a loan to the settlers, and in no case to be given to
them. This money would be expended under the supervision of the superintendent, who would in all cases,
secure its payment in the fall, by a lien on the crops.
The society would thus be able to guard against all
losses, and could charge the settlers as low a rate of interest on the loans, as its conscience might require,
Some of those thus settling, would require no asistance
after the first year or two,  while others might, for a
series of years.
But previous to securing the aid of the government,
which might be delayed for a meason, the society could
533 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
purchase a few farms in ad(joining counties, in some
state near the Northernl line, Virgiiiia, for instance, and
comrimnence operations independently of the government.
If the society could raise $'0,000 at first, one half of it
could be expended in purchasing farms, and the remainder in aliding those wishing to embark in the enterprise.
Thus $10,000 would purchase land sufficient for forty
persons, and $10,000 more would be all that they would
need, to enablle them to raise their first crop.
Then, let every effort be put forth, to secure the emigration of the right sort of Northern men. They should
be honest, intelligent, upright, and hard-working men;
those used to labor, and capable of setting an example
worthy of imitation, to the shiftless Southerners, white
or black. Their object should l)e, not merely to enrich
themselves, but while they are provided with homes on
easy terms, they should be determined to exert a good
influence on all classes. This, they should do first, by
imitating the example of our Puritan fathers, when they
first landed in New England, and established schools for
the free education of their children.. These schools
should be open to all classes, thus affording an opportunity to try the experiment of mixed schools, and offering
at once, a partial solution of the problem, how shall the
colored children of the South be educated? The schools
should be of the highest practicable character, fully
equal to the average of our New England public
schools; and teachers possessed of the true missionary
spirit, should be employed in them.  In due time, these
schools could be multiplied, as opportunity is afforded
for their introduction, outside of the New England village,
which would grow up on every plantation. Then, let a
hall for all kinds of lectues and meetings, be erected in
a
534 
AND THE REBELS.
each village, and let it be dedicated to free discussion on
all important topics.  In this hall, there should be religious services held every Sunday, and the pure gospel
preached free to all classes. If possible, sectarianism
should be excluded from the infant colony, and preachers
of all denominations should be invited to occupy the
hall alternately. Of course, a union Sabbath school
should be established for all classes; and every week a
lecture of some kind should be delivered, or a debate
be held, on some subject appertaining to the welfare of
man; which should be made simple enough to be comprehended by the darkened minds around.
Then let the strictest attention be paid to order and
neatness in every department, so that the colony shall be
in this, as in other respects, a model settlement.  Every
member should realize that the great object of his mission is to set an example worthy of imitation to all
around. The influence of one such Northern village, in
every Southern county, would be incalculable. From
such a colony, would flow forth streams of intelligence
and morality, that would eventually cleanse the whole
Augean stable of the South, filled as it is, with every
kind of impurity. Knowledge, with its beneficent wand,
would beckon the slaves of ignorance to come to its
sacred feast. Religion, shorn of its immorality and vindictive spirit, would lovingly invite all people to repose
beneath its life-giving shade. Industry and economy,
twin sisters of prosperity, would extend their arms of
invitation to the wasteful sloths around them, asking
them to behold their virtues, so opposite to their own
indolence and extravagance; and above all, the sun of
temporal prosperity, would shine in unwonted splendor
all over the new colony, enlihtening "the dark places
0
535
a 
THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH,
of the earth, so full of the habitations of cruelty," with
the brilliant light, reflected from the burnished roofs of
these new temples of industry, morality, knowledge and
religion.
This is taking it for granted, that New England
fashion, these forty families will choose to build their
houses in proximity to each other, instead of scattering
them all over the large farm. The village thus created,
would be like quarters of the black people, on every
plantation, although much larger. If extra aid is
needed in cultivating land, it could be obtained from the
colored people around, although each famnily should go
prepared to perform all of its own labor; for we do not
want a colony of gentlemen, but of honest laborers.
WAVe want to sliow the dilatory blacks what true labor is,
and what it can accomplish. We want to show them
how much more labor can be performed by Northern
working men, and thus produce true emulation on their
part. Mechanics will also be needed in this new enterprise. We propose the establishment of a flourishing
Northern village in each Southern county; and of course
mechanics will be needed. But as we have already
alluded to this point while describing industrial schools,
it is unnecessary to add any more. The true Yankee
settlement must contain its rows of mechanic shops, as
well as its tasty dwellings for all classes. It would be
better for each mechanic to understand farming, and
then the two classes of laborers could be united in one.
Then, during the hotter portion of the day, and in rainv
weather, the work of the shop could be progressing,
while Nature is performing her allotted part. Mechanics
of all classes are needed here, carpenters, blacksmiths,
wheelwrights, masons, paiaters and glaziers, boot and
4
536 
AND THE REBELS.
shoe makers, tailors, and among the women dressmakers,
would all find ample employment here to-day. There is
no doubt that the planters around the new settlement
would gladly avail themselves of the skilled Yankee
laborer in lieu of those whom they are obliged to put up
with now.
