-Acc    - W C,.
TO SERVE AS
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
IN THE FORM OF
Extracts of Letters from an English Resident in the
United States, to the London Times,
from 1864 to 1870.
WITH AN
APPENDIX, ON THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
" If this be treason, make the most of it."
-   PATRIRCKl HENRY-1765.
J. W. RANDOLPHf,
121 MAIN STREET, RI CH-MOOND, VA.
1560.
I 
ENTERED ACCORDING TO THE ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR 1860, BY
J. W. RANDOLPH,
IN THE CLERK'S OFFICE OF THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES IN AND
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA.
~I 
- i I 
-I
CO  N T E N T S.
PAGE.
PREFACE.................................................... vi.
LETTER I. Preliminary remarks.  The first term of service of an abolition               ist as President.  Course of Lincoln's administration.....  1
II. Sectional partties and their necessary effects.  No "overt act"
needed for the subjugation of the South.................. 10
III. Army.  Land grants......................................... 17
IV. Protective duty system.   Fishery and navigation bounties.
Free government in theory. Universal suffrage and dem               ogogues................................................ 18
V. Southern aspirants to the presidency suited to the northern
market-and their injurious influence on southern rights
and interests............................................ 25
VI. B ginning of President Seward's service. Direction and policy
of the government patronage. Views of negro slavery and
its abolition........................................S.... 3
VII. Operation of late government measures on slaves in the South.  44
VIII. Effects on the South......................................... 48
IX. Other abolition measures proposed and declined............... 49
X. The Supreme Court sectionalized............................ 52
XI. Negro citizens and negro officers of government............... 53
XII. Negro ambassador, and negro diplomatic relations............ 54
XIII. Northern opinion of southern disposition and courage.........   57
XIV. State of parties.  Prospects of southern section, and of slavery,  58
XV. Administration policy. Negro ambassadors. Northern negro               philists................................................. 64
XVI. Measures of the governm nent................................. 66
XVII. End of slavery in the District of Columbia.  Condition of the
South.  Fugitive slaves and "underground railroad....   69
XVIII. Abduction of slaves in great numbers......................... 73
XIX. Constitutional coup d'etat. Retrospect of the condition of the
southern states.......................................... 77
XX. Agitations in the slaveholding states, and movements in some
of them................................................. 82
XXI. President Seward for a second term.  Secession of six southern
states, and consequent political movements, and military
preparations.  Operations at Charleston..................  85
I
Lf IC 6 4i 
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
XXII. Earliest proceedings of the new Southern Confederacy. Mili               tary defence. Inaction of the United States Congress, and
the causes.............................................. 94
XXIII. Offensive measures in progress against the seceding states, and
their plan of defence, and general political procedure.....  98
XXIV. State of popular feeling in Virginia, and of political affairs.
Prospects ahead......................................... 103
XXV. Beginning of the blockade of southern ports. Military spirit
and action of the south.  Operations at Charleston........  109
XXVI. Obstacles to the operation of the blockade. Effects on both
south and north......................................... 120
XXVII. Active hostilities and invasion of the south proposed. Losses
and suffering in the north................................ 125
XXVIII. M[easures for defence, and progress of war events in tihe south.. 127
XXIX. Polilical affairs in Virginia.  Military preparations and move               ments of northern troops. Obstacles to invasion of the
southern seaboard....................................... 133
XXX. Surrender of Fort Moultrie..................................  137
XXXI. Commercial difficulties of the south, and their compensations.
N orthern sufferings, mobs, and sanguinary riots.......... 138
XXXII. Preparations of Virginia for resistance   Movements of United
States troops. Features and difficulties of the north-west
routes................................................... 146
XXXIII. A guerilla officer, and his preparations for service............  152
XXXIV. War actively commenced-a rail-road battle.................. 162
XXXV. Retreat of the invading army-and new preparations......... 174
XXXVI. New route taken for the northern army in Virginia. Opera               tions on the Ohio. New movements of the northern de               tachment............................................... 179
XXXVII. Progress of the federal army.  Beginning of extensive guerilla
operations..............................................  185
XXXVIII. Military movements in Virginia. Hasty preparations for de               fence, and for offensive war in the north-west............. 188
XXXIX. Continuation and close of the guerilla campaign in the moun               tains of Virginia.  Events on the coast..................  195
XL. Military operations in the East.  Removal of seat of northern
government.  Popular feeling in Washington, and the ear               ly consequences........................................ 206
XLI. New legislature of Virginia.  Important political events...... 211
XLII. Political movements of border states.  More acts of secession.. 219
XLIV. Occupation of Harpers' Ferry. Re-annexation of the District
of Columbia to Maryland................................ 221
XLV. The progress of the federal army in the south-west.  Negroes
and negrophilism....................................... 224
XLVI. Negro insurrection incited by northern fanatics.  Events in
Maryland............................................... 242
iv 
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
XLVII. Invasion of Kentucky by an abolitionist and negro army...... 251
XLVIII. War operations on the southern coast......................... 266
XLIX. Naval preparations south and north.  A naval encounter...... 268
L. Close of the compaign in Mississippi.......................... 276
LI. Effects of the separation of the states on both the northern and
southern sections........................................ 279
LII. Outbreaks of disorder and violence in the northern cities. Sack
of New York........................................... 285
LV. Washington the seatof the southern federal government. Free
negroes expelled from the District of Columbia........... 298
LVI. A truce. Effects of the was, and present condition of the two
sections................................................. 301
LVIII. Conditions of peace required and denied. The truce extended.
State of military preparation........................... 312
LIX. Effects of the truce on north and south. Reasons and prospects
for its continuance...........................   I........ 318
LX. Political aspects, and commercial changes-north and south... 321
LXI. Conflicting views of policy in different portions of the northern
section. Common interests of the north-western and south              ern states.............................................. 326
LXII. Commercial treaties with European powers.................... 329
LXIII. State of the two sections. Prospects of disruption of tihe North              ern Union............................................... 331
APPENDIX............................................................. 343
v 
PREFACE.
Though the writer of the following pages has ventured to indicate
the future results of supposed and stated causes, he does not claim
to possess any gift of prophecy, or extraordinary political foresight.
When speaking of the obscure and doubtful future as if it were the
known past, he merely aims to present his general propositions and
argument in a novel, and therefore a more impressive form, by using
illustrations and examples of supposed actual occurrences, as the
consequences of previous conditions-though the existence of these
conditions may be doubtful, or even highly improbable. For the
purpose of meeting all the current and popular objections of opponents, there are here supposed to occur, as early and principal consequences of the secession of a southern portion of these now United
States incidents which are not such as the writer deems to be either
necessary, legitimate, or probable results. He does not believe, as
being among  stch consequences, either that the then remaining
northern states, (as the "United States," or in any other character,)
will deem it expedient, or safe, to mlke war on the seceded states,
or to invade southern soil, (unless the anti-slavery fanaticism shall
have ripened to insanity, and also become general with the northern
people-) or that they can successfully blockade southern ports, or
be able (no matter how willing or anxious,) to excite extensive or
important servile insurrection in the South-or that northerners can
then even inveigle and abduct slaves with as much success and
impunity as is now done, and will continue to be done, under the
safeguard of, and by means of the facilities afforded by the present
political union of the slaveholding with the non-slaveholding states.
And if, by possibility, the northern people shall be so demented as
to make war upon, and invade the separated South, and to seize upon
and occupy any portion of the southern territory by an army, it is 
PREFACE.
not believed that its defeat and destruction will be left to be effected
by the slow though sure operation of blockade, with the results of
starvation and disease. And, to fall farther back in the order of the
supposed filture events, the writer does not believe that the first inauguration of an abolitionist as President of these United States, and
who will be necessarily elected by a majority strictly sectional, will
be acquiesced in, and submitted to, by all of the southern states.
Nevertheless, as this and the other named incidents, and calamities
for the South, are all confidently predicted by   conservatives" and
submissionists, and most of them are assumed as certain consequences
of disruption of the Union, they are all supposed here, as either
being effected or attempted, and are admitted as premises from which
to argue, and to deduce their legitimate consequences, though from
improbable causes. If these premises and postulates shall be objected to, and condemned by considerate readers, because of their
being improbable-and some of them even morally impossible-the
objection is fully admitted in advance. The excuse for their being
thus adopted is that their truth has been so frequently and so generally asserted, both by northern aggressors and southern submissionists, that these opinions have been made to occupy false positions of
importance in the public mind.
Further: Though it is here designed to deduce correct conclusions
by sound reasoning, under the guise and through the medium of
fictitious occurrences, the work ought not to be judged of as if
sketched merely for amusement and entertainment, or as if the writer had been free to devise and shape the plot according to his unrestrained fancy, and to adopt such incidents and course of narration
as he deemed most likely to engage the attention and interest of
readers seeking amusement only. On the contrary, for reasons already adverted to, the supposed early and main incidents, used as
premises, are precisely the grounds assumed and maintained by antagonistic reasoners-and all of which grounds the writer himself
would be among the first to reject, and to protest against, as contrary to reason and probability. And even when deducing the results, both immediate and remote, from these premises thus forced
upon his argument, the writer is allowed as little choice, or exercise
for his imagination, as in the previous adoption of the premises.
For, in acceptihg the premises, the obligation was necessarily incur
vii 
PREFACE.
red to reason strictly from them to their legitimate consequences and
conclusions.
Again: Though thus presuming to anticipate and, in some sense,
to predict future events in the general, it is only as such events will
be the legitimate effects and consequences of the assumed and stated
causes. And when stating, for example and illustration, particular
incidents, or particular individual actors, and times of action, as consequences of the stated premises, the writer does not plume himself
on accurate foresight of such minor or particular occurrences.
Names of individuals are used as representatives of opinions or parties, and necessarily at hazard, as to their suiting the precise action
presented. Some such of the many inevitable misapplications of
names to incidents, (in advance of the facts,) have been already exposed by the passage of time in the few months which have passed
since this writing was begun-and others will doubtless be seen before the publication can be made. But this is of no importance to
the argument, and detracts nothing from the force of its illustrations
or conclusions. These do not depend upon such immaterial issues
as, for example, whether the wily, able and prominent Seward, or
the obscure and coarse Lincoln shall be either the first or the second
President of the United States, elected by the sectional abolition
party of the North-whether such first election shall be effected in
1860, or not until a few years later-or whether the wrongs and the
political subjugation of the southern states shall become intolerable,
and so compel resistance and secession, at an earlier or a later time.
One thing only of knowledge of the political future does the author
claim, and by that test he is ready to be judged, and to abide the
sentence. This is, that, on the grounds of such premises of facts as
are here supposed to exist as causes, the effects and consequences
are thence legitimately deduced, by reasoning a priori-and that, in
the main and in general, and to all material purposes, the results
would be such as appear in this narrative. And thus, by reasoning
from supposed (and even though impossible) causes to the legitimate
effects of such causes, the author trusts that he has maintained his
main propositions-which are, that a northern sectional party, and
majority, directing the action of the federal government, need not exercise any unconstitutional power, or commit any "overt act" of usurpation, to produce the most complete subjection and political bondage,
viii 
PREFACE.
degradation, and ruin of the South; and that whenever (before its
prostration and ruin are consummated,) the South shall choose to
resist such oppression and impending subjugation, its means for safe
and perfect defence, and for full retaliation of hostilities and injury,
(if need shall be,) for achieving independence, and for securing the
subsequent preservation of peace, and unprecedented prosperity-all
will be as certain as can be any events of the future, or as the most ardent southern patriots would desire.
JUNE 5, 1860.
ix  
ANTICIIATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE,
TO SERVE AS
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS TO THE LONDON TIMES,
LETTER I.
Preliminary Remarks. The First term of Service of an Abolitionist as Presi            dent. Course of Lincoln's Administration.
WASHINGTON, D.C., Nov. 11th, 1864.
* * * * * * The last despatches from the Pacific States,
through the magnetic telegraph, were delayed for some days
by accidents which so frequently occur on the new Tehuantepec route. The complete election reports have now been
received. As anticipated, California, Oregon, Washington,
and also Sonora (the new Pacific free state, formed of territory last purchased from Mexico,) all have voted the ticket of the Republican party-as called by its members, or
the Black Republican, or Abolition party, as designated
by its opponents. William HI. Seward of New York, is
elected by a much greater majority than his predecessor,
President Lincoln, obtained in 1860.  Seward also now has
the undivided votes of all the "free " or inon-slave hol(l 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
i ng states. These, by the adiiission of seven new states
since 1859, and the greatly increased population (evidenced
by the last census) of the new states admitted between 1852
and'60, with the general growth of the party in all the
northern states, have served to make Seward's entire electoral vote full two-thirds of the whole number. All the
fourteen slaveholding states (Delaware  being no longer
one,) have voted against him as a unit, although there was
not the remotest chance to elect his merely nominal deminocratic competitor.  The present opposition to Seward and
and his party, united and unanimous as it is throughout all
the slavholding states only, is so weak, relatively to the
supporters, that the thought of any future contest at the
polls is more despised than feared by the now triumphant
Abolition party.
At this point of time, when the issue of a new election is
just ascertained, and the second term of power of this new
and rapidly-growving Republican or Abolition party is about
to begin, it may be of use to English readers to take a rapid glance over the more recent political events and tendeiicies of this country-of which the concerns, even when most
important, are, by most Europeans, deemed of too little account to be carefully noticed, or to be long remembered.
In 1860, prior to the known result of Mr. Lincol n's election to the presidential office, the conflict of opinion, and
the antagollism of the designed policy of the two great parties, caused violent agitation in the slaveholding states.The outbreak effected  by John Brown in 1859, and the
general slave insurrection then designed, (though fruitlessly,) were obviously the legitimate practical results of a widespread conspiracy of northern men.  The attempt, and its
IlilLure, anti the speccdy slayinig, or later judicial exectutions
2 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
of the criminals, found general sympathy anong the Republican party and throughout the northern section.  Though
this long planne(l attempt to excite insurrection was promptly put d(own by Virginia, the state in which the attempt
was m-a(le, and 1was altogether a failure as to its direct a(nd
designed results, nevertheless it caused much in(lirect injutry
to the slaveholding states, in weakening the security an(tl
tenure of their property in slaves, and in the great expenses
thereby requirel and  incutrred( for permanent as well as
temporary measures of defence, a(gainst the recurrence of
like invasiots, with worse effects-or of more dangerous
conspiracies, expectedl to be instigated or aided bv northern
emissaries and agents.  The indignation of  the southern
people was expressed loudly in every state, and in almost
every  town  and county  thereof, anid still more  by  the
usually feeble direct popular voice than through the governmental authorities.   The more soutlhern and more  ardent states seemed ready to adopt the extreme  resort of'
seceding from th-e northern states, whiclh la(i long been uinjust and oppressive,  an(l now showed themiselves also as
malignant enemies.   But opinions among the southern pe(ple were then, as they still are, greatly d(livile(l, and even
amuonig those who are zealous for resistance.  Maaiiy were
advocates for immedia(te secession, whether of all, or of but
a few States concurring in the measure.'rhe grounds presentedi were the  foregone and repeatedl and great oppressions, and unconstitutional wrongs, inflicted by the nortlhern
States-and  that the power of the Northl was  steadily
and fast growing, an(I that it would become strong enoulgh
to attain the asserte(l great otject of the Black Republican
party-the abolition of negro slavery in the southern states
-and  the consequent utter ruin of tlie property and the
3 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIHE FUTURE.
prosperity of the people of these states, if not of their social
and political existence.  Then the  secessionists were divided as to the proper time and manner for secession.Many were for seceding as soon as an abolitionist should
be known to be elected president, (which first occurred in
November 1860,) without waiting four months longer for
him to be installed in the office, and so get into his hands
all the power of the Government. Others were for still
more early action-or, if that should be denied, they deemed longer delay proper. They argued, that if the southern
states consented to go into an election for the presidency
and it was legally conducted and they were fairly and constitutionally out-voted and defeated, they ought not, and
could not, honorably, then refuse to abide by the result,
and to submit to the nominee of the stronger party.  And
that all they could properly do, after the election, would be
to wait for the next occurrence of what, in the fashionable
phrase, was termed an "overt act," or a palpable violation
of the federal constitution by the new president, and thereby
violating the rights of the South. Of such grievances
there had been sundry in past times-and there would,
doubtless, be more and worse inflictions as the northern
party and section approached more nearly to the attainment
of irrepressible and almost unlimited powers.   Many others,
and including all the real but unavowed submissionists, professed that they were as sensitive of southern wrongs as the
more violent; but that they did not admit secession to be a
constitutional and legal remedy, and they maintained that the
act, though it might be justifiable and indispensable, would,
nevertheless, be revolutionary in character, treasonable (if it
should not be triumphant,) and also, and necessarily an act
of bloody warfare.  Still, these objectors declared (some in
4 
LESSONS FOR THilE PRESENT TIME.
sincerity, and most of them as a cover of opposite opinions
and( designs,) that they were perfectly ready to join in these
extreme measures, and to meet all the inevitable and calamitous consequences, whenever a majority of the southern
people and states were as ready as they were for the trial.
There were also many southerners who, in their veneration
for the Union, and fears of the alleged probable consequences of disunion, were ready to submit to any extent of usurpation and oppression from the North or from the federal
government, rather than to dissolve the Union, or than to
adopt any other measure of defensive state policy, which
their timid imaginations conceived could, by possibility,
operate to increase animosity between the two sections, or
have the remotest tendency, ill the case of increased wrongs,
to facilitate or enable a separation of the southern from the
northern states.  None of these ever dared to avow such
submissive  sentiments.   They  claimed  that  they were
" Union men," and their opinions to be "conservative; 7'
and generally, in every transient subject of controversy between different wings of the more  ardent friends of the
South, these conservatives threw their weight, for the time,
to aid the weaker of the two parties, or the shade of opinion supported by the smaller number, so as, successively to
defeat every opinion or proposed policy that was most likely
to aid the maintenance of southern rights, whether in or
out of the existing Union. - Whenever they professe(l the
strongest zeal for some one course of policv for the defence
of the South, it was merely to use that proposition, and its
friends, to stifle some alternative course which had many
more real supporters, and which, if not so prevented, migiit
have been much  more effectual for promoting the ultimlate
objects professed to be deemed inestimable -anld indisp)einsa ble by all.
5 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
The avowed or true secessionists were more numerous
in South Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia-and
next in Louisiana and Florida. The other slavehiolding
states inclined more either to " conservatism" or submission
to the North; and the slaveholding slates bordering on the
non-slaveholding more so than all others. This grew out
of their more exposed and dangerous position, if war should
ensue, and the border southern states be made the chief battle ground, as was predicted, to be ravaged and laid waste,
time after time, by contending armies.  Also, on the frontier
lines, most exposed to contact with abolitionists, there was
found the almost only  infusion of their opinions  to be
found in natives of the slave holding states.  Virginia, the
principal border state, still retained much of her former influence over her mnore southern and more zealous sister
states; and this influence was successfully wielded by the
then conservative and submissive majority of the people of
Virginia, to restrain the movements of other states, who,
whether with the leading, or the equal advance, of Virginiaor, if Virginia had plainly avowed the intention to submitwould have seceded before this time, either with or without
Virginia and the other border states. Thus, among so
many conflicting opinions and deceptious influences, notliitg could be (done to maintain the rights of the South, and
but little (in military preparation) to defend the states froni
Irom such violence of invasion and outrage as already had
been sent firom the North, and was expected to be repeated.
Mr. Lincoln was elected in November, 1860, by a small
majority, over both the Democratic party and the still organized remnant of the old Whig party.  Most of the former Whigs, however, had previously gone off to the sulppotrt of either the Democratic or the Abolition party.  The
6 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
separation of the votes against and for Lincoln, was precisely the same with the geographical line between the
slaveholding  and  the  non-slaveltolding states.  Lincoln
lost but few votes in the latter, and did not receive a single vote in any one of the slaveholding states. If choice
might have directed otherwise in some few cases, public indignation would not have permitted a southern vote to be
offered for Lincoln.
To the inauguration of the new president in March, 1861,
there was not the slightest resistance.  In his early procedure he was courteous to all, conciliatory in manner to his
political enemies, and did not show any resentment against
those who had been his loudest vilifiers. He seemed eminently'" conservative" in all his measures.  It is true that,
according to the previous and long established proscriptive
policy of this government, the using all lucrative offices to
reward friends and supporters (the system at first begun
and consummated by President Jackson, and followed up
by every party and president since in power,) Lincoln put
out of' the offices within his disposal every incumbent attached to the Democratic party, and replaced them with
partisans of his own, or of his party creed, whenever such
subjects could be foun(], or could be safely introduced from
abroad, in some rare cases.  In the southern states, where
none avowed themselves to be Abolitionists or Black Republicans (except along the northern border line,) he had
at first none of his own partisans to reward.  Therefore,
when displacing the before favored Democrats in the South,
from all offices lucrative enough to be worth accepting, he
supplied their places with southern submissionists, who
most nearly approached in their practice to what suited the
policy of the President and of the northern section.  aIn
7 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the meantime, all the men of the South who had assumed,
ill good faith, as their requirement for secession, the President's committing  an  "overt act" of unconstitutional
usurpation, were waiting for and expecting the occurrence
in vain. And all of the smaller number who had desired
to secede before the inauguration of the President, having
lost all power  for separate or leading action, were now
compelled to join the ranks of the waiters for an " overt
act."   But President Lincoln, probably directed by the advice of counsellors much wiser anld more prud(lent and cautions than himself, seemed determined to use the loudly
avowed doctrine and professed rule of action of these southern waiters upon his measures, to make sure of their own
inactivity and helplessness, in indirect aid of the future impregnable power of his section, and his party. He caiefully abstained from comnmitting aiily act, or exerci.sing any
authority, that was not clearly, lld by universal adiiissioil,
within the President's constitutioial powers. While, within these limits, he steadily aimed( to sustain his own party,
and especially to reward his zealo(us partisalns, his general
policy and administration were praise- worthy, and respected
for probity, wisdom, and firmness.  However he might favor the North at the expense of the South, yet, if viewing
the Union as a whole, he served its general interest well,
and maintained the d(lignity of the government abroad, and
its respectability at home:
So passed  the first term of office  of an abolitionist as
president. Nor was there any appearance of change of
course after later elections of other senators, and the admission of more new  states, had served to place a majority of abolitionists in the Senate, as had long before
been in the House of Representatives. The opposers of the
8 
LESSONS FOR TI-IE PRESENT TIME.
administration had become more silent and faint in deniunciation or censure. The southern thorough submissionists were even jubilant, and boasted of their early foresight
of Mr. Lincoln's conservative principles and national policy,
and their well-placed confidence in the sound patriotism and
the magnanimity of the northern people, "who, even" as
was predicted by their southern apologists "when having
power, and unresisted in its exercise, would not abuse it to
the destruction of the glorious Union and Constitution, as had
been charged by the disunioniists."  The loudest complaints
of dissatisfaction with the President's moderate policy, were
heard from  the underlings among  his early supporterswho could not understand why every advantage their party
had gained should not have been used immediately, and to the
full extent, to forward the great object, the abolition of
slavery. The more violent of his former opponents also,
whether immediate disunionists or waiters (so far in vain) for
an "overt act " of unconstitutional usurpation, still distrust ed Lincoln and his party as much as ever, and suspected
the worst for their future rule. They ascribed the apparent
moderation to profound policy, and the delay of the former ly expected course of undisguised despotism to the design
to render the success certain, by presenting, at a later time,
irresistible strength to the more and more enfeebled oppo sers. If these suspicions were well-founded, it must now
soon become manifest. For the power of the abolition par ty and section is now almost supreme in every department
of the government; and it will, for the coming term, be
wielded by a far more able and adroit politician than Pres ident Lincoln.
The moderate course of policy, pursued through his ad ministration by President Lincoln, had caused no less dis
9 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE.
appointment to his southern enemies than to his early and
most fanatical partisans. On this account, as well as in accordance with the policy of "rotation in office," which is so
much approved and usually observed in the northern states,
Lincoln was not nominated for re-election, and a second
term of service, by his party, but was set aside, and the undivided and greatly increased abolition vote was given to
Seward.
LETTER II.
Sectional Parties and their necessary effects.  No "overt act"  needed for the
subjugation of the South.
WASHINGTON, December 20, 1864.
* * * * * In this Congress, there is a majority of forty
votes in the House of Representatives for the president and
the North. In the Senate, the majority of Black Republicans, as yet, amounts to but two votes. But the dominant
party can command more from northern Democratic members, in sundry questions of granting lands, or other benefits
dispensed to northern interests, in which the states of
these senators are deeply concerned.  On March 4th, the
fixed Abolition majority in the Senate, because of changed
members, will be increased to at least four. But before
this tilne, there has been a fixed and certain majority in
both Houses entirely in the interest of the northern sec
10 
LESSONS FOR THE FUTURE TIME.
tion. Of course, the southern minority, in all party or
sectional questions, will be utterly powerless to carrv out
any measure, or even to defend southern interests from any
legal aggression or wrong. And there are but few questions now which are not sectional in their bearing.   The
oppression of the minority, by the majority, must niecessarily follow the division, by a geographical line, of a confederation of states, (even though before free, and equal in
political rights,) into two unequal sections, having different
and opposed  opinions of policy? and different interests.
When the earlier party divisions of this government existed,
founded on principles or opinions having no relation to
locality, every state, and almost every county and parish,
contained citizens belonging to both the great opposing parties.  An(l however the strength of such parties might fluctuate in different states, or the one might grow and the
other wane in the whole Union-and however, at times,
their conflicts might be heated and violent-still there would
be nothing to detract from the equality of rights and political power of each state and each citizen. But now,
whether old party names are still preserved, or new names
adopted(, the country is divided, in point of fact, into two
great sectional parties only, on the subject of negro slavery,
and which are separated strictly by a geographical line.
This line has already been remove(l, and (if present conditions are to continue) is (loomed to change much more by
removal farther southward, as slavery shall be successively
driven back by outside pressure. Wherever that line shall
be, the people on the different sides of it will be opposed
and hostile to those on the opposite side, in opinion, sentiment, and supposed interests-because of the opposite conditions of conservatism of the institution of negro slavery,
11 
12        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
and fanatical hatred to its existence. This alienation and
hostility extend to every other matter of general policy or
occasional expediency in which the interests of the two
great sections may truly differ; and also, though prejudice and
ignorance, to many other subjects in which the interests of
both sections would be best promoted by the same policy.
The prospective and successive removal of the line separating these sections will be caused (as in the most recent
change of Delaware,) by slavery being gradually extinguished
in a previous border slave-hold(ling state. Such extinction
will not occur because of public opinion, in such localities,
having become unfavorable to slavery, or because slave
labor has there ceased to be profitable, or less profitable
than free hireling labor. The change, whenever it shall
take place, will be owing to other causes, and chiefly because
of the increased and increasing insecurity of slave property near the border, compelling owners either to sell off
their slaves, or to remove with them to the farther southern
states, less accessible to Abolition agents, and their corrupting operations on the slaves. The vacancy of population thus made near the border will, in time, be filled by
immigrants and hirelings from the North; and when the
like changes shall have extended gradually across the whole
territory of any state, as a matter of course, that state
will cease to be interested in the mainteniiance of the institution of slavery; and its then anti-slavery population next
will put an end to it by law, and compel the speedy dleportation, or otherwise the emancipation, of all the then remaining slaves.  This end has already been reached in
Delaware, is fast approaching in Maryland, and next, Missouri, Virginia and Kentucky, under existing circumstances~
must successively be subjected to the same course. 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
While the two great sections are governed and alienated
by such opposite opinions and sentiments on the subject
of slavery-and while the opposition to it in the North
has run into blind fanaticism-there is this notable difference
in the prevalence of these opposite sentiments. Though
the northern section is far the more populous and powerful,
and elects representatives, both state and federal, who are
nearly all in favor of the entire abolition of slavery, still
every northern city and county contains more or less of
dissentients, who would respect and maintain the rights and
the property of the South-and who would oppose, as
highly injurious, and even to the North, the extinction of
slavery in the South, even if it could be effected legally,
and justly to the slave owners. These dissentients also
are among the more sound thinkers and the most worthy
citizens-and their niumber is increasing with time. But
almost everywhere they are the minority of their election
district, and their opposing votes, if given, amount to nothing
in the selection of representatives.   However, in some few
of the border districts, along the border line, the mnajorities hold pro-slavery sentiments, and elect a few members
of Congress of like creed, who oppose their great section
upon this subject. On the other hand, the southern section, however divided by old party names, has scarcely any
division of opinion on the question of slavery. The very
few Abolitionists, in the slavehlolding section, are either
near the northern line, or are northern immigrants to the
commercial cities.  In most cases such persons are so few
and scattered, that they do not venture to utter opinions
which are so generally abhorred. Should civil war between
the two sections be the unfortunate future consequence of
this division of opinion, these respective different condi
13 
14        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
tions will have much influence on the final result. The
whole population of the southern section will be united in
opinion and purpose, while every portion of a northern state
will be weakened by the presence of a strong minority in
opposition.  But as all offset to this, and of much more
weight and danger if well founded, the northern people
count confidently, in the contingency of war between the
two sections, that they will find ready recruits and allies in
ncarly all the slaves of the southern States.  Whether there
is any solid ground for this expectation or not, I shall not
here argue.
Under such circumstances as are stated above, of a confed(leracy with representative government and equal representation, but divided into sectional parties having conflicting
opinions and interests, it mfnust be an inevitable result that
the weaker section will be completely ruled by the stronger,
and be as entirely without means left for defence or relief,
as if the weaker section had no representatives in the
legislature, or no right of suffrage; or, indeed, was a conquered and subject province, at the mercy of the dominant
section. By the constitution of this confederacy, both
the rights of the states and  of their people  are well
guarded, so long as parties are founded on differences of
political opinion, and are intermixed in every state and
smaller portion of the general territory.  But, when parties
become wholly sectional, and also opposed (or supposed to
be) in every important interest, the constitutional safeguards
of the weaker section are worth nothing-and all the safeguards of free and representative government become mere
forms, and the delusive mockery of their former substance
and value. If, fort centuriespast, England and Ireland had
been equally and fairly represented in proportion to their 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
population and wealth, in the same Imperial Parliament,
Ireland would not have been the less oppressed than she
has been. Her having one hundred or one hundred and
fifty votes in Parliament to oppose to more than three
hundred of English members, would have served for no
purpose, except to bolster up the pretence that Ireland,
being fairly and fully represented, was  as free, and therefore as justly governed, as England.  Indeed, under such
circumstances of a fixed sectional majority, the larger the
minority is, the greater will be the injustice and oppression to which it will be subjected. For the greater the
numbers of a minority, the more will it resist, and the more
violent and turbulent will it be in its resistance-and tlhus
will it provoke increased hostility and severity from the
majority, which might have been escaped by a course of
timid and humble submission.  Thus, the total absence of
all real legislative power of Scotland in the British Parliament, since the Act of Union, served to'prevent all serious
resistance to, an(] invite kind feelings from, the acknowledged( irresistible voice of England.  Under the old "rottenborough " system, Cornwall had more representatives in
the House of Commons than all Scotland.  Yet, as alleged
by Burke (when arguing in defence of virtual representation,) there had been no important instance known of the
interests of Scotland having suffered because of her want
of more full and equal representation. Probably, for the
reasons stated, if Scotland had had no representation whatever, (or only a single representative to state her wants and
wishes, as have the new territories in the American Congress,) and had been, both ostensibly and really, a province
subject to England, and without restriction of authority,
the interests of the dependent section would not have been
15 
16         ANTICIPATIONS OF TIE FUTURE.
less cared for by the English Parliament and Government,
then ruling without opposition, or question of their supremacy or omnipotence.
Such are the reasons for my opinion, that the present
and fixed sectional condition of parties, in this country
operates to subject the weaker section, in political subordination and bondage to the stronger, as completely as if the
weaker had been deprived of all representation in Congress,
by the sharp and speedy operation of a Napoleonic coup
d'etat.  Whether my reasoning is sound or not, will now
soon be seen. The northern section and the President have
now a perfectly reliable majority in the Senate.  On every
question of conflicting interests, the South is powerless and
defenceless in the making of laws. The United States
judiciary is not yet entirely sectionalized(, or abolitionized,
though, by vacancies and new appointments, the majority
of the members will soon be of that character.  And before
that time shall arrive, the only remaininlg safeguard for the
rights of the weaker section is in the federal judiciary, and
that defence is limited to possible judicial decisions, and
the construing of the constitution in regard to the institution of slavery, and the rights of slaveholders. The former
noted decisions of the Supreme Court, in favor of southern
doctrines and claims, may now soon be reversed, by means
of new judges. The President will have no need or inducement to commit any "overt act " of unconstitutional
usurpation-and for the sufficient reason that, without any
violation of the letter of the constitution, every desired
advantage and object may be gained for the northern section-and the interests and institutions of the southern section may be placed as low as their degradation may best
subserve northern interests or wishes. 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER III.
Army. Land Grants.
WASHINGTON, January 10, 1865.
* * * * * According to the act of last session the regular
army has but lately been increased to thirty thousand men.
The recruits were  obtained almost exclusively from  the
northern states, and  mostly from  the great cities, where
numerous in(lividuals, both foreigners and natives, are always
suffering from destitution, and, consequently, the obtaining
recruits for the regular service is there most certain and
spee(ldy. The southern cities would, in comparison, supply
very few recruits an(l the southern rural districts almost
none. But few ()I' the new officers have yet been nominated to the Seniate.    *     *            * *          *
The re-estallishlment of the high protective policy has
all along been earnestly desired by the North, and was more
plainly and strongly recommended by the President's last
annual message than previously. A bill for the purpose is
in progress, and will doubtless be acceptable to the northern
section.
Grants of vacant government lands in the new states and
territories are eagerly sought by petitioners and claimants
of various kinds, and grants are made lavishly by Congress.
There is no limit or restriction on the amount of this wastes
exc,pt that the character of every grant is such that a precedent for it can be cited in the former enactments of past
administrations, of both the old party divisions.  Such precedents, for these or any other measures, serve to silence
many opposition politicians who would object to the con
17 
18        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
stitutional authority for many of these grants, if their party,
and ii some cases, with the aid of their own individual
votes, had not established the first precedent of abuse.   In
the present cases, almost every grant of land goes to a
northern beneficiary, or is in aid of northern  interests.
Money is also voted lavishly for improving the navigation
of rivers, harbors and ports, all in the northern sections.
But the partial or unjust destination of such benefits does
not impair their constitutional authority, and these measures
also have sufficient authority in former precedents, both of
Democratic and \Whig administrations. Future grants will
be no less sustained by precedents, and by constitutional
authority, even should they be made to cover every acre
of public land from the Mississippi to the Pacific oceanand shall all be designed for, and devoted to, the most unjulst
and corrupt purposes, and all for the benefit of the northern
section.    *     *     *      *     *      *     *      *
LETTER IV.
Protective Duty System. Fishery and Navigation Bounties. Free Government
in Theory. Universal Suffrage and Demagogues.
WASHINGTON, February 17, 1865.
* * * * * The new  tariff bill has passed both Houses.
and received the President's signature. The duties imposed
to exclude foreign fabrics and to encourage the like home
productions, are as high as forty per cent. onl the general
average. Of course they will operate to raise the prices 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
of the protected products as much as may be required for
fair profits, within that limit of forty per cent.. and by exclud img importations, (which, if made, would pay duties,) will
detract from the general revenue of the treasury just as
much as lower duties would have yielded.  The advocates
for this protective policy, who are mostly northerners, declare that it will be most beneficial to the southern states,
by causing therein the establishment of manufacturing indutstry, which is now almost entirely deficient. But this
effect has not previously been, and never can be, produced
by federal legislation, offering rates of indirect bounties
ostensibly equal to all, but, in truth, operating most unequally for the North and South. For, because of the (lifference of condition, and of comparative fitness, advantages
and disadvantages, a protective duty of twenty per cent. may
be abundantly high to establish profitably a certain manufacture in New England, which, if relied upon for support in
the southern states, would lead to certain loss.  And if
the duty were raised from twenty to fifty per cent. by
the increase, there would only be given more advantage
over any southern competitor.   For while the ilaniufactured commodities might rise, if demand( or other circumstances permitted, fifty per cent. in price, or for the price
to vibrate between twenty and(l fifty per cent., still the
advantages of the northerner will always enable him to
sell, say ten per cent. lower than a southern competitor.
And so the latter will be undersold and driven  out  of
market, whether at the hlighlest or lowest protection by a
federal tariff; Such have been the general results of tariffprotected manufactures conmmencedl in the South, which
attempts hlave generally brought loss, if not ruin, to the
undertakers.  If it is desirable to establish manufactures in
the South, (and certainly it is, if the South is to be made
19 
20         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
independent of northern supplies,) it can be done only by
state legislation, and state encouragement of southern, an(l
prohibition of the introduction of northern productions.
If this were the policy adopted, the South would, indeed,
pay all the cost of the system-but would receive all the
benefits of creating home supplies, and building up home
markets for agriculture.  But, under federal protection (as
called,) continued for fifty years, the South has been paying
(as of all taxation) thle much larger proportion of the cost,
and receiving little of the benefit-an(l thus has built up
mainy great home markets for the North, but none for the
South.
Senator Clay's proposition to repeal the fishing bounties
(received exclusively by the New England States,) which
has been discussed for years, and neglected even under the
preceding Democratic aldministration, is now  hopeless of
success; and, as suchl, has been abandoned by the patriotic
and zealous mover and a(lvocate of the proposed measure
of reform.  This system, which has alrea(ly bestowed more
than fourteen million dollars in bounties, for no good general
purpose, is still to continue. For the like reasons, the attempt
to put down the indirect bounty to the Anmerican coasting
navigation, an(l the consequent virtual monoply enjoyed by
northern vessels, was still earlier aban(loned.  It is now so
evidently hopeless to carry through any measure of defence
for the South, against the interests and grasping predaceous
action of the northern section, that few such attempts will
be made hereafter, and none can be sulccessftil. The southern
members now scarcely take the trouble to oppose new
financial aggressions from the North, either by argument or
votes.  Whether opposing or not, thev have to submit to
inevitable defeat.  There is now no use whatever in sending 
LESSONS FOR THiE IPRESENT TIME.
members from the southern states to Congress, unless to
effect such petty objects as the asking for somne small local
benefit, or the abating of some local grievance, which the
northern section has no interest in refusing, or will accor(l,
from some touch of mercy or magnanimity, to a former
rival, now powerless, unresisting, and contemptible. Except
for such rare contingencies, the sending of members to
Congress is now entirely useless to the southern states,
and only useful to the members themselves, in the very high
salaries and perquisites they receive for their nominal and
useless service.  But all these evils to the South are produced and maintained (as may be many more and worse)
without the least infringement of the restrictions and checks
of the constitution, and therefore they present no "overt
act " of illegal misrule, by either the President or Congress,
and, of course, (according to the generally received understanding,) should be acquiesced in, as both fair and just, by
the suffering sectional minority.  It is said, and generally
admitted, that under a free constitutioii-where all citizens
equally have votes, and all portions of the population have
equal and fair representation-all errors, and wrongs and
evils may be corrected at the polls by the votes of the
people-and that this is the only and a sufficient remedyand they who do not thus redress all errors of their delegated authorities and officials, can have no ground for complaint of injustice or wrong, and ought not to have any
other mode for seeking redress. Yet, whoever will properly apply this specious theory to thle rough tests offered
by the existing fixed sectional parties, may learn that, with
all the forms of free government and equal rights, the
southern states are as much subjected, and as much in poli
21 
22         ANTICIPATIONS OF TIE FUTURE.
tical bondage, to the nortlhern, as is Cuba to Spain, or as
was Hungary to Austria.
The theory of this system of free government is beaitiful and admirable.  It is suited to attract and secure the
high applause of every Englishman who is truly a lover of
freedom, and who loves and values the more complex coinstitution of free government of England, not for the many
and great inseparable defects and abuses, buit because, taken
altogether, it has afforded the best protection to freedom,
and to the growth and( maintenance of free principles, of
any government that exists, or, perhaps, ever has existed
in Europe.  Long ago, to my then more youthful and sanguine imagination, the government of the United States of
America seemed more pure and more perfect than that of
England, and my high appreciation of its constitution and
earlier operation drew me to visit, and to continue a long
sojourner in, this new country. I have not failed to recognize in the whole people another branch of the English
family, and in some respects showing improvement upon
the old stock, and its home sluccession.  I admire the many
great and good qualities of the general population of these
States, and more especially of the better classes of the
warm-hearted South.  But nearer observation, and the passage of time through the many years of my residence in
this country, have served to dissipate my early illusions as
to the perfection of'thiis government in practice as well as
theory, and its fitness to secure the long-continued possession
of freedom, and of equal rights and benefits, to all its states
and citizens.  Whenever any important difference of cond(ition, opinion, or prejudice, distinguishes great portions of
a confederacy of free states, as in regard to negro slavery
here, there will be danger of sectional division and hos 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
tility operating to counteract and overcome the best principles of the best devised constitution of government.   But
if sectional division lhad( not been produced, and all its evil
consequences, there would have operated another bad influence, which has infused its debasing and corrupting poison
into the body politic. This evil is the extending the right
and exercise of popular suffrage much too far, or to its farthest reach-the being universal.  If able statesmen, virtuous patriots, and true lovers of free government, were to
decide upon the form of government best suited to establish
and secure the permanence of freedom an(l the greatest good
of the whole community, they would not extend popular
suffriage so as to include a large proportion of the lowest
and most ignorant of the citizens, or those who, as a class,
have not any important interest in the affairs and prosperity
of the commonwealth, and who, if they even had such
interest, have not the knowvledge necessary to guard its preservation.  This great political error lhas been committed,
and now has been carriedl to the fullest possible extent, in
every state of the confederation.   Btt still there is and
must be a notable difference in the amount and measure of
evil so produced between the slaveholdling and the nonslavehold(ltng states and  sections.  In the latter, popular
suffrage is truly universal.  In the slaveholding states it is
not less unllimited, according to the written constitutions,
among citizens, and all of the white race. But there is
still the lowest class-of slaves-who are necessarily without political rights; and thus the institution of slavery
serves to withhold from the exercise of suffrage the greater
number of bodies without minds which are unfit to control
any political power. Thns, in South Carolina, where more
than half of the population consists of negro slaves, popular
2'a') 
24        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
suffrage, even though nominally and literally made universal,
is, in fact, restricted to fewer than half of the populationexcluding, as slaves, all of the lowest and most degraded
classes, who, whether slaves or free, white or black, or in
the North or South, are and must be incapable of understanding or caring to preserve the principles or the benefits
of free government.  Now, in the northern states, where
free whites occupy the lowest places in the community,
and all have votes, the evils of universal suffrage have already
extended, and will still more extend With time, to the worst
consequences of this abuse of free institutions-and very
far worse than any practical results of the same designed
innovation established in the slaveholding states.
Demagogues in a free country are precisely the same
despicable creatures as are the most servile flatterers of
the monarch in an unlimited despotism. They both flatter,
for their own personal gain, the sovereign power, and
the source from which flows all power and emolument.
And while these sycophants and demagogues alike aim to
flatter, cajole and corrupt their respective sovereigns —the
monarch or the mob-none know better than they do the
weakness, the incapacity, and the low moral standard of those
idols whom they pretend to worship, but whom they really
despise and cheat and rob upon every safe opportunity.
Demagogues have been the greatest bane to the free government of these states, and it is much to be feared that they
can and will destroy the benefits, and next the existence, of
free government, even if the more prominent and obvious
danger of sectional parties can by possibility be averted. 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER V.
Southern Aspirants to the Presidency suited to the Northern Market-and their
Injurious Influence on Southern Rights and Interests.
WASHINGTON, February 24, 1865.
An Act has been passed to increase the rates of salaries of
nearly all the officers of the government, civil, military and
naval. The number of officers, also, is much enlarged.The increase of salaries and of officers will nearly double this
before large item of the expenses of the government. Nearly
all of this addition, as of all the previous payments from
the Treasury, will go to the North, as nearly every ex
isting office, worth having, is filled by a northerner and a"l
abolitionist; or, if the duty is in the South, and there would
have been insuperable difficulty to bringing in a northerner,
in such cases these offices have so far been bestowed on natives of the South, but only to such as are supposed to be
submissionists in their political position. Some few northern abolitionists have been appointed to lucrative civil offices
in some of the southern cities only.
The discontent of the southern states with the rule
of the northern section and the abolition party, seems, to
outward appearance, to have been lessening, or, at least, becoming less noisy and violent,as the ruling power has become more fixed and unassailable.  When the first usurpations of the federal government were complained of, in the
presidency of the first Adams, and mostly by the people of
the southern states, though the subjects of complaint were
not. in magnitude or danger, to be compared to  the much
later acts, the opposition then raised was sufficient, in a few
2
25 
26         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
years, to produce a political revolution, which swept away the
wrongful measures, and also their movers and their abettors.
But in latter times, although the subsequent and new acts
of oppression on the southern section have been of tenfold weight and enormity, they have been successively
submitted to.  In the early contest referred to, parties were
arranged by political opinions and principles, and not by
sectional divisions and interests, or prejudices of locality.
The greater strength of the administration party was in
the North, and that of the opposition in the South.  Yet
large adverse minorities, in both, prevented anything like
sectional character in the then division of parties.  But
in the latter times, when the anti-slavery sentiment and
fanaticism of the North had begun to spread, and was
rapidly growing in power, though not yet dominant, there
had occurred another change in the political condition of
the country, which served to distract, enfeeble, or disarm
southern opposition for defence. Rapidly as the southern
states had increased in population, it was mostly by natural
procreation.  The importation of negro slaves had been
long excluded by law. The poor free emigrants from
Europe preferred to settle in the new free states, where
hireling labor was in great demand, and highly remunerated.
Thus the millions of foreign immigrants have nearly all
been added to the population and increase of the non-slaveholding and northern states, serving to give to them a great
and still growing superiority of population and political
power over the slaveholding states. Under this change of
circumstances, it followed that a southern aspirant to the
presidential office (and latterly there has been scarcely any
very prominent politician and popular leader who was not an
aspirant, either openly or secretly,) could not hope for suc 
LESSONS FORP THE PRESENT TIME.
cess from southern favor, even if all the South were united
in his support. It was essential for the success of any candidate that hlie should have the support of many northern
votes, and even of anti-slavery voters; and this northern
support was far more difficult to be obtained for a southern
candidate, and required, in the effort to obtain it, much more
caution and skill, and adroitness of political tactics. This
was the secret cause of the utter failure of every disposition of the southern people to resist northern oppression,
and their final and complete submission, in every successive case, when nothing was needed for successful and
peaceful resistance, and the maintenance of all rights of the
South, but such common and determined political effort as
the general sentiment of the people indicated, and offebred
and authorized to their leaders. But throughout this transition state, from the early condition of southern ascendancy
and political equality, through the growth, to the final undisputed supremacy, of northern power, the southern advocates for effective defence had no leaders, or rather their
trusted leaders were unfaithful to their trust, and were corrupted( by their own personal ambition and greediness for
the presidential power-and so were induced to work secretly
to thwart the generous and patriotic objects of their followers, and to palliate northern wrongs to their section
and to their principles-so as to avoid the danger of the
candidates drawing on themselves (by a different, patriotic
and zealous course) the hostility of the North, and so lose
for themselves all chance for securing that northern support
which was essential to their personal success and aggrandizement. Under such influences, operating on every man
who was a popular leader, and who might have been a
leader in the effectual defence and protection of the South,
27 
28         ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
(and of equal rights throughout the Union,) it is not strange
that the complaints of the South, the threats of resistance
or of secession, loud and violent as they were-and all
entirely concurred in, at first, by these political leaders and
aspirants, so far as words alone would serve to delude and
pacify their followers-all successively subsided( into final
and complete submission.