Every such colony would be amply able to protect itself, for no Ku-Klux band in Georgia would dare attack a
settlement defended by forty stout Northern arms.
Such is not the genius of Ku-Kluxism. It prefers conflicts with unarmed men, with defenceless women and
children; and retires affrighted from the sight of a few
bristling bayonets. Neither would they be inclined to
do this, for the colonists would instruct their children
gratuitously, and.would labor to impart to all the
treasures of wisdom and knowledge they possess; and I
do not think the Ku-Klux would find it in their hearts
to molest them, especially as the colonists would not interfere in the matter of hiring their hands, and would
be ready to lend a helping hand to their Southern
brethren, in time of industrial need. The colonists
would be friendly to all, and the enemies of none, and
it would not be long before the white Southerners would
come to them for instruction in a multitude of things,
which their benevolent hearts would always prompt them.
to give. Thus would be gradually healed the virulent
sore so long festering in Southern hearts, and they
would come to see that Northern men, so far from being
their deadly enemies, as they now believe, are their
truest and best friends.
Of course this little colony, would all be staunch
Uniofi men, and would march to the polls, and deposit
their votes for truth and jusice in the face of all the
Ku-Klux hosts around thwm.
6
537 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
But could land be obtained for this purpose? I have
called upon several of my neighbors, and stated our
plans, and they have appeared highly pleased with
them, and have informed me of five or six thousand
acres of land, that could be obtained not far from here,
at an average of about fifteen dollars an acre. They
say that if white men come here and labor for them selves, it will disabuse the colored people of the idea,
that they only can cultivate the soil, which idea, the
whites say, is one cause of their insubordination as
laborers.
But can Northern whites successfully labor under
the hot Southern sun? During my residence here, I
have never known the thermometer to rise above
ninety-eight degrees in the shade, and I do not think
that in this locality, the heat is ever so intense as it is at
the North. A large portion of the country is covered
with trees, and numerous springs everywhere abound,
which cause a humidity in the atmosphere, that modifies
the heat very sensibly; and at about half past ten
o'clock of every hot summer day, a gentle breeze
usually arises, besides the nights being always cool and
pleasant. I have labored through many a warm summer's day, in the open air, without experiencing any
inconvenience. The great drawback here, is the chills
and fever, but by proper attention to the laws of health,
this disease, like all others, loses the most of its terrific
nature. I do not think that Northern people are any
more subject to it than the natives. During the last two
years, no member of my family has had an attack of
this disease, and my boy of fourteen, has been exposed
to the climate, at all hours and in all weather.
It is customary for the Negroes to abstain from labor
0
538 
AND THE REBELS.
about two and a half hours during the heat of the day,
and Northern men could do this very easily, and still
accomplish much more than the negroes can, so great is
the difference between skilled and unskilled labor. The
chills and fever do not prevail in every Southern locality. In selecting a site for a colony, care should be
taken, especially, to guard against miasmatic localities.
I would urge this upon all Northerners, going South,
in whatever capacity. Use your common sense, and
read medical works upon the subject, and never buy a
place exposed to fever and ague, if you can get it for
one dollar an acre. Guard against all swampy localities,
as you value your health. But should you be unfortunate in this respect, then strictly avoid going out of
doors just about sunrise and sunset, and build a fire in
the evening in your houses during the summer.  And
then on the first appearance of a chill, go to bed iinmediately, and place warm fiat-irons at your feet, and
drink freely of composition tea; and if all this does not
answer drink tea made of the seeds of red pepper,
steeped in boiling water. Above all, watch for the first
symptoms of congyestion, and apply to different parts of
the body applications of mustard; and call in a physician as soon as possible. By following these directions, I think you can escape falling a victim to this
terrible scourge of all new countries, and of some older
ones.
But lift up your drooping heads, ye victims of consumption in its incipient stages? Here you can be
cured of this dire disease. Not far from here is a famous
strip or belt of land, extending through the state of
Georgia, called the "piny woods region," and celebrated
for its entire exemption from clls and fever, and from
.
539
a 
THE BLACK MIAN OF THE SOUTH,
most other diseases. The celebrated watering place of
Aiken, South Carolina, is embraced in this region, and
it is said no more healty locality is to be found on the
face of this green earth. Consumption is almost ununknown here. During the first year of my residence
here, an old gentleman died in the neighborhood. I
asked my overseer, a Southerner of thirty-five or forty
years of age, what was his disease. He scratched his
head, looked puzzled, and at length said, "Well, I can't
remember, its some curious name; I never hearn on
before." I then named several diseases, but he shook
his head, until I at lengthl mentioned consumption, when
he said, " 0, yes, that's it. What kind of a disease is
that ally how,  Mr. Stearns?"
Warm weather commences here two months earlier,
and lasts one month later than at the North. It is now
the fifteenth of November, and we have had but one
slight frost. Oftentimes at Christmas, the air is as warm
and balmly as it is in May at the North. We have some
cold spells, usually in January and February, but snow
never remains on the ground more than one night.
Ploughing usually commences the first of February.
Vegetables  usually live in the ground through the
winter.  But Northern people should never come here
without their thick clothing, as our houses are. built
more for purposes of ventilation, than for comfort during
the winter. They can be plastered of course, if the
inmates so elect. The climtnate is, however, enervating,
and not bracing like that of New England. One cannot
overcome slight bodily ills here, by mere force of will,
as at the North; but if you are slightly indisposed you
must succumb, until rest has recuperated your system.
The negroes go coatless*and hatless, at all seasons with
impunity. 
a
540 
AND THE REBELS.
But have I not said enough in favor of colonizing this
county with Northlern working-men?  Will not the
good sense of every reader, respond to the truth of these
suggestions? The whole earth has been lifted from its
degradation, more through colonization,  than in any
other way.   What was England, previous to its settlement by Roman, Saxon, Danish, and French colonists?
What was our country, previous to its occupation  by
foreigners, but a vast howling wilderness, inhabited by
wild beasts of every description, with here and there the
red man's footsteps, to break the vast monotony of the
scene? What would the beautiful and exuberant West
have been, without Eastern emigration?   How was
Kansas rescued from the dominion of the Slave power,
except by streams of Eastern and Western men, which
poured in upon its fertile prairies, and swept away the
incoming myrmidons of pro-slavery wrath, about settling
upon its rivulets? And shall not this fair land, come
under its benign influence? Why should the South be
left to stumble on, in its own crooked way, while other
portions of the land are made broad and beautiful, by
the genius of improvement? Why should there not be
" a highway of the Lord cast up here, in which the ransomed may walk," as well as elsewhere, in this vast and
broad extent of territory? The reader, and its author,
will excuse me, for an alteration of Whitter's inimitable
"Kansas songs for emigrants," to suit this new scheme
of Southern emigration.
We cross the rivers as of old
The Pilgrims crossed the sea,
To make the South, as they the North,
The homestead of the Free.
e
541
a
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
We go to plant the working-men
In freedom's Southern clime,
And press from out the cotton-tree
The polished Northern dime.
We're flowing from our native hills
As our free rivers flow;
The blessing of our mother-land
Is on us as we go.
We go to plant her common schools,
On distant mountain swells,
And give the Sabbaths of the South
The ring of Northern bells.
Upbearing like the ark of old,
The Bible in our van,
We go to test the truth of God
Against the fraud of man.
We'll cross the rivers as of old
Our fathers crossed the sea,
And make the South, as they the North,
The homestead of the Free.
a
542
a 
CHAPTER VII.
THE FUTURE OF THE COLORED RACE, FEARFUL CON
SEQUENICES OF THEIR DEGRADATION, THEIR
FINAL DELIVERANCE.
It was said by one of old, "To everything there is a
season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven."
Some  twenty years ago, the claims of the working
classes were urged upon the attention of the American
people; but in the providence of God, the time had not
fully come, for those claims to be duly considered A
system of tyranny, exceeding in iniquity, all the wrongs
inflicted upon the white laborer, as Mount Blanc towers
above the other Alpine heights around it, attracted the
attention of the friends of the human race. That system has happily been levelled to the earth. Naught remains to mark the spot of its bloody throne, but the
terrible debris of the fallen citadel.  The poor victim of
its Satanic rule, has, however, only partially escaped
from the dominion of the hated tyrant. He still lies
bleeding at the feet of his former master; who, with
whip in hand, forbids his rising only to a certain elevation. But having tasted of the precious morsel of freedom, his appetite has only become whetted for a larger
slice of the loaf of perfect liberty. Ile cannot see why
he, any more than his white coonpeer, should be beaten
543
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
with cruel stripes, and subjected to countless indignities.
He, imploringly, asks for the same protection of law,
that is accorded to his Northern brother.
On the wings of every Northern wind, there is borne
to his ears, the sound of innumerable voices, lifted up in
behalf of the laboring classes; and, with his dull intellect, he fails to perceive why he, as a laborer, should not
be included in the category of those, whose wrongs are
being righted.  Eloquent men make the "welkin ring,"
with shouts in behalf of the poor son of toil; and colnventions of all classes are held to right their wrongs,
and reconcile the difficult-to-be-adjusted differences between labor and capital; but, in all these meetings, he
hears not the faintest allusions to his own melancholy
condition. Orators who denounced his wrongs while a
slave, now that he is ostensibly free, forget him, in their
pleadings for his lighter colored brother; albeit the
wrongs of the latter, are infinitely less than his own.
Shall this apathy in reference to his case continue, until
the sun of American freedom has again set in blood? or
shall we all awake to a proper consideration of his claims?
I pause for a reply!
From my acquaintance with the present relations existing between the white and black man at the South, I
can come to no other conclusion than, that a worse war
thlan our last one, will break out at the South, unless measures are speedily taken to rectify the wrongs now being
heaped upon the black laborer! Numerous incidents
have occurred, to justify me in this belief; and no intelligent man can long remain at the South, without being
forced to adopt the same  conclusion.   Moodily  and
stealthily, does the thinking negro move about, treasuring in his mind, the remembrance of every new outrage
~
544
a 
AND THE REBELS.
inflicted upon him; but, confidently gazing towards the
bright "North star" in hopes of deliverance.  Wearied
with his midnight vigils, and that star only shedding its
cold and placid light upon his maddened soul, he at
length grinds his teeth together, closes his lips firmly,
and says to himself, "well, there is no10 hope from them,
dis nigger must fight for hisself"; and soon the fiery
light of burning dwellings will illuminate the sky, and
the piercing shrieks of helpless women and children,
will stun the ears; for it is this kind of a war, that is
sure to be the result of the present contempt of the
negro's claims, on the part of the American people.