The existence and operation of this secret but controlling
influence was first brought to my notice some years past,
when there were several prominent and avowed southern
candidates for thie presidency, and perhaps a score of less
conspicuous or secret aspirants, not less diligent and earnest
in striving to attain for themselves, at some future time, the
support of northern votes. I happened to be present during
a political conversation between some southern gentlemen,
who knew me to be an Englishman, entertaining sentiments
of much respect and regard for this great confederacy and
for its free institutions, and more especially for the southern
section-but still loving and preferring my own country,
and deeming the principles and institutions of English liberty
to be more stable than those of this country. One of the
small company, an old planter of Virginia, and a private
citizen, advocated the speedy secession of the slaveholding
states, as the only means for defence and security then
remaining to them. But, at the same time, he admitted
and deplored that this remedy would not and could not be
resorted to by the southern states, and for such reasons as
have just been repeated-and which he further illustrated
in a manner which, for its novelty, made an impression on
my mind, and induced my  subsequently considering, and
tracing to their ultimate ends, the alleged causes of southern
inaction and submission.   " Putting aside," said  the old 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
planter, "all operations of legislative favor to tile North,
and of injustice and injury to the South, in direct and indirect bounties to northern interests at the cost of the South,
there have been inflicted on southern rights, in the matter
of negro slavery alone, more wrongfill assaults, and which
have caused more loss and danger to the southern states,
than would have been all the grievances of these former
colonies  inflicted by the British- government, even if multiplied twenty-fold.  And during all this time of the progress of our later and greater wrongs, there has been as
large a proportion of the best population of the southern
states ready to resist and to defend their rights at all hazards,
as there had been of the patriotic party in the colonies from
1765 to'76.  What, then, is the reason that, when resistance to the oppressions of the mother country was so much
more readily resorted to by our patriotic and brave forefathers, we have submitted, and will continue to submit, to
far greater injuries, and still worse consequent dangers,
inflicted by our confederate states, with whom our ties of
affection are weaker than those of the colonies were to the
mother country, and when our relative strength for resistance'and assurance of success are very far greater than the
like conditions of the colonies were in comparison to England? To my mind the cause is clear. T'he noble band
of patriots and statesmen who taught and led the people of
the colonies to struggle, first to defend and secure the rights
of the colonies-and, failing in that, to assert their independence-were influenced by no motives except the love of
freedom and of their country.  If any one of them had
dim aspirations to distinction, or to high future official
position, these rewards could only be obtained at great
hazar(l and certain loss, an( byi the most arduous service to
29 
30         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
be rendered to his fellow-colonists, and to the cause of
justice and of right-and not by any degree of truckling
submission to the besotted British king and ministry. But
let us suppose the existence of very different conditions.
Suppose that it had been the established usage for the
government of the mother country to bestow the office of
governor of each colony on some one of its more prominent inhabitants, and that to the governor belonged the
appointment to all the subordinate offices and dignities in
the colony. Suppose, further, that these gubernatorial dignities and powers, and the patronage appertaining to them,
had been as attractive, and as much the objects of ambition, as the presidency of the United States. Still further,
in reference to Virginia, suppose that, during all the time,
and through all the wrongs of British rule, from 1765 to
176, that Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Thomas Jefferson,
Richard Henry Lee, and George Mason, and others of the
prominent men of the colony, had all been earnest solicitors, at the hands of the king and his ministers, for the
appointment of Governor of Virginia, and that each one
was confident of his own superior claims, and sanguine of
success-would it have been possible, under such circumstances, for either of these aspirants to incur the displeasure
and hostility of the bestowers of the high dignity sought,
by insisting on the strict observance of the rights of his
countrymen? And if it could be that these base influences
did not entirely control in every case, would thiev not still
have some operation, and produce some contamination of
cringing sycophaicy to the office-giving power?  If these
influences had been in operation, there would not have been
the shadow of a chance for the patriotic acts of these heroic
men, or of the glorious consequences of their conduct to 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
this country and to the civilized world. These supposed
corrupting influences are precisely such as have been in
operation through all our latter wrongs, our complaints,
and our successive sequels of submission. It would have
been sufficiently depressing to the South if this influence
had operated on the most able and trusted leaders only.
But each of these has many subordinate partisans and friends,
some of whom for disinterested love of their favorite candidate, and others for their hopes of personal advancement
and gain, to be obtained only through his success and future
patronage, use all their influence to quiet popular exasperation, or to postpone movements for defence or secession,
which, if going far at this time, will utterly destroy all prospect of the success of their friend an(] prospective patron.
For certainly no candidate can be elected president of the
Union whose own state would secede from it, or whose
chief friends advocated secession-and without approaching
that extremity of danger, no candidate can secure and retain
northern votes, except by advocating the maintenance of
the union through all contingencies-which is equivalent
to still continued submission to all wrongs to be inflicted
by the North, through all future time."
If there had(l been any ground (as there was not) even as
early as in 1859 for any southern aspirant to expect to obtain
northern votes, and by their aid to attain to the presidency,
there certainly have been none- since that time. If the corrupting influence of such ambitious hopes formerly seduced
the leading men of the southern states to shrink from defending and maintaining their rights against the successive assaults
of northern encroachment and usurpation, there certainly is
no such reason or motive for inaction remaining now. The
most greedy and blind, and therefore the most sanguine, of
31 
32        ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
southern aspirants, must now be convinced that there no
longer remains the least ground for hope that any southern
candidate can ever hereafter be elected to the presidential
office, against the still growing northern or abolition majority
-unless he is a renegade to the principles and a traitor to the
rights of the South, and as such is chosen by the northern
abolitionists as the most suitable instrument for their own
purposes. But even southern apostacy would not now be of
any value to the already triumphant Northland therefore could
not now hope fior such reward. When the northern and abolition support, in the canvass of 1856 was given to a southern renegade, in the person of Fremont, the party was not
quite strong enough for certairn success alone, and required
the aid of some southern votes, which they expected, but
failed to obtain, by taking up such a southern candidate.
But now they are strong enough not to need any aid Qut of
their own ranks.'I'he vote will hereafter be always strictly
sectional, and the now all-powerful northern section will
never again offer to any other candidate than its own preferred northern leader, the highest dignity and reward in
the power of that section to bestow. Now, there is left no
hope of northern favor, to chill the patriotism and warp
the political course of any southern aspirant to the presidency, or to buy the thorough apostacy and treason of the
basest. In the release, then, of these heretofore fettered interests and abilities, there has now been brought into existence a new element of moral strength to the southern states.
But, unfortunately for their cause, that element did not begin to operate until the relative political power, and all other
means of these states for resistance or defence, had been reduced lower than ever before.  Still, even in this extremity, 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
it is better to have the previous check to patriotic impulse
removed, than it would be to have all other means for defence doubled, and to have still remaining that fatal clog
and impediment to all effective action.
LETTER VI.
Beginning of President Seward's service. Direction and Policy of the Govern       ment Patronage. View of Negro Slavery and its Abolition.
WASHINGTON, March ]13, 1865.
The ceremonies of the inauguration of President Seward,
attracted as large an assemblage, and was as imposing a pageant, as any such previous occasion.  But there was a remarkable difference in one respect. Nearly all the visitors
were from the northern section and party. The few spectators from the South who attended were necessarily in
Washington in public service-and of these, there were none
who offered any tribute or evidence of respect to the President. The general absence and entire silence of the South,
on this occasion, seemed to indicate the silent and subdued
and sullen discontent of all the southern section and people.
The legislative session and existence of the last Congress
expired. on March 3d. But the summons of the President
retained the Senate, to continue its separate session for executive business, and for considering and confirming the appointments to office by the new President. The term of service of sundry senators expired with the late session; and in
33 
34        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
every such case of new election from the northern section,
the new member is an Abolitionist. The changes have served to increase the previous very small excess in the Senate
to a fixed majority of six votes for the President, and for the
policy and objects of the northern section. This majority
cannot hereafter be reduced-but will certainly be increased
by every addition of new senators from new states, hereafter to be admitted.  Thus, the three legislative branches of
the government, and the two which direct all the patronage
of the government, are now made entirely sectional in service for the future. The judiciary is the only branch and
power of government of which the majority is not yet devoted to anti-slavery doctrines and policy. And for the same
change to be completed for the judiciary also, there will be
required the deaths of three very old judges, and their places
to be filled by appointment of Abolitionists, which is certain to be done. And if desired and deemed expedient, the
judiciary may be at once abolitionized, by a law directing an
increase of judges, even without waiting the short time required for death to make vacancies. With this slight and
but temporary exception, the domination of the northern
section and party is now complete. Virtually, and for all
practical purposes, the southern section will have no more
power or influence hereafter in the administration of the
federal government, or in the direction of its policy and
patronage, or even for self-defence against any wrongs whatever, inflicted by the dominant section, than if entirely excluded, by the terms of the constitution of government, from
all share of representation in the Congress and of benefit
from the protection of government. The only hope left, is
in the sense of justice and the forbearance of the despotic
ruling section and party. And all experience of political 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
history has concurred in showing that communities, and even
free and virtuous political communities, having despotic power over other communities, are always more exacting and
more tyrannical, and effective in control, than an individual
despot, even though the latter may not be influenced by any
noble or virtuous impulse of conduct.
With the then certain prospect of greatly increased strength
of the abolition party, the late President had become bolder
in llis policy, from the beginning of the last session of Congress. This was shown in his official recommendations,
and the legislation affected in consequence. His successor
has already indicated his disposition to pursue a still more
vigorous course.
Among the enactments of the past session which will
have important effect in increasing the population and power of the northern section, is the "homestead bill," which
has been attempted in every Congress for seven or eight
years, and which had been defeated heretofore by the Senate.
This law gives one hundred and sixty acres of government
land in the new territories and states to every settler, without restriction. This great additional stimulus to foreign
immigration will add hundreds of thousands of Europeans
every year-all of whom will disembark in the city of New
York, and all will go to the new states or territories, which
will certainly be non-slaveholding, and belong to and cooperate with the northern section.  These immigrants will
first benefit New York, by spending there, in transitu, much
of their money brought from Europe; and(, next, will move
to occupy the lands bestowed on them as bounty for their
settlement, and, by this new encouragement, fill up new
states for the northern section with double the former rapidity. These foreigners will be mostly low and ignorant,
35 
36        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
and ready to imbibe the anti-slavery fanaticism and prejudices of the previous northern residents, whose opinions
and sentiments only will they hear, and, of course, will
adopt.
The called session of the Senate remained for more than
a week, with closed doors, considering the new nominations to numerous offices submitted by the President, before
any results were known. The southern minority, though
having no power to prevent the final results, determined
to "die hard," and express in full and strong terms of
rebuke and( denunciation, the iniquity of the general policy
indicated.  In this course, the southern members had every
reasonable indulgence from the opposing majority, and the
benefit of every established rule and usual courtesy of
debate. But not a vote was thereby altered, nor was a
single recommendation of the President, for appointment
to office, rejected.  Every new  appointment, for official
service in the northern section, without exception, was filled
by a northerner and an abolitionist-and most, also for
foreign service. The exceptions, for foreign service and
most of the offices requiring permanent residence in the
southern section, were filled by southerners of the so called
onservative," or, more truly, of the submission schoolwho, whatever had been their party names-NWThig, Democrat, or any other-had deemed the union of the states,
under any possible contjngency, preferable to resistance to
any amount of wrong- and who still shouted hosannas to
the Union, when the great southern section and people had
been completely subjected to the northern section, and was
left without a hope for any mode of relief, which these
union-savers would deem constitutional or expedient. 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
Among the first named class of northern appointments,
and required by the recent displacement from office of all
other than thorough Abolitionists, there were offices, of
emoluments proportioned to their supposed political usefulness or past services, for every noted and active and influential Abolitionist. There were thousands of civil offices
to be conferred-United States marshals and attorneys, collectors, judges, receivers of land offices, deputy postmasters,
inspectors of customs, and tide-waiters, and down to gaugers,
weighers and measurers-and many military and naval vacancies, which had to be filled, of old offices, as well as the
hundreds of new commissions, warrants, or other connected
places, required for the late increase of both the army and
navy. Whether of the higher and more lucrative appointments, requiring the confirmation of the Senate, or of the
more numerous lower offices, at the disposal of one or
other of the cabinet ministers, (and, of course, controlled
by the President's wish,) all appointments and promotions
were directed by the same test andl rule, to abolitionists
only, when such persons could be obtained for the service
in the locality.  Among the appointees to the most lucrative and important offices were Greeley, Anthon, Wendell
Phillips, Giddl(ings, Sherman, and all of the most active and
zealous partisans, who had rendered good service to the
cause of Abolition.  Every other one of the sixty-eight
members of Congress, who (like Mr. Seward, but separately
from him,) had signed the published recommendation of
Helper's infamous and incendiary book, received appointments of value proportioned to their supposed claims. All
the persons who had been supposed to be concerned in the
John Brown conspiracy and outbreak in 1859, and who then
escaped being convicted and hung, have received appoint
37 
38        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
ments to federal offices, either from the President and Senate,
or from the heads of departments, (WTar, Navy and Postoffice,) authorized to appoint their lower subordinates. Gerritt Smith and Fred. Douglass, the negro, for special reasons, were the only exceptions to such rewarded parties.
The much greater number of southern country post-offices
yield so little income, that but few persons would accept
them, if required to change their residence as the condition.
In all such offices no changes were made, no matter who
were the previous incumbents, as no other persons sought,
or rarely would have accepted, such poor rewards. But
in a few places, where federal troops were stationed, or on
ground belonging to government, and subject to federal rule
only, as forts, dock-yards, arsenals, &c., in the southern
states, there were appointed postmasters, and other officers,
who were known abolitionists, and previously northern
residents. Residents of the southern states, if such were
to be found, were preferred for the offices in that section,
and still more if natives. There were very few of the
latter.  Of these Caldwell, formerly the only Black Republican representative of Virginia (as Senator of the Wheeling
district?) was appointed United States Marshal for Ohio,
as he would not venture to serve in his own state. The
notorious Helper was made one of the new Receivers of
the Land Office-which is a very lucrative place for an
honest man-but very far more so for a thief, as was  sufficiently proved in regard to nearly all of these officials who
were appointed to, or held, this office under the administration of President Van Buren. The Abolitionist, Hurlburt, who, merely on the only ground of the accidental
place of birth, claimed to be a South Carolinian, (and who,
like Helper, used that character to more effectually libel the 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
South,) also was rewarded by a fat office.  It was not ventured to place a known abolitionist as an occupant of an
office in a southern state, and where the state authority
was in full force. Any such attempt would have aroused
so much popular indignation, that neither the government,
nor any officer, was willing to incur the risk. But there
has been an approach to the like operation, in appointing
abolition preachers as chaplains to every military post, and
to every vessel of war entitled to one by previous usage.
In the higher appointments, Chase, of Ohio, was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. That place, vacated
by the death of the late venerable incumbent Chief Justice
Taney, had remained vacant some months, awaiting the now
increased majority in the Senate. Trumbull, Doolittle and
Corwin had before been appointed Judges of the United
States Courts. Col. Fremont, the former candidate of the
Abolition party, in 1856, for the Presidency, who was then
barely defeated by accident, has been appointed to fill the
vacant place of Commander-in-Chief of the Army. Banks,
of Massachusetts is ambassador to France, and the noted
Sumner, to the kingdom  of Italy.  Every foreign mission
without exception, has been filled by some noted Abolitionist.
The most important, in every respect, the mission to England, has been filled by F. P. Blair, of Missouri.  His residence in London, as Minister of the United States, will rejoice the heart of Exeter Hall, and re-invigorate its anti-slavery fanaticism- and operate, in various modes, and power filly, to forward the abolition sentiment and policy. South ern visitors to England and other countries will hereafter
neither seek, nor have offered, any attentions from the Min isters of their government; but, instead, will probably have
their previous load of obloquy, as slaveholders, doubled by
39
I 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the known doctrines and declarations of the representatives
of their own country and its government.
It is obvious that these thousands of northern and abolition officials will, indirectly, if not directly, operate to influence, and with great effect, public sentiment both at home
and abroad.  This would be the case, even if all remained
silent, and did not attempt to be propagandists of their
creed. And the rewards so restricted and directed, and so
liberally bestowed, will point out the way by which every
southern renegade and traitor may make profit by deserting
his principles and the cause of his section. But there will
be other and more active means for operating in aid of abolition by many of these officials, either in federal posts in
the southern states, or in foreign countries.
As an Englishman and a Whig, educated under the influence of the arguments of Wilberforce, Fox, Brougham,
Macaulay, and Sydney Smith, I early imbibed, and long retained, a strong hostility to the whole system of negro slavery, and an earnest wish for its being removed from the
civilized world. But since, I have had opportunities, afforded by long residence and personal observation, of witnessing the actual working of the system in these southern
states-and also of seeing the results of emancipation in Jamaica and Spanish America. The facts personally observed,
and the results of diligent inquiry and extended investigationl, have served to change my previous opinions in many
respects, and to convince me that, even with the counterbalancing weight of all the exceptional cases actually existing, of injustice and cruelty of masters, the slaves in these
states are the most comfortable, happy and cheerful of all
the laboring and poorer classes of population of the world
— and are very far better provided for, and more happy and
40 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
contented, than either the agricultural, manufacturing or mining laborers of England. Further, the slaves are still more
elevated in comfort, in security from oppression, and especially in morals and religion, above the condition of their
ancestors in Africa, and of the present inhabitants of the
same barbarous regions. I do not mean to argue the general question of negro slavery, or any of its particular advantages or disadvantages. But I would steadily oppose, if
it could be effected, the emancipation of these five millions
of slaves, if sure of their condition being thereby rendered
as good as that of the previously emancipated slaves of this
country, or of Jamaica, or even of the free laborers of Great
Britain.  Sure I am that either of these changes would be
far worse for the slaves themselves; and, in addition, because of the aversion of negroes to continued labor, as hirelings, the measure would be most ruinous to these southern
and cotton-p)roducing States, and consequently of incaleculable injury to the all-important manufacturing  interest of
England. These reasons, founded on practical consideration alone, are enough for me. Why they have not as much
weight on the people of the northern section of the United
States, who have still greater interests dependent upon the
slave labor of the southern section, can only be accounted
for by their great ignorance of the working of the system,
and of its results, and their fanaticism, which has blinded
both their reason and common sense. The general emancipation of slaves in these southern states, no matter how
brought about, would involve these states in general ruin
and misery. But these effects would but a little precede in
time, and exceed in measure, the general ruin which would
next be produced, by the same cause, to the northern states.
Great Britian, by the cutting off the supply of cotton, would
41 
42        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
be the next greatest sufferer, and to an extent not equalled
in the experience of that country in the last two hundred
years.      *     *     *     *     *      *    *      *
After confirming these appointments, the Senate adjourned(l. The legislatures of nearly all the southern states had
previously closed their sessions. Therefore there is no opportunity for the discharge of southern indignation through
that outlet. But the general disapprobation of the South
may be understood from the denunciatory opinions already
expressed in the southern newspapers. But it is evident
that the President has deliberately calculated the effects of
his boldest measures. He has exercised only his unqluestionable constitutional power-and a large portion of the
southern people, including all of the Unionists, and many
even of the Disunionists, long ago declared that the people
and the states have no legal redress for wrongs authorized
by the constitution.
But the profits allowed to political partisans and favorites
in salaries of office, were very inconsiderable, compared to
the enormous amounts paid by the government, or which
have been permitted to be plundered from the treasury, by
means of corrupt jobs, and fraudulent contracts for public
services, or in purchases for the government at double
prices, and sales of government property at half prices.
In various operations of this kind many millions of dollars
have been and will be paid every year under this administration. Of course the plunderers thus benefited are all
northern abolitionists, and supporters of the administration.
But the President's political enemies, who  have figured
under former admlniistrations, cannot well attack and expose
these vile abuses. For bad as they are, they are not much
worse than, and are precisely of like character with, acts 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
under former administrations of both Whig and Democratic
presidents. Especially, the respective administrations of
the Whig Presidents, Taylor and Fillmore, and of the last
Democratic President, Buchanan, (particularly in the War
and Navy Departments of the latter,) would furnish precedents of corrupt jobbing, and permitted plunderings of the
treasury, and abuse of public trusts for corrupt purposes,
that will match any of the like acts of the present abolition
administration.
The enormous abuse of power, and the outrage of displacing every functionary of the government (however hunmble, and without there being any connection of his office
with politics,) if not a partisan of the President's-and the
appointing to office none but his political and personal supporters-is what most shocks my opinions as an Englishman, and a lover of free and pure government. Such a
change of functionaries, in subordinate administrative offices,
has never been attempted, or thought of, upon any change
of the ministry in Great Britain; and if any new ministry
were so debased as to attempt such a policy, it would excite
universal indignation and disgust. There is enough operation of corrupt patronage in England, it is true, in regard
to political and high offices. But no Walpole has yet
thought, on his getting possession of the administration,
of descending so low as to turn out of office every tidewaiter, deputy postmaster, or other low and merely executive functionary, in the kingdom.  But this has been the
regular procedure in this country ever since the corrupt
policy was first inaugurated and carried out by President
Jacksol, of punishing political opponents by removal from
every office, and rewarding supporters of the President by
putting them in the vacated places. Democratic and Whig
43 
44         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
administrations have since acted fully up to this iniquitous
and shameful rule; and, therefore, neither party, as such,
has any ground, or plausible pretence, for denouncing either
President Lincoln, or President Seward, for having done for
the Abolition party precisely what had been done before
by the administrations of both the preceding and alternately
dominating parties. Mr. Seward has now certainlv extended the action; but the principle of action is the same
as that which directed the patronage of both Democratic
and Whig Presidents and parties.
LETTER VII.
Operation of late Government MIeasures on Slaves in the South.
WASHINGTON, November 1, 1865.
* * * * * The  before quiet and smooth  surface of
political affairs in the South, was generally and violently
agitated by the appointments to office, made on so large a
scale, and so impressive in character, at the last session
of the Senate. Great discontent was generally evinced by
the people, and loud denunciations of the President and
the federal administration. But there was but little apprehension, in any quarter, of any other and more serious
resistance.  The cool and sagacious President-who knew
that he had chosen a safe time to make this bold stroke,
and by the exposure to indicate his future policy-seems
to dread no dangelr.  Opposition to the late mnanler of ap 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
pointment, and its general operation, is embarrassed by the
former positions and declarations of the different opponents.
The appointments to office were given by the federal constitution to the unlimited discretion of the President and a
majority of the Senate, or, by law, to the different ministers of the President.  There  was not the least doubt of
the action in these late cases being constitutional; an(I all
of those southerners (including numerous disunionists) who
had before maintained the propriety of waiting for an "overt
act"  of unconstitutional usurpation by the President, were
estopped by their own former arguments from making this
exercise of clearly constitutional authority a cause for state
resistance in any other form than in remonstrances and
threats.  The always great number of the timid and submissive, (or, self-called "conservatives,") however loudly
complaining, were not moved from their accustomed final conclusion of complete submission. The disunionists, "pure
and simple," who recognized no other safety for the South
than in separation fromi the overpowering and oppressive
North, were ready, as before, to resort to that extreme
remedy. But they were too few to do anything of themselves. The elements and strength of southern opposition
had been previously and gradually much weakened by the
long relaxation of resistance during the term of Lincoln's
administration, induced by his moderate and mild measures,
and seemingly designed moderate general policy.
The effects already produced, to some extent, and expected in ten-fold greater evil operation hereafter, are alarming to most minds in the South. Without referring to anticipations of the more dreaded future, there are enough of
evil consequences already seen, as is alleged. The civil
,and militarv and naval officers spread through the garrisons
45 
46         ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
and dock-yards, and especially the chaplains in all their
stations, are operating more or less as preaching missionaries of abolition. They have it very much in their power,
and many use the facilities directly, and still more indirectly,
to indoctrinate slaves as to their rights and interests (according to the abolition creed,) and to poison their minds,
and make them discontented and insubordinate. Wherever
there is a United States chaplain on federal soil, and surrounded and protected by federal troops, or other sufficient
force, he is a regular preacher, whether in or out of the
pulpit, of anti-slavery doctrines, and of such theories as,
when put in practice, must invite to servile conspiracy and
insurrection. Every space heretofore ceded by any of the
states to the federal government  for light-houses, forts,
dock-yards, armories and arsenals, and the whole of the
District of Columbia, as well as all of the broad newlysettled or organized territories of the Uniited States, have
been, or will be, rendered asylums (either secret or open,
according to locality) to receive, protect and forward slaves
fleeing to the North. In addition, it is charged that every
war vessel of the government, whenever stationed in a
southern port, is converted into a moveable and inaccessible
stronghol(l to aid the general assault on slavery.  It is also
a new practice to enlist on board all these war vessels, when
in northern ports, a number of free negroes, (or, in many
cases, slaves who had fled from the South) as sailors or
menial servants. When these vessels entered southern
ports, these negroes, as being in the governmenlt naval service, were as free in action on shore as other United States
seamen-no matter what might be the state laws prohibit ing the entrance of free-negroes from abroad. And the
anti-slavery feelings of the northern commanders of these 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
ships caused them to allow every indulgence to their negro
seamen; and they, as permitted, if not instructed, were often
onl shore, swaggering through the streets, with all the carelessness and insolence of manner of persons in government
service, and assured of official protection. This air of
equality, and their protection by northern officers and federal
law, alone, and without other words or acts, would have
taught a dangerous lesson to ignorant slaves. But such
indirect teaching was not all. These negro sailors had
every facility for associating with many slaves, and for indoctrinating them with abolition lessons.  The escapes of
fugitive slaves from the seaboard counties to the North,
which had been previously much checked by state laws,
certainly have received some new and strong impulse of
late. In all the country surrounding and adjacent to the
naval and military stations belonging to and used by the
federal government, the losses of slaves, by flight, have
been latterly much increased. And wherever ships of war
have remained for some weeks, some such losses have
always accompanied, or soon succeeded, their departure.
47 
ANTlCIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER VIII.
Effects on the South.
WASHINGTON, January 15, 1866.
All the state legislatures are now in session, as well as
the Federal Congress. The recent appointments to federal
offices, and their alleged evil design and tendency, are discussed in every southern legislature, and  with much zeal
and violence of denunciation. But it has been so often
the usage of the legislatures of southern states, and especially of Virginia, to pass strong and fiery resolutions and
declarations, in opposition to alleged federal or northern
usurpations and oppressions, and then quietly to submit to
every such wrong, that no importance is now attached to
any such wordy indications and threats.
The President and his confiding and obedient northern
majority are content to act, quietly and without parade, and
to let the noisy but impotent South resolve and threaten, to
any extent of grandiloquent verbosity. The course so long
pursued by some of the southern legislatures, previous to
Lincoln's election, had ceased to command any respect or
notice in the North, and very little even at home.  Whenever, in later years, the legislature of Virginia was engaged
in discussing southern wrongs from federal or northern
aggressions, and passing resolutions of the most determined
and warlike aspect, the proceeding was contemptuously
spoken of by many as "playing the political game of bluster
and back-out."
48 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER IX.
Other Abolition measures proposed and declined.
FEBRUARY, 7th, 1866.
* * * * * * President Seward, different  from most of
his predecessors, rarely indicates by public recommendations
any particular measures which he wishes Congress to adopt.
His objects are privately communicated through his most
trusted friends in Congress, who cause the first moves to be
made by some other members, so as not at first to expose
the source of the proposition. In this manner, the influence
of the President is not exerted less powerfully for measures
which are adopted. And if any fail to receive sufficient
support, the discredit of the failure will not be brought
home to the President. I have been enabled to learn from
sure authority, though through a secret channel, of some of
those movements set on foot in the palace, before they were
offered to the Congress. And latterly, I have thus heard of
some very important propositions, urged upon the President
by tile most violent and fanatical Abolitionists, which his
caution and prudence have caused him to discourage, and to
induce their being postponed or abandoned by his friends,
as measures of government. The fanatical Abolitionists are
eager for the earliest enactment of every measure of federal
policy that will go to cripple slavery. Some of these have
been long before the public mind, and were threatened by
the North, and deemed possible by the South. Such are
-1st: The emtancipation of slaves, and the entire suppression of the institution of slavery, and of protection to slave
)roperty, in the District of Columbia and in the United
49 
a0   ~ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
States'rerritorics  and on all other federal ground.  2d:
The burdening and restricting, or entirely prohibiting, the
trade and trainsportation of slaves between  the diflferent
states now holding them.'I'Those who were supposed to
know and to speak the opinions of the President, advised
the postponement, or, for the present, the entire abandonment of both these measures.  It is true, they said, that
either measure would operate greatly to cripple slavery, and
to lessen the value of slave property, and the security of its
possession.  And the President, in common with all of his
party, entertained no doubt of these measures being within
the plain constitutional powers of the federal government.
Indeed, this admission of constitutionality would be made
by many opponents, and even by many true southern men,
however much they would object to the measures, onl the
alleged grounds of justice, expediency, and safety of soutlhern interests and policy.  Neither was there any fear of the
opinion and fiuture decision of the Supreme Court, as it will
now very soon be organized.  But these measures, if enacted, and however eflective to damage and endanger slavery,
would operate but gradually and slowly, and require many
years to produce very important effects in extinguishing slavery.  On the other han(l, they would excite universal complaint and clamor in the slaveholding states, and might
arouse their zeal and array their disloyal feeling, to oppose,
with better means for defence, more important future assaults
n11 slavery.  It was not doubted, by his chief friends and
supporters, that the President had iii prospect the future use
of still more eftective and speedy measures for the extinction
of slavery. Thus the particular measures just named, and
formerly regarded and feared by the South as the last and
vworlst  f iiorthlerii assiaults  )O s()ut,ern1slavery, were (is 
LESSONS FOR TIlE PRESENT TIME.
missed, although deemed both constitutional and available,
by the chief abolition leaders, as being  too weak and too
slow for the thorough wvork needed and designed.
There has been growing an important change in tile l)usiness procedure of Congress since the parties have become
entirely sectional. Formerly, every important question was
discussed for weeks, and numerous long speeches were deliveredl and the argumient, pro and( con, exhausted, before a
decision was reached.   Now,  in a question between the
two sections, the votes are given always according to
locality.  If any speeches  are delivered, they are fromn
southern menibers, an(] only for effect atmong their constituents, and are not expected to have the slightest effect on the
northern members.  These do not either listen to, or reply
to the soutlhern speeches-but stop the debate  by  raising
the previous question, as speedily as possible, and beat their
opponents by the full vote of all the northern sections.'Thus, new measures are now introduced in Congress, and(
consummated in three or four (lays, which, und(ler formner
administrations, would lhave required as many months for
discussion        *      *     *      *     *     *      *
1 
52          ANTICIPATIONS OF TlIE FUTULl-E.
LETTER X.
The Supreme Court Sectionlalized.
WASHINGT'()N, Ma rch 22, 1866.
* * * * * The judiciary system was lately re-organized
by act of Congress, and, as usual in all important questions,
this was carried thlrotigh by a pure sectional vote.  The
former districts have been newly arranged and increase(l in
number, and also the number increased of judges of every
previous grade and jurisd(liction. Thiis law required the appointments of twelve new judges.  The appointments have
just been confirmed by the Senate of twelve thorough Abolitionists, and all from the northern section, as no  distinguislied an(l competent lawyers of abolition interests were
to be found in the South, and the southern "conservatives
would not accept the service.  The majority of the Supreme
Court, and most of the inferior judlges, are now of the
northern party; and this department, also, is now ready to
favor abolition doctrines as far as may be permitted by the
judicial construction of the laws and of the constitution.
*                                             
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XI.
Negro Citizens and Negro Officers of Goverrinment.
WASHINGTON, April 19, 1866.
The famous Dred Scott decision of the Supreme  Court
has already come under the review of the court as lately
re-organized, and has been annulled in some respects. One
of the reversals is of the former decision, that a negro or
mulatto cannot be a citizen of the United States.  This reversal will re-open old grounds of controversy between the
southern and northern states, and( between the southern
states and the fedleral powers, in regard to the rilght of the
southern states to prevent the ingress of the colored " citizens" of other states into their territory.  Black "citizens"
may now claim passports from the State Department to
travel in Europe, and equal legal facilities with white citizens,
from the American ministers at the European courts.  With
ministers as well disposed as are Blai:, Ballks, Hale, Sumner, L-owe, and most others now in Europe, we may expect
the more distinguished negro citizens, as Fred. Douglass,
and the negro clergymen and other professional characters
of thie North, to be entertained as the ministers' honored
guests, and to be presented by them at court.  The legal
affirmative of negro citizenship now removes all restriction
on the conferring on them federal offices, civil or military.
If the northern section shall so conisolilate an(] guard its
now legal anid constitutional power, as to prevent forcible
resistance of physical power or armed rebellion by the
South, it may happen, before many more years, that northern
negroes will be elected( to fill seats in Congress, or appointed
53 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
to many civil offices, or even military and naval commissions.  But this must be yet far remote- for, as yet, such
results would be as much opposed in the North, by the
general feeling of hatred to the negro there prevailing, and
also the jealousy felt by the lowest class of whites, as by
the general good-natured contempt entertained for the negro
character and intellect by all southerners.  Still there is
now no longer any question of the conferring any offices
on free negroes being lawfiul.      *     *    *      *
The policy of this government, long adhered to, of refusing to acknowledge  the independence  and  sovereign
power of Hayti, and of Liberia, has been now abandoned.
Congress has just framed acts for these purposes, and to
authorize the appointment of ministers to both these negro
"republics," and to negotiate with them treaties of amity
and commerce.                    * *      *         *
LETTER XII.
Negro Ambassador, and Negro Diplomatic Relations.
WASHINGTON, April 20, 1866.
The Rev. J. Seys, long.employed, by the previous Demoeratic administrations as a salaried agent for Liberian affairs,
atd in d(liflirent capacities, has lately been appointed Charge
d' Ifaires for Liberia.  The place had before been offered
to several other persons, but all of them declined the honor,
which would so likely be fatal, through the pestilential climate, to the appoilntee.
'4 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
The rabid abolitionist, Joshua Giddings, has been appoint
ed minister to Hayti.   He has chosen Fred. Douglass as his
Secretary of Legation.  This, it is understood, will enable
Fre(l. to study diplomacy, and to succeed to the higher place
of Giddings, when the latter shall be better provided for, according to his merits.       *     *      *      *      *
The Haytien Government has lost no time to respond to
the friendly approaches of this government. The Haytien
minister is already in Washington, and has been presented
to the President.  The office is filled by the Duke of Marmalade. For though the government of Hayti is still called a
republic, its ruler has not the less established himself as despotic monarch, with the title of Emperor, and has restored
the former nobility, with large additions. The title of Count
of Marmalade was one of Christophe's creation; the present possessor has been raised to the dukedom by the reigning Emperor.  He is a stout, burly negro, of clumsy frame
and awkward mein; of features intensely African, in shape
and color. He wore, when presented to the President, a
gorgeous military uniform, (as he is also a major-general,)
with sundry stars and decorations of orders of nobility.
His presence and appearance in this city caused a great
commotion, from different causes. Southerners viewed his
advent as the manifest indication and culmination of the general policy of which the invitation and reception of this mission was but a part. Northerners tried to receive the mninister, and all of his offensive accompaniments, gracefully, if
not joyfully.   The thorough fanatical abolitionists were the
only persons who  were entirely pleased.  They can now,
to the fuillest extent, by attentions paid to the negro ambassad(lor, show their exemption fronm all prejudices of color,
odor and racc.  The lower classes stared at the minister in
55 
56         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the streets, with mixed wonder and admiration, and, in most
cases, also indignation, at the conjoint character of a duke
and a major-general in the person of an ugly negro. The
lower classes, if abolitionists, were rejoicing-if southern in
feeling, were denouncing or cursing both the negro duke
and the abolitionists whointroduced him.  The upperclass
of free mulattoes, of Washington, were proud of the occasion,
and hoped to profit by it in raising their own social status.
But the lower negroes, both slaves and free, though greatly
corrupted by abolition contact and influence, still had enough
left of their old feelings of deference and( loyalty to the white
race, and of want of respect for all of their own color and
race, to heartily dislike their fellow-negro, who was thus
elevated so greatly above  themselves, and  also, as all of
them thought, above any possible merits of any one of the
negro race. But, offensive as is this state of things to the
slaves it is not the less calculated to do them damage.
A more difficult course still remains to be pursued, when
the Duke of Marmalade shall be a guest at the President's
dinner parties, and when the northern dignitaries of the city,
an(] of the government, must exchange with him the courtesies enjoined by good society. The Duke is a bachelor
(or at least has no legal marital obligations,) and is said to
be immensely rich.  No doubt his attentions will be acceptable to sundry fair daughters of distinguished abolitionists. 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XIII.
Northern Opinion of Southern Disposition and Courage.
WASHINGTON, June 1, 1866.
As heretofore, and through many years, the legislatures
of the more noisy southern states had long debates on the
more recent federal and northern aggressions, and the prospective greater dangers, and passed  piping-hot  "states
rights resolutions," promising resistance to the next ensuing
wrongs by the North, "at all hazards, and to the last extremity;" and, as heretofore, they will submit to the next
injuries, and again and again. At least such is the universal
northern opinion, founded on all past experience. The
loudest threats of the southern legislatures and peopletheir proceedings that would indicate measures for concert
with other states, and resistance or revolt-all are treated
with utter contempt by the northern people.  It is their
almost universal belief that the S(outh cannot be driven to
resistance-cannot exist without northern protection-and,
so far from seceding, that the South " cannot be kicked out
of the Union." Even the arming of Virginia in 1860, at
tile cost of more than five hundred thousand dollars, and
of other states to less extent, was not then even suspected
to be designed to resist the government, and to facilitate
secession, but for defence of southern lives and property
against the future insurrections of their own slaves, led by
northern white philanthropists and desperadoes of the John
Brown order. There may a great advantage accrue from
this contemptuous incredulity of the North, if resistance
57 
a58      ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
should ever be  attempted by  the southern  states.   For
nothing that they can plan, or threaten, will be believed or
serve as warning, until actual and important deeds shall
take the place of violent and boastful words.   *   *   *
LETTER XIV.
State of Parties. Prospects of the Southern Section, and of Slavery.
WASHINGTON, November 7, 1866.
The condition and prospects of the South in reference
to the slavery question, appear to me, though a foreigner,
to be of awful portent.   Yet  there are but  few citizens,
even of the southern states, who seem to realize their situation.
As ought to have been generally forseen, as far back as
1856, by all who were not politically blind, northern emigration and northern influence have worked, and will always
so work, with perfect success, to prevent any new state from
coming into the Union with the institution of slavery-or
of slaves being held to much extent ill the previous territorial condition of new states. Texas, it is true, by the conditions of its annexation, may be divided into four states,
if having enough population, at the will of the present state
of Texas. But, for reasons of policy, that state has been
unwilling to use the privilege of division, and is not like
to do so, under any circumstances, likely to occur for many
years to come. No portion of the new or now unsettled 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
territories can, by any possible chance, become a slavehol(ldimg state.  The number of the slaveholding states, therefore, may be considered as fixed at fourteen, until still more
reduced  by the necessary future receding of slaves and
of slavery from along their northern border, and finally
throughout the present border states.
The stations for army and navy purposes, the lighthouses &c., throughout the southern states, and, to less
extent, the federal public buildings in the greater southern
cities-custom-houses, post-offices, &c., are, or may well
be so made, in more or less degree, temporary places
of asylum for fugitive slaves and seminaries of abolition,
of which every officer and functionary is the missionary
preacher. For if the officer is so discreet and forbearing
(being, of course, an Abolitionist in principle,) or so correctly impressed with his proper duties, that he avoids
utter-ing a word against slavery and the rights of slaveholders, still, his very silence and inaction ili reference to
an institution which is everywhere surrounding, serve as a
standing protest against the rightfulness or innocence of
slaveholding. Thus, the influence of such a militarv or
naval officer would operate on his subordinates-of civil
officers, on theirs-and, still more than all, on the neiglhboring slaves.  A preacher's silent influience against slaverv
would be still stronger, and the more so in proportion to
his deserving, in other respects, and acquiring, the love and(
veneration of his congregation.   But such influence would
be exceeded ten-fold, when such officers and functionaries,
placed in the slave states, and protected by all the power
of the federal government, shall become active agents and
missionaries of abolitionism, and urging the doctrines, and
59 
60        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUITURE.
the consequent action, upon all the ignorant slaves whom
they can reach with their instructions.
According to the provisions of the federal constitution,
three-fourths of the several states, concurring  with twothirds of the Congress of the United States, may at any
time alter the constitution, in any respect and to any extent,
with a few exceptions; and certainly may thus abolish
slavery, or make any other change in regard to the institution, and to the interests of the southern people therein.
Tile slavehold(ing states are now fourteen, and (omitting
any increase by the division of Texas) there never can be
another new slaveholding state added from new territory.
On the other hand, it is confidently expected by most persons, and scarcely doubted by any, if political affairs and(
relations continue undisturbed in their present course, that
Maryland and Missouri will not require twenty years to
change frotii being slave-holding to free states, which will
reduce the slave states to twelve.   With this reduced nuinber of slave states, it will require the northern section to
increase to thirty-six states, or without any such lessening
of the slave-holding states, to forty-two free states in all, to
to authorize and enable the northern section to change the
constitution, in strict conformity to its own provisions and
conditions for amendments, and so to abolish slavery.Can any one doubt that such will be the result, when there
shall be constitutional authority for this long pursued object?  There will probably be enough additional admissions
of states, formed of newly settled western territory, within
fifteen or twenty years, to increase the free states to threefourths of the whole number of states-even without counting upon the change of character and section of Maryland 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
and Missouri, or any other now border slavehol(ing state.
But, should even this short time of postponement be deemed
too long for the North to wait for the utter destruction of
slavery, there are other and also constitutional means for
reaching that end, as speedily as may be deemed safe and
politic for the northern section.  JIt is entirely constitutional
for the desired. number of free states to be created, in any
week, by dividing existing states, which would only require
the joint consent of the legislature or a convention of each
of the respective states to be divided, and of Congress.  All
the parties to be consulted being for forwarding abolition,
and the great measure in view being the complete extinction of slavery, it can scarcely be doubted that the consent
of all the requisite parties could be obtained. Yet, it seems
that this ready method of reaching all that is desired for the
objects of abolition, has scarcely been thought of, either by
friend or foe to that policy.
Whether the northern section and abolition party (which
is the same power) will wait (according to Mr. Seward's
cautious policy*) for this, or for the slower natural increase
of non-slaveholding states, and so effect the great end, of de struction to slavery, legally and constitutionally, or shall
prefer to take some still shorter and unauthorized route to
the same end-in either case, the northern section will be
able to do all that it may choose. The South is already
deprived of all means for defence by protection of the laws
and the constitution-except a respite for a few years, from
the final executioln of the already decreed sentence of polit ical death. There is no further help for the South, or its
institution of slavery, from any means which would be
deemed lawful to use.  Secession, as the last resource and
refuige even if not then too latc to be availed of by the then
61 
62         AANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
comparatively feeble South, may indeed be claimed as lega\
means by seceding states.  But it will be pronounced and
treated as treason and rebellion by the overwhelming northerm sectional power.
But if resisting-whether as seceders or revolutionists
and rebels-the southern people will retain, at least, one
most important means for d(efence in their particular constitutions, and organized state goverirnents.
*     *     *    Sk    *       *     *     *k    *
The success of the northern or abolition party had been
so complete in the first election to the presidency of one
of their party, in Lincoln, and was so manifestly growing,
that but little of organized] party opposition was made to the
next, and still more triumphant, election of Seward.  The
other great party, previously competing for the administration
of the governiment and the spoils of its offices and expend(itures, the' National 1' Democratic party, in losing all hope
of success, had lost its greatest stimulus  to action.  The
battle made by this party in the last campaign, for the election of a President, was merely formal, and offered in the
vailn hope of merely maintaining its niumbers and organization for future efforts.  But all the corrupt politicians of the
Democratic party in the Nortl-h, and their followers, in despair, have with(drawn from it, and have either gone over to
the Black Republican party, or otherwise remain quiet and
neutral, waiting for future changes and chances.  The still
fewer of honest, patriotic and intelligent northern Democrats
who had always been willing to retider justice to the South,
are so few as to be scarcely heard of.  The old( Whigs
of the North have mostly united themselves to the dominant party, which alone is now organized, and would seem
to embrace the whole activc population, as it certainly does 
LESSONS FOR THIlE PRESENT TIME.
the large majority of every northern state, and of almost
every county, town and village of the great northern section.
In the South, there have been, also, great party changes,
though there is not yet any new party organization and
array, or new party name. The avowed advocates for disunion, or secession, have been greatly increased by accessions from those who still call themselves either Democrats
or Whigs, cherishing these old party names fromn habit or
prejudice, when their former subjects of controversy are
dead, and their former objects are out of both sight and
hope. Though not yet designated by acknowledged names,
the only true party divisions now subsisting in the southern
states is of those who, whether calling themselves Democrats, Whigs or " Americans," would strenuously maintain
the rights of the South against northern aggression-and
those who, under whatever party names, while denouncing
northern aggression in the general, and loudly threatening
resistance, "at all hazards and to the last extremity," to any
future wrongs, have regularly submitted, in practice, to
every past wrong, and will (if acting alone,) continue to
submit to every future federal usurpation.  All these are
but the materials of which parties will be made and designa ted should a great political occasion and necessity require and men worthy to lead will present themselves, when
patriotism, courage and talent shall be the necessary and
the only available qualifications for a leader of the people.
Of such men there are doubtless many who have remained
unknown in the obscurity of private life. But, as yet, none
such have appeared. The old Democratic leaders of the
South, having no longer in prospect the dignities and spoils
of the federal admintistration, have ceased to show anything
of their former energy and activity, and therefore have lost
mucch of their former popularityn and influence.
63 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TItE FUTUtItE.
LETTER XV.
Administration Policy.  Negro Ambassadors.  Northern Negrophilists.
WASH INGTON, Feb)ruary 20th, 1867.
The action of the President, through his obedient party
and Congress, and wielding now the undivided power of the
wh.ole northern section, seems to be directed to strengthening every out-work of his positionI.  Every thing that can
increase the receipts of the treasury, or the efficiency of the
army and navy, in their present numerical strength-and
every measure that will give more power and gain to the
northern section, or pecuniary benefits to active partisans of
the northern party, are especially favored by the care and
enactments of the present Congress.  The  votes of the
northern section decide everything in which there is the
slightest conflict of interest, or of opinion, between the two
sections. The presence of southern members in Congress,
for anything but their own petty local business, is of no use
-and in truth, not half of them now are ever seen in their
seats, or, at any one time, are usually in the city.
The advent of the Haytien ambassador, and his presence
at the President's receptions and public dinners, gave the
finishing stroke to the previous general voluntary exclusion
of southern members of eongress from such places. Now,
scarcely any southerner, who respects himself, is ever to be
found in the presidential palace, or at a public reception of
company, unless as.a mere looker-on for curiosity.  The
thorough-paced  office-liunter, in  pursuit of his objects,
would readily stoop to any personal degradation. But
southern office-hunters have now no possible chance for a
("4 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
federal office, or other government favor, or corrupt job,
and, therefore, even they no longer pay court to the President, or need approach within smelling distance of the Duke
of Marmalade or the other foreign ministers of African race,
of whom there are now six, of various dark shades of color,
from different places in Spanish America, besides the Liberian minister-who was formerly a slave in Baltimore, next
a fugitive to New Englanld, then a colonist in Liberia, and
now is minister to this government. His secret or indirect
influence over the slaves of his native state, Maryland,
ought to be important; and the minister is a sharp fellow.
He is also a member of the Methodist Church North, to
which division the Methodists of Maryland and the northern
half of Virginia are still generally attached, and of which
the ministers, by their discipline, are opposed to slavery. —
From the number of negroes and mulattoes sent as ministers
by countries of mixed populations, and races, it would
seem that it had been intimated to their governments that
ministers and diplomatic agents of negro race would be
most acceptable to the United States Government.  Many
of the abolitionists, who are most prominent in the political
or fashionable world, are using these means, as much as
possible, to break down the existing barriers of prejudice
against the negro race anrid blood.   At their entertainments
these officials of negro blood are always especially welcome
and favored guests, and they are received into intimate and
cordial private associations by all the thorough-going abo litionists.  But the much greater numbers of northerners,
like all the southerners, keep aloof from negro associates,
no matter how exalted in place.
65 
66         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER XVI.
Measures of the Government.
WASHINGTON, MAlarch 13, 1867.