Indeed, during my residence at the South, it has been no
slight task always to appease the angry souls who have
come to me with tl4e story of their wrongs. It has been
my unceasing effort to prevent every outbreak on the
part of the negro; but sometimes, it has required all the
nerve we all possessed to prevent such an outbreak, as
in the case mentioned by my sister, on her second arrival
from the North.  I candidly believe, that if I had not
been here, a large portion of this county would have
been laid in ashes ere this. The fact that the republican
party is so nearly dead in our state, is one of the worst
omens for the future.   While men  can rectify their
wrongs by the ballot, the danger of a public outbreak is
but small, that operating as a safety-valve, through
which can escape the pent-up streams of wrath, which
would otherwise collect in sufficient force, to cause a
terrific explosion. It is on this account, that the English
government constantly dreads a popular uprising of the
elements opposed to its measures, and usually succumbs
to the popular will. Where neither of these processes
obtains, the wrongs of the pe;ple will be righted in a
more sanguinary manner,
545
0 
THE BLACK MAN OF THIE SOUTH,
When men are allowed to meet and discuss their real
or fancied wrongs, there is but little danger of riots;
and when they can by the simple instrumentality of the
ballot, protect themselves, there is no need of standing
armies to awe them into submission. But where neither
free speech nor a free ballot is allowed, as is the case all
over the South, and a large class of the people is oppressed, then let the perpetrators of these outrages
"stand from under," for the temple of oppression they
themselves have reared, has already begun to crack from
capstone to basement, and soon the whole stupendous
pile will come tumbling down upon the heads of the unfortunate supporters of this villainy. I give this as my
opinion. The Southern and Northern people can take
it for what they deem its real value.
But allowing that this ruin will not speedily follow
our present course, who is to be benefited by this disregard of the assertion of God, that "Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people?"
The laws of Jehovah apply to nations, as well as to
individuals; and in both cases there is no escape from
the fiery mandate, "The soul that sinneth, it shall die."
We have already received the first installment, of the
wages due for our sins, in the shape of the terrible war
from which we have so recently emerged, and still we
do not cast those sins from us. Still is heard in the
ears of an avenging God, the cries of those who " are
ready to perish." Pharaoh was punished ten times for
his disobedience to God, each punishment being severer
than the last, until he and his vast hosts were engulphed
beneath the dashing waves of the mighty current, that
overwhelmingly rushed to their destruction
Jefferson " trembled for his country, because God was
O
546
a 
AND THE REBELS.
just."  His justice sleepeth not, and is not changed
since the days of slavery, and it is never more thoroughly manifested than in letting nations and individuals
"be filled with their own doings." To give men up to
"blindness of mind and hardness of heart," is the greatest of all punishments.  When God says, "my spirit
shalt not always strive," he says a more terrible thin'
than if he should precipitate upon that nation, all the
hosts of war, and deluge its land with streams of blood.
What more loathsome sight can meet the eyes, than that
of a miserable drunkard expiring in the agonies of his
own debauchery?
So Faith our county. Allowing that we shall escape
the fiery wrath of the avenger of all transgressed laws,
how shall we avoid the inevitable consequence of our
own acts? What more dreadful fate than to live surrounded with the instruments of our degradation, a
reeking, bloated carcass of corruption?  We  ask to be
allowed to strike hands of amity, over the bloody form
of ofir wounded colored brother, and while he is writhing in the agonies inflicted upon  him, by these  "repentant brethren," we wish to hold a Saturnalian feast
with the harlot, who seeks to fold her wanton arms
around our unsuspecting necks. Listen while we depict
the consequence of this foul matrimonial union!
No two European countries can more widely differ
than the two extremes of our beloved land. Do we
wish to transmit to our children, the Northern or the
Southern phase of our present civilization? Look at it
first politically. Here are 600,000 voters, with whom
manifestly rests the balance of political power?  Whichever scale of the political balance they are found in,
that scale inevitably causes 4he other to'.'kick the
.
547
a 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTIH,
beam." On whichever side of the great political battle
field they range themselves, there will the fortune of
war be found to turn favorably. These negro voters, if
possible, are far more ignorant then  the devoted adherents of Tammany  at New  York.  Ignorance will
then rule our nation. Who can do otherwise than
shudder, as he contemplates the political fate of our
nation, under such auspices? The South are allowed to
govern themselves, or, in other words, to debase the
negro to their heart's content.  These negroes wield the
political destinies of our nation. Adieu then, to our
common schools, to our intelligence, to our virtue.
Dismal clouds of inky blackness will gird our Southern
horizon, until they are rolled together into one vast pall
of such terrific- darkness, as brooded over the "face of
the great deep," when God detained from his new creation, the rays of celestial light, so essential to the
beauty of its young existence.
The Southerner claims the right to treat the negro as
he pleases.  It is evident what that pleasure is, viz., to
degrade the negro far beneath his own mediocre intellectual and moral attainments. Will such a state of things
add anything, to our reputation, or safety, as a nation?
Can a people be otherwise than doubly cursed, whose
laboring population are extremely degraded?  If they
are thus degraded, will they not easily become the tools
of despicable villains, who  will seek to use them to
comnpass their own diabolical ends? Who burnt the
orphan asylum, in N. Y., but a degraded mob, used by
more enlightened but as vicious leaders? So with the
South. Let them accomplish their present aim, and
what terrific tools are put in their hands, for the accomplishment of the worst,  he most Satanic of behests!
e
548
a 
AND THE REBELS.
I tremble when I think of the probable fate of this
beautiful country, when it is again ruled over by the
Southern aristocracy, as it is bound to be, if the present
political " status" of the black man is preserved.  Let
the schemes of Northern politicians prove successful,
aidl soon will the South be able to marshal on its side,
nearly the whole of these 600,000 voters, and with their
aid, march to the conquest of Northern refinement, as the
Goths and Vandals marched to the destruction of Rome
and Italy. Yea, more, as the Crusaders butchered their
yielding enemies, so will these new cohorts of iniquity,
stamp the life from the vanquished forms of their foes,
as the records of Andersonville, Salisbury, Florence,
and Libby prisons, abundantly testify.  Do we want
these tyrants of the South, to ride over us, as they did
over our prostrate comrades in those vestibules of hell?
Remember the Southern character has not changed
one whit since the war. The records of the Ku-Klux
outrages teem with proofs of this assertion.  I "speak
that which I do know, and testify of that which I have
seen." There can be no exaggeration of the bloody purposes of Southern leaders. Allow them to govern themselves, without any interference on our part, and in less
time than has elapsed since the close of the war, we
shall find ourselves bound hand and foot, and tied to the
car of the miserable juggernaut of Southern rebellion.
The animus and spirit of the South are the same, as
when it first surrendered its sword to our valiant general.
I have seen it, at every step of my Southern life. It
burns and boils over, wherever you direct your steps at
the South. There need be no hesitation about believing
this assertion. Examine almost any Southern paper,
and the truth will be revealeq to you. The purposes of
.
549 
THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
the South are as distinct to-day, as they were just before
the rebellion.  The "lost cause," still retains its firm
and devoted adherents; as the lapsus lin um of Jeff.
Davis in his recent speeches in this region abundantly
proves.  The spirit of secession is "not dead, but sleep eth," ready at a favorable moment to assert its rights,
and march in battle array to their maintainance. I can
assure my Northern readers, that during my residence
here, my eyes have not been shut, nor my ears closed;
and I am as certain as I am of my own existence, that
to-day, would witness the marshalling of the Southern
hosts in hot haste, if there was any reasonable hope of
their success. To-day, the spirit of the rebellion is no
more crushed than it was at the battle of Gettysburg,
or when our armies retreated from the vicinity of Richmond.
Ignorance in the hands of vice is a fearful weapon.
Allow the vicious whites to control entirely the ignorant
blacks, and you may look for a high carnival of crime,
that shall make angels weep, and demons turn away in
disgust. This can be avoided by the elevation of the
negro. Educate him, and he is no longer the tool of
designing men. Enlighten him, and he ceases to be a
power for evil in the hands of revellers in deeds of blood.
And again, enlighten the negro, and you enlighten the
white man.  Education alone enables us to control the
educated. This is one of the strongest arguments in
favor of the education of the blacks. Educate him, and
he can no longer be controlled by ignorant men. Will
the whites allow their children to grow uip ill ignorance,
while the black youth around them, are emerging into
the ranks of scholars, and philosophers?  Will Southern
young men  relish the ide~  of associating with  their
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AND THE REBELS.
former slaves, now far advanced above them, intellect
ually? Then educate the blacks, because in so doing,
you are causing the god-like blessings of education, to
descend upon the whole country, transforming a "waste
howling wilderness" into an intellectual garden of the
Lord.
It is unnecessary for me to present facts in reference
to the ignorance prevailing at the South. The statistics
of the nation furnish ample proof of this point. Some
twenty years ago, one-fourth of the adult population of
VirgTinia could not read and write, and in 1837, Gov.
Clarke, of Kentucky, publicly declared, that one-third
of their adult population could not write their own
names. In Ohio, the scholars in the primary schools,
out-numbered all the scholars in fifteen slave states and
territories, by 17,000. The number of pupils in the
primary schools in the free states, was 1,627,028, while
in those of fifteen slave states and territories, there were
only 201,085, or about one-eighth. The libraries of all
the universities and colleges in the slave states, humbered but 223,416 volumes, while those of the free
states numbered nearly 600,000 volumes.   This was
twenty years ago. In 1834, there were six times as
many Sunday school scholars in the free as in the slave
states.  In one year Massachusetts voted a tax of a million of dollars for the support of common schools, which
to-day is no doubt increased four fold. Many of her
school-houses then, cost $25,000, and some $75,000.