* * * * * This being the last session of the last Congress, it was ended by the limitation of the constitution on
March 3d. The most important measures enacted were the
following: Some changes of the tariff of duties, by which
still more protection and profit were given to northern
manufactures, both by increased duties on like foreign fabrics,
(and in every case where needed for their aid,) and also
by removing all remaining duties on imported materials for
manufactures. Ten millions of dollars were appropriated
to building or repairs of fortifications, and fifteen millions
to various public works for improving navigation, roads,
ports and harbors, &c., all in the northern section.  The
fortifications to be strengthened, also, are all in the northern
section, except Castle Pinckney, which is on a small and
low island in the upper harbor, and very near to Charleston,
and which holds the city under its guns, and completely
commands it, in a military sense, supposing the garrison,
works, and  armament  all to be strong  enough.   This
fortress is to be enlarged, its defences strengthened as much
as the nature of the marshy ground, and its limited space,
will permit, and the whiole to be put in the most effective
condition, for the necessarily small area to be enclosed
withlin the walls.  The lower forts, Moultrie and Sumter,
which, on opposite sides, effectually command the passage
of the harbor,-were already in good repair-and Fort Moultrie, as well as Castle Pinckney lhad latterly been kept fully 
LESSONS FOR TIIE PRESENT TIME.
garrisoned.  The President had recommended the addition
of five new regiments to the regular army, so as to increase
its strength to thirty-five thousand men; and also large
additions to the naval force. There was no important opposition to either of the two latter measures from any of the
northern members, and bills for both were passed, and were
long under consideration.  But, for financial reasons, and
temporary difficulties, it was deemed best, by the President
and his party, to postpone both these measures to the next
session, when they will certainly be enacted.
This large appropriation from the federal treasury for
"internal  improvements "-that is, for such  works  as
constructing roads, not required, and indispensable, for
military operations, or constructing canals, (l deepening the
channels of the harbors and rivers, &c.-was the earliest
act of either this or the preceding administration, under
abolition (lirection, that could be objected to by political
opponents, as being unauthorized by the constitution.  And
even as to these recent enactments, no political party, as such,
could, with clean hands, bring this charge-because both
of the parties, previously and alternately in power, had
committed like acts.  There were but few individuals, of
any party, who  had been long in Congress, who had not
aided by votes to establish precedents for the worst of these
abuses. The Whig party had generally maintained the
doctrine of the federal governmenqt having the constitutional
power to construct such public works.   Antd though  the
strict construction school of the more  modern  southern
politicians had denied the right, and vehemently protested
against all exercise of such federal powers, as being without constitutional warrant, still these and other like "straitjacket doctrines," (as derisively designated by a dlistinguislied(
67 
68         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
southern Democrat.) were maintained by a fraction only of
the great Democratic party, and were not received, or at all
respected? by the northern members of that party, in Congress or elsewhere. When such measures were before
Congress, and for northern improvements, the objections of
the strict-construction southerners of the Democratic party,
for a long time back had been generally voted down by
their northern fellow Democrats, combined with the minority of Whigs, or of Abolitionists, before the latter sect
had grown to be a majority, and the ruling power.
Another such exception to the general rule of the forbearance of exercise of unconstitutional power by this a(dministration, would have required to be made, in this narrative, if these events had occurred between twenty an(l
forty years earlier. This is in reference to duties imposed
oil foreign commodities, not for the legitimate object of
thence d(leriving revenue to the treasury, but to protect, and
to bestow indirect bounties on home  manufactures.  To
this long established policy, constitutional objections were
formerly strongly urged-and still are entertained by many.
But they had long (and before the Democratic party lost
its supremacy,) ceased to be presented in opposition to the
various successive enactments of protective features of different tariff laws. And by this cessation of opposition on
this ground, and also by the southern  strict-construction
portion of the then dominant Democratic party having coincurred in voting for numerous enactments of this character, (embraced in general tariff bills,) it may be correctly
assumed, that, practically, all opposition to the constitutionality of this policy had been yielded by all-and, therefore
that no charge of infraction of the constitution in this respect could be sustained by any m)artyr because  all had 
LL'%ONiS H F(-)  TILIE PIESENT'r TIME.
either aided in such measures, or had acquiesced in their
lawfulness, by being silent as to their being infractions of
the federal constitution.
In this view, however obnoxious the administration might
be to the charge of violating the restrictions of the constitution, ill both these respects, no such charge could properly
be brought, and no such case made out, through general
and logical reasoning, by ally opposing party.  Therefore
these cases, no more  than any others, were such " overt
acts"  of constitutional infraction, or usurpation, as many
southerners were waiting for, and which would demand and
justify resistance of the South to the oppressive acts of the
federal government.
LETTER XVII.
End of Slavery in the District of Columbia. Condition of the South Fugitive
Slaves and " Undergrounld Railroads."
WASHINGTON, July 23, 1867.
Though no law of Congress has been enacted to abolish
slavery in this federal district it has been virtually effected.
The great influence of numerous abolition missionaries and
agents in this city, including all the northern members of
Congress and office-holders, together with the presence of
foreign officials of negro race, with other incidental causes,
all have served to render the slaves here discontented, an(l
disposed to insubordination. All who choose to flee to the
North had ample facilities, including the personal aid of 
70        ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
men in government offices, or in Congress-aind very many
availed themselves of these means for escape.  The owners
of others, cvlio were not wvilling to lose their slaves, sent
thein to the southern stltes for sale or eimployiment.  Many
otlhers, more indulgent, anal also tlhemselves impressed witlh
anti-slavery doctrines, or to gain favor fl'om the adminiistrationI and the party dispensing all the favors of government,
either emancipated their mutinous and( almost worthless
slaves, or accepte(l from them very low prices for their
legal sale and emancipation.  From  all these causes, this
city and the District of Columbia are now no longer slaveholding.'The free negroes are increasing by fugitives from
the South and immigrants flom the North, who are dangerous neighbors to the surrounding slave population of Maryland and Virginia.  Besides all the more private instruction,
every Sunday there are sermons preached by northern
preachers, including among them the chaplains to Congress,
in which the iniquity of slavery and slaveholding, and indirectly the incitemenelts to servile insurrection, are set forth
and  urged with all the zeal and vehemence that could be
looked for in Boston or New York, formerly, from a
Parker, a Beecher  or a Cheever.   If the subordination
of the slaves of Maryla(nd and Virgiiiia can be maintaine(l
under these and all other hostile operations of abolitioniists,
there must be, (as southerners maintain,) in the negro race,
dispositions to cheorfiul contentment, an(l of affectionate
loyalty to their superiors, that cannot be fo(und( in any lower
class of the free white subjects  of any government  of
Europe.    *       *     *     *      *     *     *      *
The complaints of the people of the southern states have
been much increased by the governmental action of the
late session.  TI'he strength of the northern section and of 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
the administration will be thereby greatly increased. And
while there has been no direct violation of the provisions
and checks of the constitution, since the sectional northern
party attained to undisputed supremacy, yet, constitutional
powers have been so used, that not a shadow of political
power, or a benefit from the government, is left to the subjugated and degraded southern section.  Still, the thorough
submissionists of the South, while in words loudly protestimg against all their wrongs, maintain that they have the
sanction of the constitution, and that so long as the constitutional safeguards are respected, the people of the South
have no right to resist legal burdens, or to oppose the imposition of hardships, except by their votes. The waiters,
real or pretended(, for an "overt act"  of constitutional infraction, to justify resistance or secession, have  at last
learned that the dominant and oppressing party had no need
to supply them with any such "overt' ground or justification for resistance, and that the adminstralion has cautiously
avoided all approach  to furnishing any.   These former
waiters have now abandoned their useless ground; and
those who are sincere have gone over to the advocates for
secession, and those who assumed that ground for disguise
are, as they always shoul(l have been, among the sobmnissionists, in practice, to every successive federal aggression and
wrong   But it is very difficult, and almost impossible, for
any people to be aroused to resistance to its government by
reasoning on their rights and wrongs, when no immediate
or personal injury has been felt as severely oppressive.  It
requires something practical, of individual tyranny and of
individual sufferings, to arouse the sluggish popular mind.
In this way, the violent and bloody inroad of John Brown,
and the consequent sacrifice of the lives ofbuit three or four
71 
72         ANTICIPATIONS OF TIHE FUTURE.
citizens, quickly as the outrage was suppressed, caused
more southern excitement than all other legal wrongs inflicted previously by the North. But that effervescence
was not more violent than it was transient. In six months
nothing of its effects remained, except the previous enactments iii Virginia, and some other of the more southern
states, to arm and train portions of their militia. Owing
mainly to that provocation, and the supposed danger of the
recurrence of such conspiracies and assaults of northern
abolitionists, the military condition of the South had been
greatly strengthened. These and other such measures for
military or other state defence were opposed at the South
by conservative and submissionists, as preparations and
means for subsequent disunion. But it is remarkable that
the northern people did not charge, nor seem to suspect,
any such design. They ascribed all the military preparations to the fears of the southern people of insurrections of
their own slaves; and the greater these preparations were,
then and since, the more were they deemed evidences of
the weakness and timidity of the southerners, and of their
inability to resist their own slaves, whenever the North
*     *     *     *      *     *      *     *    *
As might well have been anticipated, from the causes
operating, there has been great increase of the number of
slaves escaping from the South to the northern states, and
to Canada, in the last year.   These losses have  been
especially great near to this federal district, and to all the
military and naval stations of the government. The losses,
and the greater danger apprehended for the future, have still
more increased the soreness arid exasperation of the
southern mind. The organized associations in the North, 
LESSOiNS FOR THE P1iESENT TIME.
for inviting the escape and the transporting of fugitive slaves
from the South to the North, which have been so long in
active operation, have continued to increase in numbers
of members, in amount of fiunds, and in effect.'The seduction and removal of fugitive slaves employ numerous secret
agents.  Many are resident in the South, who secretlv incite the flight of the slaves, and arrange the manner of their
escape. Other agents provide modes of conveyance-first
tot and next through, the nearest free state-and thence to
Canada, if deemed necessary for complete immunity of the
slaves, and also of their aids and guards. Whatever may
be the various modes and routes of such conveyance of
fugitive slaves, whether by railroads, vessels, or private
carriages, it is commonly expressed that the escape was
made on the " underground railroad."  And  never were
the business and success of this "railroad" so great as
within the past six months.
LETTER XVII!.
Abductions of slaves in great numbers.
WASHINGTON, October 4t 1867.
Within a few days reports reached this city of simulltaneous "stampedes," or concerted abductions of slaves in
larger numbers than have ever occurred before.   From
one neighborhood of the eastern shore of Maryland, there
escaped 231 slaves. T'he plan had been long and well
arranged.  A swift northlern steamer under somne prctcxt of
4
7o 
7~4     ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
needed repairs,had(l arrived a week before, and was in the Patuxent river.  All the arrangem(nts for escape lha(l previously
been made.  On the night of a Saturday, the engaged slaves,
from three different farms, and  by various pri,ate routes,
reached the landing Sl)ace.  At midinight all were on board,
and the vessel fl(.ated off with the ebb tide, until far enough
to use steamn, without attracting olbservation. As ihe absence of slaves thioulgh a Sunday, iln most cases, is but little noticed, the steamer had a start of more  than twelve
hours before the true state of the case was understood  by
the owners of the slaves; and  it was  not until Mlondlay
morning that any pursuit could be even atteml)ted.  It was
then in vaiu.  Tile steamer had passed through the Capes
of Virginia on Sunday, and was not afterwards seen until
her freight was landed in Boston, where both the negroes
and their deliverers were protected, or sent on to Canada.
Tile other case was it] Jefferson county, Kentuicky.   On
the same Saturday night, by preconcert and direction of
resident agen ts, the fugitives assembled at siundry different
points of the Ohio river, all within a mile of each other,
and embarked  on boats of sufficient capacity, which had
been sent for the purpose. The boats were rowed to the
same landing-place on the opposite side of the river, in the
state of Ohio.  There the fugitives and their aids were safe,
except fromi pursuit by the Kentucky people.  To  avoid
this danger, light wagons, with good teams, and relays at
every twenty or thirty miles distance, had been provided
on the route.  The party was soon in motion on the road,
:tnd reached Canada in safety.  The slaves, who were thus
carried off, were 157 in number. All the arrangements required for these two successful expeditions were provided
tt the (cost atdl utender thle geasttral directioti of the  nortlhern 
Lti,SSONS FOIl. TIIl  PI'ESLNT  TIME.
organized association for aiding the escape of southern
slaves.  This is deemed, in the northern states, a work of
piety and benevolence, as well as of political policy; and
many of thle most respected individuals, including clergymen
ind ladies, are zealous and( liberal members of thle association, or " Underground lRailroa(l Conmpany."
*     *     *      *k    *     *$   *B   *l 
The late abductions of slaves, unprecedented in numbers,
and for the boldness of the operations, an(l tlheir occurringt
aIt one time, seem to indicate to the southern people inuclmore wide-spread plans, and perhaps for the insurrectioln
as well as for tlle abduction of slaves.  Everywvhere there
is increased diligence, and(  new measures of safeguar(l anl
for the detection and capture of northern emissaries.''llIe
mustering and equipping of companies of volunteer militia
have received a new and strong impulse.   Thre Governors
of all the slavehol(ling states have encouraged these preparations so far as their powers  extend, independent  of the
legislature.
In these, as in all other such cases of abducted slaves by
northern citizens, it would be i(lle anld entirely useless to
make legal requisitions for the criminals on the Governors
of their states.  Not only the offenders of this class, but
all who have attempted( to excite servile insurrection, or
have induced and aided robberries and murders of southerners by their slaves, and who, of course, fle(l to the northern
states, have been there protecied by the state authorities, as
well as by popular sympathy.   Since MAr. Seward, when
Governor of New York, (in 1839) refused to deliver to tihe
re!uisitioii of the Governor of Virginia three known  abductors of slaves, an(I Governor Kirkwoo(l of Iowa, and
Governor Dennison of Ohio, in 1860, refused to  deliver
75 
7l 6      ANTICIPATf)ONS, O, TIE istTURJ-.
the escaped murderers who had aided the Harper's Ferry
atrocity, there has been no case of any perpetrators of these
crimes being delivered up by a northern state for trial, to
the requisition of a southern state.  Thus, the most frequent
and dangerous northern offenders against southern laws,
though required by the Constitution of the United States to
be surrendered for trial, are systematically screened from
punishment bv the violation of both the oaths and the duty
of tihe northern state authorities.  And since the first election of an abolitionist as President, and the northern section has ruled the Union, the federal government has, in
these respects, followed up fully the previous examples of
the northern state governmentts.
It might seem, from the stated disposition and movements,
that there is more alarm in the South than is justified by
thilose two cases of wholesale abduction of slaves, or by any
plausible suspicion of more extended conspiracy or hostile
designs of the northern abolitionists.  But any danger of
servile insurrection, especially to fathers and  husbands,
is, of all calamities, the most alarming, for its possible
bloody, merciless and horrible results. A negro insurrection in the southern states never will or can occur, unless
induced and  stimulated  by white plotters, or influence.
And even if so incited, an insurrection cannot miss being
suppressed, and its actors punished, in a very short time.
Therefore, if considered as an incident of the history of a
country, or in a military aspect, nothling can be more fruitless, feeble or contemptible than a negro insurrection, even
with all the aid and fuirtherance thereto, to be bestowed by
northern philanthropy.  These general truths are recognized by every southerner.  Yet, when an alarm of insurrection comes, with all the usual uncertainty, vagueness of 
LESSOiNS FOR THE PRESENT TIMFE.
reports, and enormous exaggeration of statements, every
head of a family at once thinks of the possibility of the
near vicinity of the outbreak, and of all that are precious
to him being among the victims.  For, as there is no reason for the beginning, or chance for the success of insurrection anywhere-aid( as, wherever incited, it must be the
effect of extraneous inducement and stimulation, applied to
the gross ignorance of the slaves-it is nearly as likely to
break out in one place as another, and  where it would be
the least expected, and the most quickly and certainly sul)ppressed and avenged.
LETTER XIX.
Constitutional Coup d'Etat.  Retrospect of the condition of the Southern States.
W\ASHINGTON, December 18, 1867.
Congress was no sooner at work than the army and navy
bills, postponed last session, were brought forward again,
and will soon be enacted. The only opposition to them is
of the entire southern vote.  But as that, being a fixed and
certain minority, counts for nothing, the passage of both
bills could not be more certain if the whole southern vote
was for them.  The effect of these acts will be to add 5000
men to the present greatest strength of the army, and to
double that of the navy, as soon as the recruiting can be
effected  for the one, and the additional war steiamiers built
for tl-he olier.      *        *        $ e 
77 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
The legislatures of the states  of New  York,  Ohio,
Mininesota, Kansas, California and Michigan, were all in
session with closed doors in the first week of their present
term. This mysterious coincidence of very unusual procedure is now  explained.   These legislatures all had a
similar proposition before them. and all have consented to
enact the measure, with the necessary assent and confirmation of the Congress of the United States. This measure
is the very important one of dividing each of these large or
populous states into two states. The first private suggestion
of this scheme  doubtless proceeded  from  the President.
And to him have been sent the enactments of the several
states, which, with his recommendation of consent and( concurrence, he has laid before Congress.   The  object and
effect of the proposed divisions will be to double the present
representation of these states in the Senate, so as to give
twelve more senators to the northern section, and, of course,
all of them of the abolition party. These will make in all
forty-two abolition states, being three-fourths of the whole
number of states. Two-thirds of both Houses of Congress
mnay call a convention to propose amendments to the
federal constitution, and such proposed amendments will
become part of the constitution, if ratified by thlree-fourths
of the states. It' the proposed several divisions of six states
are now made, the northern section will thereby be rendered
as supreme in power, to change and to make the constitution, as it has been for some years in regard to all other
legislation and government of the United States. With this
su.ddenly increased political power, every article of the constitution (with some few exceptions,) and including the
entire abolition of slavery, will be in the power of the
78 
LESSONS FOII THE PRESENT TIME.
nortl-hern section; and this, or any other changes required
by the northern section, can be consummated as soon as state
conventions call meet to ratify, by  thlree-fourths of their
number, the amendments  recommended  by two-thirds of
both Houses of Congress.   The  same  preponderance  of
numbers of northern states could have been obtained in
eight or ten years longer time, by the regular and ordinary
increase of northern population, and thle a(.lnission of new
states.  But the constitutional coutpj d'ett now in progress,
if carried thlrough, will enable all the ends of abolition to
be effected within twelve  months.   To  effect this great
object, these six states, all great in population or extenit of
surface, have been conItent to submit their state pride and
dignity to the acquisition of other advantages-double representation  in the Senate, and thie gain of every desired
power for the northern section, and for anti-slavery opinion.
No  doubt this scheme  had been known to all the leading men of these six states, and of the abolition party, long
before it was brought before their legislatures.  The advantages to be thus gained for their great sectional objects
were well understood, so that very little opposition was
made in either of the legislatures: and the approving votes
were speedily given.  It may be presumed( that there will be
still less delay reqllire(l in Congress, and that in a few days
thlis revolutiollary, but still entirely constitutional measure,
will  be  completed,  except  for waiting  for the  formal
ratification by conventions of these six states.   To  permit
these to act, may require six or eight months more of time.
As  the northern part of Michigan (lying between Lakes
Michl-igan and  SuLperior) is not alone large  enou-gh for a
state, it is proposed to add to that territory the adjoining
79 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
portion of Wisconsin-for which the consent of the latter
state also will be require(t, and no doubt readily granted.
This bold stroke seems to have been entirely unexpected,
and( is a surprise to nearly all who had not been in the secret.
But it was not so to me.   For it is in perfect agreement
withl the whole policy of President Seward.   This has been
to respect the restrictions of the federal constitution in every
particular of the letter, and even in regard to doubtful
powers; but to avail himself and his section of every unquestionable  constitutional power,  to  establish  the  supremacy of 1his section ani  party.  If, then, he could (in
this mananer) attain every object of his policy, and in the
earliest possible time, by these strictly constitutional means,
what was  more likely than that he would resort to this
course?    *      *      *     *      *     *     *      *
A few days served for botlh  Iouses to act upon and give
thile congressioiial consent to tl-he divisions of the six states.
A separate act is in progress to call separate conventions of
all the states, to consider the alterations of the constitution,
whiclh  will be  proposed by  three-foutrthls  of the future
enlarged  Congress.  There can be no question  that  the
entire abolition of negro slavery will be thus recomimended(,
and that this tremendous change, whether for good or for
evil, will be effected before another year shall pass away.
It will be wvell for your readers, who feel an interest in
American politics? to ta)le a retrospective glance at the
(changes which have occurred to these states, under their free
constitution of government, which seemed to secure equal
rights and benefits to every citizen, and to every state.  It has
been shown, in my former letters, in the record of successive
political acts, that as soon as the states were divided by a
geographical line into two unequal  sections an(l  parties,
so 
LESSONS FOR TIIE PRESENT Tl.IME.
having different interests, opinions. and political doctrines, the
weaker section necessarily became subjected to the stronger,
in every question of interest between them.  While every
citizen, of the weaklier section still retained and exercise(l
his constitutional r'ght of voting for reprcscntatives —l —d
while the representatives had their equal votes in Congress,
yet they were necessarily and regularly out-voted by the
representatives of the states of the stronger section, and
entirely ruled by them.  Consequently, all laws afiecting
the conflicting interests of the sections have been made to
benefit the stronger as iiuch as possible, at the cost, and at
any loss and d(lisadvantage, of the weaker  section.   All
offices and trusts and emoluments, and corrupt contracts
and profitable jobs, in like manner, have been confined to
individuals of the dominant section and party. Thus, with
all the forms of perfectly free government remaining, and
every restriction and safe-guard of the letter of the constitution having been respected as sacred, the smaller population of the weaker section had been entirely deprived of
every benefit and safe-guard of government that could be
talken away without infraction of the constitution.  Finally,
and still by strict constitutional procedure, the constitution
itself is to be changed by the will, and to suit the opinions
an(-l prejudices, of the stronger section; and the great and
essential interest of the weaker is now inevitably to be
overthrown, and all its prospects of future prosperity and
safety, if not of political existence, to be irretrievably
destroyed at one stroke!  Yet the people of the weaker
section are still called free by those of the stronger, and
asserted to be still enjoying equal political rights, and will
be so understood, even after the final acts of the series shall
have been consumomated!
81 
82         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
Add to this, that the  military and naval forces  of the
general government are about to be greatly increased in
numbers  and  efficiency, and  that  they  will be entirely
offii(ered by abolitionists, as well as controlled and directed
by the dominant sectional party.    *         *     *      *
LETTER XX.
Agitations in the Slaveholding States, and movements in some of them.
WASHINGTON', December 26th, 1867.
The legislatures of all the southern states are now ill session.  The last measures of the federal government fell on
these bodies and the states they represented like a " clap of
thunder in a cloudless sky."  The lmost torpid or submissive were  somewhat aroused, and the patriotic and the ardent were excited and exasperated far beyond the measure
of any effects of all previous provocations and  outrages.None dared to oppose, to the general outburst of iii(ignationI of the distunionists, the oli argument in mitigation, that
"the iiorthern party and the President had used only their
constitutional rights and privileges-that the southern people still possessed all of theirs-that the ballot box only
had given success to their northern  opponents-that the
battle had been fairly contested, and that the defeated party
ought to abide by the result.: These positions and argumentts were just as sound now, as they had been when first
used( to war(t off resistance to the earlier oppressions of the 
LESSONS FOR TlE PBESENT TIME.
northern section.  But they were  not available in these
extreme and now certain consequences.
It seems inconceivable that the dominant party has not
feared to make their opponents, however submissive heretofore, desperate, by this extent of oppression, so manifestly
designed(.  The infatuation can only be accounted for in the
presumed weakness and timidity of the South, and the supposed utter inability of slaveholders to make successful resistance by arms.  As to the rightfulness of all thie measures oppressive or threatening to the South, no question or
doubt seems to be entertained( by any of the northern section.  It was enough that the letter of a free constitution
had been observed throughout, and that every question lhad(l
been decided by a majority of votes, which, as generally
understood in the North, is the only true democratic prillnciple, and that its complete recognition and observance coinstitute the perfection of free government.
*k   i*     *     *     *     *      *     *     *
ThIe legislature of South Carolina sent commissioners
to the legislatures of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida, inviting them  to send other comrnissioners to a dclesignated( place, to confer on their present
condition and prospects.  Thie like invitation was also sent,
in writing, to all the other slaveholdling states.  But there
was so little expectation of concurrent action from any of
the more northern and border slaveholding states, that it
was deemed best not to wait for their dilatory replies, or
to be embarassed by their probable inaction.
The report of these southern movements, and( of the
agitation and zeal extended through all the southern states,
produced but little effect in Washington on the northerni
party.  Contemptuous comments were generally made, and
8'
a
0 
84         ANTICIPATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE.
the whole commotion in the Southl was dleemed and treated
as nothing more than a repetition of the old( game of " blus   ter and back-out," which had  been so common  in past
time, and in which, it was said, Virginia and South Carolina
had especially distinguished themselves.  Burlingame, one
of the United States senators of Massachusetts, an(l Hick   man, a senator from Penllnsylvania, in conversation with
others of their party, said that it would be a good  thing if
the southern agitators would  rebel, and require to be sup   pressed by the military force of the federal government-as
there would be no difficulty in the suppression, and the
punishment of the actors-and  that heavy contributions
raised from the rebellious states, and the confiscation of the
property of all the principal traitors, would serve as the
best and a much  needed lesson for all the South, and the
best means for securing future tranquility and obedience to
the constitution and laws of the Union.  The  southern
members of congress say but little, except among them   selves.  Those of the most excited states probably were
not surprised by the late political movements in their states.
It is the ordinary habit of southerners, and even of the
southern members of congress, when  most oppressed by
the superior legislative power of the northern section, to
be open and loud in their expressions of complaint, and
of denunciation of their adversaries, and to be bold, and
arrogant, and contemptuous in manner and expression.
Now, the southern members are silent and  cautious, and
whatever may be their opinions or intentions, they are not
made known  by themselves to the public.  Nothing  has
been done, or deemed requisite, by the federal a(llninistra   tion; and the agitation at the South has not been in anv
lnanner alluded( to in ayv act or proposition of the President 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
or of Congress.  The latter body, as customary in latter
years, a(1journe(l on the 24th of' December, for a recess of
ten days, for relaxation; and for many members, who are
sufficiently near, to spend the Christmas holidays at their
homes.   As the attendance of southern members has long
been of no sort of influence on the enactments of congress,
most of them are now always absent.  Many of themi hail
not attended since the beginning of the present session;
and all who had attended, and had not gone sooner, left
Washington for their several states as soon as the Christmas
recess was voted.       *     *     *      *     *    *
LETTER XXI.
President Seward for a second term  Secession of six states, and consequent
political movements and military preparations.  Operations at Charleston.
WASHINGTON,' January 21, 1868.
It is a remarkable result of the now overwhelming superior strength of the northern section, and of its unanimity
of sentiment, that there is no organized opposition for the
next presidential election on the part of the South-and
that no aspirant to the office, (which is now more exalted
and important than ever before,) whether from South or
North, has made any open movement towards becoming a
candidate, in opposition to the present incumbent. President Seward has now no rival in his character of exponent
of northerni sentiment, and the executor of the nortlhlern:
X 
85 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
will. And by his hold oln this strong ground for preference, he will again have the unanimous vote of all the states
of the northern section-and will be elected President of
the United States without opposition, for a second term of
service.
There has been received here lately reports of important
incidents and  indications, and of intense  interest to all
hearers, and serving, at last, to startle the northern party
from its previous calm of fancied perfect security.
The several legislatures of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana and Florida, lhave concurred with that of South
Carolinas so entirely and speedily, that it is evident that there
must have been preconcert and a goo(] understanding of
views, among the leading men of these six states, for some
time before any open movement was made.  These several
legislatures were in session, with closed  doors, until  the
termination of Decemiber 24thli, at whichl time it was known,
by telegraphic dispatches, that Congress had separated, upon
an adjournment for ten days.  Then the common  resolutions and enactments of these states just before adopted,
were first made known to the public. All the legislatures
have declared for the immediate secession of their several
states from the heretofore existing federal Union, and their
being unlited in a new confederacy. They have further
concurred  in ordering the  election  on  January  15th, of
members for a general convention of the seceding states,
to be composed of one member from each of the previous
congressional districts of each state-to assemble at Atlanta,
in Georgia, on the 20th, to ratify the declaration of secessionI, and to adopt the necessary  changes of the formner
federal constitutions to suit it to the changed circumstances
86
:: 11 
LESSONS FOR  TIIE PRESENT TIME.
-and to order the elections necessary for the new federal
govern       ment,  whlichl may be agreed upon and established by
t     h    e       convention    of the seceding states.   Further, by  the
concurrence of the legislatures of all the seceding states, a
provisional  federal administration was authorized, to exercise both legislative and executive powers-indeed dictator i a l    powers-for the short time of its existence.  This body
w. i l l    be composed of all   the late federal senators of these
s    i     x states,  withl th e  a ddition of four other memibers  from
e ach  of these states, elected by their respective legislatures.
T    h i s                        provisional  government will continue in power until
superse        derd by th e      general convention, which will retain the
l ike            power un til the succeeding organization of the constitute(l governementt and the inauguration of its administrators.
A       s         most of the same most influential citizens will probably
b       e         chosen members of all the bodies  making these successive political authorities, there will be no danger of conflic     titg        counsels, or of interrupted or irregular procedure.
T         he whole               arrangeement will secure both mature and energetic              action from the   beginning, and  throughout.  But in
adva         nce of th e         join t  acts of secession and of new orgallizationi, though manifestly in anticipation of both, there had
been still earlier and very important action by South Carolina alone.
The  fortifications of the United States, to protect the
ports and seaboard cities from llaval attacks, have been constructed on a gigantic plaii, in remarkable disproportion to
the generally small number of the regular armly, and the
number  of effective  garrisons  which  can  be  distributed
among  these many forts.'I'llus, Fortress  Monroe, in Virginia, to be  fully man-ned(  woul(l  require a garrison of
four thousand  men, which would  have taken more  than
87 
AX\TfCIPATIONS OF THE FUTUREI-.
half of all the regular army of the United States, as the
number stood thl'en, and  for many years  together.  Because of the  want of men, most of these extensive  and
strong fortifications have  for many years  been left without garrisons, and in some cases without even the smallest
military guard.   The  substitute,  in such cases, would
be  some  trustworthy old sergeant, who, with  his family, resided ill the fort, to takle care of it, as if private
property.   In this condition, and charge, was Fort Sumter,
thoughl a new and very strong fortification on the right side
of the harbor of Charleston, and much stronger than Fort
Moultrie, on the opposite side of the passage way.   The
gulns of these two forts completely command the passageand either one alone, if well served, would stop any hostile
fleets, and inflict as much  damage on the assailants as was
effected by the brave Moultrie and his raw soldiers, on the
British ships of war, oln June 28th, 1776, from  the old
Palmetto fort whlich then stood not far fromnt where Fort
Moultrie stands now.  Fort Sumter is constructe(d on an
artificial island, (raised  by depositing stone on the outer
edge of a shoal,) and the outer walls are everywhere washed
by the surrounding water.  The channel is there deep, and
passes very near to the fort.  But from the fort to the main
latnd( for rather more than a mile, there is a continuation of
the samnie shoal, and the water is too shallow to be navigated, except by small boats, with crews well acquainted
with the bottom-yet too deep, and too variable in depth,
to be forded.  Excellent as was  this fort for its military
purpose, it was a lonely and disagreeable place of residence-being as much secluded as a floating-light vessel.
Therefore, this strong and well armned fort was left unoccupied, except by its one guardian, and the whole garrison
88 
LEMSSONS FOR T1iE PRESENT TIME.
was in Fort Moultrie, which is on the main land of Sullivan's Island, (and which stretches along the upper part
of the harbor and the ocean). There both the officers and
men had( society in the residents of tihe adjoining village
of Moultrieville-and hourly communication with Charlestonl, five miles distant from the fort, by ferry steamers.
Moultrieville, on the border of the ocean beach, is inhabited
mostly, and for thle summer an(d autumn only, by citizens of
Charleston and( the neighboring country, who resort there
for health. The residents who remain throughout the year
are but few.  But at all times) there is good society, and
the place is a very pleasant residence.  The garrison of
Fort Moultrie then amounted to three hundred men.  During the troubles between South Carolina and( the federal
governments during President Jackson's administration, Castle Pinckney had been  kept  garrisoned, not to protect
Charleston firom naval attack from the ocean, but to serve
as a bridle upon  the city, and upon the state, of which
Charleston is the great commercial capital. and the most
important and the only considerable and usual outlet of the
trade and navigation of the state.
In anticipation of the events to be announced on the
evening of December 24th, the Governor of South Carolina
had authorized and ordered the comman(linlg militia officer
in Charleston, to take secret and preper measures to capture
Fort Sumter in the night of December 24th, and at the
same time to commence the investment, on the land side,
of Fort Moultrie, with a view to blockading it, if not pro cee(ldintg to besiege or attack it more vigorously. To arrest
the single guardian in charge, and so to take possession of
Fort Sumter was  easy enough.  But it would require a
considerable number, an(l of the lbest soldiers, all b-ein,r 
.ANTICIPATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE.
entirely raw, to retain possession, in defiance of any regular military and naval force of the United States that could
soon be brought to attack either of these forts, if seized
upon by South Carolina. IHalf a dozen bold and trusty
men, residents of Charleston, and neighbors and friends of
the old sergeant who was the sole occupant and( guardian
of Fort Sumter, made an appointment to visit him on the
Christmas eve, and to spend some hours with him in the
customary merry-making of that time.  Using this deception to prevent the possibility of their old friend resisting,
and so incurring any bodily damage, the single guardian
was arrested, and the fort taken possession of.  Twenty
companies  of volunteer militia, the best  disciplined  in
Charleston, had been called( out on duty at dark.  As this
procedure was not unusual at Christmas, and always  took
place for the slightest rumor of insurrection, (and which
false and foolish rumors came in latter years almost as regularly as Christmas,) the calling out of all these companies
caused no alarm, and attracted but little notice.  For the
officers and men of each company knew only of their own
company being on duty. These twenty companies, including
the corps of cadets of the state military school, were separately sent off, the smaller portion, by water, to garrison
Fort Sumter, and the others to begin the investment and
bloclkad(le of Fort Moultrie.   Before daybreak  the  next
morning. Fort Sumter was occupied by a garrison of five
hundred men.  They had learned when taking charge of
the defence of the fort, and greatly to their joy, that they
had the honor to be thile first soldiers in the service of the
now  seceded and  indlependent state of Southl  Carolina.
Care was taken to strengthen both the garrison and the
90 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
fortification as soon as possible, and to render them safe
from any probable attack.
Sullivan's Island is, for the greater part, a low and flat
lled of sand, raised by the ancient action of the winds and
waves, to the elevation of a few feet above the highest of
ordinary tides.  The remainder of the surface, in the rear,
and northward from the harbor and ocean side, is of marsh,
through which passes a crooked strait, navigable for small
boats only, but too deep, and the bottom too rmiry, to be
forded any where-and( which strait separates the island
from the main-land, there also bordered by a broad extent
of low marsh.  The island is about three miles long; and,
where the fort stands, is less than half a mile across, and
all of firm sandl, from the margin of the main shore of the
harbor, to a small bay in the rear called the "Cove," which
unites with the wide water of the harbor rather more than
half a mile above the fort.  At half a mile below (and
eastward from) the fort, the island is not more than onesixth of a mile, between the harbor, or the ocean beach,
and the upper extremity of the Cove, in the rear.  The
sand, which forms all the higher and dry soil of the island,
is so loose as to be liable to be moved and shifted by the
winds-by which natural operation, sand hills would be
raised against the walls of the fort, and high enough to
over-top thie parapet, if the accumulations were not often
removed.
A force of tivelve hundred militia, reached the rear of
the island soon after midnight.  Taking every care to prevent noise and thereby alarming the garrison, the militia,
divided into two bodies, occupied the island at about half
a lllile distant l'oii, and both above and below the fort.
91 
92         ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
Plenty of intrenching utensils had been brought to employ
six hundred men, and some thousands of bags to fill with
sand. Some hours later, when the first begun work was
well advanced, there were brought a much larger supply
of tools and of bags, and also seven hundred negro men
to labor in the trenches. Before the night was over, the
volunteers had been increased to two thousand. The sentinels of the fort were all within or on the ramparts, and
probably they were not very vigilant during that night of
general festivity. Tile unavoidable noises made by the
march and the labors of the militia were not noticed, or
distinguishled from the usual and expected sounds of the
noisy Christmas merry-makers in the adjoining village of
Moultrieville.  Even the accidental discharge of a musket
of one of the soldiers in the trench, was naturally supposed
to be the rejoicing salute of some drunken reveller in the
village.  The soft and loose sani( was moved, to construct
the embankments, with but little labor or noise.  Before
day-break, and before causing any alarm to the garrison,
embankmnents of loose sand, faced and strengthlene(l with
filled sand-bags, laid like masonry, had been raised at both
positions, strong and high enough to protect the men fioom
the cannon of the fort.  There was no other danger to fear.
For, if the garrison had sallied out of the fort, they would
have been too few to attack the militia, even while the
latter (as at first,) were vwithout artillery.  The first raised
embankments were designed to be subsequently extended
so as to make completely enclosed water batteries, to be
mounted(  with heavy cannon bearing on the harbdr-aud
lines thence to extend backwar(t, and from one to the other,
so as to surround the fort, on the land side. As blockading
the fort was all that was designed, there wals no lced of 
1LESSO(NS FO)fR  THE:  PPRESENT  TINiE.
the surrounding intrenchments being nearer than was entirely safe for the investing army.
Thle.next morning a low-lying mist at first obscured( the
newly erected earthl-works.  As  the sun became  visible
above the horizon, the usual morning gun was fired at each
of the forts.  At Fort Sumter then arose on the flag-staff,
and wvas spread out on the strong breeze, an extemporaneous flag made of white sheets, in the centre of which was
seen the Palmnetto Tree of South Carolina-for which there
was inserted the small flag of one of the volunteer compaliies.  As soon as the flag reaclhed(l its highest place, it was
saluted by six discharges from the heaviest cannon of Fort
Sumter.  After short intervals of time, the like salute was
repeated twice.'I'Thle appearance of the Palmetto flag and
the firing of the triple salutes to the flag and to the southern
confederacy, gave the earliest notice of the changed condition of things to the commander and the garrison of Fort
Moultrie, and even to all except a few military and civil
officers of the city of Charleston.   And now the drums
were beaten in the intrenchmients on Sullivan's Island, and
the several small company flags were hoisted above the
parapets, and a salute was fired of muskets, and by a single
piece of light field artillery, which had been brought by one
of the latest arriving companies. The embankments and the
troops they covered, were already secure from any hostile
operations of the garrison.
Reports of the immediately succeeding operations have
been received here, but as they are doubtful, and somewhat
contradictory, I will wait, according to my usage, for reliable information, and perhaps later events.   *    *       *
9.", 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
LETTER XXII.
Earliest Proceedings of the new confederacy.  Mfilitary Defence.  Inaction of
the United States Congress, and the causes.
WAsHINGTON, Jainuary 31, 1868.
The provisional general government met at Atlanta, and(
was organized and ill operation by January 3d(. Every
previous member of the Senate of the present Congress of
the United States, from each of the secedletd states, was
present to serve in his new position-and also the aldditional
twenty-four new members, elected by the six state legislatures.  Mr. M., of Soutlh Carolina, was chosen president pro
tem. and Mlr. Y., of Alabama, vice president, and speaker of
the assembly. The state legislatures were zealously at
work to do everything that could forward  the arming,
organizing, and strengthening the militia-and readily aided
to carry out all the measures proposed by the provisional
government.  Since her preparations in 1851, South Carolina had not ceased to be the best prepared state for military
defence.  And the other seceding states had not yet lost all
the previous military preparation which the abolition conspiracy and outbreak, under Johln  Brown, in 1859, had
then induced. Five thousanld volunteers have been called
into active service, besides the garrisons of Charleston and
its vicinity, which, by exchange and( substitution, have been
made as efficient as can be of raw troops.  The cadets of
the Charleston Military School, under  their own officers
and orgallization, make part of the garrison  of Sullivan's
Island; and, boys as they are, they are among the best
soldiers of the state.  There are blut a few of the best
94 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
trained volunteer city companies that can compare with the
young cadets in capacity and zeal for the service required.
Fifty thousand other volunteer and minute men, in all the
six states, are ordered by the provisional government to hold
themselves in readiness to march when called for.
*     *     *     *      *     *      *k    *     *
Congress, of course, could do nothing before the re-opening of the session after thle Christmas adjournment.   The
greater number of the northern mnembers were eager for
inflicting summary vengeance on the southerln " rebels;" but
the views as to the best manner for their coercion were
much divided. A considerable number, though a minority,
of the northern members were doubtful as to the policy,
and feared that the success of the attempt to conquer the
revolted states would be very uncertain.  They argued that
even if the conquest should be effected, it must cost much
more in blood and treasure than any benefit thence to be
derived would be worth. And when conquered, what then
could be done  with the rebellious states?  To re-admit
them to constitutional equality would effect nothing, as
punishment for the offence, or in remuneration for the great
expenditure of blood and treasure. They could not be
held as conquered and subject provinces, except at intolerable cost. By any result of war, deadily hatred would be
produced between the contending parties, which no lapse
of subsequent time could extinguish. Most of the representatives of the western states on the upper waters of the
Mississippi river, were averse to warlike or aggressive action
on other grounds. Their trade, through the Lower Mississippi, and their only navigable outlet, had not yet been
obstructed, and (as had been given out) will not be, without open war takes place.  But if the seceding states s-hall
95 
9 6        ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
be invaded or assailed. then the trade and navigation of the
northwestern states will be entirely cut ofi; and cannot be
again opened before thne state of Louisiana and her allies
shall be completely subdued.
NWhile these different opinions, and the different modes of
coercion, were dlebated, the executive power was used to
march regular troops from the various northern posts to
Washington and elsewhere, to be ready for use, and to provide munitions of war, so far as enabled previously, or to
be enabled subsequently, by Congress. Ships were ordered
to be fitted out, and all preparations made for their sailing,
with the intention, as supposed,to blockade the seaports of
the seceding states.          *     *     *     *     *
The provisional government of the southern confederacy
has made several important decrees. All debts due from
their merchants and other citizens, to people of the North
are sequestrated in the hiands of the debtors, until ordered
otherwise by the government. And all debtors, who may
desire to discharge such debts, may pay them over to the
general government of the new confederacy, which will become responsible for the debts. The long established course
of trade has caused the greater share of commodities consumed in the South to be brought from the North, and the
regular usage is, also on time. The consequence has been
that while the South was the best customer, and also a safe
debtor to the North, there was general, and  continual, and
large indebtedness, which, though regularly and punctually
discharged, was immediately renewed for new purchases,
made for the next business season.  Thus  the usual and
permanent amount of debts due from the South did not fall
much short of the whole amount of annual purchases made
fi'om the northern Atlantic states.  Trie armoiunt of these 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
debts, now due from the six seceding states, to the merchants and manufacturers of the North, and mainly to the
cities of Boston, New York and Philadelphia, is computed
at more than $40,000,000.  All this is sequestrated for the
present. If remaining unpaid to the North for but six
months after being due, it will cause incalculable commercial distress, and numerous bankruptcies of the before stronger firms and business companies. The retaining of this
large amount by the debtors, or, if received by thle government, will operate as a forced loan of so much, for the benefit of the southern community.
The operations of the post-offices and collectors of customs, and of the railroads, telegraph and express transportation lines, vessels, &c., are not to be obstructed, so long
as carried on in the manner proposed. But the receipts of
both post-offices and collectors, until ordered otherwise, are
to be accounted for, and to be paid over to the new southern
confederacy. The federal officers before in office, if south erners, and deemed legal and trustworthy, and also respon sible for their required payments, are to be continued ill
office. But such as are otherwise, and all northerners or
abolitionists employed in any capacity by the former federal
authorities, have been dismissed, and new appointments
liade.
Police measures are ordered to insure the watching of all
transient or suspicious northerners, of but recent residence,
on entrance into the South-and to expel them when deemed
proper-or to require security for their loyal conduct to the
South, if remaining.
The troops of the United States, in forts or garrisons
within the seceding states, and any war vessels already lying
in their harbors, are not to be molested in any way, or treat
5
97
*    e 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
ed in hostile manner, provided they abstain from all action
hostile or threatening danger to these states or their people.
But, if acting as enemies, they will be treated as such, and
every available war measure will forthwith be put in operation against them.
Should any invasion or hostile and warlike attack be
made by the northern or federal power, every means for
defence or retaliation will be resorted to, including the sequestration or destruction of all northern shipping then in
these states, and all northern merchandize or other property.
These decrees of the provisional government were made
public before any legislative action on the subject could
be agreed upon by Congress, or before anything of military
coercion had been attempted to be carried into effect by the
sole power of the President.
LETTER XXIII.
Offensive:Measures in Progress against the Seceding States, and their Plan of
Defence, and general Political Procedure.
WASHINGTONv February 19, 1868.
The General Convention was duly elected, and met in
Atlanta, on January 20th.  As soon as organized, the Convention resolved that only such few changes of the foriner
Federal Constitution should be now made as were required
to suit the new circumstances: Accordingly, the former
Constitution has been adopted as it stood, with: but a few
aeen                          e    
*    v  
98 
LESSONS FOR TIE PRESENT TIME.
and mainly formal exceptions. These recognize the present number of confederated southern states as six-with
arrangements to admit any other slaveholding states which
may hereafter seek admission to the southern confederacy,
and which shall obtain the consent of the southern congress. The election of members of Congress, and of president and vice-president, are made to suit the changed number of states. The seat of the southern federal government
is fixed for the present, at Atlanta.  Other than these mere
formal changes, not affecting the principle or operation of
the former federal constitution, there was no change of its
provisions made.   Only in one important respect, in the
manner of electing the president and vice-president, the constitution was restored to its first designed operation, and
which had been perverted and abjured from a very early
tirie of the former Government. The framers of the constitution unquestionably had intended that the members of
the electoral college should be elected by the people-alnd,
it may be inferred, severally by districts-and that the electors should be truly empowered, according to their jiidgment, to elect the president and vice-president. But, after the
first election of Washington, this discretion has never been
exercised, and the electors have been mere blind and power less instruments, and their appointment and service a mere
form and farce.  The framers of the constitution lhad wisely
designed to leave this duty to the electors, for two sufficient
reasons,first, that the people could not possibly know whomn to
choose forpresident; and next, if knowing howto select, could
not possibly concentrate opinion, an(] exert the popular will.
The new southern convention aim,ed to remedy the long
continued perversion and abuse of the constitution in this
respect.  The congressional districts are also to be the electo-  
~ ~
99 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURPE.
ral districts: and each one is to choose one elector: and the
additional two electors to which each state is entitled, are
to be elected by the respective legislatures.   The electors
are to have, and exercise, their discretion in electing  the
president and vice-president, and careful provisions, not
necessary to be stated here, have been adopted to secure the
maintenance of this power, arid its inevitable exercise, to
the electors exclusively.  Still, it is required that the electors of each state shall vote together, as the majority of the
electors of each state may  prefer, so as not to divide the
entire vote and strength of any state.  If the electoral votes
of any state should be equally divided between two cand(idates, (as ascertained in a separate and preliminary session,)
then that equal portion which had been elected by the greater
number of popular votes, shall be deemed the majority, an(l
shall determine the vote for the whole state.  This plan will
enable the people to best exert their choice, and which they
are qualified to make, of a capable and worthy  district representative.  And the choice of the president will be made
by the representative electors, and who will be qualified to
select a chief magistrate.