How many millions of dollars have the whole South
ever voted for education in a single year?
To be educated here and at the North are quite different affairs. Here, no man loses the respect of his neighbors for the lack of that which so many lack; while at
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
the North, we all know how an ignorant man is regarded.
I have repeatedly seen an high officer in this state, who
could not sign his name to documents requiring his signature, and he was obliged to do it by proxy. As corroborative of my opinions, I will introduce the testimony
of Mr. Wm. Gregg, of North Carolina, given many
years ago, on the occasion of a flying visit to the fiee
states.   He says,  "My  recent visit to the Northern
States, has fully satisfied me, that the true secret of our
difficulties, lies in the want of energy on the part of our
capitalists, and ignorance and laziness on the part of
those who ought to labor. * * * It is only necessary to
travel over the sterile mountains of Connecticut, Massachusetts, Vermont and New Hampshire, to learn the
true secret of our difficulties, to learn the difference between indolence and industry, extravagance and economy. We there see the scenery, which would take the
place of our unpainted mansions, dilapidated cabins,
with mud chimneys, and no windows, broken-down railfences; fields overgrown with weeds, and thrown away,
half exhausted, to be taken lup by pine thickets; beefcattle, unprotected from the inclemency of the weather,
and so poor as barely to preserve life;" with much more
of similar language.
Horace Greeley, some twenty years ago, gave as the
result of his observations in Va., the following sketch.
"At this.moment, not one-fourth of the soil in the counties I have visited, is under any sort of cultivation,
while the portion cultivated, is but wretchedly skimmed
over. Not one-eighth of what the country ought to produce, is produced, although agriculture is almost the
sole business carried on. Such an entire dearth of manufactories, and mechanical arts, a Yankee can hardly
realize, and the churches md school-houses, at best are
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scarcely equal to Dutch barns. The schools are all private, and I wish the admirers of the voluntary system
of education, would come here and see it in operation.
I think not half the children (out of the few and straggling villages) attend school, as much as three months
per annum, and many of those who do, have to travel
from two to three miles, often overtaken in the long
stretches of wood, by violent thunder storms, and compelled to ford suddenly swollen streams, at the imminent
peril of their lives. Of twenty streams that you will
cross in a day's ride, not two will have any sort of a
bridge, and this in a country that has been well settled
for more than a century, and was probably almost as
populous in Washington's prime as it now is. No work
or next to none is done on the roads, which are consequently all but impassable, except after days of bright,
dry weather. Indolence, improvidence and ignorance
of the main comforts of civilization, are displayed in the
squalid, narrow, wretched log tenements which mainly
serve for habitations, and on nearly everything else.
This should he a joyous, populous, thrifty, wealthy
region. It has the sun of Greece, and the sky of Italy.
Man has known no healthier clime, no purer atmosphere. The soil naturally fertile, and easily cultivated,
there are water power and timber in abundance; and
the gold mines, must soon create extensive and steady
home markets. A lovelier land lies not beneath the
summer sun, nor one more inviting to effort. Yet you
ride through miles and miles of forest of oak and pine,
which serve but as covers for game, though equal in
beauty and fertility to the ducal parks of England.
And in the midst of these interminable forests, you will
frequently pass the falling chimney, the scraggy apple
tree, the weedy patch of grass and briers, which tell
where the home of a family once nestled. Adieu, land
of buried greatness. I could not think otherwise than
regretful of the soil that embosoms the ashes of Washington and Patrick Henry."
It is from such a sad condilon, that we propose de
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THE BLACK MAAN OF THE SOUTH,
livering the South, and it is into the arms of such a
miserable fate that our whole country is in danger of
being plunged, by allowing Southern supremacy in the
councils of our nation. Look closely at this picture of
the South, and behold as in a glass, the reflection of our
fate when Southern governments are allowed full sway,
subject to no interference on the part of the national
government.'Are we prepared for the supremacy of
such ideas?  Is "negro supremacy" about which we
hear so much, one whit worse than Ku-Klux, and Andersonville prison supremacy? And remember as we
have stated, that if we allow the South to "manage her
own domestic affairs," we shall have both Ku-Klux domination and negro rule combined. But our plan proposes delivering the South from her worst enemies, her
own ungovernable passions. We would fain extricate
her from the horrible maelstrom into which she seeks to
plunge the negro, soon to be whirled herself into the
terrible vortex; and would place all her citizens on the
delectable shores of purity, intelligence and material
prosperity. Is not such a task a glorious one, and one
that angels will behold approvingly?
There is much that is noble and pure in the true
Southern character. I have never met with greater
sympathy, and more ardent friendship, from those. who
harmonized with me religiously, than in Kentucky.
Like the ancient Jews, the Southerners are the most
devoted- of friends, as well the bitterest of enemies.
There is a whole-souled generosity of feeling towards and
absorption in the interests of a friend, that is not so
common at the North. I am able to speak of the
thoroughness of this friendship, from the experience of
twenty-two years of matrimonial intimacy with one of
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AND THE REBELS,
the daughters of the South. I can therefore have no
prejudice against the home of some of my dearest
fiiends. It is because I love the South, that I would
not leave her like a wayward child, to compass her own
destruction.
But what shall be said of the poor victims of our misguided brethren, over whom the long night of slavery
has so fearfully hung, leaving scarcely one bright spot
on their blighted souls? If it is god-like to rescue their
former masters from the consequences of their crimes, is
it not doubly so to "snatch as brands from the burning"
the poor imbruted ones, on whom the whole of this
storm of sin and woe has burst with unmitigated fury?
In the just balance of an impartial God, it is true that
his sins may outweigh his virtues, but will not the
"Judge of all the earth," regard them with leniency, as
he reflects that their moral perceptions have been well
nigh obliterated, by the Satanic pressure of slavery's iron
hoof upon their souls?  And I would not forget also,
that the crimes of their masters, may seem less heinous
to Him  who  "knoweth the hearts of all men," than
they do to us from whom their temptations are hidden.
I wish to do justice to all men. I therefore must express
my sympathy for the Southern whites, as for those who
have brought upon themselves " swift destruction."
Never was a nation more thoroughly punished for its
sins, than they have been for theirs.  They have "sowed
the wind," and now are engaged in "reaping the whirlwind." They have created the miserable laborer whose
faults are so constantly before them. IHe is the. manufacture of their own wicked hands. They have themselves
caused to be wound around them, the folds of an
aniaconidic moinster, firom whoseelimy grasp they can no
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
more extricate themselves, than the unfortunate traveller
can escape from the crushing power of the far-famed
South American serpent. The Southerner has "given
and it has been given unto him," but of curses, and not
of blessings. The poisoned chalice, that he has prepared
for the lips of others, is now being drank of by himself;
a fearful mixture of the" wine cup of the wrath of God."
Still we pity him in our heart of hearts, and would fain
do something to deliver him from the terrible consequence of his own violent dealings, that have emphatically "fallen upon his own pate."
Four millions of Caspar Hausers, passed in melancholy
retinue before the eyes of President Lincoln, as he
signed the proclamation that will immortalize his name
in the annals of the world. Caspar Hauser, as our elder
readers will remember, was a youth released from a long
imprisonment in Nuremburg, Bavaria, some forty years
ago.  A  brilliant writer thus describes him: "Though
seventeen years old, he could not walk or talk. He
heard without understanding, he saw without perceiving,
he moved without definite purpose. It was the soul of
an infant in the body of an adult.  After he had learned
to speak, he related that from his earliest recollection,
he had alway been kept in a hole so small, that he could
not stretch out his limbs, where he saw no light, heard
no sound, nor ever witnessed the face of an attendant
who brought his scanty food. For many years conjecture was rife concerning his history, and all Germany was
searched to discover his origin. After a long period of
fruitless enquiry, and speculation, public opinion settled
down into the belief that he was the victim of some
great unnatural crime, that he was heir to some throne,
and had been sequesterm by ambition; or the inheritor
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AND THE REBELS.
of vast wealth, and had been hidden away by cupidity,
or the offspring of criminal indulgence, and had been
buried alive to avoid exposure and shame."
The treatment of this unfortunate lad was  termed
the "crime on the life of a soul"; and such crimes
were the South continually guilty of, in shutting out
the light of education from the souls of the black race.
Shall we not endeavor to atone for our share in this awful act of villainy, at the sight of which, holy angels
drop their harps in dismay, as they quickly turn from the
fearful object, by cooperating with all who are endeavoring to lift this curtain of ignorance, from the souls of
these millions of Caspar Hausers?
While I do not aspire to prophetic knowledge, I can
yet behold in the illimitable future stretching far before
me, the fulfillment of the glorious prophecies of Holy
Writ, respecting the down-trodden of the earth, which,
although not originally intended to apply especially to
the African race, may yet be considered, as a description
of their future glory.  "Thou shalt no more be termed
Forsaken: neither shalt thy land be termed Desolate:
but thou shalt be called Hephzibah, and thy land
Beulah."  "For brass I will bring gold, and for iron I
will bring silver, and for wood brass, and for stones
iron."  "Thy sun shalt no more go down, neither shall
thy moon withdraw itself: for the Lord shall be thine
everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be
ended."
Or, in the words of a distinguised poet,
"Hear what God the Lord hath spoken,
' 0 my people, faint and few,
Comfortless, afflicted, broken,
Fair abodes I builder you;
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH,
Thorns of heartfelt t,ibu,lati(on,
Shall no more perplex your ways,
You shall name your walls salvation,
And your gates shall all be praise.'
" God shall rise, and shining o'er you,
Change to day, the gloom of night;
He, the Lord, shall be your glory,
God, your everlasting light."
And as this race has already under God been the
means unwittingly, of increasing the depth and power
of that regenerating influence, that the American church
was established for the spread of, so shall it still continue
to shed abroad from its purified form, those holy streams
of benignant grace that shall wash away the old errors
and sins of its former despotic abode; as the waters of
Niagara, ill their distant influence, wash the shores of
many an infected region.  Then shall the South present
to the admiring gaze of the whole earth, the beauty and
moral loveliness, so appropriate to its land of' sunny
fountains," and where,
"In vain, with lavish kindness,
The gifts of God are strewn."