The original federal constitution, which was thus adopted( unchanged in principle and in its important  features, is
a more equal: just, and( altogether better form of government for these slaveholding states, whose circumstances are
so nearly similar, than it has been for the first confederation
for which it was designed.   In the recent adaptation,  the
provision fixing the slave representation at three-fifths as
much as of whites, is not objectionable to any interest, as
it was deemed by both the northern and southern  sections
of the United States, for opposite reasons.  Also, as no very
: small state (like Rhode Island or Delaware) is in the south
100
I:: 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
erm  confederacy, there is no very unequal representation in
the Senate.  Still, the recent hasty adoption of the  constitution of the United States was induced by the existing necessity for speedy organization, and is considered but a
temporary measure, to be reviewed and more maturely acted
upon hereafter.
The constitution was adopted in the course of a few d(lays,
and elections ordered in everv state and district, first to ratify or reject the constitution-and, for the contingency of
ratificationi, at the same time to elect members of the House
of Representatives, and district presidential electors.  The
several state legislatures, immediately after, elected the two
state electors for each state. The new Congress soon met,
and also the electoral college. Mr. M., was elected president, and Mr. C., of Alabama, vice-president. Most of tile
former members of both Houses had been elected to fill the
same stations in the new Congress.  Mr. Y., of Alabama,
was elected to the Senate.  Sundry other very able men, of
ardent patriotism and devotion to southern interests, were
elected to one or the other of the two Houses. The new
government was mainly composed of the same individuals,
and included all of the most worthy, who had made up the
previous provisional government, which ceased to exist as
soon as the new government was inaugurated.
These changes and arrangements had been completed by
the southern confederacy before anything had been deter mnined upon by Congress for the coercion of the new inde pendent southern power, or before more than preliminary
steps for military and naval action had been taken by the
President in the exercise of his independent authority.  The
differences of opinion among the northern members served
101 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
to give to the remaining slaveholding members of the body
some, and important legislative power, of which they had
been totally deprived as long as the North had been undi vided as previously.  Tlhe members  from the remaining
slaveholding states now held the balance of power between
the different modes of military, or coercive, or other po licy, severally advocated by the different northern states.
And by this remaining southern vote being always added
to the weaker northern portion, or given to postpone or
embarrass all hostile action by Congress, it was long before
anything could be done by new legislation.
In the meantiime, the Presidenit has ordered vessels of
war to proceed to blockade Charleston, Savannah, Mobile,
the mouth of the Mississippi river, and every other impor tant port of the southern confederacy, which can he safely
and effectually blockaded. Any action of troops, or their
march to the revolted states, is postponed until Congress
shall take measures to make such action irresistible, by ap propriating money and providing all the other necessary
incidental requisites.
As soon as the sailing of war-vessels from northern ports
was known (through the magnetic telegraph,) southern troops
were marched to the principal provincial towns and harbors
which were most important, and sure to be blockaded. But
it was still the policy and earnest effort of the southern gov ernment to avoid all hostile collision with the northern
troops and ships, and especially all bloodshed, as long as
possible. The vessels in these ports, owing to the previous
course of navigation and trade, were nearly all belonging
to the North.  All these then remaining in the ports were
seized, and brought together in the several ports, and dis
102 
LESSONS  FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
mantled, so as to prevent their sailing, and also, were so
placed that they could be easily and quickly burned or scuttied, if required.   A sufficient guaird of militia was miaintained to enforce these regulations.
*     *e     *     *     *      *     Sk     *     *
LETTER XXIV.
State of Popular Feeling in Virginia, and of Political Affairs. Prospects Ahead.
.RICHHMIOND, February 26, 1868.
For nearer observation of the events most likely to be
interesting, I am on my way to Charleston. I had obtained from southern friends and members of Congress, still in
Washington, from the slaveholdcling states, letters of introduction, which will serve as vouchers for my friendly disposition and sentiments, and facilitate my observations.On the route I stopped at Richmond, andi shall remain some
days.
The legislature of Virginia is still violently excited.The most ardent spirits, anld lmost of the members of ability, were for immediate secession-an(l, as not having gone
with the six states in that measure, they wish now to follow
their lead, and offer the adhesion of Virginia to the adopted
constitution and policy; though, by holding back, Virginia
has had no voice or influence in shapinig either.  The more
ardent states had long before waited for Virginia to be their
honored and trusty leader in resistance to northern oppres
103 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TI-E FUTURE.
sion. But all hope of such aid and direction having ceased,
the mnore southern states, when they deemed that longer
delay would have been certain destruction to them, proceeded to act without Virginia.
The advocates for secession are still but a minority.The majority of the legislature includes sundry shades of
opinion. A very few (from the northwestern counties) are
abolitionists. Many more, and from every portion of the
state, are submissionists ill any and every contingency.
Others will resist, as they say, when there remains no other
hope; but still cling to the glorious (former) union, and denounce the rebellion of the South.  In addition, thle present
legislature is a very weak body, and does not fairly represent the people either in intellect or patriotism. The intellectual standard of the representatives of this formerly great
and honored state has been gradually lowered, from  the
time when the old freehold suffrage state constitution (the
oldest written constitution of free government that existed)
was first impaired, in 1829, by alterations which were not
amendments.  But the later changes, in 1851, were very far
worse. The convention then assembled to make amendments,
had not been demanded by the popular will or wish. It was
required and carried through mainly by demagogues, and the
new constitution was shaped so as to put all political power
into the hands of demagogues. The election of governors of
judges, atod other high officers of government, by the votes
of the whole state or, in some other cases, by electoral dis tricts too extensive for the people's knowledge of the candi dates, or even for the concentration of popular opinion and
wishes-produced, as a necessity, and established, the infa mous " convention' or caucus system of nominations, im ported from the corrupt State of New York —whlich system
104 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
serves to throw elections into the hands of a few cunning
and concealed demagogues, or tools of principal office-hunters, and to cheat the people of their proper and rightful influence, as well as of all means for their correct and honest
guidance. Worthy nmen, disgusted with the working of the
vile system, have gradually withdrawn from all endeavors
to promote fair elections and honest purposes. The certain
operation of the caucus system, is always to degrade the
standard of average and general intellect, and of patriotism
and worth, of all representatives.
*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  There is no unfiiendly feeling existing between the seceding states and the remaining
slaveholding states.  And along the new lines of division
between the two, the people on both sides are entirely homogeneous in character, sentiments, and interests. The
southern border counties of North Carolina and the eastern
of Tennessee and Arkansas not only have no inimical feeling to the adjacent people of the new confederacy, but hold
them, as previously, as neighbors and friends, and who, in
numerous cases, are family relations, and would rejoice if
their respective states would unite with the seceding states
in resistance to northern oppression. Along and near the
northern border lines of the slaveholding states, there is a
strong and general feeling of enmity between their population and the neighboring northern people.  But, these being
still under the same general government and laws, there can
be no reason or inducement for permnitting the border enmities and feuds to ripen into armed and bloody hostilities.Thus, for the present, the border and other adjacent slaveholding states serve as the most important means of protection and security for the seceding states, in preventing all
border troubles and dangers, and offering a safe-guard to the
I 0 la 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIHE FUTURE.
seceding states from hostile invasion by land, by the interposition of some five hundred miles width of territory,
which will be neutral at least, if not directly friendly, to
the South; and most probably ill the future, an armed as
well as broad barrier for its protection.  It is generally supposed that Virginia (if not all the other border states,)
though not yet ready to join the seceding South, will not
permit the march, across her territories, of federal troops to
invade the southern confederacy.  In the nullification troubles of 1833, the brave old Governor Floyd, boldly assumed
and avowed this position, to protect South Carolina; and the
iron will of President Jackson, and his malignant hatred to
South Carolina, her great statesmen, and her policy, had to
hold back and to yield to the expressed determination of
Virginia. The present legislature of Virginia will not be
likely to direct so bold a course-but will scarcely dare to
oppose anti forbid it, if the former example of old Governor
Floyd should be imitated by the present Governor S., which
is most probable.  The latter is a true southern patriot, and
an able statesman.
The legislatures however, had previouslv increased the
efficiency of the militia by the organization and equipment
of many new volunteer companies, whose services have
been offere(l within the last year, in consequence of the increased progress and danger of abolition attacks.  Of these,
and of other companies of ordinary militia, twenty thousand
have been designated as "minute men,s who are required
to be ready to march, whenever called upon, at the shortest
notice-and that is counted on to be within the day of the
notice. North Carolina and Kentucky have adopted similar measures for military defence. Another law, recently
passed by Virginia, forbids, under heavy penalties, the trans
106 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
portation of troops, or arms and munitions of war, oni any
railroad line passing through tile state, except for the state,
or by authority of the governor. This will exclude one,
and the most speedy and efficient, means of assault by the
federal power on the revolted South.
But if the legislature of Virginia is slow and inefficient in
acts, it is, as always heretofore, loud and violent, and( denunciatory of federal aggression, and especially of the recent
indications of designs of crowning usurpation. As often
heretofore, the strongest resolutions of future resistance
have been passed, to be put in action whenever the manifestly designed constitutional abolition of slavery shall be attempted.   As  the conventions of all the  northern states
cannot act to alter the  constitutions short of some six
months, that much  time will be allowed for further postponement of action.  But in April there will be new elections for the legislature of Virginia, and the advocates of
secession here expect that the present  imminent danger of
all the South and its institutions, and the zeal of the people,
will induce the calling into public service the ablest men
and best patriots of Virginia, nearly all of whom are now,
and long have been, in private life.
There is one  strong evidence of the popular feeling,
which, in more ways than one, must draw Virginia and the
other border states more certainly to sustain the southern
confederacy.   There have been offered to President M., by
individuals and by companies, the military services of mnore
than ten thousand volunteers from the border states, and
nearly half of these are from Virginia.  All of these are
men of the best material for such service-all stimulated by
the spirit of adventure, of patriotism, and of bitter hatred for
the Nortlh. Very many arc young men of the best family
10 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TiHE FUTURE.
connections; and some entire companies of calvary have
equipped themselves with horses, arms and uniforms, at
their own expense. They passed out of the state as civilians, and assumed their warlike character and equipment
only after entering the borders of South Carolina. Neither
that state nor any other of the new confederacy had any
need of men-they wanted only arms, munitions of war,
and money. Still it was deemed good policy to accept the
services of the organized volunteer companies offered from
abroad, for the moral effect and reaction that will certainly
be produced on their countrymen at home.  In a few months
more, if things continue as they now promise, there will be
fifty companies of Virginian or other border volunteers defending the new  confederacy, and maintaining southern
rights and independence. There will scarcely be a neighborhlood or a large family connection of the commonwealth of Virginia that will not have some beloved members and representatives engaged in this cause, so dear to all
southern patriots.  And  this state of things will operate
powerfully to enlist the popular interest and feeling of this
state, in favor of the Virginia volunteers, and of the cause
for which they will be contending.
*     *k    *     *     *     *     *     *     *
108 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XXV.
Beginning of the Blockade of Southern Ports.  Military Spirit and Action of
the South. Operations at Charleston.
CHARLESTON, March 15, 1868.
* * * * * * President Seward certainly has exhibited a
degree of courage in conducting political invasions and
assaults which most other and even more powerful rulers
wouldl have shrunk from attempting, in dread of the resistance to be provoked, and the possible consequences of
resistance.  But civil and military courage and conduct require very different qualities-and( it seems to me that there
is already enough evidence that tile President is very deficient in that promptitude of thought and action which is
essential for military conduct and success-and his deficiencies are not supplied by the abilities of the Commanderin-Chief, Gen. Fremont.   Instead of hastening to attack
the seceding states (if hostile military operations were designed,) before their new organization was completed, and
while they were in the necessary weaker condition of change
from one government to another-as the iron-willed despot
Jackson would certainly have done in like circumstancesPresident Seward has as yet done but little besides urgently
applying to the Congress formore military and naval forces,
and more means, and the more perfect equipment of the
previously existing or authorized armaments, and for muni tions of war, and for authority to call for, and means to
equip, volunteers and other militia-and especially, and as
a condition precedent to any important and new military
action, for funds sufficient to defray all'the early expenses
109 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
counted upon as needed. Because of the political circum stances which have been already stated, nothing of impor tance had yet been done in these respects, by Congress.
And  the only measure which  the President had deemed
within his means, was to use the then existing and available small naval force, to blockade and threaten the ports
and seaboard cities of the seceded states. This had been
done early ill February.   One or two ships of war, only,
made up the force sent to blockade each of these ports, or
mnouthls of great rivers, with the exception of Charleston.
Here  owing to the miore warlike state of affairs, and of the
two ports being still held by the northern troops, and they
being besieged by the forces of South Carolina. more extensive and strong measures were ordered.  Still earlier
than the other vessels, designed merely focr blockading other
ports, these arrived in the outer harbor, and anchlored below
the bar, a squadron composed of a ship of seventy-four guns,
two heavy frigates, and two sloops-of-war, with some smaller
transports and freight vessels-bringing reinforcements and
supplies for the forts, provisions, and cannon of the most
recent improvement and extensive range, and also mortars,
shells, and powder. Neither of these ships-of-war, with
the armament on board, can pass over the bar-and eveii
if any were of light enough draught to be able to pass over,
they could not, under the fire of Fort Sumter alone, navigate thie intricate channels.
All the efforts made to send supplies to Fort Moultrie in
the smaller vessels, have been so far frustrated by the vigilance and the round shot of Fort Sumter and the lower
temporary earth-work battery of Sutllivan's Island. Every
thing for the defence of the city will depend on the continlinilg to keep out these supplics, and effectually j)reveclt
110 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
ing communication between the squadron and the two forts
still held by the enemy. Unless attempting to attack Fort
Sumter, (by the vessels of war, previously lightened of their
guns, &c., to cross the bar,) or the city, by aid of a strong
additional land force, (neither of which attempts is likely
to occur soon,) the naval force can effect all the objects of
mere blockade of the port, at their present anchorage-andl
might, as well do so, with one or two small armed vessels
only.
Acting upon President Jackson's former policy, ill the
then expected troubles of 1833, notice has been given by
the commander of the blockading squadron that the payment of customs on imports, from all inward bound vessels,
will be required to be made to the United States collector
on board of the flag ship-but that there will be no other
obstruction to vessels complying with that requisition, except to such as belong to the revolted states, which, as
under all other circumstances, will be seized as prizes of
war.  The foreign ships, then in port, were free to carry
out cargoes-but none that should pass in later, (luring the
continuance of the sea blockade.  The vessels in the port
of Charleston, some thirty only then remaining, were nearly
all the property of northern owners, and which had been
bound for New York or other northern cities. If these
had been permitted to sail, they would all have carried
cargoes of cotton to the northern manufacturers.   As was
before stated, these northern vessels were detained and
dismantled.  Here, andl elsewhere, there are scarcely any
vessels, except small craft for river navigation only, belong ing to the southern states.
Since the occupying of Fort Sumter by the state troops,
every vessel, and even the smallest boat, passing either up
III 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIHE FUTURE.
or down the harbor, has been required, an(] compelled, to
pass close under the guns of that fort, and to stop for inspectionI or examination, before being permitted to proceed.
Tlhis rule could be strictly enforced upon all foreign or sea
vessels, and therefore was implicitly obeyed. As to small
boats, which might sometimes have eluded the vigilance, and
risked the fire, of the fort, and of the guard-boats, (especially in the night,) there was no danger at first, because
such boats, with supplies for the forts, could have been sent
only from the neighboring territory; and the patriotism
and public spirit of all the inhabitants were better sureties
against such aid to the enemy, than all the strong military
means used for prevention.  After the arrival of the blockading squadron, still more careful safe-guards were  used;
and so far effectually, against the several attempts which
have been made by the ships' boats to reach and reinforce
Fort Moultrie. These were all discovered when in progress, at night, and the boats were fired upon by all the
cannon bearing on them, so that the further effort was manifestly fruitless, and highly dangerous, and the boats were
compelled, in every case, to return to the squadron.
Before the arrival of the blocklading squadron, there had
been no stoppage of the navigation, trade, or free departure
of any northern ships, provided they complied  with the
regulations stated above, and avoided every thiing like hostile
conduct, and especially any attempt to communicate with
the enemy in Castle Pinckney or Fort Moultrie.  Northern
vessels had only been required, as of all other foreigners,
to pay duties on their imported cargoes, and all the other
legal port charges for foreign vessels.  But in anticipation
of the system of general port blockade by the enemy, the
southern government had enacted a law, which was to go
112 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
into effect for every port only as soon and as long at it
should be blockaded by the vessels of the northern power.
By this law, which had been previously proclaimed, an
embargo was imposed on every such blockaded port, to
operate on all northern vessels. But all European vessels,
offering sufficient evidence, or security, that their cargoes
were designed for Europe, will be free to depart, if thiey can
elude the vigilance of the blockading vessels.  Ports not
yet blockaded were to be also firee from the embargo.  The
object of this policy was to retaliate for the hostile action
of the United States Government, and to cut off the essential supplies of cotton needed for the northern manufacturing
states, which otherwise, notwithstanding a pretended general
and strict blockade, would be permitted to pass to the
North, and there only, under licences. The retaliatory
procedure was also thought likely to furnish grounds for
difficulties and quarrels between the blockading enemy and
the European plowers, for whose manufacturers abundant
supplies of cotton are indispensable.  It was also enacted,
and published, that any vessels that submitted to pay cus toms to the collecting officers of the United States on board
the blockading ships, would be still required to pay full
duties at the southern custom-ihouses, if landing their car goes. Of course all ships will avoid entering a blockaded
port, unless in evasion or defiance of the blockadle.
It is the general opinion in the seceded states, that any
effort, made to attack or invade them, by the northern
federal power, must fail of success, even if not bringing
disaster and great loss to the invaders.  Still, from the hos tile disposition shown by the administration, and the people of
the North, it is fully expected that the southern confederacy
will be invaded both by strong land and naval forces.  And
113 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
as United States troops still hold the two forts in the neighborhood of Charleston, and are there in great peril, if not
speedily and effectively succored, it is confidently believed
that the first blow of the invaders will fall upon this city.
Still with all the military and naval preparations, and even
here, where the opposing parties are brought so near together, there has been, and still is, an evident wish, on both
sides, to avoid as much as possible, extreme measures, in
actual conflict in arms, and blood-shed.  For  whenever
blood shall have been spilled(J, an(l aill angry and revengeful
feelings thereby thoroughly aroused, there will be then left
little hope for early peace, except through the complete
defeat of one or the other party, and perhaps through the
incalculable damage of both. Policy therefore has directed
the course of unusual forbearance which has been here
pursued, on both sides. But there were other causes operating.  Most of the officers of the forts had been stationed
there for some years. A large proportion of them were
gentlemen of intelligence and pleasant manners.  Some had
wives and children with them. The officers and their
wives, though all northlerners, had made many intimate
acquaintances and some warm  friends among the residents
of Charleston-and the ladies had passed much of their
time as boarders in the city hotels, or as guests in the houses
of their friends residing there.  Similar friendly connexions,
to some extent, existed between the soldiers of the garrisons and many of the lower classes of citizens. And all
these circumstances operated to soften the asperities of
war, and to limit the injuries inflicted, by both the hostile
parties, to such only as were essential for their respective
main objects.
On the first morning of the investmnent of Fort Moultrie,
114 
LESSONS FOR TIlE PRESENT TIME.
as soon as the presence of the assailants had been announced
from their as yet unfinished batteries, their commander,
Gen. J. sent a flagr of truce to Col. T. to demand  (pro
Jorma,) the surrender of Fort Moultrie and Castle Piuckney to the authority of the State of South Carolina.  As
expected? the prompt answer was a decisive refusal, and
accompanied by the demand of the imnmediate evacuationti
of the island and Fort Sumter, and cessation of all hostile
action against the United( States forces and military works.
This answer was speedily followed by a cannonade from
the fort on the sand embainkments, to obstruct their extension or completion, and( in the hope of frightening and,
driving off their raw defenders, before the mneans for their
defence could be strengthened.  This firing caused but little
damage to the embankments, and only such as could be
easily and speedily repaired-and no loss of life to the
covered troops. The cannonade was indeed an agreeable
accompaniment of the other operations, and kept up a semblance of battle, and of danger, which the Carolinian comman(ler, Gen. J., deemed very useful, as serving to accustom his raw soldiers to the sound, and also to the general
inefficacy, of cannon, when fired against earthen banksand to keep up a continued pleasant excitement, to relieve
the dullness and monotory of blockade service.  Except
this cannonade —which was not continued very long, because of its manifest inutility-and the firing, from Fort
Sumter and the sand batteries, on the vessels and boats
which, either to aid the enemy, or in ignorance of the prohibitory orders, were sometimes seen in the channel or
other more shallow waters leading to Fort Moultrie, or
other forbidden waters-there has been no firing, or hostile
attack from either side or the other-and no persons killed
115 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
or wounded, except a few of the sailors of one of the boats
of the blockading squadron, which was shattered by a
round shot, when making one of the several fruitless and
defeated attempts to convey supplies to Fort Moultrie.
The two forts, Sumter and Moultrie, were within range of
each others largest guns, and might have battered each other,
to the considerable damage of both. But neither woul(l
have thereby incurred any more danger of being captured
by the other's garrison-nor would any advantage have been
gained by either fort that would compensate for the waste
of its ammunition. Therefore, by tacit agreement, there
was no firing between the hostile forts.  Neither were any
soldiers of the opposing fortifications fired upon when exposed upon the ramnparts, or any where within their own
fortifications.  But if any of the garrison of Fort Moultrie
showed  themselves without the walls, or if any of the
besiegers advanced the least in front of their parapets, they
were immediately fired upon.   Of course, as was designed,
the blockaded garrisons were thus confined closely withiniii
their walls, andi made to suffer the worst effects of such
confinement. The rigor of this procedure, designed for combatants, and to compel the earliest surrender, was not extended to unnecessary cases. The ladies of the enemies'
garrisons, (by permission of Gen. J., and with his assurance of their safety,) were invited, with their children, by
their friends in Charleston to come and reside with them
as welcome guests. And in some cases, and in all where
either a mother or a child was suffering from sickness, these
friendly and hospitable invitations Were accepted  for the
family.  To the ladies who still remained to share with
their husbands the hardships of confinement in the blockaded forts, and to the sick soldiers of the garrisons, there
116 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
wvere often sent presents of fruit, and other delicacies highly
gratifying to the suffering beneficiaries, but which could
not extend( the ability of the garrison to hold out longer.
Froin the beginning Gen. J. has confined his operations
against the enemy to strictly blockading the garrisons, and
preventing all communication between them, and also with
the enemy's ships, after they arrived below.   The ardent
and brave, though inexperienced volunteers, under his conmmatd, were eager to be led to the assault of Fort Moultrie,
and deemed it highly discreditable to them, that with such
great superiority of numbers, they should be confined to
the slow operations of blockade.  But the discreet and judicious commander had thought otherwise-and his actioh,
according to his correct jud(gment, had been approved both
by the state government, and that of the southern colnfederacy, since the latter had been inaugurate(d, and had
assumed the conduct of the war.  With the force of the
southern army, maintaining the blockade, (though reduced
to 1500 men on the island since the intrenchmenets and
sand-batteries had been completed, and the latter supplied
with heavy artillery,) Gen. J. could probably have suiicceeded in taliing Fort Moultrie by escalade or assault.  But
it would have cost the lives of many of his command, valuable as citizens even more than as soldiers-and( all such
unnecessary losses he was most anxious and  careful to
avoid.
For the general course of warfare-of offensive operations directed against the two forts, and of defence against
the blockadting ships and for the city generally-there is
no omission of vigilance, and nothing is trusted either to
the weakness, the forbearance, or the inactivity of the enemy
The strictest guard is everywhere maintained, and, where
117 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
needed. on the water by guard-boats, as well as on land.
Every preparation or safe-guard, necessary for defence, has
been made.  Besides the strong garrison in Fort Sumter,
and 1500 men in the batteries and behind  the extended
earth works on Sullivan's Island, and 3000 in the city, all
the men of military age in Charleston and its neighborhood, and many also of younger boys (at their own will,)
are frequently exercised under arms; and of these, 1000,
in turn, are every day under arms, and more strictly drilled,
so as to make that much of regular. thiough daily changing, addition to the garrison volunteers always un(Ier arms.
Every thing is of military character.  Even  the younger
ladies are generally learning to use fire-arms-andi it has
become a fashionable amusement for them to meet, in associatioiis, to practice shooting at a mark, with revolvers an(l
light fowling pieces.  All of the young females are zealous
to be distinguished as good marks-women.  An(i many are
already so sklilful, and ready in the use of fire-arms, that
they boast that, if required( by an invasion, they can add
some thousands to the effective defenders of the houses andt
the ramparts of the city.
There might possibly be one kind of damage, and that
the most terrible and distressing, inflicted on Charleston, by
the stronger military an(l naval forces which  the enemy
could assemble for attack-and even (and( more surely,) by
the present garrison and. armament of Castle Pinckney alone.
This is the bomibard(ment, or burning, of the city-whicli
might be certainly and easily effected, without any means
for prevention, by bomb-shells thrown from the close adjacent castle.  And perhaps the like destruction might  be
effected on others of the southern sea-port cities, either by
bombardment from ships of war, or by the hasty incursion
118 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
of a land force, to retreat as soon as the designed object
was accomplished. But such acts of sheer brigandage, and
instigated by hatred or vengeance, however injurious to
the sufferers, could yield no benefit, even of compensating
booty, to the most successful incendiaries and destroyers.
And such atrocious acts would excite unextinguishable
hatred, and thirst for revenge, ill all these southern states,
against the people and thle government resorting to such
means of warfare-and which resort would also bring upon
them the reproach and detestation of the civilized world.
Should this mode of warfare be attempted, however calamitous the results may be to the southern confederacy, they
will serve to double its active strength and the measures
for retaliation, and the number of its defenders and allies.
Tile water blockadle, alone, and its direct effects, will
cause much loss to the trade of Charlestonl and(l the other
ports heretofore used for the import and export trade. Also
there will be but little money received, by either government, for duties on imports.  But though the channels of
trade will be diverted, and the smuggling of imports will
be extensively substituted for legal trade and the payment
of duties, there will still be nearly as much cotton shipped
as previously, from the many smnall and shallow harbors
and souiids, rarely used heretofore; and there can be no
suffering for want of enough supplies through the same
channels of foreign productions, and articles of necessary
use, of every kind.
119 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER XXVI.
Obstacles to the operation of the Blockade.  Effects on both South and North.
CIIARLESTON, April 6, 1868.
Th-e system of blockade has been extended to every ordinary port of the southern confederacy, and to the month
of every considerable river. Still there are many shallow
ports, and navigable inlets, and connectinig passages, which
may be resorted to, with the use of steamers and other
vessels of light draft. These expected conditions were
made known to the consuls of foreign governments, residents in these cities, as early as the independence of the
southern confederacy was declared-with the further informration that foreign vessels of suitable construction could
thus discharge and receive cargoes without risk or difficulty.
Arrangements had been forthwith made for and by merchants of England, France, and other commercial countries.
Some small vessels have already arrived, and have discharged cargoes of which part were of arms and gunpowder,
for the government.  It is understood that these small vessels will run only to the free port of Bermuda, or otherwise to St. Thomas', or to one of the French West  India
islands, where their cargoes of cotton will be transferred
to large ships, for Eu:ope, and from whose cargoes of European commodities, previously there landed, the smaller
vessels will be re-laden, and return to some one or other
of the numerous shallow harbors or inlets of the South,
which are not, and cannot be, closed by the few war ves sels of the United States; and it may be doubted whether
120
e0 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
it can be done effectual]y by any amount of blockading
force.
There is a remarkable topographical feature of this southern coast which is now of the greatest importance, and
which will enable the people to be protected from any
thing like close blockade. From Virginia to Florida, there
extends along nearly the whole sea margin, and parallel
thereto, a succession of narrow passages of unobstructed
water, usually admitting, in different parts, vessels drawing
from four to eight feet of deFth. Sundry narrow inlets, at
distances apart of many miles, offer difficult passages thence
to the open ocean-wherr  the shore is entirely exposed
to storms, and the coast proverbially dangerous to ships.
These interior passages, or sounds, are very near to the
ocean, and separated therefrom in most cases by low and
narrow strips of sand banks, or low islands, and high sand
hills, where the islands are broadest-and sometimes shoals
scarcely visible above or below the surface of the water.
This remarkable general feature offers a nearly connected
passage for small vessels, safe from ocean storms and from
enemies on the coast, with different inlets for entrance or
departure, as many and as open as needed for convenience,
and as few and as difficult, as desired to prevent hostile
attacks or obstruction. No large vessel would risk lying
off any part of this dangerous coast, through a heavy wind
blowing toward the shore, or even in threatening weather.
It would be extremely hazardous for the boats of a hostile off-lying ship to enter the sounds, because of the very
variable water and difficult and shifting channels of the
deeper water, and also because of the exposure to ambuscades on the numerous islands and sand banks. Again,
6
121 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FIJTURE.
elsewhere, as from Mobile to the mouth of the Mississippi
river, and thence westward to Texas, the coast is generally
indented with inlets, bays and sounds, or passages open at
both ends, or elsewhere, affording safe entrance and shelter,
and points for landing cargoes for small vessels having
good pilotage, but of which the entrance would be too
hazardous to be attempted by a stranger or an enemy. Of
these different kinds of entrance, or of continued and safe
passage-ways, there are scores, if not hundreds, along this
southern coast, which will serve to render a strict blockade
impossible. By the attempt, trade will be partially obstructed, and the inland channels of trade often diverted.
Old and established marts and ports will lose greatly, and
new ones, and transient interests, will gain by the changes.
The southern government's custom-houses will have to be
moveable, and the collectors ambulatory-and doubtless,
half the dues to government will fail to be collected. But
there will be not much effective prevention of either exports or imports between these southern states and Europe,
or the West Indies. The chief obstruction will be of the
cotton and grain needed for the northern states, which the
existing war must shut out to great extent, and operate to
divert to Europe. Thus, as it seems, the damage of the
blockade will be chiefly inflicted upon the aIl-important
manufacturing and commercial interests of the Atlantic
northern states.
There is-still another peculiar and yet general feature of
the southern coast andl its principal harbors and ports, which,
though a great disadvantage to navigation in time of peace,
became a powerful auxiliary for defence in the recent conjuncture. The outlet of every great river, where near to
122 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
the ocean, is obstructed by a bar, which prevents the entrance of merchant slips of ordinary draught, and all vessels of war not of small size, or constructed especially for
shallow waters. The harbor of Charleston will not admit
the safe and easy passage of ships drawing as much as
eighteen feet of water. The water on the bar of the mouth
of the Mississippi is much shallower —and that of nearly
all the other great sea-ports and principal harbors is no better.
Pensacola only, has as much as twenty-one feet water,
on the bar, at high flood tide.  Most of these bars also are
variable in height, and sliifting in position, under the various
influences of river floods and ocean storms.  These general
obstacles to commercial and peaceful navigation, are still
greater impediments to war vessels of a hostile powerwhether for attacks on the cities above the bars, or for
blockades which can only be attempted below the bars, and
in some cases off the coast. These, added to all the other
difficulties before referred to, serve to render, and must
always render, the attack of these southern sea-ports impracticable for large ships of war, and very difficult even
for those of medium sizes-and the effective and continued
blockade of the harbors, almost impossible.
The internal trade, by land or river routes, between the
seceded states, and the adjacent or border slave-holding states
which have not seceded, has not been in the least obstructed,
by any action of the southern confederacy-and so far, the
commercial and other intercourse of these different sections,
of like interests and sentiments, but now under different
governments, has not been sensibly altered by the recent
political change, or even by the present condition of actual
war commen.ed by the northern federal government on the
southern.
123 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
But very important consequences have followed the
blockade of the mouths (and other outlets) of the Mississippi, and the embargo, in reference to the north-western
states, and their previous and present policy. Previous to
the imposition of the blockade, there had been but inconsiderable new burdens or inconveniences added to the trade
of the upper or north-western states with New Orleans, or
any part of Louisiana or Mississippi, on the river and its
lower navigable branches. The duties on foreign commodities remained as before the secession, the previously existing United States tariff having been adopted by the southern
confederacy, at first, together with the United States code
in general. The people on the upper waters, having nothing
but agricultural products to sell, on which there were no
duties under the tariff, and being received still as friends,
found no seriously injurious change in their accustomed
southern markets. The European commodities there bought,
and obtained in exchange for their products, were increased
in price only by the same rates of duties which had previously been imposed on them. Thus, the great trade of the
north-western states at first continued undisturbed. And it
was the fear of causing its complete obstruction that induced
the members of Congress from all these states to hesitate
at, and dally with, the warlike propositions of the President-and indirectly, or by inaction in Congress, to discourage all schemes for the military coercion of the southern
confederacy.  But now their profitable trade was completely
destroyed, and by the act of their own general government.
As there was no longer any outlet abroad for the exports
of these north-western states, and only the limited home
demand of the southern states on the Mississippi river, of
124 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
course the supply of their products greatly exceeded the
then demand, and prices soon fell ruinously low. Thus all
the commercial evils to be expected from the existence of
flagrant war with the South, were already incurred by the
north-western states.
LETTER XXVII.
Active hostilities and invasion of the South proposed. Losses and suffering
in the North.
WASHINGTON, April 15, 1868.
The energetic military policy desired by the President,
had already been delayed and obstructed for some nlonths,
by the previous conflicting interest of the north-western
states, and by the southern members of Congress (from the
still adhering states,) uniting in aid of all the different impediments presented to early action-and these two different
interests, of the north-western and the remaining southern
states, thus out-voting the north-eastern states. The new
commercial position of the north-western states, in the practical exclusion of their products from market, and their
consequent reduced prices, and the immense losses incurred
for as long time as hostilities may continue, induced the
representatives of that great region now to concur in the
most effective measures of offensive war, for the purpose
of speedily conquering a peace, and compelling the entire
subjection of the South. The reunion of these recently
opposed portions of the whole northern section, restored
the former overwhelming superiority of the North in the
125 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
Congress. The remaining southern votes, reduced by the
secession of six southern states, were now a still more contemptible minority than through all the latter past years,
with but the very recent exception, permitted by the accidental and temporary division of the northern section and
party. The President was now invested with the authority,
and the means, for all the military and naval forces which
were deemed necessary, and was provided with funds, (by
loan and issue of treasury notes,) for the early expenditures.  Besides large additions ordered for the navy, the
President was authorized to increase the regular army, if
deemed necessary, to 60,000 men, and to call on the states
for militia, or to accept the services of volunteers, to any
number not exceeding 250,000.
In the north-eastern states, and especially in all their
great cities, there have been already great losses, and which
are added to daily, suffered by the rich, and in every branch
of trade, manufactures, and navigation interests-and there
is general suffering of the unemployed and destitute poor
classes.  The sequestration of forty millions of debt due
by the seceded southern states, was the first and great cause
of loss, which brought bankruptcy to hundreds of the
heaviest dealers, and heavy losses to thousands, especially
in the cities of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, and
throughout the New England states. Next came the beginning of the subsequent entire cessation of the purchase of
northern fabrics, and of the employment of northern vessels, by the seceded states. In addition, the supply of cotton for the use of the numerous northern factories had been
diminished by one-half, compelling the discharge of half
the hands before employed, and permitting only reduced
wages for those still retained. But this reduction of ope
126 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
rations, if it had not been compelled by the deprivation of
the raw material, would have followed the loss of their
former southern market for the fabrics, and the loss of the
large sequestrated portion of their trading capital, without
which they could not have bought cotton in former quantity, and paid the former amount of other current expenses
of their business. There are now thousands of unemployed poor in every great northern city, suflebring with
want, and destitute and hopeless, who are too many to submit to die of hunger. They must be given food, or they
will take it by force.    *    *    *    *    *    *    *
LETTER XXVIII.
Measures for Defence, and Progress of War Events in the South.
WASHINGTON, April 17, 1868.
In addition to the peculiar topographical and natural
features of the southern sea coast, which, of themselves,
afford such strong means for defence against hostile invasion, their defensive operations and effects were much increased by some political influences, which had previously
been entirely adverse to the southern states, and were among
the results of the partial and oppressive rule of the North.
One of these was the previous general neglect, and in some
cases, entire abandonment, by the federal government, of
the fortifications formerly constructed to protect southern
sea-ports.  This enabled the seizing, in every such case,
127 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
by the very early action of the several southern states, (as
before narrated of Fort Sumter, and generally with much
more ease,) of nearly every still retained fortification-and
the selection and occupation of the best sites for other new
structures, which sites had been formerly fortified, but since
dismantled and abandoned by the federal government.  Of
the latter description, among others, were forts St. Philip
and Jackson, which, on opposite sides of the Mississippi,
served to guard the entrance and ascent of that great river.
The forts which had not been dismantled, or entirely
abandoned, but which were easily surprised and taken
possession of in the first movements after the secession,
were not only in good condition for defence,, (except for
wanting garrisons,) but also were generally well provided
with cannon, and in some cases with other material for
either military or naval warfare. All these sites, after being
seized and occupied by southern forces, were forthwith
strengthened by new and sufficient earth-work and other
fortifications-and these labors were speedily performed by
thousands of slaves who were rcadily obtained and employed
for this purpose, and of whom any greater number could
have been had, if needed. This resort is another very inportant means for defence, possessed by these southern states.
But all these means for defence might have been of little
service, if the necessary talent to direct the use had not also
been provided, and that' too by another constitutional act
of northern oppression on the South. By the policy, before
stated, of the federal administration, of driving southern
officers from the military and naval service, nearly every
one had before resigned his commission in the United States
service.   These  officers, not  only as  southerners and
patriots were equally ready with others to defend their
128 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
country, but many were still out of employment, and all were
sore and smarting under the unjust and insulting treatment
to which they had been subjected by northern domination.
Hundreds of such officers, from all the slaveholding states,
had hastened to offer their zealous services to the southern
confederacy; and, when there was no vacancy suited to
their former rank, they were ready to act in any subordinate
station. Every camp and garrison had the aid, in command
or bfor instruction, of excellent officers of this description,
who, by their experience and knowledge, soon supplied
much that was necessarily deficient in raw troops. Especially useful were the officers of engineers and artillery.
Under their direction, and with the unlimited resources of
slave labor, the essential fortifications were rapidly constructed, and their cannon, if too few, were soon served by
the best skill of gunnery. Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney at Charleston, and Forts Barancas and Pickens, which
guarded Pensacola and its important Dock Yard, were the
only old fortifications still held in the South by the northern
power.
With such excellent aid of good officers, the southern
congress have ordered the organization of a small regular
army, mostly of artillery.   As fast as recruited, so far,
these regulars have been sent to man the forts, or new
fortifications, or to replace volunteer militia acting as
artillery men. This most important service, and especially
in constructing fortifications, requires the highest order of
talent for the command and direction, and of skill, experience, and discipline, in the subordinate officers and the
gunners and a few other soldiers. But most of the inferior
duties may be soon performed by any ordinary laborersand when behind strong walls, as little of the courage and
129 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
discipline of soldiership is required, for the greater number,
as of intelligence and military experience. Practical evidence was afforded of this by the commander of Fort St.
Philip, who, before being supplied with a sufficient garrison,
drilled the negro slaves, who were used as laborers, to aid
in part in serving the cannon.   And  with their mere
mechanical aid to the intellect and skill of others, the gunnery was soon excellent.  The numerous slaves employed
as laborers on the fortifications, are necessarily subjected to
some of the forms of military organization; and thus, and
otherwise, are accustomed to something of the " pomp and
circumstance" of military display.  They enjoy it greatly,
and soon become as zealous partizans, and as hostile in
feeling to the northern enemy, as any citizens-and might
well be relied upon as soldiers, unless incapacitated by
their natural and constitutional cowardice. But even this
worst fault of a soldier is not very important in their station,
and behind walls-and perhaps is compensated by the more
implicit obedience and perfect subordination of negroes to
the authority of white men, as masters or commanders. If
necessity shall ever require it, one-half of the garrisons of
forts in the South may be made up of negro slaves-and
who, however efficient in that department, would thereby
learn nothing of military knowledge for the field, or to
enable them to act. as principals, or which could lessen
their subordination and value as slaves. The zealous feelings of patriotism evinced by negro slaves need not excite
any wonder or incredulity. The most ignorant and even
the most oppressed subjects-as French conscripts and
English impressed sailors-who have the least personal
interest in their country's success or defeat, are notoriously
thus disposed. It has been long ago said, and truly, that
130 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the common sailors of the English navy were the most
patriotic class in all England. Yet then the greater number
were impressed men, and all unjustly and hardly, if not
cruelly, treated by their country and government, and who
enjoyed less comfort and fewer privileges than the negro
slaves of the southern states.
There are also many of the former officers of the United
States navy, who, as southerners, were driven from that
service, who are not less useful in the service of the
southern confederacy than the officers of engineers and
artillery. In Charlestoln, and at other pla(es, armed flotillas
have been formed, and mainly composed (in the tide-water
ports,) of the sequestrated northern merchant vessels.
These armed vessels have been fitted out, and are commanded by experienced naval officers, of high grade of
ability. These vessels are well suited, in their positions,
for harbor defence, or to harrass blockading squadrons.
In some such post or other, of regular or volunteer service, and whether of proper or reduced rank, in command
or as instructors, or, if not in their former line of service,
in somne other, nearly all of these excellent officers are
now zealously serving the southern cause. And probably
no newly recruited troops anywhere, even for regular service, are as well oficered and instructed as are most of the
volunteers of the South now in the field, and in consequence
of this source of instruction, added to that furnished in the
state military schools.
Though the southern states have very few sailors, all of
these few were ready to serve on the flotillas-and the
services of as many more as were needed were urgently
offered by the foreign sailors, and even by many of those
of the northern states: who had composed the crews of the
131 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
northern sequestrated vessels and who had since been retained as prisoners on parole, or in easy confinement.
Some of the former masters, and other officers of these
vessels, though northerners by birth, have applied to the
authorities to be commissioned as privateersmen, in the
service of the southern confederacy. The resorting to this
general policy is yet under consideration. Should extreme
measures of the invading enemy make it expedient and
proper, the resort to privateering by the South will be a
blow of tremendous force, which cannot be retaliated on
them, as they have no shipping or property on the ocean
to be captured or destroyed.  In this view, the former
monopoly of all foreign and coast-wise navigation by the
northern states, (built up by the government bounty systemn,) unjulst and costly as it has been heretofore, is now one
of the greatest means of safety for the southern states, and
also for the most effectual offensive warfare against the
northern states.  For, in a war of privateering and attack
on commercial vessels, it is not the country having the
richest commerce and most numerous merchant marine,
that is the most powerful, but the reverse. The southern
states, having no commercial shipping, have nothing to lose
by naval captures. But, they can authorize and commission
hundreds of private armed vessels, which will find many
and rich prizes in the thousands of northern merchantmen
that are still sailing on every sea, and to every port of the
commercial world. And as the exports and imports of the
southern confederacy will be transported, (during the continuance of the war,) exclusively in European vessels,
which will easily evade the blockading squadrons, and may
even forego the use of all the blockaded harbors-then the
whole carrying trade will, as now, belong to Europeans,
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
and will not be subject to capture at sea, in any case, or
beyond the distance of a few miles from the ocean shore
of the southern confederacy.
The trade, as of all other amicable relations, between the
seceded and the border slave-holdling states continues as
previous to the secession, except that no commodities are
allowed to be bought from these states which were manufactured or produced north of the slave-holding states, or,
if brought from abroad, which had paid duty to the northern
federal treasury. The increased demand, to supply all the
southern consumption, of southern manufactures of cotton
and wool, &c., has greatly increased the business and
prosperity of all southern factories, and to equal extent, has
damaged or lessened the sales of northern fabrics, and
northern importations from the old world.
LETTER XXIX.
Political affairs irn Virginia. Military preparations and movements of northern
troops. Obstacles to invasion of the southern seaboard.
WASHINGTON, April 28th, 1868.
The legislature of Virginia, has adjourned, after some action suited to recent and prospective political affairs, but
which was so much exceeded and overshadowed by other
proceedings of mere words-in strong "southern rights
resolutions violent denunciation of northern aggressions,
and threats of resistance (" at all hazards, and to the last
extremityv,") to the next future act of aggression that shall
133 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIHE FUTURE.
occur, and especially to the consummation of the indicated
design to abolish slavery-that what was done is lost sight
of under the loud-sounding of the "brave words" proclaimed.
But, though, according to the long usage of this legislature,
(and the policy established by the influence of the federal
office-seekers,) all that was done and said, was for future
application, and nothing for already passed wrongs, still there
were some legislative measures which may be important.
These were, the better organization and arming of the
militia, and especially of volunteer companies and "minute
men," in reference to their most speedy and effective service
when called out. Rail-road companies were prohibited,
under stringent penalties, fiom conveying any troops, or
military armament, through Virginia, except those of the
state, or by special authority of the governor. And though
there was no direct enactment made, or even proposed, to
prevent the marching of United States troops through the
state, to assail any seceded southern state, yet there has been
such expressions of opinion on that subject from the people,
that it is understood that Governor S., will deem himself
fully authorized to prevent the passage of federal troops, in
any manner, over the soil of Virginia, for such a purpose.
This determination has been unofficially, but clearly, made
known to President Seward.
The more effective action, and stronger determination of
the legislature of Virginia, were not appreciated, nor regarded as of any importance by the northern people, or their
general government. Therefore, no attention was paid,
either to the acts or the words, except as to the opposition
to the passage of northern troops.  It was deemed politic
and expedient to respect this feeling and professed determination, lest a different procedure by the federal government
134 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
might awaken popular feeling and patriotism, and( serve to
unite Virginia heartily with the seceded states. As to every
other recent resolution and threat of the legislature, and its
ordered military preparations, all were deemed but as repeated and scarcely varied performances of the long played
game of "bluster and back-out," for which Virginia had(
acquired an unfortunate celebrity, and, by the northern people, was supposed incapable of carrying out any  more
effective policy for defence. For this reason, the firmer
attitude lately assumed by Virginia, did not operate to alter
any previously designed measure of the federal administration, unless as to the matter of troops passing through the
state.
It is reported that the veteran regular troops, stationed at
various posts in the remote western territories east of the
Rocky Mountains, were long ago ordered to move eastward, and must now be far on their way. They will descend by steamers and other boats, according to local convenience, either the Missouri or Arkansas, to concentrate on
some point on the Mississippi river, where they will meet
a large force of militia, provided under the late law of
Congress. 10,000 militia have been called out for this
purpose from the states of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. Also
requisitions have been made on Kentucky for 1000 militia,
and on Tennessee for 2000, to be encamped in the latter
state on the bank of the Mississippi river. It is conjectured
by some of the southern members of Congress now in
Washington, that these requisitionls are made on Kentucky
and Tennessee, mainly for the purpose of testing the public
sentiment in these border slave-holding states, and to know
how far they may be relied upon for loyalty and obedience
to the federal government, and when called upon to act in
135 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
opposition to the revolted states. Kentucky and Tennessee, notwithstanding their many complaints against the
action of the North, and the federal government, had not
ceased to assert their continued devotion to the Union, and
their rejection of the southern doctrine of the legal right of
state secession, and their abhorrence of illegal and revolutionary state-resistance to thie federal government.
Of the larger portion of the regular army, before distributed in various forts and stations in the Atlantic and mostly
in the northern states, 3000 regulars are stationed in Washington, and 5000 in Baltimore, most of both corps being of
infantry. In Philadelphia there were 7000, among whom
were nearly all the cavalry and artillery of the whole forces.
More than half of these 15000 soldiers are new recruits,
enlisted in the northern cities.
The destination of these troops which are now in the
east, as well as of those ordered from the far west, is evidently for the southern seceded states-but the route of the
troops now in the eastern posts is doubtful.  For these, the
passage by sea would be speedy and easy to the southern
sea-coast. But land forces are not needed for the blockade
service-and, if placed as garrisons in forts on the coast,
they would be of but little use, unless to be employed for
offensive operations, and systematic invasion and occupation
of the country. That course might be more or less successful, in overcoming the opposing force of raw militia, and
seizing and holding neighboring positions to be attacked in
succession, as desired. But such service, in a country so
much intersected with deep rivers with miry bottoms, and
large swamps, would be very uncertain in results, and
hazardous, even in merely a military point of view. But,
further, the coast lands of the farther southern, and of all
136 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the seceded states, and of the low country of South Carolina, especially, (except in large cities and places on the
open ocean beach,) are, even as early as in May, unhealthy
for the old residents, and will soon be pestilential to strangers newly arrived from the northern states-and they will
continue as unhealthy as late as to November. I am not
in the confidence of any officer of the army, or of the government-but I infer, confidently, from these considerations,
that the route of the troops designed for invading the southern confederacy will not be by sea, or, by any other route,
at any earlier time, to the low lands of the southern Atlantic
or Gulf states.