Then shall "violence no more be heard in its land, wasting nor destruction within its borders," but its "officers
shall be made peace, and its exactors righteousness."
"The tyrants of the plain,
Their savage chase give o'er,
No more they rend the slain,
And thirstfor blood no more;
But infant hands
Fierce tigyers stroke,
And lions yoke
In fiowy bands."
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AND THE REBEL.
"Amazing, beautious change,
A land created new,
My thoughts with transport range,
The lovely scene to view."
Then shall the precepts of Him who came to "break
every yoke and let the oppressed go free," be beautifully
reduced to practice by a nation redeemed by the power
of his love, from their former vicious habits, and
"By such shall He be feared,
While sun and moon endure,
Beloved, obeyed, revered;
For He shall judge the poor,
Through changing generations;
With justice, mercy, truth,
While stars retain their stations,
Or moons renew their youth."
I feel as if this was destined to be the work of this
generation, and I call upon all lovers of Jesus, to unite
in the glorious enterprise of thus placing upon the
crown of our Saviour, one of its most brilliant gems.
The colored race is eminently religious as no other race
is, albeit its present form of religion is so different from
the benign system of our holy Redeemer. But when
we find a race so immersed in the religious element,
there is certainly great hope for that race. They all
believe theoretically in the One God of the American
nation, and it is only necessary to convince them of his
true character, and of the nature of his requirements, to
convert many of them to true Christianity. Their vices
exist because they are not yet satisfied, that God is a
pure and holy God, and utterly opposed to all sin.
Even the most debased of them, have moments of religious exaltations, when they seem transformed into
pure beings, but the power ofevil habits is too great to
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THE BLACK MA  OF THE SOUTH,
be escaped from immediately.  The continual preaching
of God's law, and the certain consequences of its violation, together with the glad news of a Saviour from sin,
must eventually free them from the trammels of vice,
and regenerate their degraded natures.
But no nation ever redeemed itself. This task of its
redemption, is under God left to others. Why should
we fold our arms in moody silence, and say, "we have
done enough for the black man, remove the story of his
wrongs from our surfeited ears!" Will not the picture
of his degradation as drawn in these pages, arouse within you feelings of the deepest compassion for this
afflicted race?
And are we not all of us somewhat to blame for this
terrific degradation? Did we always do all in our
power to deliver him from the hands of the oppressor?
Has not God "concluded us all under sin," in this matter? And are we not all "verily guilty for the blood
of our brother?"
Reader, I have purposely drawn for your consideration, a sombre picture of those whose claims I have endeavored to defend, and in whose behalf I would fain
interest all who may read this book. Behold in panoramic view before you, all the traits of this forlorn race.
Look upon their degradation and reflect upon its causes,
and say if there is not sufficient reason, why you should
not enlist in the little army who are yet battling in their
behalf? And you, Mr. Copperhead, if you should
chance to read these pages, pray do not increase the
guilt of your hatred of "God's image clothed in ebony,"
by parading before the world this record of the blackman's         faults, as a justification for the "outrages" committed upon him. Wheryou speak of the delinquen
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cies here portrayed, be so kind as to specify their cause,
and denounce not merely the helpless criminal, but
unite with all his friends, in introducing a "new departure," indeed, into our whole public policy respecting
him.
And as the long retinue of blood-washed ones marches
in joyful array, before and around the throne of "Him,
that liveth and was dead, and behold is alive for evermore," on that dread day when "the books shall be
opened, and another book be opened which is the book
of life; " shall we not rejoice "with joy unspeakable
and full of glory," when the heavenly scribe shall turn
to ourname, occupying some humble place
" Beneath my Lord the Lamb,"
in that brilliant catalogue, of those "who love their
fellow men?"
And if the just angel of record, discovers the tracing
of some darkened lines on the glowing page, some
former error of our lives and hearts depicted there, may
we not reverently hope, that a loving tear will blot out
the unseemly record, as he perceives there the story of
our prayers and tears in behalf of God's most suffering
ones, as "charity covereth a multitude of sins."  And
will he not triumphantly escort us, to one of heavens'
glorious mansions, proclaiming to all as we joyfully follow his steps, "Inasmuch as he did it unto one of the
least of these the brethern of the Lord, he has done it
unto heavens' King himself; "and as the portals of the
pearly gates are thrown wide open for our admission,
will he not turn and address us, with these soul inspiring
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THE BLACK MAN OF THE SOUTH.
"Enter ye into the joy of our Lord."  And
words,
there,
" No bleak cliffs upward towering,
Shall bound our eager sight;
No tempest, darkly lowering,
Shall wrap us in its night.
Love, and unsevered union
Of soul with those we love,
Nearness and glad communion,
Shall be our joy above.
No death, our homes o'ershadowing,
Shall e'er our harps unstring;
For all is life unfading
In presence of our King."
THE END.
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