LETTER XXX.
Surrender of Fort Moultrie.
WASHINGTON, May 1st, 1868.
The slow but sure operation of the blockade of Fort
Moultrie has at last been completed. When the scant stock
of food of every kind had been almost exhausted, and without any hope remaining of new supplies, after many deaths
caused by disease, and when half the remaining garrison
were sick from the severe privation of their situation, Col.
T., was compelled to surrender Fort Moultrie, without terms
of capitulation. Of course, the garrison became prisoners
of war, and the armament, &c., of the fort, prize to the
captors. Castle Pinckney, happened by accident to have
been much better supplied with provisions at first. On this
ground, and also because of its undoubted means for great in
137 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
jury to the city-which, however, were not used previously,
and which the commander will scarcely now dare to attempt
-he holds out for more favorable terms of capitulation.
These demands have been refused-and a surrender at discretion only will be admitted. Probably this state of things,
and the inconvenience or dabger of Castle Pinckney alone
still obstructing the free use of the upper harbor, and
threatening the city, will not be much longer submitted to;
and that more speedy means than starving out the garrison
will be resorted to.
Fort Moultrie was immediately garrisoned by the victors.
Then the command of both channels, and the whole passage was complete, and the defence deemed secure against
any naval attack.
LETTER XXXI.
Commercial Difficulties of the South, and their compensations. Northern Suf              ferings, Mobs, and Sanguinary Riots.
WASHINGTON, May 14, 1868.
The very important events which have occurred since
early in May, were all at first so doubtful, and were also so
continuous and connected for some weeks, that I preferred
not to comment upon them, until I could (as I always aim
to do in these letters,) be sure to report the facts correctly.
At no time do I seek to state reports of occurrences very
early, as they are almost always at first but partially correct,
are generally grossly exaggerated, and sometimes wholly
false. The unusual postponement of my present notes of
latter events, will enable me to treat of them more methodi
138 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
eally, and in connexion, for each of the important separate
scenes or subjects, of which the principal occurrences have
already been learned by your readers who feel any interest
in these affairs.
The suffering of the many unemployed poor of the northern cities, and of the manufacturing villages and country,
and the much more extended complaints, continue to increase. Only the beginnings of troubles have yet been feltthey are such that the continued progress, and the still growing weight and suffering to be produced, can well be foreseen;
while there is presented no prospect, or mneans, for relief,
short of the renewal of the former friendly relations with
the southern states, and the main customers and employers
of northern industry-or otherwise the complete subjugation of these states, and their unresisting submission to
northern control and domination for the future. So far, the
attempted blockade of all the southern ports has had but
little of the designed stringent effects. The duties collected
for the northern government by the floating custom-houses,
have been very inconsiderable. Foreign goods are now
sent to the South in small vessels, and enter some. of the
many shallow harbors which are not, and cannot be, regularly blockaded-and these pay duties to the southern confederacy, if there is a custom-house established, or otherwise are smuggled in at other unfrequented landing places,
without paying any duties.  The cities and former  commercial marts are indeed much damaged by the loss of their
former trade. But numerous other before unusual landing
places, and the routes for transportation to them,receive nearly
as much new business and profit. The commodities exported and imported, between the southern confederacy and
Europe, are not lessened more than one twentieth below
139 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the former amount of all the exports and imports-and all
the increased charges cannot equal another twentieth of the
whole expenses. And much of this new expense will go
to establish a most profitable new trade, and great trading
capital and business, in the free port and entrepot of Bermnuda, and others of less importance in New Providence,
Martinique, and  St. Thomas.  And  though  these twotwentieths of loss would alone be very heavy to the blockaded states, it is nearly compensated by new and incidental
benefits. One of these is found in the general patriotic
feeling and spirit which encourage and enable the people to
bear privations of former enjoyments of mere luxuries not
only without complaint, or pain? but with emulation and
pride, and actual gratification. It is now deemed an honorable and laudible sacrifice to patriotism, to cut off every
use of imported commodities, and especially of all of northern production, which can be dispensed with, or of which
the use served to gratify only the love of display and ostentation, or effeminate luxury.  The pride before indulged in
enjoyments or expenses of these kinds, is now better ministered to, in sacrificing luxury and display to the cause of
patriotism. When public opinion and fashion will permit,
people can be, as those of the South now are, as comfortable and as happy, with plain and cheap clothing and food,
and at half the expense for their living, as if at double the
expense, and with every gratification for mere luxury and
show. Thus, a people so constrained by a foreign enemy,
and meeting and preventing the inflictions by economy and
patriotic self-denial, may even be gainers by their losses.
But further-while thus voluntarily dispensing with every
supply from the hostile northern states, the result of that
condition is to offer greatly increased demand and better
140 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
prices and profits, to every manufacturing establishment in
the new confederacy, or in the other neighboring slaveholding states, with which states products are still exchanged
without impediment from political divisions. Much of the
cotton of the southern confederacy, by rail-roads, is sent to
the sea-ports of North Carolina and Virginia, and thence
shipped to Europe, or partly to the northern states.  In the
meantime, new passages for transportation to safe, though
shallow ocean-harbors, are continually being opened to use,
and increased in number. There are now several such used
in side-outlets from the lower Missisippi, (as through Achafalaya, Lake Pontchartrain, &c.,) besides the main  channel of the river-and all of which cannot be kept always
closed, or even watched, by the most vigilant blockade to
be effected by the small navy of this country.
Added to the loss of trade of the northern states, is the
want of employment for their shipping, in place of the virtual
monopoly formerly enjoyed of all the southern carryingtrade. And worst of all, are the effects now felt by the
merchants and manufacturers of the North of the forty
millions due them from the South, and sequestrated by the
government of the new confederacy, for as long time as the
war shall continue.
It is reported that as many as one-fourth of all the usually
laboring and self-supporting poor of the great northern
cities, and throughout the manufacturing rural districts, are
now paupers and beggars, and supported gratuitously by the
rich, or those able to contribute. And the 30,000 to
40,000 able-bodied men of this class, who burden and terrify
each of the great cities of Philadelpllia, New York and
Boston, are not meek and humble, but sturdy and insolent
beggars, who  already presume  upon their numbers, and
141 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
supposed physical power, and will not be denied abundant
means for support in their state of idleness.  Large contributions, made by all persons who are able to contribute,
and which, by the existing circumstances, are not voluntary,
but compulsory, do not lessen the complaints and murmurs,
and in many cases threats, of those who enjoy them-or
induce any expression of gratitude or satisfaction. Everything that may be required, or extorted, to supply the unemployed or willingly idle poor, is deemed by them as simply
their right-and that thanks and praise are due to themselves
that they are thus content to live on little of the offal food,
or surplus wealth, of the rich, instead of their seizing an
equal share of their superabundance of riches. There are
daily assemblages, or processions of the unemployed poor,
in the cities where they are most numerous, to show their
numbers and strength to the rich, as a significant warning.
On one late occasion such a " hunger procession" of 40,000
men, marched through the wealthier streets of New York,
and took especial care to exhibit their strength in the Fifth
Avenue of sumptuous palaces, the chief place of residence
of the "merchant princes"  of that great and rich city.
To  hunger processions there soon  succeeded hunger
mobs and riots in which food only was seized at first, but in
which the actors soon proceeded to plunder other moveable
property, and especially money and other valuables. There
was general consternation among all honest people. The
regular, and much increased police force being found insufficient, the volunteer  militia, the best disciplined and
most respectable of the cities, were called out by the
mayors, and the rioters were dispersed only by volleys of
musketry and artillery, and after the loss of many hundreds
of lives. Requisitions for military aid, and defence, were
142 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
made by the city authorities on the governors of their respective states, and by them on the President of the United
States to lend the services of regular troops, and marines,
where they were stationed near. The previous withdrawal
of all the then embodied United States soldiers from the
great northern cities, for distant service in the West and
South, seemed to have encourged the first movements of the
suffering and dangerous classes.   By such vigorous and
bloody means, only, were these rioters and plunderers repressed-and forced to sullen and angry submission to the
laws. But there was no speedy restoration of the previous
feeling of security of property, or even of the lives of
property-holders.
These disorders were soon renewed, or broke out in
new places, of which Lowell was one. There is already
produced, through all the great northern cities, and all the
manufacturing parts of the northern states, a line of distinction between the rich and the poor, as separate parties
and interests. The poor look upon the rich with malignant hatred, as their worst enemies and oppressors-and the
rich, and indeed the smal] property-holders, look on the
poor with feelings of great uneasiness, alarm, or terror.
The cessation of riot and plunder is merely a suspension
of associated predatory power, and of armed outrage,
obtained by the employment of military force-and employed here in as great strength as has yet been required in
the southern states,-under either the pressure of the present
war of threatened invasions or any fears of attempts for servile
insurrection. In addition, at this time of war ill the southern
states, and with a mulch stronger enemy that threatens the
exciting of insurrection of the slaves, there are few southern
planters who lock their dloors, or bar their windows, at
143
-i
I
I 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
night-and there are none whose houses and property and
families, are not, (as always,) through every night, in the
trusted charge, and entirely at the mercy, of their own
slaves-and in trust of whose care, and loyalty, the owners
sleep as free from either alarm or doubt, as they do in
reference to possible injuries from their own best friends
and near relatives.
Further-there is a very general suspicion in the northern
cities that it will not be safe to call into service, to repress
riots and to shoot down the rioters., plunderers and incendiaries, any bodies of the ordinary militia of the cities, lest
many of these should be as much inclined to side with the
plunderers as with the wealthy and plundered parties. The
uniformed volunteer companies of the cities, only, have
yet been used, which are mostly composed of men of some
property, or business, and of respectable position and reputable connections. Further-the lowest and most desperate
and villanous of the destitute and lawless class, are every
one voters-and, as a class having a common feeling, they
exercise great legal influence on elections, and in the building up or pulling down of every political dignitary. Therefore many persons of the higher classes will be disposed to
truckle to this mob-power, and, if not absolutely to excuse or
defend its enormities, or at least to avoid subjecting its
guilty members to the full extent of deserved punishment.
It is very certain thhat if ever the destitute of the great
northern cities shall choose to sack and burn them, and,
after plundering, to massacre  the property-holde's, there
will be no sufficient restraining power to prevent, either of
the city, or the state.  And now, if a force of the United
States military, numerous enough to be respected and
feared, is not kept in or near every city thus exposed to
144 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the destitute and desperate classes, the safety of the property
and the lives of the wealthy inhabitants will be at great
hazard. Under these late circumstances, there can scarcely
be any more of the new recruits to the federal army
sent soon as reinforcements to the southern states.  And it
is generally thought that if the recent movements of troops
(of which I have yet to speak,) had not been already made
to invade the South, it would be much better to have their
defensive protection in the Atlantic northern states.
The continued recruiting for the regular army had served
to take up thousands of the destitute individuals who composed the desperate and dangerous class of the northern
cities. The authorities of the northern cities have latterly
begun a course of policy designed to stimulate the enlisting
of their dangerous residents, and so relieve the better population of something of their police expense, and their danger.
It would be cheaper for the city to pay an extra bounty
of fifty dollars to one of this class, to induce him to enlist
as a regular soldier, than to continue to support him as a
pauper, even if not hereafter as a rioter and robber by open
violence. This procedure has been adopted by nearly all
the cities-and to the great forwarding of the recruiting
service. However, these large contributions were ascribed
entirely to patriotic zeal, and nothing was said of the true
motive.
145
7 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER XXXII.
Preparations of Virginia for resistance.  Movement of United States troops.
Features and difficulties of the north-west routes.
WASHINGTON, May 20, 1868.
Immediately after the defensive enactments of the last
General Assembly, the Governor of Virginia had sent orders
to the Major and Brigadier Generals of Militia, and also
to the Colonels of all the regiments, to be vigilant and careful in forwarding the discipline, and preparation for service,
of the militia under their respective commands, and especially of the volunteer companies and minute men. It was
also then ordered that if any United States troops, without
having the authority of the Governor, should attempt to
pass over the territory, or on the rivers of Virginia, they
should be stopped, and turned back, by any military officer
of the state having means to enforce the order-and such
officer was authorized, if his command was disobeyed, to
use any available measures of war to compel obedlience.
The federal administration did not doubt its ability to
march its troops through Virginia, by any desired routeor, if necessary, easily to conquer and humble the state,
despite of all the resistance that might he either threatenedl
or attempted.  But the first and great object of the President was to invade and subjugate the already revolted states,
and as soon as possible. And, until that was done, lihe
wished to avoid forcing any other state into open revolt, and
increasing the number of actual enemies-or the changing
the scene of war from the territory of the more southern
states to that of Virginia. Therefore he did not choose
146 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
directly to disregard and oppose the avowed determination
of that state in this respect, an(d hazard its armed resistance,
by marching troops upon its soil, and in open defiance to
its prohibition. But it was not deemed objectionable, but,
on the contrary, very desirable, to evade and frustrate all
the obstacles threatened to be opposed by the authorities of
Virginia; and, if it could be effected, to pass troops, by surprise, over her territory before it could be opposed, or even
known to any parties who could oppose obstacles to the
movement. It was thought that this might be easily done
over a railroad, by proper arrangement and concert with its
authorities, tl-hey being entirely favorable-and the troops
could be thus transported across the state, and beyond its
farther boundary, before any effective effort could be made
to obstruct them.  If this could be effected, the success
would entirely defeat, or frustrate the designed opposition
of Virginia, without permitting it to be commenced in action.
And(  no further action, in the case, was expected from the
foiled and humiliated state, when further opposition and hostile action could bring no redress.  The attempt, to be made
on the Baltimore and Ohio Riailroad, was further encouraged because the law of Virginia forbidding the transportation of troops on the railroads of the state, was found to
be defective in its application to this road, which, tlhoughl
running partly through Virginia was the property of a Maryland corporation.'The company, at any rate, would incur
only the payment of a heavy'pecuniary penalty, which the
United States government would dischiarge-and the func tionaries would escape the heavier personal responsibility
and corporeal punishment, which the President andl(l other
officers of a state road would incur.
On the morning of May 8th, without any previous notice
147 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
to the public, all the 7000 regulars, stationed ill Pluiladelphia, were moved off, upon special trains, on the railroad
to Pittsburg on the Ohio-taking along the horses for both
the cavalry and field artillery, and the guns, and wagons.
Of this body of 7000 men, 2000 consisted of cavalry and
800 of artillery. Secret notice and orders had been given
to the railroad authorities only, so as to bring together a
sufficient number of trains for the entire transportation at
one trip. All necessary arrangements of the troops had
been made in the course of the preceding night, an(l the
movement had been made from the camp, and was fully in
progress on the route, before the intention was known in
the city, or to the public. With precautions and arrangements still more carefully concealed from the public, in the
afternoon of the same day, 2000 of the 3000 in Washington,
and the 5000 from Baltimore were brought together on the
railroads from these cities, on special trains, which, having
joined near Baltimore, proceeded together westward on the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, with all possible speed, and
without any stoppages that could be avoided. The trains
entered the territory of Virgin-ia, near Harper's Ferry, after
dark. The journey being thus begun without any notice
or publicity, and the part in Virginia mostly made in the
night, and by special trains, this important movement was
made without its being understood even along the route, so
long as night concealed the trains.
It is now necessary to describe other circumnstances, for
the purpose of explaining subsequent occurrences-and especially to indicate the remarkable topographical features
of the broad north-west region of Virginia embraced between the summit ridge of the Alleghany mountains and
the Ohio river. Almost every part of this region is not
148 
LESSONS FOR TlIE PRESENT TIME.
only mountainous, but much  of the surface is extremely
steep, and the valleys are deep, and usually so narrow as
to offer but little width of level bottom.   Very many of
these valleys are merely mountain gorges, and their bottoms,
defiles, narrow and winding; and in some cases they continue so for miles in length, and also bordered on both sides
by very steep mountain sides, rugged with huge projecting
rocks, and overspread by tall and dense forests in their
original state.  Almost every bottom is the passage-way of
a rapid stream, of sizes varying from rivulets in the smallerr
to rivers of considerable volume in the larger valleys-and
all of which either meander throughout their courses, from
the d(lashing against, and being repelled by, the steep mouintain side, or precipice, on one side, to the like meeting oli
the opposite side-or otherwise entirely filling the bottoms
of the narrower gorges and defiles. The country is generally
fertile, even on steep mountain sides. There is but a small
proportion of the land yet cleared, and still less is under
tillage, as grass is usually the preferred growth. The dis tance from markets, and the scarcity of good roads, and
still more the scarcity of labor, have prevented much ex tension of tillage, except onl the border of the Ohio. The
proximity to the anti-slavery states, Pennsylvania and Ohio,
and the facility of escape to them, have caused slaves to
be very insecure property here. Consequently, there are
but few slaves, even compared to the very sparse white
inhabitants, who are more generally graziers of cattle on
the uncleared mountain lands, than tillers of the soil-and
the poorer class are much more addicted to hunting than
to obtaining a living by either tillage or pasturage.
Because of the small tnumber of slaves held in this region,
andl of the small proportion of persons who own any, it
149 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
has been heretofore believed by many southerners, and by
all northerners, that the people generally were hostile to
the institution of negro slavery-and that, in any contest
thereupon, they would be much more inclined to side with
northern than southern views. This erroneous belief had
much weight to induce the federal administration to send
troops through this portion of Virginia, in which, if unexpectedly delayed, they would be among a population supposed entirely firiendly to the federal government, and to
the North. This opinion perhaps was generally correct
as to the narrow northern extension of Virginia, vulgarly
termed the "Pan-handle" which lies between Pennsylvania
and Ohio. But the people of much the larger portion of
the great residue of this region, are sound and true southerners.
The only natural practicable routes for travel, and these
always difficult, and which served as the tracks for the subsequently used and wretched paths and roads, were along the
bottoms of the valleys-and crossing the mountain ridges
only at depressions, or over the more gentle acclivities.
The few later turnpike roads, all constructed at the expense
of government, and the still later railroads, in pursuing
straighter routes, and crossing the mountain ridges, and the.
streams in the valleys, have had to encounter and overcome
formidable difficulties.  The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
in its course through Virginia, and especially from the Alleghany ridge for many miles westward, is a succession of
passages along the bottoms of narrow valleys, bordered by
steep, rugged, and forest covered mountain sides-or, more
usually, the track is elevated high up the sides of such
steeps, and running on a narrow excavated shelf, bordered
in many places below by precipices, barely far enough from
150 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the track to permit safe passage. Deep artificial cuts, and
high and long and narrow-topped embankments, for the track,
in other places vary the character of the difficulties, and the
liabilities and facilities for obstructing the road-way. But
worst of all, for the passage of a hostile army, are many
subterraneous tunnels, excavated for the road-way through
the crossing high ridges, or projecting spurs of mountains.
The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad from Baltimore to the
Ohio at Benwood on the Ohio, (a few miles below Wheeling,) is 375 miles. A branch connected with this track, the
North-Western Railroad, 104 miles long, diverges from the
main route at Grafton, about 85 miles from the Alleghany
summnit, and runs to Parkersburg on the Ohio, 91 miles
below Wheeling. Besides these two railroads to the Ohio,
there is a state turnpike, and an excellent road, from Romney ill Hampshire to Parkersburg. This, for most of its
route, from Cheat river westward, is not anywhere far from
the North-Western Railroadl, whose use, since its construction, has nearly superseded that of the older turnpike road.
The natural features of the routes of these two roads, and the
many facilities for their being obstructed, are much the same
with those already stated of the main route.
-So much for the general features of all these roads, and
the many facilities for obstructing the passage, if attempted
by even a feeble enemy. But the United States administration, and the military commander, Gen. W.. feared no obstacles, not only because of the supposed loyalty of the
inhabitants to the general government, but still more because
the passage, from Baltimore to the Ohio river, had been so
well arranged and prepared for, that it could be completed
in twenty hours-and all the earlier and doubtful portion
of the journey, through Virginia, would be made in the
151 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
night, and would not be made known in advance of the
passage of the trains to any but a few of the higher functionaries of the railroad company, and not even to them
earlier than three days in advance. Upon these different
grounds, this route was selected for the invasion of the
state of Mississippi-and the movement was commenced
in the afternoon of May 10th, as before stated.
LETTER XXXIII.
A Guerilla Officer, and his Preparations for Service.
WASHINGTON, May 22, 1868.
Among the hundreds of southern officers of the United
States army and navy who, some years ago, were excluded
from active service and all command, and from full pay,
because they were not abolitionists, was J. M., then captain
of artillery. lie was a graduate of the West Point Military
Academy, an admirable officer, devoted to the duties of his
profession, and especially to the artillery department of the
military service. He was too poor to resign his commission,
as most other southern officers had done when thus degraded in position. But.he was also too indignant and impulsive to submit in silence. He imprudently uttered his
opinion of the conduct of his superior officer, and the administration, in such offensive, though true words, that he
furnished grounds for damaging him still more. He was
tried by court-martial, for disrespect to his superiors, and
insubordination, and cashiered.  Hle then returned to his
152 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
native town of Wheeling, and was soon offered, and was
glad to accept, the office of superintendent of transportation for the western end of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
which duty he had since well performed. M. had always
been one of those far North-West Virginians, who, being
entirely opposed to northern abolition sentiments and action,
were made the more violent in this opposition, and hatred,
because of being surrounded by so many abolitionistswho made up a very large proportion of the 20,000 inhabitants of Wheeling and of the country portion of the narrow "Pan-handle."  None were more ardent in southern
principles, and in patriotism, than the true Virginians who
were thus placed in contact with the almost only abolitionists of Virginia, or of all the slaveholding states. To the
highest degree of this feeling of M. was added the influence
of his strong resentment for his own ill-treatment and disgrace, all causing intense hatred for the Abolitionist party, and
the northern section. Added to this, the man who had
been the colonel of his former regiment, and the mover and
cause of M's trial and sentence, and also an active tool of
the government in carrying out the general iniquitous policy
then adopted, was now Gen. W., and commander of the
army at Baltimore and Washington.
The cashiering of M., for the known cause, served to
add still more to the high estimation of his friends and all
who knew him and approved his sentiments. Though his
abolitionist neighbors fully returned his hatred for them,
even they did not prevent the general award by public
opinion to M. of the well deserved character of a gentleman of great worth, and a man of great mental and physical ability. He availed himself of the high consideration
of many of his townsmen to gratify his military taste and
153 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
zeal.  He had raised a volunteer uniformed artillery company, of which he was appointed captain, and which he
delighted to drill and train, and had brought to a high
degree of discipline and skill. This company being full,
the example was followed in the forming of another, of
which both the officers and privates emulated and approached
the merit and the success of their predecessors. Subsequently, M. was appointed colonel of the regiment, which
included three volunteer rifle companies, as well as the two
of artillery. In zealously and ably performing the duties
of this higher military rank, he did not the less continue
to serve, with diligence and delight, as before, and so far
as his private business and duties permitted, in training and
instructing the artillery companies.
The general of the militia brigade in which M's regiment was included, was also a resident of Wheeling. Gen.
B. also was a good and zealous officer, though without any
experience of actual service-and who reposed great confidence in Col. M. They both, in common with all other
officers of like rank, had very recently received the private
orders of the governor before stated, and which had especially commanded that the entrance or passage of any other
than state troops, and without authority from the governor,
should  be  stopped, if possible-without bloodshed  and
peaceably, if the prohibition should be obeyed, but, if disregarded, after notice, the proposition to be enforced by any
needful force and military action.
Very soon after the military order, M. as superintendent,
received from the president of the railroad company, in
Baltimore, secret orders to such purport as was necessary
for his preparing for, and facilitating the safe and certain
transportation of so numerous a line of special trains, from
154 
LESSONS FOlH THE PRESENT TIME.
Baltimore to the Ohio, that he was sure that the design
must be to transport a United States army.   Here was a
difficulty presented to the mind of the heretofore faithful
functionary of the railroad company, and to the patriotic
military officer of the state. His different duties were placed
in painful conflict. To be faithful to one, he must be treacherous to the other trust.  He did not long hesitate to decide
for complying with the higher duty, and, in his military
capacity, to serve his state and obey its authorities.  And
this he could not do in this case, to any effect, unless he
availed himself of the power which he possessed over the
affairs of the railroad company.  To this course he brought
his determination, though with much  compunction.   He
provided every thing required by the superior functionaries
at Baltimore, and sent on all the required trains.  But after
making all these arrangements, then, as a military officer,
having also direction of the western portion of the railroad,
he made such other arrangements as he deemed best adapted
to fulfill the governor's order to stop and turn back the
United States army-but still with such precautions as would
prevent, as much as possible, damage to property or life,
provided resistance to the orders should not be attempted.
In that event, he designed using any measures of offence,
and of destruction, which the laws and usages of war justified, and which the effecting his objects might require. To
public duty was addled the incentive of private hatred to
urge the defeat of Gen. W's bold adventure.
Col. M's inferences, and his plans? were communicated
to his superior officer, Gen. B., only, and in confidence, and
met with his full approval and concurrence, and received
his authority for any measures for which it might be needed.
Provisions and ammunition and all necessary munitions for
155 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the service in view, were secretly provided.  The first company of artillery, (lately M's owns) and the three rifle companiies were paraded immediately after day break on the
morning of the day in the afternoon of which the army
trains were to leave Baltimore. It had been given out the
day before that a military parade, and excursion on the railroad were designed, for which every man was to come fully
equipped for camp duty for three days. This notice had
prevented surprise being caused by the movement, or the
appearance of mystery.  The four field pieces of the artillery company were placed separately on as many strongly
floored cars, constructed and used for transporting earth and
stone for repairs and improvements of the road. The sides
of these, and also beneath the carriages of the cannon, were
piled a large number of thick planks, which had been prepared for flooring bridges.  The four military companies,
with their arms, and also 100 spare muskets, and the needed
tools, provision, ammunition, &c. were placed on as few
other open and light cars as would contain their miixed freight
-of which the men were seated in close order on temporary benches, made of the like thick planks. The only
locomotive engine which had been left, drew this train,
and which was soon on its way, with Col. M. in command.
Very early in the morning, and in advance of the train, he
had sent on a trustworthy subaltern on foot. to cut the telegraph wire at a short distance from Wheeling. and to do
the like farther on, when overtaken by the train.  Gen. B.
had as early caused the secret cutting of the wires on all
the other telegraph lines leading from Wheeling-so as to
prevent their being used for at least twelve hours thereafter.
At the last station on the designed extent of the journey,
Col. M. had the locomotive engine placed in the rear of the
156 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
short train of cars, so as to propel them ahead of the engine, for the short remainder of the way.
A few miles west of Cheat river, among sundry other
places of high embankments, deep cuts, passages along and
high up steep mountain sides, subterraneous tunnels, and
other points where the passage could be easily obstructed,
and where fifty brave and well armed men could stop, and
for a time repel, thousands, there is one place of especial
importance and marked features. It is a narrow and deep
gorge, forming a cl-hasm, (or " gulf,") with very precipitous
sides. Tile depth is nearly 200 feet, and the width of the
gorge at top is not much more than its depth.  This is in
the passage of the Briery mountain, all out-lying and parallel ridge of tile main Alleghany range.   The railroad
crosses the gorge at right-angles to its direction and over
an iron bridge, which, strong as it was, could easily be
removed in part, in separate sections, and in a very short
time, by applying proper skill and tools.  The gorge ex tends to and empties into Cheat river, which flows in sight
from, and deep below the road, though much farther off
then appeared to the eye.
It was not until well advanced on the route, that the
subordinate officers and privates were informed of the
character of the adventure in prospect, and the duties
required of them.  They were found to be ready, and
zealous, for the service, as had been confidently expected
by the commander. As soon as arriving near to the bridge,
the train was stopped, and the preparations commenced
and urged on. First, a section of twenty feet of the bridge
(all of open iron-work,) and the rails for the same, were
unscrewed, and loosed, so that they could be quickly lifted
but were still left in place, for passing on foot. About two
157 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
hundred yards eastward of the bridge, the general side embankment of the deep cut in which the road was laid, for
the purpose of carting earth away during the excavation,
had been levelled, so that for a small space the roadway
was level with the outside surface of the ground. At this
place, the rails were taken up from their straight and connected course, and re-laid in a gentle curved direction,
making a "turn out," which would necessarily conduct
off the track any cars coming from the eastward. The
loose earth forming the artificial surface outside of the
new  turn-out:" was levelled, and cleared of stones, so as
to make as safe a place as possible for the perhaps necessary overturning and wrecling of a train. This being done,
the working party returned to aid the operations on the
other side of the gorge, after removing the twenty feet of
the passage-way of the bridge. The passage was still preserved, for present use, by long and thick planks, doubled
for greater stiffness, being extended across the breach, serving for a narrow and fearful footway.
The approach of the railway to the bridge from the east,
for some six hundred yards was in a straight line with the
direction of the bridge, and through an excavation, (or
"cut ") of about eight feet of average depth.  The earth
removed from this cut had been mostly heaped on the
margins, making irregular embankments higher than the
natural surface a little faxther on, where the ascending level
of the roadway rose to the natural surface. There the track
curved very slightly, so as to prevent its being seen from
the bridge.   A  little farther, the roadway began to rise
along the steep and naked mountain side, and was for more
than two miles farther generally exposed to view from the
roadway west of and near the bridge. To a distant specta
158 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
tor, especially, the passage of a train along this part of the
road, clinging as it seemed to the mountain side, appeared
awfully perilous.   But the careful and excellent structure
of the railroad rendered its use here perfectly safe, under
any ordinary circumstances; but if, at certain steepest places
the track were obstructed by design, and a train in full progress and speed were turned off, and over the precipitous
lower si(le, scarcely a passenger could escape being crushed
in the terrific fall
On the western side of the gorge, and within fifty yards
distance, the track of the railroad began a curve, made by
slight excavation, the earth and stone removed from which
made an embankment between the road and the gorge, and
served well for a military breast-work. Behind this bank,
and in the curved direction of the track, two of the pieces
of artillery were placed, where best protected by the intervening embankment, and where they could fire  upon
the long stretch of the more distant part of the road.  The
other two pieces, on their separate platform cars, were
brought nearer, and where they could fire on the bridge, and
along the straight cut beyond.  One of these two cars was
placed at the commencement of the curve, and was thus
afforded a different line for its firing, and also some protec tion by the embankment. The foremost car was placed in
the straight cut, and in the direct line of the passage over
the bridge, and the straight stretch of road-way beyond.
Immediately in front of this exposed car and its piece of
artillery, and across the deep cut in which it there stood, a
low but strong barricade was made, of large stones and
earth, easily provided from the high banks alongside. The
trunk of a large tree was placed along the ridge of the
barricade, making a suitable parapet, of level just lower
159 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
than the cannon behind. To guard against small arms,
the thick planks, doubled, were used to make a wall raised
on the floor of the car, and in front of the cannon, leaving
a port-hole of sufficient size for convenient and accurate
firing. The artillery men all had carbines; and besides
there were one hundred muskets, and plenty of buck-shot
cartridges for them, ready for use, at the battery nearest to
the bridge.
The ground adjacent to the station of the forward batteries,
and rising steeply above the road-way, and the western end
of the bridge, was extremely rough, covered with large
rocks, both fixed and loose, and by large forest trees.
Here, at a later time, and after previous examination and
approval of the ground, the three companies of riflemen
were stationed, in open and irregular array, or, more correctly, without any order of position, but directed that each
man should select and occupy a spot on which he could
be as safe as possible, and yet have in the range of his balls
the nearest straight stretch of road.
Col. M. had chosen the ground for his different designed
operations with perfect acquaintance with the topographical
features of the whole  route.   In  his arrangements, he
had been as solicitous to guard against the unnecessary
destruction of both life and property, if his demands should
be complied with, as, in the opposite contingency, lie desired to be most effective in destruction, by all available
modes of military action.  Also, he desired to avoid resorting to any other than legitimate military means, for
destroying even  declared  foes.  His  great difficulty, in
prospect, was not the simple and easy operation of obstructing the advance and passage of the federal army, and( to
render its present movements futile-but to do this after
160 
LESSONS FOR THlE PRESENT TIME.
giving sufficient warning, and without a terrible destruction
of life, to be caused by surprise, and ill advance of any
possible negociation, and of the refusal of the commander
to draw back his army, in obedience to the governor's
order. It would be absolutely necessary, and also very
easy, to turn the first advancing cars off the track-and that
without much previous warning. But the stoppage of these,
by suddenly checking the full speed of the remainder of the
train, and even if on a level surface, would, by the momentum
and concussion, crush some of the cars, and probably cause
a deplorable destruction of both the cars and their living
freight.   To prevent such an undesigned result, a lamp
affording a bright light, and covered by a red glass globe,
so as to give a red light, was elevated above the front of
the foremost car, but concealed by a covering cloth, which
could be made to fall at any moment.  The exhibition of
such a red light is the established night signal for danger
on the tracks and which requires every advancing engine to
stop. But this would not be early enough warning to pre vent all danger in this place, and for a long train advance ing at full speed. It was however the best means that Col.
M. could devise, not to weaken too much the desired means
for military coercion and destruction, should he be corn pelled to resort to them.
All the preparations and arrangements were completed
by ten o'clock at night-when the men were ordered to
eat, of food previously cooked, and then, except a sufficient
guard, all were permitted to sleep, if they could —but every
man on his assigned post, and with his arms at hand. The
commander took care to keep awake. His post and his
particular command and assumed duties, were at the forward
battery. He knew when to expect the head of the main
161 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
train, at from one to two hours before daybreak. But he
inferred that there would still be an earlier arrival-of a
light engine sent ahead of the foremost train, so as to make
the latest possible examination and trial of the safety of the
track. For this, he watched with intense anxiety, and
ready to uncover the red light as soon as it should be
needed.
I will now leave the defensive party, and return to the
advancing army trains, of which the setting out was stated
some pages back.
LETTER XXXIV.
War Actively Commenced-A Rail-road Battle.
WASHINGTON, May 23, 1868.
Several civil engineers, and some of the most intelligent
train conductors, all well acquainted with the route, and some
among them also with the neighboring country, were sent
by the rail-road authorities to attend the commanding general, and to inform him as to every locality and possible
source of danger, before it was reached. And (as Col. M.
had supposed,) a light engine car, with its tender, was sent
ahead of the foremost train, to examine and test the safety
of the track. On the tender was hoisted a lamp, of which
the light could be made red, in a moment, if needed to give
warning of danger.
A gentle wind from the east, and the perfect stillness of
the morning, more than an hour before daybreak, enabled
162 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
M., to hear, at an usual long distance, the sound of an approaching locomotive engine. The men. were aroused, and
ordered to be ready. As the locomotive reached the part
of the track on the bare mountain side, its light permitted
M., to be sure that no train was attached-and therefore he
deemed no other preparation was needed. As the engine
rapidly approached, it soon was out of sight in the deep
cut  of the  curve.  When  it emerged  on  the straight
track and had approached within one hundred and fifty
yards of the "turn-out," the red light was fully exposed.
The carefill engineer immediately, and to the utmost, checked
the speed, but could not prevent the car reaching the "turn
out," and running off the track, before it stopped, without
damage to the three only passengers. These were commanded, under pointed rifles, to deliver themselves as prisoners at the battery, which they reached by crossing the
breach upon planks, and which temporary pass-way was
then removed by the planks being thrown down the chasm.
The captured conductor was the intimate acquaintance, as
well as subordinate, of M. They had scarcely time to exchange their main points of information, before the lights
of the foremost trains came in sight on the distant mnountain side.  The advice of the conductor was heard as to
the most proper moment to show the red light, (which had
been again concealed,) so as to re(nder the first cars unfit for
immediate  use, but with as little superfluous damage as
might be. The lamp was taken below, on the level of the
roadway in front of the barricade, so as not to be seen
from the still far distant cars, but was exposed to the view
of the foremost engineer nearly as soon as he emerged
from the deep curve into the straight deep-cut.  Instantly
the signal, by the whistle, was sounded and repeated through
163 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE  FUTURE.
the whole line of trains, to slacken speed and to stop.  A
short train would have been stopped before reaching the
obstruction. But this was so long, and heavily laden, that
the momentum of the rear cars pushed on the more forward, and four or five had successively run off the track at
the newly made turn-out, before they were stopped by the
soft earth into which the wheels sank. Thle different trains,
each drawn by a separate engine, had kept at suitable short
distances apart from each other on the route, which, with
the signals of danger sounded by the steam-whistles, eriabled
all to avoid any very violent concussion with the preceding trains. The engine and cars turned off were somewhat damaged, and the engine was upset. The cars were
filled with soldiers, who suffered no more than some heavy
thumps and bruises from the concussion.  As sooni as the
train was nearly stationary, the laborers and workmen
leaped off, and went to learn the cause and character of the
accident, and to remedy the disaster. This, as a matter of
course, M. expected, and did not desire to hinder the reuniting of the rails, which could now  do no harm to his
designs.  At the same time a trumpet was sounded for a
parley, and a white flag displayed, and a loud voice from
the forward battery required that an officer should be sent
to the bridge. As soon as an order could be had, an officer
bearing aloft a white handkerchief on a ram-rod, as an extemporaneous flag of truce, advanced towards the bridge.
On reaching the edge of the gorge, and being stopped by
commands as well as by the breach, he demanded to know
by what authority the United States troops were stopped,
and their safety endangered. Col. M. answered,',They are
stopped by troops in the service of Virginia, commanded
by Col. J. M., and by order of the governor-by which no
164 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
other than state troops, or others having the written anthority of the governor, will be permitted to cross the
the territory of Virginia. I need not ask, for I know already, that these federal troops have no such permission. So
far, I have aimed to stop and turn back, but not to damage
the troops, or the trains. I could mnuch more easily have
precipitated half of these trains into this deep gulf, crushing every car and passenger, than to have turned off the
track these foremost cars only, without destruction of life.
And( at fifty other places, which have been passed over safely,
the trains could have been as effectually stopped. But such
forbearance will no longer be used, unless my demands are
strictly complied with.   I require that the trains, except the
cars and engine thrown off the track, and all the troops, shall
immediately return as they came, on the rail-road, until it
enters Maryland; and that afterwards, the troops shall not
anywhere enter upon the territory of Virginia, either along
this rail-road or elsewhere. I allow to Gen. W. half an
hour for the required movement to be begun-and as long
for it to be completed from this present stopping place, and
to be in progress, as fast as the new circumstances will permit. If these demands are not complied with, within the
times offered, or if any other hostile movement is earlier
made, I shall fire, and to as much effect as is in my power.
My  position commands  yours, and is impregnable."   In
addition, a written note, previously prepared, containing the
like statement to the commanding general, was delivered,
by being tied to a stone, and thrown across the gorge, within
reach of the oflicer, who returned to make his report, and
deliver the written communication.
Galling as would have been the defeat of his scheme to
Gen. WV. in any mode, this was  made doubly painful by
165 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
his being thus braved and defied by a small number (as he
rightly conjectured,) of raw militia, and commanded by one
who had been his victim, and who also now was, as Gen.
W. deemed, doubly a traitor-to his employers and to the
general government.   However imperative the reasons for
his drawing back, and  however desperate any chance for
forcing his passage, he could not submit without an effort
to put to flight, and to punish the insolent enemy, if nothing
more effectual could be (lone.  In a hurried conference with
the officer who had been at the bridge, he learned that the
breach was certainly not more than twenty feet across.   On
inquiry of the accompanying  engineers he was informed
that it was barely possible that such an opening might be
spanned and crossed over.  Upon  this information, and with
directions for the mode, he hastily resolved to act.
By this time, the fiunctionaries and laborers of the trains
had separated the links which connected the cars which
were still on the rails from those thrown off, and had replaced and fastened the rails in their former straight course.
The cars off the track were ordered to be left, and  the
soldiers who, with their arms, had made their sole freight,
were, by command, sent to the other trains.  Gen. W. disdained to return any answer in words? to the offensive
demands'of his (so-esteemedl) ignoble adversary, but  was
willing to have the answer implied, and to be understood
as indicating compliance with the demand.  Signals by the
steam-whistles were quickly made for all engines and trains
to reverse their previous course. The cars of the first
train, left now without an engine, were linked to the engine
of the next train.  Many of the cars were emptied of their
passengers) to lessen the draught, and slowly, and in reverse
order, the trains moved backward until the one nearest to the
166 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
battery was concealed by the curve of the cut, and its side
heaps of removed earth.  A little farther on, the level of
the track and of the ground alongside, became even with
the track for a space, which was out of sight and protected
by the higher bank, from the guns across the gorge.  Still
farther on, the course of the track began, in gentle and varying curves, to ascend along the bare side of the mountain,
and in view, (if the darkness had not forbidden,) from some
one or all of the pieces of artillery for the length of two
miles.
As soon as all the cars had passed out of the straight
cut, and those in the curve were protected from the fire of
the battery, two heavy pieces of field artillery were removed
from the cars, to the adjacent level ground, and drawn to a
position to fire on the hillside where the riflemen were
stationed, though the intervening rise of the ground prevented the lower-lying batteries being struck from  this
place. Both of the pieces were fired quickly, and as fast
as they could be reloaded. Luckily, round shot was the
only kind then to be readily obtained, which could d(lo little damage at such short distance, compared to grape or
cannister shot.  At the same time, the then rearmost locomotive engine was detached from the train, and connected,
in proper manner for propelling, to the only three cars left
westward of the engine. These were platform cars, which
are merely floors, made of thick planks held together by a
strong frame of timber, and are designed for the conveyance of heavy and rough freights, and had been then used
as passenger platforms for soldiers. Their living freight
had been removed, and there was no one left, except the
engineer on the locomotive behind. The plan was to run
some of these connected and empty platform cars, with all
167 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
the rapidity and force that steam and the engine could give,
across the breach in the bridge. And if this could be
effected, twenty companies of infantry, now arranged for the
purpose, on both sides of the road, and in it in the rear of
the light train, were to rush as quickly as possible to the
assault.   When all preparations had been made, and in a
few minutes, for both movements, the engineer jtumped off
as the engine was started, and the train went  on without
control, but with the sufficient guidance of the rails directing the wheels, and with all the force that steam could apply to the machinery. As the train started, the soldiers
ran after, in the rear, and on both sides of the road, in such
disorder as the irregular surface only permitted for their
rapid advance.
Col. M. had anxiously and exultingly seen the first success
of his stratagem-though still he regretted that Gen. W. had
not afforded to him a justifiable occasion by attacking his
position, to try the skill of his riflemen, and his cannoneers.
He had heard the sound, but could not see (for the darkness,) even through the near straight cut. the first retreating
movement of the trains. But the cessation of their noise
soon assured him that the motion was stopped. Suspecting
that mischief was designed, he called to warn his men, and
to order renewed  vigilance.   Scarcely were  his words
uttered, before Gen. W's field-pieces were discharged, and
not without effect. Two of the riflemen, high up on the
hillside, were killed by the first ball, and some others wounded by the flying fragments of the rocks which were shivered
by the heavy round shot.
Before the second discharge of the field pieces could be
made, the moving portion of the empty train was heard
rushing onward at the greatest possible rate of speed.  In a
168 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
moment an awful crash was heard, appalling in sound, and
causing the strong bridge to quiver to its farthest abutment.
From the near battery, an enormous mass was seen on the
bridge and over the breach. The foremost car had shot
across the whole breach, but, in passing over the vacancy,
it had sunk too low for the wheels to rise upon the floor
of the bridge. But the end of the platform floor of the
car, and its strong frame, had struck above the surface
of the bridge, and was so attached, and thus the car
would have been held suspended, and  making  a firm
passage, if it had remained whole. The next car, by the
shock of the sudden stoppage of its rapid progress, broke
the links connecting it with the foremost, and the wheels
rose over the first, and crossed far enough to carry the platform still farther than the first car. The third car, and the
attached locomotive engine followed-and though crushed,
they still more increased the height and breadth of the mass
of ruins. Some burning coals, spilt from the furnace of the
overturned engine, gave the first faint light to the sceneand falling through the broken timbers, the fire reached
fuel that produced a flame, which slowly and gradually increased.  As many soldiers as could find room now rushed
upon the bridge, and, with loud shouts, began to clamber
over the heaped-up ruins which formed their rough passage-way. All others of the assailants, on the right and
left, who could not at first find vacant space on the bridge,
were firing across the gorge on the batteries, and wherever
they supposed that men were concealed. Those on the
bridge had not seen the place before, and did not know
half the peril of the adventure; and this ignorance increased
their boldness and rashness, beyond the measure of their
courage, and obedience to discipline. Not a sound was
8
169 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FITURE.
heard from the battery; nor from the hillside above, except
the striking of the balls from the enemy's cannon. The
officers of the attacking party began to hope that the positionI had been evacuated, and that its defenders had retreated. The ruins which made the substituted bridge were
covered by the crowd clambering over, and had not yielded
in the least to the weight. More than two hundred men had
passed over the recent breach, and had reached the solid
iron frame and floor of the bridge. As fast as possible for
safe footing, they rushed on in close order, and followed by
an unbroken stream of men behind. Then Col. M. loudly
gave the order to fire. The two foremost pieces of artillery
(which only were in range,) were immediately discharged
along the line of the bridge and through the living mass
that covered it. The pieces had been doubly loaded with
cartridges of rifle balls, and the first discharges mowed down
half of all the soldiers who had passed over the summit of
the rubbish. Now the order was given for the rifles to
fire-and first there came from them a general, and afterwards a dropping and sustained fire from hundreds of different places of concealmnent, on the rocky and wooded an(I
steep slope descending on the western side to the precipice
of the gorge.  The marks for the riflemen were mostly the
soldiers far beyond the gorge, and who in turn fired on the
positions of the riflemen, which were indicated only by the
flashes of the rifles, but with little effect.  Even the cannon
shot did but little injury after the accidental effects of their
first discharges, as the men there exposed quickly moved to
lower an(l protected places to fire from.
All the soldiers on the bridge, who had not been disabled
by the first discharges of cannon, had continued to press
on, with fixed bayonets, to the assault. But while enough
11t0 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
artillery men were loading for a second discharge sixty
others, (most of whom were attached to the two rear gullns
not then in use,) were ready with muskets loaded with
cartridges of buck-shot, to finish the foremost of the assailants. One volley from these most destructive arms, at short
distance, left alive and unhurt not one-tenth of all the men
who had crossed the breach. To these quarter was offered
as prisoners, which they gladly accepted-laying down
their arms, and moving, as commanded, to a protected
spot, where they were guarded by a few musketeers.
Daylight now began to show, and every minute the riflemen could aim better at their objects across the gorge. The
attacking troops had hesitated, and slightly recoiled, after
receiving the first murderous discharges. But the urging
and the example of their brave officers, and the habits of
discipline and obedience to authority, had brought the followers of the first storming party, in increased numbers to
attempt the repetition of the desperate service.   As  the
foremost of the assailants were seen passing over the pile
of rubbish, a trumpet call was sounded from the battery,
and immediately the firing of all the volunteers ceased, and
not a sound of any kind was heard on their side.  The
signal had directed the firing to cease, and it had been made
to encourage the enemy again to advance. The officer now
commanding and leading the assailants (succeeding to three
predecessors, and superiors in rank, who had(l been killed,)
again indulged the flattering hope  that the Virginians had
retreated. The advanced portion of the storming party
was hastened over, and the crowd still in the rear urged
onward.  The bridge was soon covered with as many sol diers as could obtain footing on its skeleton frame-work and
other and more safe but scant flooring. Col. M. having had
171 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTUPiE.
sufficient trial of his means, was now  sure of success in
d(lefence, and wished to draw within his fire as many of the
enemy as possible, before stopping the living stream then
pouring over the rubbish to and on the iron bridge. When
the foremost of the dense crowd were within a few yards
of reaching the end of the bridge, and the solid road-way,
the command to fire was loudly uttered, and was obeyed
by botli the opposing parties, or by as many of the assail ants as were not too much crowded to use their muskets.
Their fire, as previously, had but little effect, as it was mostly
wasted on the covering barricade and other defences.  But
the case-shot from the cannon, and the succeeding musketry with buck-shot, opened passages through the crowd
on the bridge, and the more distant rifles poured their balls
on the survivors, in the short intervals of the nearer firings
from the artillery. The killed, and also most of the severely
wounded and helpless of the assailants, fell through the open
frame of the bridge into the dark abyss below.   The survivors on the bridge were again summoned to surrender as
prisoners, with the offer of safety, and all who had crossed
the breach hastened to accept the offer-and were ordered
to come in, and lay down their arms, and join the prisoners
previously captured.  The firing was suspended for and
during this surrender.  The bridge, so far as exposed to the
fire of the battery, was then clear.  But behind the pile of
ruins, the soldiers were still crowded, and they were also
spread over the track in the rear, and over the elevated
ground on both sides. As many as could conveniently
handle their arms, kept firing on the places where their foes
were covered-and especially on every volunteer whose
head was seen exposed above the parapet, or from behind
any other defensive cover, for the short time required for
172 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
his taking aim and firing. But the volunteers were but
rarely seen thus exposed, and the balls of their assailants
were nearly all wasted.
In the short suspension of firing from the battery when
tile last prisoners were coming in, the field-pieces were reloaded, but this time with grape-shot. They were discharged repeatedly through the pile of broken cars, and the
heavier metal thrown, served, not only to crush them the
more, but to kill many of the soldiers beyond, and where
previously protected from the smaller cannister shot.  But
a surer destroyer of the temporary bridge was in progress.
The fire, which had increased slowly before, had reached
more inflammable and abundant fuel, supplied by the shivered timbers of the cars, and was growing rapidly. The
flames soon enveloped the whole mass, and rose so high
and became so violent, that the falling sparks and coals were
sprinkled over the car of the near battery, and the ammunition cases. threatening every moment the taking fire of the
battery, or the explosion of the powder. By great diligence
and coolness, as well as prudence and courage of the com mander and his men, the burning coals were swept off as
fast as they fell, and the imminent peril was passed through
without damage, or any loss, except in the firing from the
guns being suspended for the time. As the burning weak ened the supporting timbers, they began to sink, and very
soon the whole flaming mass fell to the bottom of the
abyss, with a loud crashing noise, and brightly illuminating,
for a short time, the scene of horror which was then pre sented in the heap of crushed and distorted human bodies.
Probably none of these had remained alive after their tre mendous fall, to die under later and worse sufferings.
As soon as the substituted bridge was on fire, and its de
173 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
struction inevitable, nothing more could be done by the
assailants, and they were instantly ordered to fall back to
the main body of the army.
In the meantime the rifles of the volunteers were continuing their deadly work on the distant regulars, and with
much improved effect, as the increasing day-light enabled
better aiming at the objects. The danger to thie riflemen
from the cannon firing, which seemed so great from the
destructive effects of the first discharges, was limited to the
higher positions. Because of the swell of intervening
ground, the enemvy's cannon could not be aimed low enough
to strike the lower places of cover for the riflemen, which
thus were quite safe from this danger, though less favorable
for the use of the rifles. A speedy change to lower places
of cover for firing, had enabled the riflemen to be subsequently entirely safe from the cannon, which continued
harmlessly to throw their balls over their heads.
LETTER XXXV.
Retreat of the Invading Army-and New Preparations.
WASHINGTON, May 24, 1868.
Gen. W. had again consulted with the attendant engineers
and others, as to any other means for reaching or assailing
the position of the opposing troops; and he had been compelled to abandon the idea, upon the information received.
He learned that the only mode for any troops to cross the
gorge and reach the battery would be by making a circuit
174 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
of nearly three miles, extending to' and partly along, the
rocky bed of the neighboring part of Cheat  river.  Of
course, the volunteers would know  of such a movement,
and could retreat in safety, and on the rail-road, before their
present position could be thus reached.   And as neither the
artillery norcwagons could traverse this very difficult circuit,
that would render it impossible for the expedition to proceed on its first designed route, even if its continuation
would not be obstructed, as it well might and certainly
would be, and in many places, by the retreating volunteers.
The heavy field-pieces were still being fired, as fast as they
could be re-loaded. But the light now permitted to be seen,
from the position of the cannon, that they struck too high
to do much damage.   To move forward far enough to gain
a good position for effect, would expose the artillery men
to the rifles of the covered volunteers, and to certain destruction. Therefore the General had to submit to the disagreeable resort of ordering the train and army to fall back
for present safety, as well as for future operations. The
artillery pieces were hastily re-mounted on a car-and the
line of trains, lessened by the loss of sundry cars, and
lightened by the absence of the hundreds of passengers who
had fallen, began its retrograde movement. There was necessity for the speediest retreat, as the trains for two miles
would be fully exposed to the cannon of the batteries-and
these were already firing upon, the most distant trains, which
then only were exposed.  Still, the circumstances  of the
trains now moving backward, and pushed on by reversed
action, instead of being drawn by the locomotive engines,
together with the deficiency of the power of the two engines lost, all compelled slower motion of the trains. There
was another and still stronger reason for slow motion, dan
175 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
gerous as was any delay. The balls (now single) from the
batteries had already struck several of the distant cars, and
had disabled one so much that it had to be detached, and
rolled off to clear the track.  If a like mishap, and stoppage of a car should occur with the train moving at the
usual rapid speed, the obstruction thus suddenly produced
might throw the next following ears offthe track, and down
the steep mountain side, producing the certain destruction
of all the lives of the passengers. Therefore the passage
of the trains was necessarily very slow, even when not
stopped in part, by cars being disabled, and the necessity
for detaching them, and rolling them off the track, which
occurred in several cases. In this slow passage, Col. M.
and his best gunners, directing thle four cannon, and firing
round shot, had half an hour of firing at the trains, before
they were all out of range-and killed more than thirty
soldiers, besides disabling and stopping five cars.  One of
these was the last in the long line, and on which had been
placed, for conveyance, the two pieces of cannon which had
been used in the previous action. A lucky ball broke two
wheels on one side, and the too-heavily burdened car necessarily stopped. As this and the immediately preceding
cars then became the object for all M's. cannon, and the
round shot were thrown with improving accuracy at a fixed
mark, the position was too dangerous to permit the train to
wait for the removal of.the cannon from the broken rear
car to another. The train-conductor, there in charge, assumed the responsibility of letting loose the links which
held attached the disabled car, and sounding the signal to
proceed, the train was soon out of sight, leaving on the
track the last broken car, and its important freight.
In this engagement, the volunteers had ten menl killed,
176 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
and eighteen wounded. Of the killed, most were shot
through their heads, when firing smnall arms over the barricade, on other defences of the batteries. The enemy had
more than seven hundred killed, and lost nearly one hundred
prisoners. The wounded were few in proportion, not exceeding five hundred-and of these there was not one who
had passed the breach, unless he was also made a prisoner.
Not much time was required for Col. M. to be assured,
by the decreasing sound of the moving trains that the army
had retreated, or certainly had removed to some miles distance, at least.  He then proceeded to restore his cars to
travelling condition, and to prepare the engine for immediate
use. At the same time, other long planks were placed
across the breach in the iron bridge, and a small party of
trusty scouts were sent over to learn and report the movements of the enemy. Among these scouts were some of
the neighboring residents and hunters, who had hastened
to the first sound of the firing, and had eagerly joined in
the latter part of the fighting.  These, from their intimate
acquaintance with all the neighboring country, were able to
render excellent service, as scouts and spies. In a short
time one of the party returned to report that the two pieces
of cannon were left on a broken car, and could be secured. It was highly desirable to carry these off, not only for
their great present value on the Ohio, but as trophies of
victory. A sufficient force of, men, with their arms, were
sent across the bridge, to push one of the displaced platform cars back upon the rails, and along the track to the
abandoned artillery. The pieces, by proper appliances were
removed to the other car, which was then pushed back to
the bridge. This was easy enough, as nearly all the way
was a gentle descent. By this time the barricade had been
177 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
removed, and the displaced sections of the iron bridge restored.  As the superstructure of the bridge was entirely of
iron, the fire had done it no harm-and the violent concussion had not so much warped the strong frame, as to prevent the safe connection with the displaced sections. The
car was carefully and safely brought across with its heavy
and precious freight, and then attached to the train. A
single section only of the bridge was now again removed,
to prevent any passage of a hostile train, but a pass-way of
plank substituted for safe crossing on foot. The troops
now had food and rest, while waiting for the further reports
of the scouts.
This time of necessary detention for the companies was
also used to inter, with such solemn testimonials of respect,
and of sorrow, as the occasion permitted, the bodies of their
comrades who had been killed in the action, and previously
in its unwarned and treacherous commencement.   The
bodies were buried, side by side, on a spot in view of the
passage over the bridge, and near to the places where they
all died. A huge rock, perpendicular on its lower side,
which had served as the breast-work, and imperfect protection, when firing, for some of the killed, was made use
of as an appropriate head-stone for the graves.
178 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XXXVI.
New route taken for the Northern Army in Virginia. Operations on the
Ohio. New movement of the Northern Detachment.
WASHINGTON, May 27, 1868.
The commander of the federal army had to choose between three routes. One was northward, to the Pennsylvania line, and thence to the Pennsylvania railroad fromn
Harrisburg to Pittsburg, and by that, when obtaining facilities for transportation, to follow after the northern dletachment, which had passed over that route the preceding day.
The first and marching portion of this route would be
very rough and difficult. The only road to set out upon
was on the western side of Cheat river, and a considerable
distance off.  This road, (from which also the army was
now shut out by intervening pathless wilderness,) if reached,
would be bad for artillery-and there was no other road
practicable for wheel-carriages. Of course, this route could
not be attempted.
The next movement considered was to return by the
railroad conveyance, as the army had come. But shame
forbade this course, amounting as it would( be to a confession of utter defeat of the objects of the expedition.  In
addition, and still stronger ohjection, the commander inferred that some of the many tunnels, and other difficult and
dangerous and easily obstructed passes, through Virginia,
and'especially in the Alleghany range of mountains, had
been already blocked up, or rendered impassible, by like
orders and operations as had here produced such disastrous
results.
179 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
The third route, or general plan, was adopted. This
was, to proceed, as at first designed, to the Ohio river-but
by way of the North-Western turnpike road, which was
within two miles south of the railroad, where both cross
Cheat river, with a practicable cross-road connecting them.
This route offered a broad and excellent road for the march
of an army all the way to Parkersburg, on the Ohio-or, if
enabled to use it, the North-Western Railroad for the last
one hundred and four miles of the journey, from Grafton,
the point where that road diverges from the main Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad. The inhabitants of the whole country
to be passed over Gen. W. supposed to be loyal to the federal government, opposed to negro slavery, and friendly to
the northern and anti-slavery party-or certainly that they
would not be hostile to the passage of the army. As to
any attacks, onl open ground, from the few volunteers who
could be assembled from a distance in time to oppose his
march, Gen. W. held them in too much contempt to count
their opposition as anything.   By this route, the army
would reach the Ohio more than eighty miles lower than
at Benwood, where the termination of the first designe(dl
passage would have been.  As had been learned, and counted
upon, before the armiesmoved, the Ohio was now swollen
by a slight fresh, and sufficient depth of water, which would
last long enough for Gen. W. to reach the river. and embark on the numerous steamers and other boats which had
been prepared, and ordered to await the arrival of his
army. The objection to taking this route which might be
raised because of the prohibition of the state of Virginia,
had no weight with Gen. W. After the events of the last few
hours, no peaceable terms could be supposed to continue
between that state and the federal government.
180 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
Having slowly moved on to Cheat river, the army left
the train. The infantry and riflemen encamped on ground
easily secured from attack, and remained until the artillery,
wagons, and draught horses, and those for the use of the
superior officers, could be removed from the cars. The
whole army then marched to the turnpike road, and on it
proceeded towards the Ohio.
As soon as this purpose of the federal army was evident
to the scouts, some of them returned to report the facts to
Col. M. He was delighted with the course of things. The
necessary new dispositions were immediately made, with
the hearty concurrence of his followers. He gave up the
present command of the three companies of riflemen  to
Major C., an excellent officer for the service required-and
who, like M., had been long ago an experienced hunter in
this wild region. Major C. was advised by his superior
to follow the march of the enemy, but not to let the
presence of his, or any hostile force be known, if possible,
to Gen. W., until he should have moved at least twenty
miles on his route, for fear that he might find out his error,
and retrace his steps towards Pennsylvania or Maryland(l. It
was further recommended to Major C. that, after enough
delay, he should take every effective mode for harassing the
army, without much exposing his own men-and in the
course of his operations, to endeavor to raise the neighboring people, and to induce themn to increase his force, and
also to concur in the plan of procedure.
Col. M. placed on his train the company of artillery and
their field pieces, his wounded men, and the prisoners, and
attached the car with the captured cannon. The cars that
could be dispensed with were left behind. With the others
he proceeded as rapidly as could be, westward, and at the
181 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
junction, took the North-Western Railroad to Parkersburg.
There having properly disposed of his train, and its other
freight, and also formally vacated his railroad employment,
he proceeded to select the most suitable spot for the
purpose, and there to construct an intrenched battery, to
command the river, and to prevent the passage of United
States troops in steamers and boats. For the required labor,
he had plenty of aid from the neighboring population,
including all the prisoners who were not wounded.  He
had summoned to his aid another disbanded officer of
artillery and his friend and former comrade, Capt. L., whom
he employed as his assistant engineer, for constructing the
works, and also assistant instructor of his artillery men,
and especially of the later recruits, who were comning in
fast.
The recent military events, produced a great sensation,
wherever made known, and especially on the rude and
hardy people of this region. The treacherous and bloody
attack, and in violation of an apparent and implied agreement, on the Virginia volunteers by Gen. W., after his army
had been spared, and saved from all damage by Col. M.,
aroused the hostility and excited the patriotic zeal of many
who were before quiet and indifferent. Still more, the
circumstances and results of the battle, its signal success
and the valuable trophies of victory, incited hundreds to
take an active part in the contest. The captured pieces of
artillery, at Parkersburg, and soon after when placed in the
new battery, served as most attractive exhibitions, and as
eloquent incitements to patriotic and gallant efforts. Many
of the young men of the surrounding country who came
merely to see and hear about these guns, were thereby
induced to remain to fight with them.   And many more of
182 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the hardy mountaineers and hunters, with their better
understood and good rifles, hastened to join the ranks of
the volunteers who were hanging about the invading army.
In a few days, the condition of the new battery was so
strengthened in both men and artillery, and its defences
made so secure, that the commander felt sure that no vessel
or flotilla, of the only kind to be used, of slight built
steamers, could pass without suffering greatly.
Gen. B., of Wheeling, had taken a like course. On the
most suitable point on the river, and below Benwood, (and
ten or twelve miles below Wheeling,) he had constructed
a strong battery for its purpose, and( manned it with the
second company of Wheeling artillery, which garrison was
speedily and largely reinforced by new recruits.
The northern detachment of the army had reached
Pittsburg safely, and encamped near the Ohio, awaiting the
numerous vessels of all descriptions of the ordinary river
craft, which were being assembled to transport the army
down the river. This required some days delay-and
before this time had passed, Gen. N., the commander, had
been informed that the southern detachment hadl been
stopped, and forced to change its route-that the passage
over either land or water in Virginia, would be resolutely
resisted by military force-and that batteries were already
constructed along the Ohio, and manned and arme(ld, to
prevent the passage of any United States troops.  Under
these circumstances, Gen. N. deemed it necessary to change
the previously intended plan of transportation. He accordingly, crossed with his army into the state of Ohio, and by
railway, and at leisure, proceeded through that and the
other friendly and loyal states, Indiana and Illinois, to
the designated camp near the mouth of the Ohio river, there
183 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
to await the reinforcements of regulars from the far western
posts.
As soon as Col. M. heard of this diversion of the route of
the northern army, he inferred that there would be but small
chance for any enemy to attempt to pass his fort, or for
him to find therein any fighting duty. Therefore he left
the command to Capt. L., with a garrison of new recruits
entirely, except one skillful gunner to command and to
point each cannon.  Capt. L. was sure elf soon teaching
raw men to perform the other duties of artillery service,
behind ramparts.  Col. M. pushed on, with the remainder
of his men, and many recruits, by the railroad passage, to
the (supposed) nearest point to the federal army, and fell
in with his other detachment after only eight days absence.
He had brought with him two companies of riflemen, one
of them just formed, and the other made, by change of
arms, of his own first company of artillery. M. knew that
artillery would be an incumbrance for this service. And
he, and most of his men, were as well fitted for the rifle
service, and for irregular guerilla service, as for the artillery.
184 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XXXVII.
Progress of the Federal Army. Beginning of Extensive Guerilla Operations.
RICHMOND, May 29, 1868.
For the first two days of Gen. W's march from Cheat
river, no enemy was seen, or even heard of.  No obstacle
was met with, except the delays and difficulties of obtaining
provisions and forage, which it was necessary should be
provided from the outset, and well in advance of the actual
exhaustion of the scant supplies brought in the wagons.
There was plenty of grass to be found along the road, for
the horses' daily consumption. But the stocks of hay had
been nearly consumed before the beginning of warm weather.
There is but little grain raised, and there was none then
exceeding the wants of the owners. Almost the only meat
to be obtained was of the numerous lean cattle ranging at
large on the mountains. It was the designed policy of the
government, and was carried out with especial care here
by the commanding general, to permit as little as possible
of military licence, or coercion, either to injure or offend
the inhabitants. The payments made for their property
taken for the army, they received with silent and sullen
acquiescence.  None  who were met with exhibited any
certain indications of feelings either friendly or hostile to
the army and its objects. The foraging parties were not
opposed, but they found but little provisions, and brought
in supplies very slowly.
On  the third day of the march, (May 13th,) when the
army had advanced only twenty-five miles, altogether,
enemies began to be felt, though they were rarely seen.
185 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
The reports of rifles were heard, as if of single marksmen,
from every place of concealment within the most distant
rifle range of the line of march. Unless of the very distant
shots, but few missed, and many were of deadly effect.
Most of the balls so sent were evidently from the rifles in
ordinary use by the hunters of this country, and were most
probably then used by private individuals and practised
hunters, who were shooting at soldiers for excitement and
pleasure, as they were accustomed to shoot deer, or bears
and wolves. To the influence of this excitement, and love
of dangerous adventure, were added  the promptings of
patriotism, and, to some extent also, the love of gain.  The
improved military rifles of the best kind, which can be
aimed to good purpose at a man half a mile distant, and can
kill at more than a mile, were highly prized and greatly
coveted by all the hunters of this country. There was no
toil or service they would not go through to obtain one of
these much valued weapons. And among the most ready
means, one was to shoot the straggling federal soldier who
carried a rifle; and another, to join a volunteer company,
and so to be armed with such a rifle. The arms which
had fallen with the dead or wounded soldiers through the
iron bridge into the gorge of the Briery mountain, had
soon and eagerly been sought for and appropriated by the
neighboring hunters; and all not too much damaged] for use,
or for speedy repair, were soon again in war service, in
opposition to that for which these arms had been designed.
The number of these concealed marksmen, and the
injuries inflicted by them, increased from day to day. It
became necessary that foraging parties should avoid the
neighborhood of ill covers for concealed marksmen, and that
the encamping ground for every night should be far from
18'6 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
suspicious places, or otherwise be intrenched. Every care
was used for safety, but without being able to obtain it. It
was in vain, on the march, to extend the front, flank, and
rear guards, or patroles-or at night to increase the number,
and extend the circuit of the surrounding sentinels, far
beyond usage in ordinary warfare. The outer patroles or
sentinels were often shot. In covered ground in the day,
or anywhere in the dark, these volunteer or individual
riflemen, from their knowledge of the ground, could come
within the outer guards, and choose their object on either
side.  The remarkable character of the country greatly
aided these bold adventurers. The road was excellent,
having been constructed by the state, at great cost.  But it
passed through a route naturally as rugged as is general in
this region. Broad and level as is the road, it is, in many
places, bordered by steep mountain sides, often sheer
precipices, and it crosses, on bridges, deep channelled and
rapid rivers, and deep and steep-sided gorges, and along
narrow defiles between high and steep mountain sideswhile rugged rocks, and tall and thick forests, and "laurel
thickets," (impenetrable excepting by bears and other wild
beasts, or by men following, by crouching and crawling,
through their long-used paths,) cover as much of the
bordering ground as there is in cleared and open fields.
Under all these difficulties, with the necessity of obtaining
grain and meat, and of carrying along the baggage wagons
and the two remaining pieces of heavy field artillery, it is
not strange that, though over a good road, the daily march,
one day with another, did not exceed ten miles.
187 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER XXXVIII.
Military MIovements in Virginia. Hiasty Preparations for Defelnce, and for
Offensive War in the North-west.
RICHMOND, June 6, 1868.
The governor of Virginia had received from his agents
the earliest information, by telegraph and mail, of the movements of the two federal armies.  The mainer of their first
movements left no doubt of their destination being different
points on the Ohio river. The governor immediately issued
the military orders deemed necessary, which were added to
on the next day, after hearing of the invasion of northwestern Virginia. The orders were, in general, to all commanders of regiments, that in the immediate localities where
troops were needed, to obstruct or oppose the march of
federal troops, to call out volunteers of the neighborhood,
without limit. As no such need had been expected west
of the Blue Ridge, there had not been there previously called
into service a single company-nor was it known that there
was a volunteer under arms, until a telegraphic dispatch
from Col. M. (the latest sent on the line before its connection had been broken temporarily,) informed the governor
of his first movement, and design to stop the federal army.
The 3000 men previously encamped near Alexandria were
sent on westward as quickly as possible, by the Alexandria
and Loudoun Railroad, which took them by a connecting
link to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, at Harper's Ferry.
On this railroad they proceeded westward. At two different
points, of the railroad, where in Virginia, and crossing the
Alleghany mountains, the track had been blocked up, by
188 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
orders, as soon as the report had been received of the
stopping and retrograde movement of the federal army.
But though the obstructions were sufficient to stop any
army, an(d could be maintained by a few  men, still they
could easily be cleared away when no longer needed.
Thus, the track had already been cleared, and now there
was no impediment to the most rapid movement  of this
body of troops, to Cheat river, whence they proceeded by
the North-western turnpike in pursuit of Gen. W's army,
then three days of its slow march ahead.
Other bodies of volunteers and " minute men," amounting
to 9000 more, were specially called out for immediate service. The selection of the companies called into service
was determined by one or both of the considerations of
better training and military preparation, (which was to be
found mostly in volunteer companies of towns,) and the
more ready access to the scene for service, which applied
to the infantry and artillery nearest to suitable railroad
routes. As to cavalry, the most effective troops were in
countrv localities.  And because the necessary accommodations for transporting the horses on railroads could not
be prepared soon enough, the cavalry would have to march
the whole distance, without any aid of rapid railroad
transportation. Therefore, the troops of cavalry nearest to
the expected place for action, were chosen, and these were
mostly eastward of the Blue Rifdge-and very few cavalry
comlpanies had been organized west of the Alleghanies. As
fast as the foot companies could be assembled, they were
sent on, by the most convenient line of railroad, to the
north-west, whether the Alexandria or the Manassas Gap,
which conveyed the troops only as far west as Strasburg,
or by Harper's Ferry to Cheat river-or on the Central
Railroad to Covington.
189 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
The companies of cavalry took their several best routes
over the shortest ordinary or private roads.  This is a description of military force peculiar to these southern states;
and considering that it must be composed of both raw men
and horses, it is a most effective and admirable force. All
southerners of country rearing and residence are accustomed
to riding, and are mostly good riders-an(d every man in even
moderate circumstances owns a good and serviceable riding
horse. Also, every country boy learns, for his amusement,
the ready use of fire-arms, and every man is, or has been, a
practiced gunner, and most are good marksmen.  In every
county where there is a troop of volunteer cavalry, it is
made up of men of these kinds, an(l also possessing from
moderate to large properties, and who are as respectable as
any class whatever, gentlemen in character and in conduct,
and mostly companions and friends to each other througliout each troop.  Such men are the best possible material
of which to make efficient soldiers in the shortest timeable, from their previous habits of life, and of employment,
to bear any hardship, and with principle and pride to induce
every effort required by duty and patriotism. They, and
also their horses, need only the training of actual serviceand most of the early duties in actual service may be well
and efficiently performed in advance of any martinet drilling,
or even of all soldierly accomplishments, and proficiency,
save the readiness to obey orders and to stand fire.  Such
companies can be ready to march, well equipped for war, at
a day's notice-and, if not previously provided by the governmnent, or if having no commissariat at first, each trooper
can carry his food, and grain for his horse, for three days,
and supply his own money to buy provisions and forage for
a month's service.
190 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
As an example of such service, I will cite the facts of a
single county, of which the two troops were among the best
of this description, and both of which were of old establishment, under good command, and as well trained as can be
at home and during peace. The Black Hulssars and the
Mountain Rangers of Fauquier county, were among the
first troops of volunteer cavalry called out. Both had served
in the short Harper's Ferry campaign in 1859-and now, as
then, were severally commanded by Captains S. and A.Each of these officers, years ago, had been offered the command of a militia regiment.  But both had  declined  the
promotion, preferring the special command of their own
troops, composed of old comrades and friends. These two
troops were of the best qualities, physical and moral, of
citizen soldiers. The men were capable of great bodily
exertion, were all good and habitual riders, and, on their
own good and well tried horses, could make long and rapid
marches, in which they would have far outstripped any
regular cavalry. The final call to immediate service, sent
to their colonel by telegraph, reached the captains of these
two troops on the afternoon of the 11th of May. General
arrangements had been previously made for the speediest
distribution of the orders.  By 11 o'clock, the next forenoon, the two troops were assembled on their respective
muster grounds, ready for marching. Half a day's march
was made before night-and for every day afterwar(ls, to
the scene of action, these troops accomplished, on an
average, five miles more for each day, than is deemed sufficient for good marching  of well trained regular cavalry.
But little later than these, and the earliest on the march,
other cavalry, and also infantry and rifle companies of uniformed volunteers and minute men, specially summoned,
191 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
were pouring across the mountains towards the northwest.
Those nearest to suitable rail-road routes, and on that account selected for this service, even though remote from
the scene of action, were placed far in advance of nearly
all others, and even of cavalry marching from the nearest
homes. The 3000 men from the previous camp near Alexandria had early orders, and the earliest start, and also the
longest rail-road transportation-and therefore were soonest
near the enemy of all that came from a distance. The other
summoned troops followed in daily and rapid succession;
and the various companies, according to their routes, proceeded to one or the other of the two points, west of the
Alleghany mountains, designated for the first concentration.
One of these was in Taylor county, at the crossing of
the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad over Tygant's Valley
river, (the main head stream of the Monongahela,) and
which is also the point of junction with the North-Western
Railroad-and where the passage of both these roads, and
of the bridge and only passage there over the river, were then
commanded by the army-and later by a single company,
left for that purpose.  These railroads were now open, and
used, as previous to the late interruption, for private transportation of passengers and freights. But secure, (though
easily moveable) barriers were placed here, and at some
other suitable places, to compel every train to stop, and be
examined by the military guard, before being permitted to
proceed.  Of course no troops or arms, or supplies, except
those of the state, or by order of the Governor, could pass.
Such barriers, each under guard of a company of militia,
were maintained, near Harper's Ferry, and in the Alleghany
mountains, where the railroad crosses from the Maryland
side of the Potomac, and passes (at the latter place for a
192 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
few miles only,) over the territory of Virginia, and through
formidable natural obstacles. These measures placed the
command and use of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, from
Harper's Ferry westward, completely under the control, and
at the service, of the forces and the authorities of Virginia,
and withheld them from the federal or any other hostile
troops. The other place, for rendezvous, was much farthier
south, but also westward and clear of the main Alleghany
range. This was for the smaller number of volunteers
called from Augusta and the neighboring counties between
the Alleghany and Blue Ridge mountains, and of the more
eastern and southern counties whose troops could go by
the Central Railroad as far as Buffalo Gap, and thence, by a
long march, could easiest reach the scene of expected
service.
Under these circumstances, and various difficulties, the
different companies were arriving at the two places for rendezvous at from three to fifteen days after the battle at the
Deep Gorge.  But from both places, troops were marched
off, to their designed guerilla service, as speedily as they
could be organized, and properly provided for duty. At
first, they thus moved onward in separate bodies, and, even
in some cases, as small as single companies, but as designa ted parts of organized regiments and brigades, of which the
detached portions would come together on the march.
Major General S., who had been the earliest and con tinued superintendent of the Virginia Military School, (at
Lexington,) was commander of the whole army. Among
the best disciplined and most efficient of all the troops,
there came in one company eighty of the best trained youth ful cadets'of that admirable institution,commnanded by officers
of their own corps. Gen. S. had the gratification of recog         9
193 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
nizing in many of the best officers of volunteers, from various parts of the state, his former pupils, and graduates of
the Military Institute. To this long established system of
military instruction, South Carolina and Virginia, more
especially, and also, later, other southern states, were indebted for hundreds of good officers of volunteers, who, in
a few weeks of camp service, could sooner bring their perfectly raw men into fitness for all military duties, than
would have been done by any length of ordinary militia
training, under ordinarv officers. To this source of instruction, and supply of officers fitted for command, has
been due much of the military strength recently displayed
by these southern states, when almost destitute of any legal
military organization, or general military system.
The first ordered service of all these various bodies of
troops was of the same general character with that begun
some time before, and well maintained by the Wheeling and(
Parkersburg rifle companies, (recently all reunited under
Col. M's immediate command,) and still more efficiently by
the numerous  riflemen and  hunters of the neighboring
country, who had already come in as auxiliaries, either with
or without organization, to the number of 1500, and were
still added to daily by new recruits from more distant localities.   These  men were gradually, and at their own
choice, formed into companies, and rated as if under regular organization and command.   But whether as thus organized, or, as at first, when each man acted for himself and
according to his own will, their service was mostly separate,
and independent, and not the less of great value. For all
these men were accustomed to all the hardships and toils
of a mountain hunter's life, were strong and brave, excellent marksmen with their universal weapon, the rifle, and
194 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
well acquainted with the natural features and topography of
this region-the most difficult that can be well conceived
for the passage of an army, if opposed by any determined
force under competent command.
LETTER XXXIX.
Continuation and close of the guerilla campaign in the mountains of Virginia.
Events on the coast.
IIcuHMOND, June 9, 1868.
Leaving the hastily summoned volunteers and raw levies
of Virginia hurrying, along their various routes, to the places
for concentration or for action, I will now return to report
the further progress of the federal army in Virginia.
On the fifth day of the march of Gen. W's armny, and
after entering Harrison county, as it approached a deep
gorge, report was brought from the advance guard that the
bridge across the gorge had been burnt, and that the passage of the wagons and artillery farther on that road was
rendered impracticable.  Examination confirmed the truth
of the report.  From  the best information of the country
afforded by the still attendant engineers, and from what
could be extracted from the few people of the country who
could be seen and questioned, the General learned that
another passage of the gorge, the nearest and best, for
horses and wheel carriages, was a difficult path-way some
miles farther south. This diverging route was takern-and
the ruggedness of the ground and of the narrow road pre
195 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
sented the only difliculties, as not an enemy had lately been
seen, nor the firing of a gun heard. This branch road led
to the central and more southern part of Harrison county,
through which the bold and rapid river (the West Fork of
Monongahela,) passes with a course so exceedingly crooked,
caused by the many interlocking and high spurs of steep
hills, that to get over eight or ten miles of distance in a
straight direction, the river meanders, in many abrupt curves,
from thirty to thirty-five miles. The road reaches this
river about midway of the most tortuous portion of its
course. Here there is a fording place, which is not only
very difficult to pass, owing to the depth of the water and
rough bottom, and the steepness of the banks, but also is a
most suitable place for the concealment of an enemy. Still
there was no indication of any enemy being near. The
army had passed the river some miles westward, when
another deep and narrow gorge was reached by the advanced
guard, and of which the indispensable bridge had been so
lately burnt, that the flames were in full progress, though
beyond any possibility of control. To pass infantry down
and up the steep and rocky sides of the gorge seemed impracticable, (and certainly was so to strangers,) and for the
conveyance across of horses and wheel carriages there was
no possibility here, nor probability within any near or
available distance. During the pause at this place, rifle
shots, which had been suspended, began again to drop in
irregularly from distant covers beyond the gorge, and soon
increased in number and in deadly effects, beyond any previous experience, of the like invisible foes. There was no10
choice left for the General but to order the army to fall
back.  On returning to the river where it had been lately
crossed, for the first time there was seen a body of men of
196 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
military appearance and array, and posted as if to oppose
the passage of the retreating army. A few volleys were
exchanged, and the Virginians fell back, and seemed to retreat, but in reality sought covered positions from which to
fire most safely, and with best effect.
Here commenced the operations of the volunteers as one
army, under regular command, and upon a general plan.
But the manner of the military operations continued to be
as irregular as they had been at first, and differing only in
the greatly increased numbers engaged, and the increase of
effect.  By this time, Gen. S. had under his command, and
near the enemy, 5000 men, in regularly organized bodiesbesides an unknown and daily varying number, perhaps
from 1000 to 2500 riflemen of the neighboring country,
who served and fought at such times and in such manner
as suited their convenience and pleasure-and who were
known as soldiers only by their drawing rations, arms and
ammunition.   Nevertheless,  these  were  most  valuable
auxiliaries, and who even alone, if using their full power
for annoyance and destruction, would be enough to prevent
an army of thrice their numbers from marching through
their mountainous and wild country.
And now having dwelt so long on facts which are
severally of very small importance, but which serve to
illustrate the kind of warfare, I will pass hastily over the
consequences which must be anticipated from the causes
stated. To continue to describe all the guerilla operations
in like detail would be useless and wearisome. For however various were the different operations of every day, and
whether of offensive or defensive measures, and numerous
as were the incidents of intense interest to the actors, and
197 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
to their countrymen, the general operations and results may
be sketched in a small space.
The late temporary cessation of firing, and of all annoyance of the invading army had been made by order of the
commander of the militia army, and which order it was
very difficult to persuade the hunter-riflemen of the neighboring country to obey. The destruction of bridges, and
the show of offering battle, had been used to draw the
regular army into the most  difficult ground, where its
superiority in discipline, and its artillery, would be of no
value.  And as soon as these ends were reached, the whole
power of the irregular opposing force was put in action.
No regular battle, on open ground, was to be offered, or
accepted, by any party of the Virginians, whether large or
small. But, on their march, every cover or place of concealment was to be made use of, for ambush, or to make
advantage of for firing on the enemy. The riflemen occupied
every such place along the line of the march of the regular
army; and those of thle organized(] companies, who were
armed with the improved rifles, could make deadly shots at
distances of more than half a mile. The rifles of the
regulars were all of this best kind, and could strike as far.
But these were usually fired from open and exposed positions, and directed against adversaries rarely visible, and
generally sheltered by rocks or trees. Such generally was
the kilnd of warfare carried on through every succeeding
day, if on the march; and but few places could be chosen
for encamping for a night, which, unless protected by intrenchments, were not in some degree exposed to fatal rifle
shots from some distant place of safe concealment. The
cavalry of the militia were  much restricted by the rough
surface of the country, which made it very unsuitable for
198 
LESSONS FOR TiE PRESENT TIME.
the full use of such troops. Nevertheless, the volunteer
cavalry, untrained as were both horses and horsemen,
performed excellent service in obtaining and conveying intelligence, restraining and sometimes cutting off foraging
parties, and in surprising and cutting down patroles, or
straggling parties of the hostile army. Not only was this
general course of procedure used by Gen. S., at first, when
his force was inferior in numbers as well as in training,
but he continued it after his daily accessions of reinforcements had given to his army such superiority of numbers,
that that advantage might well have compensated for inferiority in discipline and equipment, and enabled it to cope
with the regular army in battle. For the Virginian General
judged it proper to avail himself of all his advantages; and
if ever so sure of success in open and regular conflict, he
would not have so made the necessary sacrifice of the
valuable lives of his citizen soldiers, in a contest on equal
terms against the regulars, who, however useful as soldiers,
were men of the lowest and most worthless conditions.
There seemed to be no need of such risk and sacrifice, as
Gen. S. was sure that his cautious warfare, with time, would
certainly serve to conquer, and as effectually as the best
fought and most successful open battle. On some occasions, during the sundry (lays of hostilities thus conducted,
the Virginian army, or some large portion of it, seemed to
offer battle, on ground accessible to the invaders. But
when  there assailed, the militia would soon retreat, or
change position to some adjacent and protecting cover, from
which to fire without danger. There were but few places
where the enemy's artillery could be used to good purpose,
to prevent annoyance to its march; and the possession of
artillery, with the care necessary to secure it, was more an
1 9 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
incumbrance than an aid. The commander of the militia
army had preferred to dispense altogether with artillery, for
this service.
Besides these general and daily means for annoyance and
damage, by which the enemy lost many men daily by death
or disabling wounds, there was one extraordinary occasion
of disaster.  After a succession of sundry days of such
operations, over obstructed roads, and  with  changes  of
direction, frustrated marches, and continual loss of men
fromn the distant shots of mostly concealed marksmen
hovering around, the harassed, but still pursuing regular
army overtook the Virginians embodied, and apparently in
full retreat.   The  pursuit was  urged, and  volleys of
musketry were sometimes exchanged, when the front ranks
of the pursurers approached near enough to the rear of the
retreating army. At last the infantry of the Virginian army
entered a diverging branch road, passing along the bottom
of a narrow valley.  The whole body of cavalry had gone
on by the broader and direct road. This seemed to Gen. W.
to indicate that the route taken by the retreating infantry
was impracticable for cavalry-and that, deprived of that
support, the infantry might be overtaken, and compelled to
fight-and an open fair conflict was all that Gen. W. thought
was required for his perfect success. The artillery, wagons,
officers' horses, all the wounded, and 500 good soldiers
for a guard, were hastily separated, and ordered to encamp
on the nearest safe position-and no danger was expected,
when the whole opposing army was fast retreating ahead.
The remainder of the regular army, now unincumbered,
pushed on as rapidly as possible inll pursuit of the retreating
infantry-which, when approached more nearly, seemed to
the pursurers to be in utter disorder-,and it was inferred
0oo 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
that they were panic stricken, and that they were pressing
forward to reach some known place of safe refuge. Some
old flint muskets thrown down by the retreating volunteers,
by command, served to increase the confidence in their
supposed panic and disorder, and also induced the belief
that the muskets generally were of this inefficient description. The eagerness of the pursuit prevented Gen. W's
duly noticing that at some points the valley was reduced
in width to a very narrow defile, with precipitous and rocky
sides. At last, the volunteers reached the designed termination of their retreating movement, which was a secure
barricade, which had been previously and carefully constructed across a broader part of the bottom. Behind and
facing this rampart the musketry were disposed, and the
riflemen spread over the adjacent rugged and wooded and
steep mountain ascents, on both sides of the valley. There
the attack of the approaching enemy was awaited, and
soon arrived. Repeated and desperate assaults were made
in vain. The whole attacking force, in close and dense
order, was exposed to every musket and rifle of defenders
who themselves were but little exposed. Every successive
assault was repulsed with great slaughter-and when it
was manifest that success was hopeless, the assailants were
ordered to retreat, retracing their steps through the bottom
towards the designated encampment-necessarily leaving
on the ground many of the wounded with the dead. This
retrograde march within two miles distance brought the
advance guard to the narrowest defile, and to find that
across it a strong barricade had been erected since the
previous passage of the army, and that it was defended by
as numerous a party behind the barricade as could have
room there. The mountain sides here also were occupied
201 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
by scattered and concealed riflemen. As soon as this new
obstruction was seen, the regulars rushed on to scale and
storm the barricade. The hasty but strong defences had
been prepared, and were commanded by Col. M., who was
at the barricade, with as many men as could act in so
narrow a place, armed with muskets and buck-shot cartridges.
He waited until the front rank of the storming force was
within fifty yards of the barricade, when his muskets were
discharged, and immediately replaced by others loaded
in like manner. The rushing living torrent was checked
for a while, and with great slaughter. The deadly firing
was kept up from behind the barricade and from the
scattered riflemen.   The  assailants again advanced, and
were again driven back. Just then, the larger body of the
militia, which had been left behind the first barricade, and
which had again formed and in their turn made pursuit,
appeared in the rear of the regulars, and poured a volley
into their disordered and crowded ranks. Gen. W. again
urged the assault upon the much smaller force defending
the last erected barricade-and now despair of safety in
any other manner was added to all that courage and discipline had been able to attempt before. The rear ranks of
the regulars fired upon the newly arrived and main body
of the volunteers, and checked their advance, while a general
rush was made towards and over the barricade. The loss
of the assailants was very great. But whenever a man fell,
his place was  immediately occupied  by another.   By
physical weight and pressure, as much as by courage and
the use of arms, the surrounded army succeeded in forcing
a passage over the barricade, and also over the bodies of
most of its brave defenders. The remnant of the federal
troops, still pursued and fired upon by the volunteers with
202 
LESSONS FOR THiE PRESENT TIME.
deadly effect, continued its retreat to the camp, which had,
in the mean time, been prepared by the detachment left for
that purpose.
The camp was soon invested, and its garrison, though
composed of all that remained of the federal army, was
barely strong enough, with the aid of its artillery, and under
the protection of hastily constructed intrenchments, to
maintain its position.  The commander of the Virginians,
with all his present and  still increasing superiority  of
numbers, still would not risk attempting an assault, and
was content to wait a short time for the now inevitable result. His troops were posted so as to be as little exposed
to the enemy's fire as was consistent with maintaining a
strict blockade of the invested camp, from which there was
no possibility of egress by the garrison, or any portion of
it to serve as foraging parties, or of any supplies being received from without. And if the beseiged army could have
forced its passage out, there would have been no benefit
from the change of position, but, on the contrary, the loss
of the present secure defences.  But though protected for
the present, the delay offered no hope of relief, except in
the possible arrival of strong reinforcements. This hope,
Gen. S. had taken effectual care should be fallacious. From
the beginning of his command, he had kept the greater
number of his cavalry acting as patroles, or as larger de tachmenlts, and had placed sufficient guards of infantry at
every important passage through which reinforcements could
be sent.  ro guard, and, if needed, to obstruct suitable
points on the railroad, and to destroy bridges on common
roads, was enough to prevent the entrance of any reinforce ment of federal troops from the east, which was the only
direction from which they could be brought. Under these
203
f 1> 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
circumstances, Gen. W. could only maintain his position,
and protect his men, until his small stock of provisions
should be exhausted; and for that, but a few more days of
the seige or blockade were required. The then inevitable
result would be the capitulation of Gen. W., and the surrender, as prisoners of war, of all his forces. This occurred
on May 26th. His army was then reduced to one-fourth
of its original number, and of this remnant, many were
wounded. The officers were immediately liberated on parole-and the privates as soon as the proper arrangements
were consented to by the northern federal government.
Thus, of this lately well equipped and provided, and well
disciplined army of 7000 regulars, there remained alive, and
as prisoners, scarcely 2500 men, (including all previously
captured)-and all the arms and munitions of war, which
had not been destroyed in service, were the spoils of the
victorious militia. And these very striking military successes were easily effected by an undisciplined opposing
force, and also much weaker in numbers at first-and would
have been effected with still more speed and certainty, if
the enemy's invasion had not been made so suddenly, and
by surprise, when there was no military array, and scarcely
any preparation, in all the great region west of the Blue
Ridge mountains.
Strong garrisons or smaller out-post guards were placed
at the points suitable to control the great routes of ingress,
and to prevent another invasion by surprise.  A few such
military posts on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad served
to give the command of all that road, and its facilities for
transportation, to the Virginians, and effectually to exclude
all hostile invasion west of Harper's Ferry, from the north,
unless by forces marching through a difficult country. A
204 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
few other posts, and intrenched batteries of artillery, on
different points of the Ohio river, effectually closed that
channel for invasion to the enemy's armaments, and also
controlled the commercial and ordinary transportation on
the river, so that it could not be used for hostile purposes.
Even before the latter successes of Gen. S's army, he had 
countermanded and turned back these advancing reinforcements. And immediately after the surrender of the remaining federal forces, he had sent home, for discharge, a large
portion of his acting army. The remainder served in part
to supply garrisons for the posts just mentioned, and for
another destination.
Except the decisive success of the militia forces, the most
gratifying result was in the very small numerical loss suffered by the victors.  All the Virginians killed in the campaign did not amount to 400-and of these much the greater
number fell in thile conflict at and last desperate charge of
the barricade.
205 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER XL.
Military operations in the East.  Removal of seat of northern government.
Popular feeling in Washington, and the early consequences.
WASHINGTON, June 11, 1868.
Earlier than most of the latter reported events, there had
been effected some important military operations elsewhere.
As soon as the governor of Virginia learned that blood had
been shed in battle, hlie deemed that actual war had been
begun, and that nothing was then to be hoped except from
vigorous measures. Hle deemed that any further forbearance towards the federal power should be dictated solely
by policy. He thought that Virginia ought still to refrain
from any measures of aggression outside of her territory.
But he did not so consider any of the former soil of the
state of which the property and occupancy had formerly
been ceded to the general government for forts, &c., for the
better common defence, and which would now be used to
endanger and damage the state. With these views, among
the earliest war measures of the governor, were authority
and orders issued to seize upon the Dock Yard at Portsmouth, and Fortress Monroe. By a strong attacking force
of neighboring volunteers, and by bold as well as artful
procedure, the Dock Yard was taken, with all the valuable
naval arms, munitions and materials, and other public property, including several vessels of war in progress of repair
or of construcletion. The very spacious and strong Fortress
Monroe, to be fully garrisoned would require not less than
4000 men, and( it had only 200 regular soldiers. An entrance was effected by surprise, and by an overwhelming
206 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
force, including companies of volunteers from Norfolk and
Hampton-and the possession, thus acquired, was secured
by a state garrison of 1000 militia, under the instruction
and command of good artillery officers, some of whom had
formerly served in the United States army.
On account of the political difficulties of the country,
and the increasing complications of the northern government, there had been no adjournment or recess of the Congress at Washington, since the beginning of the year.
Since the recent outbreak of actual war in Virginia, and the
practical revolt and expected formal secession of that state,
Washington, on the very border of a hostile state, had become an inconvenient and unsafe place for the seat of the
federal government. However galling to the pride of the
President and the Congress, and of the northern section,
the necessity of the case demanded a speedy removal. The
necessary enactments to authorize this measure were hastily
adopted by the Congress, and Albany was fixed upon as
the temporary new seat of government. Within two days
after the passage of the law, the President and the chief
officers of government, and the members of Congress, were
on their way to Albany. The most important of the archives
of the government, and other moveable property, were sent
off as soon. What necessarily was left, for the present,
was placed in the charge of a few of the clerks and other
subordinate civil officers, and under the authority of the
mayor of the city. The military garrison then of 3000
men still remained, to defend the city and navy yard, and
protect the public buildings. The mayor, under the previous advice of the President appealed to the public spirit
207 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIHE FUTURE.
and patriotism of the residents of the city and district to
form volunteer military companies, for the better maintenance of order and security. This call was promptly
respondied to, and a regiment of volunteer infantry was
speedily organized, armed, and was diligently drilled. But
the public spirit which inspired these volunteers was very
different in its source and aim from what had been supposed
and expected to operate.
The wealth and support of the people who, either as
permanent inhabitants or temporary sojourners, made up the
population of Washington and the adjacent small rural portion of the District of Columbia, were derived from and
dependent upon the vast expenditures there made, because
of the residence of the federal government. There were
but few persons whose incomes were not either made up
or increased by direct receipts, in some way or other, from
the government expenditures. And there were none, whose
gains and incomes were not greatly increased indirectly
from that source. Great wealth, in lots and houses, and
profitable rents, had been thus created. And it was recognized by all, that the removal of the seat of government,
at any time, would have taken away full two-thirds of the
value of all private landed property, and reduced all incomes
of remaining residents full as much.  This complete and
permanent condition of dependence on the general government had naturally made the population of Washington
especially loyal, and, though southern in locality, and also
generally by birth, the people had throughout submitted
silently, if not always approvingly, to all the measures and
policy of the northern section, directing the federal government. The like considerations of self-interest had origi
208 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
nally silenced all objections of the residents to being separated from Maryland and the District being made the domain of the United States-and had induced acquiescence
of the people in their being deprived of any share of political power. But at last, the dreaded and fatal and doubtless also final act of removal of the seat of government
had been consummated, notwithstanding all the foregone
submission of the inhabitants to, and support oft the federal
government, and its oppressive measures-and their having
been compelled to bear the virtual extinction of slavery in
the District, and all the increased evils of a large population of emancipated and other free negroes. All the political and domestic evils of the condition of the people
remained in full force, and yet all the previous compensating benefits of gain were ended. These various considerations served to bring about a general and sudden change of
opinion, and of views of political affairs and prospects.
The former merely mercenary supporters of the northern
power had no longer any thing to gain from that kind of
loyalty; and to them, as to the more patriotic, the existing
connection with, and exclusive subjection to the general, or
now northern, government, appeared now fraught with evil.
To all classes, it became desirable that their District, and
their political condition, should be united with the original
parent state, Maryland, whose territory still nearly surrounded the district-the circuit being completed by a few
miles of the water of the Potomac. This re-annexation
was the more earnestly desired by the more patriotic inhabitants, because the secession of Maryland was then
expected, and which soon after was formally announced.
Under the influence of these opinions and feelings, the ranks
209 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
of the new regiment of volunteers were filled, and the
officers elected. Of course, the members were the most
ardent of secessionists in opinion, and southerners in sentiments and preferences. The ordinary militia companies,
embracing all other persons of military age, and merely
organized, amounted to about 7000, were but partially
armed, and were without military practice or instruction.
Before the removal of the seat of the northern government
fromi  Washington, and after open hostilities with Virginia
had been commenced, it would have been very easy for an
expedition of a few thousand brave men to surprise and
capture the President and every important officer of the
administration, and perhaps most of the members of both
houses of Congress, and to take them as prisoners into Virginia. But, besides the desiring to avoid any act of offensive war, or of assault to be made outside of Virginia, or
of southern territory, the authorities of that state did not
desire the fruition of the object referred to, at even moderate
risk and cost, or at any sacrifice of designed policy. No
substantial gain would have been made by the capture, and
confinement as prisoners, of every officer and member of
the civil government. As soon as the President, or any
other officer of the government, should be a prisoner in a
hostile country, he would, ipso facto, cease to be a political
functionary-and a substitute, previously designated by the
constitution, or to be designated by executive appointment
or popular election, would be either instantly or speedily
supplied, and be ready to assume the place vacated. The
country whose functionaries or representatives should thus
be removed, would not be the worse for the loss, and might
well be bettered in the substitution. The most ardent
210 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
southern patriots and seceders, (to which party all the people of the south have Hiow substantially acceded(,) would
much regret to have Seward and his supporters in the northern Congress substituted by men less devoted to and blinded
by northern fanaticism-which fanaticism alone has enabled
the South to become independent.
LETTER XLI.
New legislature of Virginia. Important political events.
RicHMOND, June 13, 1868.
While the events which have been narrated or commented on in the latter letters, were in progress in the South,
the North, and the West, there were also still more important political occurrences elsewhere, which have not yet
been mentioned.   I will now return to take up these affairs,
more than a month after the dates of the earliest of them.
Of course, the most important or impressive incidents have
been communicated to your readers much earlier than
this letter will appear in your columns. But 1 do not seek,
nor even desire, to report very early news-but only such
statements of facts, and comments thereon, as the lapse of
timne, and the comparison of all conflicting reports, may permit to be considered as correct. Also, by avoiding very early
communication of particular occurrences, I am enabled to
treat more regularly, connectedly, and also concisely, each
separate series of connected yet separate affairs, and to pursue each particular subject to a proper time for its suspen
211 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
sion.  In this way,  iy remarks are now some six weeks
in arrears of the political affairs of Virginia, which will now
be resumed, and brought up.
The last legislature of this state, elected two years before
the termination of its service, and without any reference to
latter events, did not correctly represent recent public sentiment and opinion, which had been heated and exasperated
by the political events of later occurrence.   And, under the
corrupting and stultifying influence of the present state constitution, and its system of universal suffrage, and caucus
nominations for all public offices, that legislature, like its
near predecessors, was low in intellect, patriotism, and the
standard of character in general. Yet, while, even after the
latest and worst acts of the northern section, (controlling
the federal government,) that legislature would do nothing to
resist past wrongs, it resolved and threatened loudly (as
has been the time-honored custom of Virginia,) against any
suchfuture assaults and injuries. And, taking advantage of
this always prospective fervor and patriotism, the governor
and the minority of true southerners in the legislature were
enabled to obtain the enactment of every measure desired
for preparation, and as authority necessary for future military defence. The voting for such enactmnents of postponed
and prospective measures, and for the fiery and wordy resolutions which preceded them, were generally concurred
in by even the most submissive members, and who were
very willing then, as before, to utter "brave words I as a
substitute and full compensation for the omitted brave acts
for defence, which they would never have been ready for.
However, with whatever views and mental reservations, the
threatening enactments of this poor and contemptible bodv
were voted, they were sufficient  to provide for the better
212 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
organlization, and for the fiill authority for the employment,
of the militia, which the then unexpected action of the federal government soon required to be put in practice-as
has been described ill my preceding letters.
The present legislature is very different in composition
and character from any of those of latter times. The time
of the elections had been (some years ago) changed from
May to the last week of April.  The general ferment then
and previously excited in the public mind, by the continued
and increasing encroachments of the North, the last evident
movement for absolute domination, and for the (omplete
subversion of slavery, and consequent destruction of the
South, and the brave stand in opposition thereto made by
some of the more southern states, all concurred to create
an interest and excitement in the public mind, that served,
for once at least, to over-rule and supersede the usual influence of unprincipled and low demagogues, working,
through caucus machinery and political fraud, for their own
personal advancement and gain, or that of their leaders and
patrons. The honest mass of the people had been generally
awakened to a sense of the existing dangers, and would no
longer be deceived and misled by the knaves and the party
names and phrases which had heretofore served as words of
absolute command to party followers, long after they had
ceased to apply to current events, and to requirements for
political action.  Under this iiew influence, the people generally threw aside the long worn bonds of caucus nominations, and the direction and rule of base demagogues and
mercenary office-holders. and their subordinate and servile
tools. The best and ablest men, as representatives, were
called for by the'public will; and the most intelligent,
patriotic, zealous and worthy were generally designated,
21Io 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
and elected. Many of the wisest and best citizens, who,
by the previous course of things had long been kept in the
obscurity of private life, were now recalled to the political
service which they had formerly honored( and dignified;
and others, among the most highly qualified for public
trusts, were for the first time brought into the public service
of the state. Among the former class, two of the most
distinguished by their former and long suspended public services, are the venerable J... R.,         who  may deservedly be esteemed, for his stern integrity and his political
wisdom, as the Phocion of the latter degenerate times, and
W. N. not less distinguished for his ability, for patriotism
always disdaining party shackles, and for his private worth.
Among the much larger number of new legislators, yet able
men, and distinguished in other though private stations, was
J. P. H. whose statemanship, profound knowledge of the
philosophy of government, and rare powers of eloquence
an(l of reasoning, all would serve to designate him as eminently fitted to serve admirably in the public councils of
his country in this time of difficulty and peril.  Many other
men of good talents, and high character and worth, are
elected.  And perhaps it is not less an advantage that mere
party names have been ignored, and corrupt party politicians
have very generally been excluded from the legislature.  It
would seem as if the country generally had adopted and
acted upon such opinion as was set forth in a sentiment
offered as a toast at a public and political dinner in Richmond, some six months ago, and which was  then concurred in and applauded with enthusiasm.  It was in these
words: "May the existing party names and divisions and
enmities, throughout the southern states, be extinguished and
forgotten; and henceforth, may we recognize as the only
214 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
political parties, the one including all persons who will
maintain the rights of the South, and the other, all who oppose, neglect, or would betray them."
On the next day after that of the elections, the governor
issued (as was previously promised and expected,) a call
for an extra session of the new legislature, oni the 2d of
May. On that d(lay, the body met; and as soon as organized, both houses went into private session, (with closed
doors,) and so continued for seven days, and (as since made
known, with the proceedings, so far as yet made public,)
secrecy was enjoined by the oath of every member, until the prohibition should be withdrawn. Private communications were received from the governor, the subjects
of which, with the general state of political affairs, it may
be presumed occupied the deliberations and guided the decisions of thie assembly.  The principle measures (as since
made known,) were all acted upon, and put in operation,
or progress, before the actual breaking out of war in Virginia, (on the 11th,) was known or anticipated in supposition.  That event, and its immediate and stirring consequences of course produced new and strong excitement and
determination everywhere?.   But the political position of
the legislature had been fully assumed previously-and was
not directed or altered by these sudden and unlooked for
incidents of war, which operated so powerfully as the first
sufficient impulse to many other slower minds in Virginia,
and upon other southern states.  One  of the measures
adopted, and which but lately has been permitted to be
made public, was a course like that proposed by South
Carolina and Mississippi, in 1860, to Virginia, and which
this state, under the prevailing influence of " conservatism )
and the fear of disunion, then rejected. This is a proposal
215 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
from Virginia for a conference of the authorities of all the
slaveholding states which have not seceded from the union
with the northern section. The request for, and recommendation of this conference, accompanied by an elaborate
exposition and argument in favor of these states' concurrent
secession, was immediately sent to the several governors of
all these states, and with an invitation for the meeting of
the representative commissioners, for the conference, in
Raleigh, on June 1st. But, while thus deferring to the
other states, and wishing to act in concert, and simultaneously with them, if they should concur, the legislature of
Virginia still proceeded to prepare, and to act in reference
to present and pressing contingencies, as if resolved to persevere alone, if unsupported by the aid of any of her neighboring sister states thus sought.  Every necessary aid and
support to the then open war was given.  One of the first
measures of the session had been to approve unanimously
of the governor's previous vigorous military preparations
and general orders, and to confer on him, and require the
exercise of, the previously implied, but somewhat indefinite
authority, to prevent the passage of troops through Virginia,
without the permission of the state authorities.  This wvas
some days before the actual exercise of that authority and
service, which, however, would have occurred as well
without as with the latest and formal authorization by the
legislature.
The recent secret deliberations of the Virginia assembly,
the argumentative and eloquent appeal from that body to
the other like endangered states, and every surrounding
manifestation and political indication, all concur in presenting to these states, in a voice no longer to be disregarded,
the questions, "Shall we remain in the federal union with
216 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the northern states, by whom we have been deprived of all
political power, and all means for redress-when the fast
approaching measures for the destruction of the institution
of negro slavery, and of the only foundation of the security
and prosperity of the South, are no longer disguised and
are nearly ready to be enforced-when after having lost all
equality of political power, we have now lost, in the secession of six southern states, nearly half of our previous
feeble political support, and means for resistance or defence?  Shall we still remain in political bondage to the
North, and at its mercy-or shall we re-unite our political
destiny with our southern brethren, who are already independent, and are now bravely defending and maintaining
their rights, and determine, with them, to live free, or perish
in the attempt?" Such questions, in different modes and
aspects, had' been considered by every thoughtful and patriotic citizen of Virginia, in advance of their being presented
by          this legislature.  And the like anxious and feverish interest had been fast spreading through all the other slaveholding states similarly situated-unless the western shore
and larger portion of Maryland formed an exception. The
close neighborhood of the seat of the federal government,
the much dreaded consequences of practical emancipation
in the District of Columbia, (if intestine war should take
place,)  the still abiding love and veneration for the Union,
(especially cherished by all the weaker states,) and the fears
of what were deemed the certain consequences of disunion,
in bloody border war, and successful servile insurrection,
all      had served to render the State of Maryland, especially
loyal to the federal government, and entirely submissive
heretofore to every wrong and outrage which had been
perpetrated under cover of the federal Inlion and the fed        10
217 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUITURE.
eral constitution. In addition to these influences, the great
city of Baltimore has long been northern and anti-slavery
in the character of the dominant portion of its population,
and therefore a source of weakness, and of terror, to the
whole eastern and pro-slavery portion of the state. Further,
Baltimore had long been the most disorderly and lawless
city of the United States. For years together, its elections
were effected contrary to the known will of the people, by
the irresistible violence and control of armed( mQbs, composed of individuals of the worst habits and character. The
favorite representative of this mob of lawless desperadoes,
was H. D., who of all the members of Congress from the
slaveholding states, was the only one who voted with the
northern section, through the latter and worse acts of that
party.  As his influence and vote (as a southern member,)
could now render no more useful service to the administration, he had lately been rewarded by a seat in the Cabinet.
A large minority of the rural and village population of
Maryland, and the much larger portion of all east of the
Chesapeake bay, are true and zealous southerners in sentiment, and are for maintaining their rights and vital interests
in the institution of slavery. But all theses being a minority
of the state, are scarcely heard in the state counsels and
government. Their danger, as slaveholders, on account of
their position near the border lines, and for the other general conditions of Maryland, are mnore grave, and more
calculated to cause alarm for the future, than those of any
other state in the original federal union.
The sudden breaking out of hostilities, and the manner,
in western Virginia, served to quicken and strengthen the
disposition for resistance wherever it had existed before,
and to awaken it wherever dormant.
218 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XLII.
Political movements of border states.  More acts of secession.
RICHMOND, June 26, 1868.
At the appointed time for the conference, June 1st, commissioners from North Carolina, Virginia and Arkansas met
at Raleigh.'l'here were none sent from Texas, and could
not have been for want of time. Also, for different reasons,
none had been sent from Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee
and Missouri. The commissioners of Virginia as instructed
by the legislature, and for reasons stated at length, urged
the secession of all the remaining slaveholding states, and
their joining the southern confederacy. They added to their
general argument, that since the recent invasion of their
state, and the actual war carried on between it and the
northern section and federal government, the secession andi
independence of Virginia might be deemed accomplished.
But that, in deference to her sister states similarly exposed,
she proposed that all of them, or as many as would now
concur in the policy, should secede together and under one
declaration. These three states, by their commissioners, soon
agreed in such a declaration of secession, and of accession
to the southern confederacy-which was immediately comnmnunicated to their several legislatures, all in session, and
the acts were speedily ratified and made complete by all the
several necessary authorities.
The legislatures of the states of Maryland, Kentucky,
Tennessee and Missouri had still hesitated, and therefore,
failing to send commissioners to the conference  had so far
indirectly opposed the recourse to secession. But after
219 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
Virginia, North Carolina and Arkansas had actually taken
the preliminary steps for secession, and with the certain
assurance that Texas will follow immediately, the question
became very different to the otller four and only remaining
states. These four states, if still remaining attached to the
nominal general government, and really to the northern
section, would certainlv be powerless, and at the mercy of
the northern states-and could not expect to have their
property in and rights to slaves respected even for a year.
Further-if the war continued, the loss to the agriculture
and commerce of these four border states would be incalculable, if they continued attached to the northern section.
Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri would have no southern
(and scarcely any) outlet for their productions, and must
share fully in the sufferings from all the restrictions imposed
by the south on their northern enemies. Maryland depends
for her commercial existence on the trade with Virginia
and the foreign commerce carried on almost exclusively
through the broad waters and strait of Virginia. To lose
these advantages, or to have their use made very hazardous, would be ruinous to Maryland.  These views left no
choice to these states-and, compelled by the necessity of
the circumstances, they also qnickly followed in the declaration of secession. Texas is now the only exception, and
will not be so longer than her authorities can act. And with
that temporary exception, it may be considered that, in
effect, the fourteen slaveholding states have now all seceded
from the northern section, and are re-united in the southern
confederacy.
220 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER XLIV.*
Occupation of Harpers' Ferry. Re-annexation of the District of Columbia to
Maryland.
RICHMOND, June 30, 1868.
Everything being again quiet in the north-western part
of Virginia, and the political and military condition of things
elsewhere indicating that no new invasion, or assault, could
be soon attempted there by the northern power, weakened
as it was by recent events, the governor of Virginia had
ordered Gen. S. to withdraw all the remaining troops,
except the necessary frontier garrisons. The discharged
volunteers were sent to their homes by the most convenient
routes. All the others, and including all who had come by
the way of Harper's Ferry, returned, embodied, by that
route, and for other required service.
In passing, the United States arsenal and mianufactory of
arms at Harper's Ferry, were occupied, and a sufficient garrison left in charge. The ground used for these purposes
had long ago been ceded by Virginia to the federal government, and had since been retained. The arms in the arsenal
(formerly 200,000 stands or more,) had been mostly removed northward some months ago; and since the war
began in Virginia, the removal of the remainder had been
hurried, and the manufacturing operations stopped. The
military guard (a company of United States infantry,) had
been withdrawn, as the place is incapable of being defended
*The Letter No. XLIII is missing-for reasons which will be stated hereafter
-with explanations of the contents.-EDITOR.
221 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
against any superior numbers, having possession of the
higher  surrounding  emninences.   There  still remained
50,000 stands of small arms, which there had not been
the means for conveying away in time to secure them.
These, and all the moveable implements and facilities for
manufacturing arms, were deemed proper prizes of war, and
ordered to be removed from this exposed frontier, to the
armory and arsenal at Richmond. This service, at Harper's
Ferry, required but the temporary detention of a few hundred men. The main body, of 5000, moved on with all
speed, by the Alexandria and Loudoun Railroad, to the
camp near Alexandria, there uniting with the 4000 troops
sent by the southern confederacy, which (as stated in my
last letter,) had lately occupied that position. Consultations had been previously held with the governor of Maryland, who was ready to act in advance of the (now certain
and) fast approaching formal secession of that state-and
consequent secret arrangements had been made with the
commanding officer of the militia and volunteers, and a few
other leading persons in Washington. Within two hours
of the same time, in the latter part of the night of June
29th, all the troops from the Alexandria camp and 2000
volunteers from Maryland, reached Washington, and attacked
the several posts of the federal army.  The regiment of
Washington volunteers was under arms almost as soon as
the first signal was sounded.  As soon as the alarm hadl
aroused all the inhabitants, and they had learned the cause,
and the object of the assailants, nearly 2000 men more of
the militia, very irregularly armed, and mostly with private
arms, severally hastened to join the volunteers and the
southern army. The garrison of the city though regulars,
3000 in number, were mostly new recruits; and even if
222 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
they had not been taken by surprise, would have been unable to resist with any chance for success. As soon as the
first onslaught had been made, and the advantage of a surprise gained, a parley was sounded, and the garrison summoned to surrender. This was promptly agreed to, the
arms and munitions of war to be surrendered(, but the troops
to be permitted to withdraw, and to be forthwith marched,
under an armed escort, to the border of Pennsylvania, and
there left to proceed northward.
At the same time, a strong separate force, having howitzers
and shells, had assaulted Fort Washington on the land side,
sixteen miles lower on the Maryland bank of the Potomac,
where its defences were weakest, and the fort is commanded
by higher neighboring ground.  Its small garrison of 200
men soon capitulated.
The capture of these places, and especially of the Navy
Yard and Fort Washington, placed in the possession of the
southern army a large quantity of cannon, and material for
land and naval war, and several small vessels of war in a
more or less advanced state of construction, or of repair.
The possession of the District and city was forthwith offered
to and assumed by the commander of the Maryland contingent, for his state government. The 4000 troops sent
by the southern confederacy, strengthened by 2000 of Maryland volunteers, (all now in the service of the southern
confederacy,) were left as a garrison for the city.  The
public buildings and all other property of the former federal
government are ordered to be carefully guarded from all
damage or depredation.
In addition to these successes of the South, a report has
just been received of the capture of Pensacola, with its two
forts and its important dock yard, by an expedition ordered
223 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
by President M., and composed of troops that had served
and been instructed, and had gained military experience, at
Charleston. Pensacola being of but little importance as a
place of trade, and being strongly defended, had been heretofore left unassailed.  But it is the only southern harbor
admitting vessels of twenty-one feet draft, (at high tide,)
and therefore, with its dock yard, was aln important possession for the northern power, and for the repair of vessels
blockading the southern harbors,  The gallant conquest of
this place, lately effected, has restored to the southern confederacy every acre of its whole territory, and removed
every armed enemy firom its soil-with the exception of
that occupied by the northern army in Mississippi-which
by the latest accounts, was in slow, but almnost sure progress
to a deplorable exhaustion of its strength, by disease, if not
by still worse inflictions.
LETTER XLV.
Thie progress of the federal army in the South-west. Negroes and Negrophilism.
RIcHMoND), July 1, 1868.
It has already been stated that the northern division of
the federal army, which moved from Philadelphia through
Pittsburg, finding the passage by the river Ohio opposed by
hastily constructed batteries, had proceeded by railroad
conveyance to the site and designed camp for concentrating
the different corps, in Illinois, on the Ohio river, and near
its junction with the Mississippi. There, Gen. N. had
224 
LESSONS FOR TIlE PRESENT TIME.
rapidly assembled under his command, in addition to the
force brought from Pennsylvania of 9000 regulars, (including artillery and cavalry,) 6000 regulars, infantry and riflemen from the western posts, and 10,000 drafted militia from
Ohio, Indiana and Illinois-making 25,000 in all. There
were still expected to follow speedily the 7000 men under
Gen. W., whose progress was merely known to be delayed,
in Virginia, but whose impediments were not then suspected
to be serious. Later and large reinforcements were expected of recently recruited regulars, from the northern
cities.  But, as so much time had already been lost, speed
was of the utmost importance, when summer and the sickly
season were so near; and Gen. N. determined to proceed
down the river with his then assembled strength, leaving
the expected reinforcements for later embarkation and passage. A numerous flotilla had been collected, and was
hourly augmenting, for transporting the army, and its munitions and provision-composed of every kind of vessel
used for freight on the western rivers, from the largest
sized steamers down to flat boats for towing, and rowboats. None of these vessels were suited for purposes of
war, and all were of the slight and light construction best
adapted for speed and for carrying freight, on narrow and
sheltered rivers, and for cheap service. Of course such
vessels are altogether unfitted to serve for fighting, being
too weak to bear the concussion of firing heavy artillery
from their decks, and every one was liable to be disabled
by a single well-directed cannon ball from an enemy. But
no opposition was expected, before reaching Mississippi, the
first hostile state-and none was supposed possible to be
offered by either of the more northern slaveholding states,
Kentucky, Tennessee and Arkansas, whose entire devotion
225 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
to the Union, and to the federal government, was then undoubted.
The fleet of steamers, and the various other vessels towed
by the steamers, reached the northern extremity of the state
of Mississippi on the 25th of May. A strong fortification
of earth-work, called Fort Calhoun, had been hastily constructed on the most northern site suitable for defence, and
having exposed to its guns two long stretches (one above
and the other below the fort,) of the great but narrow river.
But hasty and rough as was the construction, the fortification had been planned by the best skill and science of engineering. It was also ably commanded, and its guns were
well served and directed. The guns were but few, and still
fewer of these were of large calibre, and of long range. If
there had been no deficiency in these respects, at this and
sundry other favorable positions on the Mississippi river, a
good battery at any one such place could sink or disable,
if not entirely stop, one-half of any fleet of ordinary river
vessels that could attempt to force a passage.
Col. D., the brave and experienced artillery officer in
command, had a superfluity (2000) of raw and newly arrived volunteers, armed with muskets and rifles-but had
but few cannon, and barely enough good gunners and artillerymen to serve them well. And these made up nearly
all his fighting force, except for the short time when the
vessels were nearest, wben the rifles, and especially those
of new construction and Iongest range, could operate with
effect.  Gen. N. had not known, until when descending
the river, that such fortifications had been constructed, anywhere on the river-and even if knowing the general fact,
would have supposed the defence that could be made would
be so contemptible, as scarcely to delay his progress, unless
226 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
requiring him to land and capture the fort, and disperse its
raw garrison. Neither he nor the federal administration
seemed to have counted upon any but raw and incapable
officers serving the seceded states, and commanding the new
levies of militia. The abundant supplies of excellent oflicers, which had lbeen furnished by the former unjust sectional policy of the Tederal government, was not thought
of, until after sundry trials, and most disastrous proofs.
With such limited means for offence, Col. D. could do
but little compared to what might have been (lone by proper means. But still, his operations were as disastrous to
the enemy, as they were unexpected and surprising. The
fleet came down the river towards the fort, and when within
range of its guns, with all possible speed. The cannon
from the fort were well directed, and whenever a ball struck
the frail hull of a steamer, it rarely failed to pass through,
and in most cases disabled either the machinery or the vessel. The light pieces of field artillery, on the decks of
some of the stoutest steamers, only could be fired in return,
and the rifles, when at nearest distance-and neither with
any effect. The fleet passed on, the uninjured vessels leaving to their fate such as were either stopped or retarded by
shots from the fort. To have stopped often enough and
long enough to succor or relieve all the crippled vessels,
would have too much endangered all the others. At the
first suitable landing place on the left bank of the rivers (and
which was some miles below the fort,) the fleet was stopped, to repair damages.  The forces were here landedwhich would have been required because of the injuries to
the vessels, but which was also deemed necessary to capture the fort, and so prevent its destructive fire upon the
next passing expedition, whether of the returning empty
227 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
vessels, or the succeeding fleets coming with reinforcements
and supplies for the army. The trial made had clearly
shown that no such fleet could pass such a fort, if fiully
armed and  well manned and commanded.   The serious
damages now sustained amounted to the sinking, or disabling and stopping, of four large steamers, and one of small
size, laden either with troops, cavalry horses, cannon or
provisions-and twelve large flats or smaller boats similarly laden. The loss to the enemy, were more than 500
men, killed or drowned, 150 cavalry and artillery horses,
ten pieces of heavy field artillery, and a quantity of provisions. Some of the disabled vessels either ran on shore or
sank in shallow water near the fort, so that afterwards all
the cannon, and much of the other dead freight, were saved
by the captors.
The results of this encounter produced other unexpected
difficulties and prospective heavy pecuniary costs. Besides
paying (as usual in all such contracts of governments,) most
extravagant charges for the use of all these chartered vessels, the government had to insure their safe return. The
safe return up the stream, by the fort, of steam vessels of
hostile character and ownership. was almost impossible,
and certainly too hazardous to be ventured-and whether
detained uselessly below, and also guarded to prevent surprise and capture, or destroyed in attempting to return up
the river, in either case, the whole estimated or charged value
of the vessels would be a dead loss to the government. The
same would be the case as to every succeeding fleet, or vessel, with the dangers increasing with every day's delay
serving to allow better preparation for this fort, and the
construction of others. The taking of Fort Calhoun thus
became a necessity. Therefore, if it had not otherwise
228 
LESSONS FOR TIHE PRESENT TIME.
been required, the army was disembarked, and as soon as
possible proceeded to invest and besiege Fort Calhoun on
the land side. Some efforts had been made by Col. D. with
his garrison, and other volunteers, amounting in all then to
4000 men to oppose the landing, and harass the subsequent
advance of the invaders. But though his riflemen, without
suffering much in return, killed or wounded more than 400
of the enemy, he was obliged to retreat, while fighting, to
the fort, and there to stand a siege. The works were too
strong, and the defence too resolute for Gen. N. to attempt
to take the fort by storm, and his cannonading had but little
effect. He could not prevent supplies of men and provisions being received on the river side-and within a few
days, the guns were increased by the recovery and placing
of the ten pieces of artillery from the suLnken vessel.  But
though unable to take the fort, at first, and the prospect of
its capture seeming daily to grow less, as the place was reinforced, still half of the invading army was enough to
maintain the siege, leaving the remainder disposable for the
present, for any other purpose. Portions of these, principally of cavalry, were used as foraging parties, to scour the
neighboring country, and visit all the plantations, and to
collect as much of provisions and forage as could be obtained.  These supplies were taken wherever found, and
nominally on purchase. But the only mode of payment
was in certificates of the debts signed by the officers, and
which obligations, it was promised to the unwilling creditors, would be subsequently redeemed by the United States
government. But there was so little credence given to these
promises, that every man for whose property such certificates were held, deemed them almost worthless, and supposed that he had been robbed of their full amount. Of
229 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
course, every effort was used by the proprietors to prevent
their provisions or other moveables falling into the hands
of the enemy. And owing to some circumstances peculiar
to this country, these efforts could be more successful than
would be supposed in advance of knowledge of the facts.
Rich and productive as is the soil of this region, there
has been but little of grain or provisions raised.  It has
been the general and bad practice of the planters, in their
effort to make as much as possible for market of their great
and profitable crop, cotton, to rely upon buying more or less,
and often the larger proportion, of the grain and other provisions needed for the plantations. These supplies had heretofore been furnished abundantly, and cheaply enough, from
the upper states, (and formerly mostly from the northwestern states,) by steamers. Thus the planters had usually
provided themselves with the needed grain and meat from
time to time, barely in advance of their wants, and did not
often, from April to October, have a supply on hand of provisions for three months' use.  But this ordinary scarcity of
surplus provisions had been made much greater by the late
interruption of trade and navigation on the river, and the
shiutting out supplies from all the hostile or north-western
states. The only recently permitted navigation, or trade,
had been of the vessels and products of the slaveholding
states of Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee. Arkansas and Missouri, with which there had been no interruption of intercourse, or friendly relations. These different circumstances
had caused a general absence of superfluous provisions
throughout the cotton country near the rivers-though
everywhere there would have been an abundance for the
usual wants of the inhabitants. But it followed, that even
when the foraging parties of the enemy swept off all the
230 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
grain and provisions which they found, they obtained barely
sufficient supplies for the temporary consumption of the
army. A large proportion of all the surplus grain, &c., of
the neighboring planters had been transported to the fort,
before the invasion, and so was protected from the enemy.
Much of the small quantities remaining on the plantations
the proprietors concealed, or moved off in advance of the
expected visits of foraging parties. And many planters who
could not thus save their grain, destroyed it, to prevent its
being taken for the use of the enemy. In addition to the
difficulty of obtaining supplies of provisions, owing to their
absolute scarcity on the plantations, and especially near to
the fort, within a few days after the landing of the invading
army, the foraging parties met with other obstructions.
Troops of cavalry, and other volunteer forces had been
assembling rapidly. And though neither their numbers, at
first, nor their condition of preparation and discipline, of
these new levies permitted them to face the invading army
in open battle, they cut off and restrained the foraging
parties, and soon rendered such operations very difficult
and dangerous, unless conducted by a force able to face and
repel the whole body of the new troops that could be
brought together to oppose the invaders. Gen. F., who
commanded the new and rapidly increasing force of raw Mississippi volunteers pursued the proper policy for the circumstances of avoiding all fighting on open ground, or otherwise
unless when with some advantage of position which would
more than compensate for the want of discipline and experience on his side. His tactics and operations consisted mainly
of a succession of retreats from the serious attempts to attack
his main body, and of frequent changes of place of every
detachment of his army, so as to mislead and frustrate every
exertion of the superior military strength of the invading
231 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
army. As soon as the southern army, (increased by the
superfluous portion of the garrison of the fort,) had been
increased to some 5000 in number, Gen. N., leaving enough
of the northern army to maintain the siege, moved rapidly
with the larger portion to attack the main camp of the southerners. But rapid as was the movement to assail, the arrangements for information had served to fore-warn Gen. F.
and to enable him to retreat, in good time and in good order,
and without any loss, to another temporary position. No
open resistance was offered to sundry other like attempted
attacks. The invading army marched wherever it was ordered, with scarcely any opposition. But still it commanded
obedience, or submission, only onl the ground held for the
time in military occupation. Though this country offers
no mountain steeps or defiles, and is generally well adapted
for the operations of an invading army, still there are many
swamps impassable by armies, and mirv-bottomed rivers
and bayous, and ground covered by woods and thickets of
cane and dense shubbery, to afford excellent cover to a
defensive force, acquainted with the localities, and, thus to
enable a skillful commander to foil and to damage a superior attacking force. Such movements were made, by Gen.
F's orders, as to draw the invaders into difficult localities,
and where the rifles of the concealed volunteers could have
effect.  In this manner, day after day passed, with small but
continual losses of men. and still more of cavalry horses,
of the invaders, and almost with impunity on the part of
thie defenders. In the progress of these operations, Gen.
N's army, which included the greater number of the whole
invading force, was drawi to a considerable distance from
the portion left to carry on the siege, and another smaller
encampment of troops at the landing place, which was re
232 
LESSONS FOR THiE PRESENT TIME.
quired there to protect the vessels, and also the landing of
the daily expected and large reinforcements of men and
provisions and other supplies. Under all these circumstances, the invading forces were daily weakened, and still
more discouraged, while the southerners were as regularly
increasing in numbers, and in their readiness and fitness for
military duties.
The small steamer which had been disabled and captured
by the fort in the passage of the fleet, was but slightly damaged, and was soon repaired and put to good use. It was
of shallow draught, and was a swift runner. Col. D. armed
this steamer with a twelve pound cannon, and twenty riflemen, having rifles of the longest range. The aid of this
vessel and its armament, to the guns of the fort, was sufficient to stop, or capture, every passing unarmed vessel belonging to, or in the service of the enemy, and to prevent
the possibility of the passage of any flotilla, except by force,
and with great loss. Previously, some of the invaders'
steamers had attempted, at night to return up the river, by
the fort, and a few had succeeded in so escaping, by favor
of the darkness, and the distance of the firing from the guns
of the fort. But after having the use of the little armed
steamer, no steam or other vessel could possibly pass, unless sufficiently armed to force its passage, which was not
the case with one on the river, unless when armed for conveying troops. The same measures served to prevent completely all supplies of provisions being brought by unarmed
boats from the upper or north-western states. Those from
all the upper slaveholding states, continued to be freely admitted, but only to furnish their supplies to southerners.
Thus the fort, and the outside southern army, and also the
population of the invaded country, were well supplied with
233 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
provisions from Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri mostly,
while the invading army was already beginning to suffer
from the privation of sufficient and wholesome food, and
the consequences in sickness and discontent.
There was one means of offence, other than military,
which had been much relied on in advance, by northerners
at home, and also greatly feared by many southerners, as
the most dangerous and injurious incident or consequence
of secession of slaveholding states, and their invasion by
northern troops. This was the seduction and incitement
of the slaves to desert their masters and seek freedom in
the camp or country of the invaders-if not also to make
extended insurrection, under such encouragement and aid,
and to convert the whole slaveholding country to another
St. Domingo. This invasion served as the first occasion
to test the correctness of these opinions of northern abolitionists. From the beginning, and with every visit of a foraging party to every plantation, or wherever a military detachment of the invaders was encamped within a few miles
distance, every slave had it completely in his power to desert his master's plantation, and join the invaders, and be
protected by them from any immediate punishment or damage from his former rulers. In addition to these wide-spread
opportunities for escape, known to all, the many fanatical
abolitionists of the invading militia, and those from Ohio
especially, exerted themselves to invite and persuade the
slaves to use the present means offered, and in their power,
to assume their freedom, by desertion or insurrection. These
seductions and inducements had effect on a few slaves, and
especially in the beginning. But, in general, and with few
exceptions, the failure of such attempts was signal and complete. The ignorant negroes in general were more alarmed
234 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
at, and more fearful of the invading forces than were their
masters; and the better informed among the slaves had
learned enough to make them altogether distrustful of such
offers of fieedom, even if desirous at heart to attain the promised condition. They had heard of the sufferings, in their
new condition of freedom at the north, of many slaves who
formerly had been seduced by the false statements of abolitionl agents to flee-of the inhuman neglect of these their
victims by the abolitionists at the north-of the base treachery of other northerners, who induced and aided the escape
of slaves, merely afterwards to arrest and carry them back to
their masters, for the offered rewards. Further, all of them
had heard the traditionary accounts of the like invitations
and encouragements for the desertion or insurrection of
slaves having been offered by the British forces and coinmanders in the invasions of the southern states during both
the wars of 1776 and 1812, and of the disastrous results
to the victims, who, whether of their choice, or by compulsion, were changed to the so-called condition of freedom. These old stories, with all their exaggerations, of
the falsehood and cruelty of the invaders, and the sufferings
of their victims, the fugitive slaves in the war of 1776, had
doubtless been generally communicated to the succeeding generation of slaves, and had produced on them such a distrust
and fear of any like offers, that, in the war of 1812, with every
facility at command, the remarkable fact was universal that
not one slave in Virginia (or elsewhere, so far as known,)
voluntarily deserted to the invading enemy, or went off with
any of the numerous foraging and plundering parties which
at various times had complete control of hundreds of different plantations, on which the slaves then only remained at
home to receive the invaders.  It is true, that at a later time,
235 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
and after any voluntary desertion of slaves was hopeless,
many hundreds of them were carried off to the British
ships. But it was in every case by force, and not by consent of the abducted slaves. These facts are well established.
By the treaty of peace, England agreed to pay, and did pay,
the full value of these slaves, some thousands, I believe, in
number, on the admitted ground that they had been carried
off by force. These later and more noted occurrences in
Virginia and Maryland, added to the older traditions of the
war of 1776, had probably been regular fire-side narrations
of the older to the younger slaves, and had impressed them
with horror for any such attempts. Many of the negroes of
Mississippi, and of the other south-western states, had been
brought from the tide-water counties of Virginia and Maryland, and were acquainted, by report, with all the circumstances referred to, and were respected as authorities for the
most exaggerated incidents. Some additional and stronger
influences for discontent were now operating, in the personal persuasions of fanatical abolitionists, having or professing religious affiliations with some of the slaves, which
influences prevented as complete failure, at this time, of the
attempts at inveigling of slaves from their service, as occurred to my philanthropic countrymen in the war of 1812.
Still, up to this time, it is understood that all the slaves who
have so absconded to the enemy's army in Mississippi, were
less than forty in number, and that no cases had occurred
later than the first week of the invasion.
I do not mean to intimate that this slowness or reluctance
of negro slaves to accept of the offers and to trust to the
promises of freedom, as in this recent case, and in still more
marked  manner, and universally, in the war of 1812, is
evidence of their preferring their present condition of bond
236 
LESSONS FOR TtIE PRESENT TIME.
age, or of unwillingness to be free from the control of a master.
I fully believe that that control, and bondage, are necessary
for the well-being and greatest possible usefiulness and
happiness of the negro race. But negro slaves, as well as
all other persons in bondage of any kind, even of loving
children to loving parents-would prefer to be free from
constraint, and of obedience to any but their own will.  A
negro especially hates labor-and his idea of liberty is the
licence to be idle.  Of course a negro slave would generally
desire to be relieved, by emancipation, from the obligation
to labor at a master's command-and  his ignorance would
generally prevent his knowing, or duly appreciating, that
the necessary alternative would be, if free, to labor under
the compulsion of want. But even when influenced in
feeling by these considerations, and by the false as well as
the true, there are other counteracting influences operating
to deter any attempted action, besides those referred to
above of suspicion and distrust of his pretended friends
and  patrons, the abolitionists.   The  negro is naturally
timid, unenterprising, fearful of and averse to change to any
new and untried condition. Also, he is especially in awe
of his master's authority, even though it should be absent
or suspended for a time, and of the power of the superior
race and dominant class to which his master belongs.
Therefore, even if the southern slaves were as willing to
achieve their freedom by flight, or by insurrection  and
bloody general massacre, as the northern abolitionists are
to incite them to such acts-if they had not the existing
love for their master's family, which is general, and feeling
of compunction or horror for the murderous acts enjoined
upon  them  by such advisers-still, before negro slaves
could be so moved, it would be further necessary to quiet
237 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
their fears of future punishment, by the perfect assurance
that no suffering, or reverse of circumstances, would ever
follow their assumption of freedom. And such assurance
can never be given by any hostile power or invading army,
that is at the same time struggling to maintain its temporary
supremacy, or which has not already completely subdued
the invaded country and people, and suppressed all appearancee of opposition.  Should the northern section, and its
armed forces, ever be thus supreme in the southern states,
then, the offer of freedom  to the slaves, if made by the
conquering and impregnable ruling power, will doubtless
be generally accepted. But until then, the offer of freedom
to the slaves, even though accompanied by the promise
(from the abolitionists) of seizing and possessing their
masters' property, as the reward for general and successful
insurrection and massacre, will have but little effect. By
such efforts, in time of war, or in political separation, a few
slaves may  be  persuaded  and  enabled  to  desert their
southern service, and flee to the north.   But, with  the restraints that either war or political separation will enable
to be enforced, these losses will be less in number than
have heretofore been suffered by the southern slaveholders,
when under the same general government with the abolition
emissaries-who, as fellow-citizens then had free access to
every slaveholding state, and almost to every slave.
The admission that uegro slaves probably would generally
rebel, and free themselves and seize on their masters'
property, if perfectly assured of success, has no more of
special application to negro slaves than to the most destitute and suffering white and (so called) free citizens or
subjects of the most refined and philanthropic countries of
Europe, or even of these northern states, where negro
238 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
philism is most rife and rampant, and where the anti-slavery
fanatics rely with most confidence on negro insurrection
both as a condemnation and a remedy for slavery. Suppose that England or France or either of these oldest
northern states, was subdued, and powerless in the military
occupancy of an overwhelming hostile power-and that
that power offered and proclaimed to all the destitute
classes relief and freedom from want, and invited them,
under the secure protection of the conquering power, to
take possession, at will, of the property and wealth of any
or all who possessed any. Does any one believe that the
destitute classes of England and France, thus encouraged,
and assured of entire success and safety, would not eagerly
accept the offered benefits? And if the owners of property
should dare to resist its peaceable seizure, would the new
claimants hesitate to assert their new rights by force? Or,
if necessary for their successful assertion, to use fire and
sword, and every other means of terror and destruction, to
enforce their new privileges? Even in this comparatively
plentiful country, where so few as yet suffer from hunger,
would the most destitute and suffering classes in the great
cities of the north-eastern states decline to accept such
offered privileges and bounties, at the expense of the
property, and even of the lives also, of their fellow-citizens,
the present property holders? For one, I verily believe
that, if the most unbounded privileges of these kinds-of
licence of every kind, and with the assurance of undoubted
impunity in the exercise-were offered both to the people of
Massachusetts and to the slaves of any southern states, that
the latter would be slower to use these offered benefits,
than that every wealthy abolitionist in Boston would be shot
239 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
or hung, and his property seized by his near neighbors,
and present disciples and followers.
The latest accounts from the seat of war in Mississippi
leave the contending parties in the positions and conditions
above stated. The northern army, though unresisted in
field operations, and able to move, and to command, at will,
(except to conquer Fort Calhoun,) gained nothing, of value
to its cause and objects, by its superior strength, and undisputed sway. The commander dared not attempt to
proceed farther down the river, with the hostile fort still
commanding the passage of the river in his rear, and able
to stop all reinforcements and supplies —nor to march far
into the interior-nor to leave his fleet without a strong
guard. He was daily losing men slain by unseen or retreating enemies, and his sick list was increasing alarmingly,
by wounds, privation, and diseases, the consequences of
privation and hardships of his raw troops. But large reinforcements of men, and arms, and all needed supplies were
expected daily; and by aid of which all opposing difficulties
were expected to be speedily and effectually removed. The
last reports from the army were up to June 20th, to which
time, Gen. N. had not learned the previous occurences,
military and political, which, if known, would have served to
show the utter fallacy of all his plans, and all hopes for reinforcements of troops, or supplies of provisions being sent
to him. The latest oQf all the events referred to, the states
of Arkansas, Missouri, and  Tennessee, and  Kentucky,
having joined the southern confederacy, will render the
navigation of both the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and even
the lower Missouri, utterly impracticable to all northern
and hostile vessels. These new circumstances, must place
the situation of the northern army in Mississippi in great
240 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
peril, from which I cannot conceive ally possible mode of
escape.  If the army shall merely remain as it is, until late
in July, even if abundantly supplied with provisions, and
without danger from any opposing forces, the diseases of
the climate and season alone will be enough to prostrate
and destroy the army. To this end, the invading army
may be left, if the means of Gen. F. should not enable him
earlier to attack and fight the invading army with certainty
of success. In the meantime, his army is daily increasing
in numbers, and improving in discipline and efficiency.
But even if reinforcements and provisions could be supplied to the army-and supposing that it had met with no
check or disaster-it still would be a grave question for
consideration, whether any benefit or gain can accrue to
the invading power or to its objects.  Putting aside the
aid and success of negro insurrection, (which so far has
been entirely a failure, and seems utterly hopeless in this
case,) the conquest, and enforced submission of even this
one state, Mississippi, alone-to say nothing of the whole
southern confederacy-and if with the aid of quadrupled
military forces, must  be impossible.  With such greater
force, or even with his present force, Gen. N. may march
whenever he'may choose, and put down ally opposition
that may be presented.  He too may ravage and destroy
the country, while so unopposed. But still he would codmmand no more territory then the ground enclosed within
his surrounding line of out-posts-and as the army would
move, so would be changed and shifted its limited territorial supremacy.  If the northern government shall pay for
all its supplies, obtained by compulsion from the inhabitants
of the country, as engaged and promised in the certificates,
it will be an enormous expense, for no important or abiding
11
11
241 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
benefit. If the debts shall be disavowe(l, for which certificates are given, then there will have been committed a
stupendous system of cheating and robbery, which will
draw on the government the scorn and contempt of tihe
civilized world.
LETTER XLVI.
Negro iILsulrrectioi incited by Northern f'tiaties.  Events in Marylanll(.
lICHNIIOND, July 8, 1868.
The events of this war, short as it has been, ought to
have shownv to all reasoning abolitionists of the northern
states that there is little aid to their cause to be expected
from negro deserters and allies, and still less from negro
insurrections.  But fanatics are incapable of correct reasoning, or of learning truth-or of seeing anytlhing otherwise
than through the distorting and deceptious medium of their
one engrossing idea, and the resulting false dogmas of the
peculiar wretched condition of negro slaves inlthese southern
states, and of their readiness and fitness to attempt, with
the offer of aid from abroad, to achieve their enfranchisement, through insurrection, rapine, and general massacre
of the whites.   The sanctimonious philanthropists, who
ardently sought the result of the general emancipation of
the negroes, were not repelled or discouraged by the use
of any means for that end, however destructive, bloody,
and even if more horrible than one general massacre of all
the whites.   Notwithstanding their previous  disappoint
242 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
menits, and especially of the most notable former attempt
uinder John Brown, these fanatics still fully believed that
the only reason why their cherished means for general
emancipation-wide-spread and successfill insurrection of
the slaves-had( not already occurred in the South, as a
consequence  of this war, was the want of sufficient encouragement and support to insurgents, and of evidence of
sympathy and zeal for the negroes, and of power to sustain
their efforts, in an acting and efficient  force of competent
and resolute white leaders and co-operators, and directed
by abolition counsels and policy. From the beginning of
hostilities, the associated an(] organized abolitionists, especially of the New  England states, and in western New
York, and Ohio, and Delaware, hlead been preparing means,
and forming plans, to excite insurrection on a large scale
of operations.   In their expanded piiilanthropic views, the
movers of these measures were not limited in their designed
action to the then seceded states. Though the actual war of
the northern government was then confined to the six early
seceding states, the fanatical conspirators were at war with
negro slavery in general, (in these southern states,) and
held all the slaveholding states equally as foes.   And as
the previous secret coiimmunications and plots, and various
operations of northern abolition agents, e5n slaves, had been
mostly set on foot in M.ry.latnd, Virginia, and Kentucky, it
was imuch easier to reniiew an.( extend communications with
slaves in these localities than to begin new ones in the
more  remote  southern  states.  ThroHugh  various organs
and clhannels ot' coimmiutnication, which northerners  had
maintained. in ostensible business or religious ptirsuits, in
the southerln  states,  Ihundreds of slaves in these border
states had been tampered witlh, and more or less indoctri
243 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
nated with the northern ethics of emancipation and insur  rection, with their incidents and aids of robbery, arson, and
murder.  And these then dormant connexions could easily
be revived, and extended as far as would be safe, or would
not bring about disclosure, before the designed time for
the actual out-break.  Before the final secession of the
border states, and while as yet there was no new or effective
obstacle to tile entrance and sojourn and machinations of
northern agents, the plan and means for extended insuLrrec tions were cautiously made known to many negro preachers,
and others of the most suitable among  the slaves iii the
particular localities designed for the early operations.  It
was not deemed safe to trust many with knowledge of the
designs, for fear of their being disclosed.   But, as the
northern  conspirators  proceeded  upon  the  establislhed
abolition belief that every slave will be anxious and realdy
to assert his freedom as soon as he is offered arms and
support, it was deemed of but little importance that the
numbers of the first initiated and chosen leaders should, in
the beginning, be very few. The lights and views of the
lanatical abolitionists and prinme movers of these attempts
were in no respect altered from the time and incidents of
John Brown's raid in 1859; and the present plans were but
copies, or continuations, of that earlier effort.   It was
believed by them that the sole cause of the total failure of
the attempt under Brown's leading, and why not even one
slave joined him, was that he did not have at least a few
hundred whites to begin the work, and encourage  the
slaves by their support, instead of only the two dozen
northern desperadoes whom he was so sanguine as to
believe were sufficient for the supposed easy work.
244 
LESSONS FOR T1E PRESENT TIME.
To make the now designed out-breaks more terrible and
effective, it was determined that they should be made at
the sante time, or as nearly together as could be, in two
remote places, in Maryland and Kentucky, which states,
by previous facilities and operations, had especially beeni
exposed to the machinations of the abolitionists.  In Maryland the great number of free negroes, and the close vicinity
of the numerous recently freed negroes in Washington and
I)elaware, had( offered every facility for secret communication, and for makling arrangements with the slaves.   In
Kentucky, in the counties near the Ohio river, there was a
still more dangerous influence operating on the slaves, from
abolition emissaries, both black and white, of the state of
Ohio.  In addition, there was a considerable tendency to
abolition in Kentucky, which had been nursed alnd
strengthed by the tolerated presence and teachings of such
preachers as the Rev. Mr. Fee, and the speeches and publications of the noted Cassius M. Clay.  It had been intended
to invade the two localities chosen for the out-break, with
as strong a force as could be brought from the North, of
both whites and negroes, and with plenty of pikes andl
muskets to arm immediately some thousands of the insurgents expected as the earliest auxiliaries.  It was at first
designed to let these operations appear as merely private
enterprises, having no encouragemnent from or connexion
with the government.   But the subsequent secession of the
border states and their being thus placed in the position of
hostility to the northern section, enabled the abolition invasions to have the much stronger support of the counteniance and pay of government, and its organized military aid.
The requisite funds for the early arrangements, for both
245 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
expeditions, had been provided by the associated abolitionists of the northern and western states.
As arranged for the operations in Maryland, five of the
ordinary coasting vessels of New England, at Boston, received on board secretly, and at night, (to prevent information abroad,) nearly 700 whites and  negroes, who  had
been enlisted for the expedition, and commanded by a
noted white abolitionist and rescuer or abductor of slaves.
The negroes were  mostly unemiploye(l sailors-and  the
whites were all fanatical abolitionists, and many of them
desperadoes, well experienced in civil broils, or military
service in foreign countries.  Besides the arms for these
mien, there were carried 10,000 muskets and 5,000 pikles,
for arming the first levies of insurgent slaves. The vessels
also carried some pieces of field artillery, plenty of ammtunition, and a sufficient stock of provisions.
The vessels sailed together, and kliept in sight of each
other generally throughout the voyage; but not so near as
to seem as if acting in concert, and so to attract observation.
They drew  together when near the place (lesigned for
landing. This was that peninsula on the Chesapeake bay
nearly surrounded by the broad and deep lower waters of
the Potomac and Patuxent rivers.  The vessels lingered
until night-fall, and then approached the shore, and landed
all the troops, with a sufficient supply of provisions, and( a
portion of the pikes.  The very narrow                 ofeck' of the
peninsula, a few miles up the two rivers was speedily
occupied and strongly guarded.   The  vessels, retaining
only their necessary crews, and some noncombatant
passengers, were anchored together, not very far from the
shore, where deemed safe firom  attack.  Commutincation
through the mail, and (lirecte(i to white emissaries, had
246 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
been mnade a few  days earlier with a few only of the
neighboring slaves who had been entrusted with knowledge
of the plan. Thus, the vessels were looked for, and
recognized by a preconcerted signal flag borne by one of
them.  Thus the engaged slaves were notified( to come into
the camp of the invaders, or, more generally, to begin and
spread insurrection and massacre in every direction, and to
arouse  the uninitiated slaves to join the  work.   The
locality was well chosen for the designed operations-and
the plan was v'ell devised for success, if the existing conditionls of the slaves, and their sentiiments, had been what
the fanatics foolishly but  firmly believed.   But putting
aside all other, and  sufficient, causes  for failure, if the
plotters had known anytl-ling of negro human nature, they
might have been sure that any such conspiracy, if confided
to as many as fifty negroes, would necessarily be discovered
or betrayed.  This result had been produced in two different
cases, and from very different  causes.   Three davs before
the arrival of the vessels, (on June 2Othl,) the whole plan
and designs had been communicated to the commana(ler of
the southern troops then occutpying Washington, from two
different sources.  One was a free negro resident of Washington, and a preacher, who was one of the early initiated, and
among the most confide(l in, and who, under the comibined
operation of the fear of failure and the mercenary hope of
reward, voluntarily betrayed his fellow conspirators  and
their instigators.  Another like communication was received
from a wealthy planter on the lower Potomac, wh-o had
been informed by one of his slaves who had enlisted' in the
scheme.  He had at first thought only of the pleasure of
becoming free-perhaps also rich, by the general division
of property, as promised by abolition emissaries.   But
247 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
when he came to learn that the probable means for these
ends would be the general massacre of the whites, to whom
he bore no ill-will-and including the members of his
master's family, and who were also his best friends, and to
whom he was strongly attached-and, if not the butchery
of his master's wife and daughters, always his kind benefactresses, their far more horrible fate-his feelings and
conscience revolted from what he had thoughtlessly undertaken.   He used the earliest safe opportunity for such
dalugerous confidence to inform his master, who, enjoining
on him silence, hastened to give the information to Gen. S.
only.  This officer deemed it the best policy to let the
plan proceed until all the agents now concerned could
show themselves. He therefore enjoined, and took means
to secure the silence of the only three other persons who
knew of the disclosure-and hle hastened, though very
quietly, to make all the military and naval arrangements
necessary for crushing the plot, and for securing as many
as possible of the participators in it. Luckily for his object,
he was able to induce silence and secrecy on three persons,
and for three days, on a subject which  the conspirators
had entrusted to nearly fifty negroes, and to some of them
three months before.
As the numbers, the arms, and the first designed operations of the northerners, and nearly the time for the beginning, were all known to. the General, he was not required to
employ more means, and nor at an earlier time, than would
be amply sufficient for securing his objects. By judicious
applications of these means, the five northern vessels and
their crews were all captured, and without even an alarmn
gun being fired, before daybreak after the night of theiri
being anchored.  As soon as this was effected, and made
248 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
knowni by a rocket from the vessels, the land forces which
had been placed without the peninsula, armed with rifles,
and bringing two field pieces, marched into the peninsula,
first scattering and driving in the advanced guards at the
neck, and soon after reaching the main body, and pouring
upon them a murderous fire firom long range rifles, and of
cannister shot from the cannon. Most of the whites and
some of the negroes fought bravely.  But the northern
preachers and abolition lecturers, and most of the negro
soldiers, after receiving the first few volleys, fled, and endeavored to hide themselves. But there was no place for
concealment, and no means for escape. The fighting men
were shot down. and at first from distances too great for
them to do much damage to the assailants. They fell
back, continuing to fire, until driven to the waters' edge,
where, pressed upon more and more by the advance of the
assailants, the last of the resisting northerners died under
sword cuts and bayonet thrusts. No quarter was asked
for, or would have been given.  The fugitives did not long
enjoy their temporary escape.   The peninsula was too
small to permit long concealment. During the day, nearly
all who had at first escaped were either shot in the pursuit,
or brought in as prisoners. A few had resorted to swimming.   But the water was then rough as well as very broad
-so that probably not one of these escaped drowning. The
prisoners were all hung, as soon as a gallows could be
erected. Among those hanged was the notorious abolition
leader, and apostle of insurrection and massacre, Wiym. L.
Garrison, who came to witness the expected certain success and triumph of his long and zealous labors in the
cause of negrophilism.   With  him  were hanged seven
negro and nine white preachers or public lecturers on
249 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE.
slavery and abolition.  Gen. S. ha(d not had time, (with due
regard to secrecy,) to receive instructions from the President.  But he had communtiicated  wlitlh the Governors of
Maryland and Virginia, and foun( tlheir opinions to conicur
with his own, that, in such a case, there shonl(l be no
prisoners made, and no delav of (leatli to atly who participated in the atteimptetl execution of the designed atrocities.
The common sailors of the crews of the vessels were
allowed the benefit of filture trial, to decidle whether they
should be lhung as murderers, or held as prisoners of war.
But the masters of the vessels, whose entire complicity il
the general plan could not be doublte(, were all hung, in
company  with  Garrison, and  the  other  lecturers  and
preachers. Two of these captains were noted characters,
who had deserved hanging long before. They were Drayton and Sayers, who, as abolition agents, had carried off
seventy-tlhree slaves stolen from WTashington, and had been
captured, tried, and condemned for one of the felonies only.
Before this first punishment, of confinement in the penitentiary had near expired, the then President, Fillmore, had
pardoned these villains, secretly, and permitted their escape
from the still remaining seventy-two prosecutions impendimg. The vessels, with their freight of arms and  munitions
of war, and the crews as prisoners, were sent to Washington, to which station also Gen. S. and his troops speedily
returned.
In this affair there were killed in the fight and putrsuit,
or afterwards hung, 685  of the northern invaders, and 27
negro slaves of the neighborhood, who only had joined.
Subsequently, there was seen the bodies of 12 of those
who attempted to escape by swimmig, and w      ere drowned.
There were, doubtless, many other slaves who had engaged
250 
LESSONS FOR TI-IE PRESENT TIME.
their service, and had designed to join tile enterprise, if it
had not been so speedily crushed.  But as there was no
attempt of insurrection, nor even any indication  of insubordination, outside of the camp of the northerners, nor any
evidence against any slaves who were  not there put to
death, there was no further investigation, or acts of punishment or vengeance. WVhat has been done is deemed a sufficient security against such future  attempts  of northern
abolition in the South, or of negro insurrection-and much
more to be relied on than all the legal and constitutional
obligations and guarantees that cquld be devised, and which
might be entered into, and sworn to be obeyed, by all the
functionaries and people of the northern states.
LETTEPR XLVII.
Invasion of Kentucky by an abolitionist and negro army.
RICii:IOND, July 9, 1868.
As nearly as could be at the same time with the events
stated in my last letter, the abolitionist army, coming from
Ohio, had invaded Kentucky, in strong force, and  with
awful effects.
Owen Brown, a son of John Brown who led the Harper's Ferry raid in 1859, had been one of the actors in that
outrage. He, with a few others, then escaped from the deserved punishment of death, suffered by his comrades in
guilt-and subsequently, when demanded for trial by the
251 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
governor of Virginia, had been protected from arrest and
trial by Gov. Dennison  of Ohio, who thus violated his
official duty and oath, to protect an atrocious criminal, because his crime had been committed to forward abolition.
The associated northern abolitionists, having abiding and
strong faith in the name and blood of the martyr John
Brown, had sought out his son to command  the strong
force designed to excite the work of insurrection in Kentucky. By aid of the influence of men in high position
in New England, New York, and Ohio, this Owen Brown
had been authorized to raise a corps of volunteers, to serve
as an independent command, and wherever Brown deemed
he could best operate against the revolted states, anId also
where he could support, recruit, and increase his forces,
from the enemy's country. According to the number of
men that he might enlist, he was to receive a suitable military commission-whether as captain, if for a single company, colonel, for a regiment, or general, for numbers
requisite for a brigade or a division. His troops would be
armed(, equipped, and provided with every needful supply,
in the outset, at the expense of the federal government.
But, after invading the territory of the seceded states, it was
understood that the army must be self-supporting, in every
thing except in the stated monthly pay of officers and soldiers. There was no restriction as to the kind of recruits.
With all the organized aid and influence of the associated
abolitionists of the North, Brown had enlisted 3500 men,
of whom 2700 were northern negroes, and mostly drawn
recently from Canada. The larger number had been fugitive slaves from the South-and, when enlisting with him,
had long -been suffering the ordinary evils of hunger and
cold, to which are generally subjected these ignorant and
252 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
improvident and deluded victims of northern philanthropy.
To escape from these sufferings, much more than to obtain
the promised future rewards and benefits, induticed the ready
enlistment of nearly all of these negroes.  Brown received
the commission of brigadier general-and on his nomination, the subordinate officers were appointed andl commissioned. Most of these he selected from his white recruits.
But some of the commissioned company officers,and many
of the non-commissioned were mulattoes or negroes. But
of whatever color, all the officers were violent abolitionists,
and ready tools for any workl in aid of abolition. As soon
as mustered in the United States service, armed, equipped
and provisioned, (all of which was  done as hastily and
secretly as possible,) the corps proceeded, mostly by railroad conveyance, through Ohio, to cross the river into
Kentucky. At that time, (which was very soon after the
secession of Kentucky,) there was not a single company in
service in all the state, except 1000 men, who had been
called early into service under the former government, and
who then, as before, were guarding different points on the
Ohio river, and all of them remote from the scene of this
invasion. The expedition crossed the Ohio into a part of
Kentucky where there is no great distance to reach a numerous slave population. With resident abolition agents, (Fee,
and other preachers froni the North,) and through them.
with slaves near the river, comnunications had been established and maintained. Gen. Brown immediately, by proclamation, offered freedom and protection to all slaves who
would join his standard, or otherwise assert their freedom
by insurrection. Fire-arms or pikes were promised to all
who would thus use them. Enough pikes and spare muskets had been brought to arm 10,000 men. And these,
253 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
with a good supply of ammunition, made up nearly all of his
bag,gagre. For provisions, and every other supply, the General expected  to draw abundant contributions from  the
neighborhood of his march or encampment.
The General moved on slowly towards the interior of the
state, to affiord the better opportunity for the operation of
his proclalnation. His scouting and foraging parties were
spread out widely-and these, and also many others of the
army, without command or discipline, sought for plunder
as far from the main body of the army as they could venture.  Whether by order or consent of the commander, or
because he could not restrain the offenders, every thing
near the line of march was doomed to destruction. The
approach of so large a force could not be kept secret, and
most of the inhabitants, both whites and blacks, had fled
before the invaders.  About 300 slaves, who had been previously engaged, came in and joined the invading army in
the first twenty-four hours (and nearly all in the night time,)
after the leaving of the river.  But few white families remained
in their homes long enough to be capture(d, or even seen,
by the negro troops.  But in some  few cases, where  the
extreme illness of some  member  of a family compelled
others to stay, andl to trust to the mercy of the invaders,
the consequences were too horrible to be described in
detail.   All the men, women  and children so captured
were butchered-after the infliction of still greater horrors.   Whatever property  was deemed of enough  value
for transportation, for the supplies of the army or for the
individual plunderers, was so used.  Everything else that
was easily destructible, was destroyed.  Every house, stack
of forage or straw, and fence, was burnt-the horses and
cattle killed, and as many as could be of all othiier domestic
254 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
animals.  The route of the army, for miles in width was
left a waste, and a scene of devastation, in which scarcely
a living being remained, and in which no movem-ent was
seen. unless of the smoke, or still raging flames, rising from
the ashes of numerous homesteads, which, but a few hours
before, ihad been the abodes of peace, industry and happiness.
Thie second  night, the army  encamped about  twenty
miles fr-om  the ()hio river.  Thle next morning, the commander was surprised to leartni that no  more than fortyeight fugive slaves lhad comre ill to jo'n  line, and accept of
freedom, during the previous night.  Blut a still more remnarkable thing was that one of tile negro sentinels, a recruit
from  Canada, had  abscoclndedl, witlh  his arms; and  that
twenty-three others. of the same class. had also deserted
the encampment.  The cause and( manner of these desertions
were not known until later.  But as they continued, and increased, through every subsequent (.day's march, or night's encampment, they will be explained here.  Hundreds of these
refugees in Canada had enlisted only to escape from  their
miserable conditions-anid in the hope of being thus enabled(
to get to the southern state whence they had formerly absconded, to flee to the North-and when tl,ere, to return if
possible to their tormer respective homes and servitude.
Or, if not, then to slavery to any southern master, rather
than to continue firee and starving with cold and hunger at
the North.  The sentinel who d(eserte(l had formerly escape(l
from a kind master, whose residence was within ten miles
of the camp.   As soon as placed on his post, he ran off,
and pursuinig hiis course through unfrequented routes, which
hie well knew  he arrived at his oldt honme, and through one
of the slaves was enabled to see his master, and  to surren
255 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
der himself to his mercy, without conditions.  His master
was then hurriedly preparing to flee, with his family and
slaves, farther from the enemy.   He received his repentant
slave with forgiveness, and his reports with trust.  Ile thus
learned that hundreds of other fugitive slaves, in like manner, had joined the expedition merely to get back to their
former condition-and that nothing was wanting but a safe
mode for their desertion, security from ill-treatment by any
person to whom  they might surrender, to induce all these
to escape as he had (lone, even at the risk of being transferred to a new and unknown master.  This information
was soon conveyed to the nearest civil and military authorities-and orders were issued, and made known, that every
negro thus surrendlering himself, and submitting to any
white man, should be kindly treated. and transferred to the
nearest authorities for subsequent arrangements. By these
regulations, which were soon made known to the negroes
of the army, every one who escaped, and made a signal of
surrender and submission to the first white person he could
see, was sure of protection from his late companions and
rulers.
The third and the fourth days' marches of the army were
made, as the preceding, without meeting with any military
resistance-though on the last of these days, glimpses were
caughlt of patrols of irregular cavalry. When the sudden
irruption of this army of negroes, commanded by murderers
and abolitionists, was first heard of, the neighlboring inhabitants were horror-stricken-and all who were within eighteen or twenty miles of the army thought of nothing at first
but to convey the helpless members of their families to
more distant and secure places. The next thing was to
order the conveyance to places of security, of the most
2;P') 6 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
valuable moveables, and lastly, to be followed by the slaves,
after the adults had performed their duties in forwarding the
other property. Of course, the last order was obeyed or
disregarded at the choice of each slave, as there could be
no compulsion or control. Some few deserted to the negro
army. But nearly all hastened to follow the previous flight
of their master to his then place of refilge.  Indeed, in the
general, the slaves seemed to be as much alarmed as their
masters, and fully as anxious to get out of the way of the
invaders. Until the men of the neighboring country had
removed and taken the necessary care of their families, they
could not attempt any military service. But as soon as
these first duties had been attended to, every man who had
been a temporary fugitive hastened to join in some military
organization, and all were eager to be enabled to oppose
the hated enemy.
On the fifth morning of the march, Gen. Brown found
that his new recruits from absconding slaves of the neighboring country, for the. preceding twenty-four hours, were
no more than thirteen, and the desertion of negroes from
his army, in the same time, amounted to fifty-seven. He had
counted with certainty upon inciting the great body of the
slaves to insurrection, and thereby subduing the white population by their own slaves; and that the mere presence of
his army would be enough to spread the wave of insurrection, and negro supremacy far in advance of his own march.
On the contrary, so far there was no symptom of insurrec tion, or insubordination, except in the desertions of slaves
to his camp. And the small number of these, and their
rapid decrease, showed plainly enough, that however will ing to flee from their bondage, negro slaves were too fearful
of consequences to desert to and join any hostile army, of
257 
ANTICIPATICNS OF THE FITTURPE.
whose superior power and entire success the least doubt
was entertained.  If Gen. Brown could have maintained,
from the beginning of his invasion to this time, the firm
confidence of the negroes in his power and success, the
effects on themI mAight have been very different-though,
even then, not as great as he had anticipated. But they will
rarely incur risk of personal danger to join new and doubtful allies-and niever to sustain a weak and losing cause.
Like all other northerners, Brown was entirely ignorant of
the peculiarities of negro nature, disposition, and character
-of the particular goo(l and praise-worth-y qualities, as well
as of bad and despicable, in both of which the negro race
diflbrs from and far exceeds the white.   If he had been as
well-informed as lie was ignorant ()n these points, Brown
would now have inferred that he had already lost the little
confidence which his first bold and successful  movements
had produced-and that there was no longer a prospect of
any important co-operation or aid firom the slaves.
Owing to the consternation of the neighboring residents,
and the pressing first necessity for conveying away their families, the earliest military companies that reached the neighborhood of the invading army were from localities not less
in any case than thirty miles distant-and mostly from much
more remote residences.  Some'of these companies from
the more remote localities, were of uniformed town volunteers, previously organized an(I drilled, and well armed,
either as cavalry, infantry or riflemen.  But even these had(l
to lose one or two days, while waiting to be supplied with
ammunition.   Other companies, and much the greater nuniber at first, were hastily raised and organized for this occasion and special service, irregulaily and very insufficiently
armed with such private and various weapons as men could
258 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
supply themselves, or obtain from their neighbors. There
had been scarcely ally state organization of the militia-or
preparation for actual service before the then very recent
secession of the state of Kentuclky, and( none of the subsequent arrangements for military defence had yet been complete(l, or made effective for immediate use.  Under suchl
circumstances, more or less delay was incurred in making
indispensable preparations for thie first movements of troops
so entirely unprepared.  Thus it was not until the fifth d(ay
of the slow and devastatilg progress of the invading army,
that it met with eveni a show of military resistance. Early
on that day some troops of cavalry hovere(l around the
arnly on its march, and began and continued to harass the
flank and rear guards, and even repeatedly threatened the
rear of the main army at favorable points. Much more
damage was done by shots from distant and usually concealed riflemen, who selected their marks with deadly effect.
Brown's cavalry force had been barely organized, with horses
seized on his march, and therefore, was especially ineflicient.
He could (ldo nothing except to use every care and safeguard against sudden attacks, and to repel them vigorously.
He and his white followers were all ment of tried courage,
and as daring and fearless as their desperate undertaking
required.  They had to stand foremost in every post of
danger, and to bear the brunt of every assault, not only for
the most efficient service, buit to encourage an(] stimulate
the negroes, who, even if they had been naturally as brave
as they are timid, were entirely without military training,
and that artificial military force derived from discipline.
Thus tlie whites were especially exposed, and( even mnore
than for their greater exposure, were the chosen marks of
the concealed riflemen.   AnI( this continued to be the case
259 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
throughout. Even when standing intermingled in the same
ranks, the very few whites, if distinguishable by their foes,
were madle to supply much the greater number of the dead
and wounded.
Before night, it was obvious to Brown that his enemies
had much increased in numbers and in the boldness of their
demonstrations.  Late in the night, after some  hours of
quiet, a sudden and vigorous attack was made on his encampment, but which was soon withdrawn. It however
cost some 150 killed and wounded to the invaders, with but
little loss to the assailants in this hasty skirmish. The distant rifie-firing, through the previous day, had either killed
or disabled nearly 100 of Brown's army, most of whom
were whites.  Of those who suffered in the night skirmish
nearly all were negroes.
The next morning, Gen. Brown found that in addition to
the 250 of his men killed or disabled by wounds, nearly
200 more of his negro troops were missing-and whose
course, as he rightly conjectured, had been to desert, and
offer their submission, to the opposing troops. During the
last preceding day and night not one fugitive slave had come
in to join his forces. With the knowledge of these facts,
all hope of efficient aid from that source was abandoned
even by his sanguine mind. Still, to the eyes of others, he
had lost nothing of his confident assurance of success.
And he continued to advance, because a movement in retreat
would have been an implied acknowledgmnent of failure, and
the certain and speedy forerunner and cause of defeat.
The slow and guarded march of the invading army coin tinued this day as before, and also the skirmishing, and d(is tant firing of the Kentuckians, and with much increased
effect. In this manner about 300 more of the invaders
260 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
were either killed or disabled this day, and nearly all of
them whites. To these so violent was the hatred of the
Kentuckians, and their thirst for vengeance, that it was
obvious that they reserved their shots for the whites, and
deemed them thrown away on the negro soldiers, whom
they had( learned to hold in contempt. Gen. A. who now
commanded the Kentuckians, also had or(lere(d this course
to be pursued, under the conviction that the whites constituted the strength and the life of the negro army.  Further,
it was jocularly argued by the Kentuckians that it was too
wasteful to shoot a negro, who was worth $1500, and who
would be certainly captured, and secured as a slave, as soon
as his white leaders were all killed.
RIeinforcements were hourly arriving, and before night,
Gen. A. foutnd that his force amounted to 1500 men. With
these, he determined to delay no longer than to the next
morning giving battle to the invaders, though they still
were double his numbers. If this had been before any
fighting had occurred, it would have been a rash, if not a
fatal resolution.  For the 1500 hastily levied Kentuckians,
badly armed, untrained and scarcely organized, brave and
patriotic as they were, could not have successfully fought
with Brown's 700 hardy white desperadoes, trained to arms
and to deeds of blood in the civil wars of Kansas, and on
foreign soils, as mercenary allies. But this main strength
of the invading army had so suffered that less than half
their original number then remained capable of performing
duty.
To this time, the main body of the Kentucky army had
been slowly retreating before the advancing march of the
enemy. During the night, a suitable place on the route
was selected for the battle ground, on which, when reached
261 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
early the next morning, Gen. A. halte(ld, and arranged his
troops, to receive the attack.  When the invaders had advanced within musket range, they began to fire, and itswas
returned by a general volley.  The firing was continued,
and the superior skill of the Kentuckians, as marlksmen,
compensated for the in-feriority of their numbers.  General
Brown's white followers, and a few of the negroes, fought
bravely and desperately. But the negroes generally showed
no ardor or disposition for fighting. When engaged, their
ranks soon showed wavering and confusion.  The  Kentuckians were then ordered to advance, and continue firing.
The natural timidity of the negro race, and the acquired
sense of inferiority to the white race, were now getting the
ascendancy over their previous arrogance and assurance of
security and success. The fire of the Kentucky riflemen
and in!fantry, as advancing nearer and nearer, was delivered
rapidly and accurately upon the now disordered black mass.
Soon the ranks were completely broken, and the negro army
began to retreat hastily.  A few more volleys from the Kentuckians converted the retreat to a preciptate flight.  The
volunteer cavalry then charged upon the fugitives, and cut
them down when  overtaken.  The  negroes threw away
their arms, which nearly all had ceased to use, and which
impeded their fliglht.  As far as they were seen in flight they
were pursue(l, and killed, if not surrendering.  But early
in the flight nearly a thousand together had thrown down
their arms, prostrated themselves oni the groutid, and in the
most abject mainner begge(l for mercy.  These, and all
others who subsequently surre(lndered, if negroes, were secured( as prisoners.  But thie whites, whether surrendering
or conItinuinig to resist, were put to death, eitlier instantly,
or. later, when it was klinown that they were Nlwhites, atid the
262 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
leaders and deceivers of the misguiled negroes.  And  this
was not always known at first.  For because of the manifest selection of the whites as marks for the Kentucky rifles,
and their consequent peculiar sufferil)g of wounds and death,
Gel). Brown had commanded, the previous night, that every
white should blacken his face, or disguise himself as a
negro and him-nself set the example.
The pursuit, and the killing or capturing of the fugitives,
were continued until dark. When the victors were recalled,
and collected, it was found that they had lost nearly 100 of
their number, who were supposed to be killed or disabled,
besides many more slightly wounded, but not disabled or
absent. The losses of the defeated army could not then
be estimated, except as to 1200 negro prisoners then secured.
Gen. Brown, an(l most of his officers had so far continued
to escape.
The next morning there was commenced a general hunt
for the fugitives. The dead and wounded(l, of both sides,
were collected-and the scattered arms, and other property,
(the fruits of previous pillarge,) were secured.   Messengers
were sent off with orders to have all the passages of the
Ohio river, guarded, and all the boats secured, so as to prevent any chance for the escape of fugitives.  Newly  arrived reinforcements this day increased the Kentucky army
to 2500-and in addition, every man and boy of the neighboring country were united with the military force, and all
spread over a breadth of twenty miles, hunting for the fugitives. Of these there were about 800 scattered about the
previous night, of which 500 were killed or captured in
this day's hunt. Among the captured, were Brown, whose
thigh bone had previously been shattered by a musket ball
-and two of his principal officers, also disabled by wounds.
263 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE.
These, with all the other captives were conducted to the
encampment, and the whites received speedy sentence of
death by hanging. Brown loudly and boldly protested
against this sentence, and demanded that all should be regarded and treated as prisoners of war, and with due respect
to rank. For himself, he exhibited his commission, signed
by President Seward, of Brigadier General of the United
States army, and demanded to be respected accordingly.
He was answered by Gen. A. that his rank would be taken
into consideration, by hanging him higher than all his inferiors, and with his general's commission attached to his
breast. And if President Seward was also in his power,
Gen. A. assured Gen. Brown that he would hang them together.  Ropes suitable for halters, and in sufficient quantity
for the occasion, could not be immediatelv obtained. But
the surrounding woods supplied plenty of flexible grapevines, which were substituted. With these rude and slovenly
appliances, and from the different spreading branches of one
gigantic oak, were hung Gen. Brown, with twenty-seven of
his subordinate white officers, who had been brought in alive,
and the bodies were left there, to be devoured by carrion
vultures. The executioners, acting under orders, were a
number of the negro prisoners, who, when invited, readily
volunteered to perform the required duty, and appeared to
enjoy much pleasure in the performance. Indeed they had
already come to regard Brown and the abolitionists as their
most hateful enemies.
The hunt was continued, from day to day, as long as any
fugitives could be found. It was thought that not one escaped
death in the field, or capture, of the 3500 men who entered
Kentucky, or of the 400 slaves who soon afterwards joined
them. Of the 800 whites, every one was either killed, or,
264 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
if captured, was afterwards hung. Of the ncgroes, nearly
300 had voluntarily deserted, and had surrendered themselves, separately, or in small parties, before the battle-and
1200 had been made prisoners. All these were divided, by
strict scrutiny, into three classes, viz: 1st. All former fugitive slaves who had voluntarily surrendered, and who, as
supposed, had before joined the invaders for that purpose,
were delivered to their former owners, with a recommendation for their forgiveness of the former desertion.   Tihe
slaves of this class, whose former masters were unknown,
or not accessible, were sold to the highest bidder. 2d. All
who were guilty of any of the acts of murder, rape, or arson,
during the march of the invading army, and were convicted
thereof by a court-martial, and also all slaves who had deserted to the invaders, were to be hung.  3d. All negroes
who belonged to neither of these classes, and who had been
made prisoners, whether previously fugitive slaves or born
free, were to be sold as slaves, in the more remote southern
states, to prevent their future communication with the northern states, or abolition agents. The money obtained from
the sales will be made a fund from which to ijdemnify the
losses incurred by citizens whose families or property were
wasted in the route of the invaders, while their progress
was yet unchecked.
Nearly 1900 negroes were either restored to their former
owners or sold. Most of the valuables which had been
plundered from the residents, or their abandoned homes,
were recovered.  Most of the arms of the combatants were
saved for the state besides the extra supply of 10,000 muskets and pikes, for which there had been no demand for the
expected new recruits or insurgents.
12
265 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIE FUTURE.
LETTER XLVIII.
War operations on the southern coast.
RICHMOND, July 15, 1868.
By the unfortunate steamship Australia, which was wrecked, and its freight and mails totally lost, I had sent a long
letter, narrating some interesting and important events which
had occurred oli the southern coast not long before.  The
first and  imost important of these events, (in its consequences,) was the assault and conquest of Castle Pinckney,
effected by land forces, aided by the armed flotilla prepared
and commanded by Capt. S., a South Carolinian, and aln
experienced and able naval officer. Important as was this
gallant exploit in itself, and more so for its early consequences, it is unnecessary for me to repeat the details stated
in my lost letter, and of which the principal facts have been
published in the newspapers long ago.  Among these incidents were the details of the capture of Pensacola, with the
dock yard and two protecting forts. Other later consequences, important as causes, but less prominent as efiects,
or incidents of war.  will require more extended notice.
As soon as Castle Pinckney had been taken, it was forthwith well manned, and put under the command of Col. R.,
another son of the state, and( an excellent artillery officer.
This, added to the previous possession of Forts Sumter and
Moultrie, insured Charleston from all possibility of attack,
under the then exisiting circumstances, and permitted all the
other land troops, before serving as a garrison of the city, or
to blockade the forts, when  held by the enemy, to be dispensed with.  Soon after this time, the speedy formal seces
266 
LESSONS FOR TI-IE PRESENT TIME.
sion of Virginia was  in certain prospect, and  indeed had
been virtually consummated.  On this ground, the authorities
of the southern confederacy offered to the governor of Virginia the service of 4000 southern volunteers no longer
needed to defend Charleston.    TWhlen this offer was received,
all the ready and best of the state volunteers of Virginia
had been sent to meet the unexpected necessity in the northwest-including the previous frontier encampment of 3000
men near Alexandria.  On this account, the offered aid was
opportune, and was readily accepted.  The southern regiments came on as soon as the acceptance of their aid was
made known.   They at first re-occupied the previous encampment near Alexandria-and were soon engaged in the
capture of Washington, as has been stated before From
the dates of the later secession of the border states, and
their adhesion to the southern confederacy, their troops then
in service were made parts of the whole general armament,
and put at the charge and under the command and direction
of the southern federal government.  As by the later acts
of secession, the northern frontier had become identical with
that of the border slavehol(ling states, it was now needless
to guard the former frontier, or any interior line of defence.
Therefore garrisons were kept only at suitable posts along
the southside of Mason and Dixon's line, and on the left
bank of the Ohio, for general frontier defence.  Forts, or
earth-work batteries, were also constructedl, and kept garrisoned, on stindry points of the lower Mississip)pi river, as
well as on the Ohio, where the cannon of the forts could
best command the channels and navigation of these rivers.
Besides, there were garrisons left in the city of Washington, (for a time,) and permanently in Fortress Monroe, and
all other of the most important forts whichl protect the
blockaded harbors and cities.
267' 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIIE FUTURE.
LETTER XLIX.
Naval preparations South and North. A naval encounter.
RICHMOND) July 17, 1868.
The greatly increased recent strength of thle southern
confederacy has forwarded naval preparations for harbor
defence, which had been commenced some months ago,
with inferior means.  Especially has a new and great impulse to these objects been afforded by the capture and possession of the dock yards of Portsmouth, Pensacola and
Washington, with all their supplies of materials, and facilities for ship-building, and with the means for employing
hundreds of workmen, who were quite ready to transfer their
service. Several snmall war vessels, nearly fitted for service,
were also captured, and large quantities of cannon and
munitions of naval war.  At Charleston and Portsmouth,
and at other dock yards along the Mississippi river and
some of its great tributaries, many small steamers are now
being constructed, of peculiar form and strength, and designed for shallow waters, and to annoy the blockadilng
vessels. Former officers of the United States navy, and
southerners, will command most of Lhese vessels. Flotillas
of other armed vessels have been prepared, or are fitting
out, in Charleston and Portsmouth, for harbor defence and
other connected services.  The steamers are very strongly
constructed, are long but low, and require but little depth
of water.  Their only armament (except of small arms,)
consists of two long guns of large calibre, and long range,
one pointed over the head, and the other over the stern of
the vessel. These guns will carry a ball as far, and with
as much accuracy as any used in the navy of the North.
268 
LESSONS FOR THE' PRESENT TIME.
The recent lnaval preparations by the northern government have served to increase the number, and still more
the efficiency of the war vessels employed in blockading
the southern ports. The ordinary ships of war, designed
mainly for service on the ocean, or in deep water, could not
cross the bar of any important southern port. The water
on the bar of Pensacola, though some feet deeper than of
any other harbor, only could admit the entrance of a frigate
drawiing twenty-one feet, under the mnost favorable circumstances of wind and high tide, and without any hostile
opposition. The later constructions for the navy of the
North, made with reference to this blockade service, have
recently added to the several squadrons fifteen new war
steamers of small sizes, and drawving from twelve to as little
as nine feet of water. These can pass over the bars of any
of the southern blockaded ports.  But the greater annoyance which might be caused by these smaller war steamers
has been to some extent prevented by some preparations
for naval defence, and by use of steamers of still shallower
draught, in every important southern harbor.  The  new
screw steamers for this service have already been described
generally. The two belonging to the flotilla in Charleston,
were of the general model-long, low, and of but six feet
draught-very strongly framned, and of great speed.  In ad dition, Capt. S. had caused to be arranged some additional
means for the efficiency of. these particular vessels, which
he supposed would be especially useful for the service re quired.  One of these was a complete equipment for rowing
these vessels by many oars, when silence and secrecy were
necessary.   Thus, the vessels could  be rowed  by  their
numerous crews with consi(lerable speed without using their
269 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
steam power-and, by muffling the oars, without noise to
notify their presence, or close neighborhood. In addition
to the ordinary defences of gun-boats, or other small vessels
of war, Capt. S. had fitted these vessels so as to be surrounded (when needed,) by a barrier of connected cotton
bales, in close contact with each other, and low enough to
cover and protect the vessel's sides, above the water, and
high enough to serve as a wall of defence for the men on
the deck. This wall of closely compressed cotton was
completely impenetrable to musket balls or grape shot, and
even a cannon ball could not do more than displace a bale,
when striking it. By a particular action of thie steam engine,
these bales could be easily kept wet, and thus be made
incombustible. And if, by neglect, one should take fire, the
cutting of its rope attachment would let it fall off into the
water.  This arrangement of cotton bales formed the best
possible barrier of defence, both for the hull of the vessel
and the men.  It would have been a very cumbersome appendage, if permanent, and especially for rough water. But
it was easily detached and removed, or replaced, and was
used only when suitable.
The capture of Castle Pincknev released the Charleston
flotilla from its previous confined position above the city.
The benefit was immediately made use of by Capt. S. to
exercise his crews, and very soon after to annoy the enemy.
Under cover of the fort, Moultrie and Sumter, on the
opposite sides of the lower harbor, Capt. S. soon made trial
of his long guns on the blockading squadron-which now
consisted of a ship of the line, a sloop of war, and one of
the new war steamers.  Taking advantage of the times (of
night) and weather most favorable for the purpose, Capt. S.
frequently had approached by rowing with his two small
270 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
steamers within range of the ships, and fired as many shots
as he could before there was necessity for retreating. These
assaults were rarely without damage, especially on the
seventy-four, which presented so large a mark for the long
guns. These attacks, by the harbor steamers, were made
in the night, or during foggy weather, and either in calms,
or with such winds as would prevent the steamers being
pursued by the sailing vessels of war. Under the most
favorable of these circumstances, the assailants, before being
discovered, would approach within half the distance of the
range of their guns. Then their balls were especially effective; and though within reach of the larger guns of the
enemy, the low and small steamers offered such small and
such variable marks, that they were rarely struck. When
pursued by the more powerful steamers of the enemy, as
was usual, or (wind permitting) by the sailing ships, Capt.
S. easily escaped by steaming over some one of the sundry
shoals which form the bar, and of which some  lie in the
middle as well as ont the land sides of the outer harbor.
The blockading squadron had been frequently thus annoyed,
and sometimes considerably damaged; and, as subsequent
events showed, arrangements were made with the design to
retaliate so severely, as to put an end to these assaults.
On a calm and moderately (lark night, Capt. S. with the
two steamers dropped down with the beginning of the ebbtide from the previous anchorage of the flotilla above Fort
Sumter. He kept up a head of steam, discharging the excess
regularly and silently, but used the oars only, to advance.
The oars were muffled, and every care used to prevent any
noise, before the first firing of the guns.  The two steamers
came within the closest distance deemed not too much in
danger from  the numerous guns of the enemy's squadron,
271 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
and( dropped anchor, near to each other, on a shoal, where
the vessels would have barely enough water at low title.
The three ships of the blockading squadron were plainly
seen against the sky, while to them  the low steam boats
were invisible, except by the fire of their guns. The seventyfour especially offere(l an excellent mark for the long guns.
The steamers soon began to fire, and both of them at the
largest ship-and it was not long before it was made manifest, by the falling of the ship's main-mast, that the firing
had been wnell directed.  The fire was immediately returned
by all the guns of long range, but without true aim, with
no effect.  After some time, the two sailing ships weighed
anchor, and, favored by the ebb-tide, dropped below, until
out of danger.  It was soon seen that the cessation of the
previous cannoliading fiom the ships was rendered necessary for the purpose of permitting another mnode of conducting hostilities. The enemy's steam vessel was seen
advancing towards the assailants' position, and as advancing
its large bow  gun was continually discharged  upon  the
position of the steam boats, but luckily, without much
accuracy, or damage. Next, while firing the smaller side
guns, the steamer coming incautiously upon the edge of the
shoal, struck on the sand( bottom, with such force as to be
careened too much to aim the cannon.  The now useless
steamer was a fixed mark for the long guns of the boats,
and was repeatedly struck by their balls. The crew with
their small arms, took to their boats, and soon joined and
returned with all the other boats of the squadron, which
were before coming on as rapidly as their oars could effect,
designing to carry the steamboats by boarding. The approach of the boats was heard before they could be seen in
the very dim star-light.  This contingency had always been
272 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
expected, and was prepared for.  As soon as the approaching boats were heard, the round shot then in the cannon
were fired on the supposed position of the fleet of rowboats, and the next and all the subsequent charges were of
cannister shot, made up of either musket balls, for the
longer distances, or of buck-shot for the nearer.  When
within two hundred yards, the boats became visible, and
were fired upon with terrible effect. Four of the boats
were so riddled by the balls, as to be disabled, and put in
a sinking condition-and most of the crews of these wrecked
boats, who had escaped the shot, were drowned. Many
men of the other boats were killed-and the advance was
retarded by the killing or disabling many of the rowers and
the filling their places by other men.   The remaining
boats, with all the force of their many oars continued to
advance rapi(llyv and in open order, the better to avoid the
destructive discharges from the cannon.  As they came very
near, the prospect of success was better. There was a
cessation of the firing of the cannon, necessary to prepare
for using other weapons, then of more utility. The ad vancing boats closed in to each other, preparatory for
boarding the steamers. The two cannon of the steam boats,
previously trained to suit this closer distance, and double charged with buck-shot cartridges, were fired for the last
time when the boats were within one hundred' yards dis tance.  Several more of the boats were stopped, and disa bled, but the living portion of their crews could not be
waited for by the other boats. While the rowers pushed
these on with all their might, the musketeers in the boats
had been firing on the steam boats from the time they came
within range. And when the row-boats were near enough,
the crews of the steam boats, began to fire with muskets
273 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
and buck-shot. Tile muskets were barely reloaded in time
to give another still more destructive volley, at close distance. And( now as the d(lesigned boarders were reaching
the steamers and beginning to attempt to board them, another
previously arranged andi novel mode of defence was put in
use.  Metal pipes had been connected with the boilers, so
that by turning a cock eight of such pipes discharge boiling
water, which, through flexible tubes, could be aimed with
the accuracy, and thrown with all the force of the most
powerful fire engine. These streams of boiling water were
directed upon  the boarders.  Many, in rapid succession,
and as fast as the spouit could be changed in direction, received the full volume for a moment. Others were but
slightly sprinkled on their faces and other naked parts of
their limbs or bodies. But even the smallest quantity was
enough to stop the progress of any assailant. These brave
fellows would have faced any danger from cannon and
musket balls, cutlasses and boarding pikes, and would have
continued to rush on, despite of any but disabling wounds.
But they could not stand up against a stream, or even a
sprinkling of boiling water and I think that Napoleon's
old guard, or the three hundred Spartans of Leonidas, would
have fallen back under a like discharge. When the scalding water touched them, the mien dropped their oars or their
weapons, and many threw themselves overboard, to relieve
their horrible torment. All who were not disabled, either
by severe injury, or by the severity of pain, hastened to
row off and escape. Six boats only, out of eighteen, the
original number, and these with crews reduced below the
number they had brought, and with scarcely any men without some hurt, returned to the remaining ships of the
squadron.  A few only of the men of the shattered boats
274 
LESSONS FOR TIlE PRESENT TIME.
were able to swim long enough to be taken up, and saved
on board of the steam boats.
Some of the shattered or deserted boats, still floating,
were brought back into the harbor by the returning flood
tide, and were secured by the victors. The abandoned
steamer could not then be floated, except by throwing over
the greater number of the cannon; and as the water is there
shallow, and the bottom hard, they may be recovered hereafter. The steamer, thus lightened, was towed to the city,
on the next high tide, and sent to the dock yard to be repaired.
This was not the end, nor the greatest of the disasters.
The seventy-four had not only lost its main-mast, but had
been so damaged in the hull, that it was necessary to go
into a dock-yard for repairs.  There was none to be made
use of south of the Delaware. The ship sailed northward
for this purpose; and encountering a violent storm, off Cape
Hatteras, and being too much disabled to be navigated safely,
it foundered, and the whole ship and armament with nearly
all the crew were lost. Some twenty of the men only,
floating on part of the wreck, were- afterwards saved by a
passing vessel.
The cotton-bale ramparts of the steam gunboats  were
struck by many harmless musket balls, discharged from the
approaching boats-.and several of the bales were knocked
out of place by cannon balls, which, but for this interposed
defence, might have disabled the vessels. But there was
but little damage to either the steamboats or the men. Only
five men were killed, and seven wounded.
275 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER L.
Close of the compaign in Mississippi.
RICHMIOND, July 18, 1868.
The condition of things, in the conduct of the war in
Mississippi, was not much changed for some weeks after
the 20th of June to which date my latest notice reached.
The war operations lingered, so as to cause surprise, and
even to draw censure upon the authorities of the southern
confederacy. There had been no want of vigor elsewhere,
as the previous events had shown. But it really seemed
that so little had been (]one by military action, by the general
government, that it had been designed to prove to the northern power that its armies, even if unopposed in the field,
cannot conquer the south.  Whether the result of design,
or necessity, or of chance, (which last has so often the chief
direction of affairs of government and of war,) it is certain
that the absence of military enterprise, and( apparent inability
for prompt, vigorous and efficient defensive measures, which
seemed to have marked the conduct of this campaign, have
served to show in the clearest point of view the natural
defensive strength of the country, against invaders coming
from the north.
Col. D. continued to maintain and to strengthen his position in Fort Calhoun, anid to command perfectly the navigation of the river by his post.  Other batteries, as effective
for this purpose, though with small garrisons, had been established at several of the other commanding points on the
Mississippi river both below and above Fort Calhoun, and
also on the Ohio. It was made perfectly impossible for any
276 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
hostile army, or supplies for one, to be brought on either
river.
The northern army iunder Gen. N., notwithstanding all
its losses by death and sickness, was still more numerous
than all the militia (and these all raw levies,) that had yet
been brought to oppose the invaders.  The northern general
continued to try to force his opponents to join in battle,
and this design was cautiously and successfutlly avoided.
All that the southern troops aimed at, and executed, was to
hover around the main bo(ly and the two smaller detachmerits of the invading army, to cut off out-posts and foraging
parties, to fire on the larger or smaller bodies from covered
positions and ambuscades, and to prevent the obtaining of
supplies.  This procedure continued, the invaders - being
continually harassed and daily weakened, and the defenders
being daily strengthened. Gen N. was sustained by the
daily expectation of large reinforcements and abundant supplies, until he at last received info)rmation.of all the irmportant events, military and political, preceding the 20th of
June.  At the same timne that he thus learned that all his
hopes  of reinforcements were vain, he was also informed
of the then beginning invasion of Kentucky by the negro
army under Gen. Brown, and the expected results of that
movement.  Thus the only chance left forgetting his army
out of its otherwise desperate situation, was the speedy and
general spreading of servile insurrection, through Mississippi
in common  with all the South.  For this Gen. N. continued to wait-making, as before, daily aggressive movements, and sustaining continual and fast increasing lossesuntil the middle of July. Then he received dispatches from
which he learned the utter failure of Brown's expedition,
and of the attempts to excite insurrection. By this time,
277 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
besides all the many losses of men killed, 2,000 more had
recently died of diseases of the camp and of the climate,
5,000 were then sick, and the remainder of the troops were
suflering greatly for want of sufficient-and regular supplies
of food, and entirely discouraged. His guard left to protect the remaining river fleet, had been just attacked by a
much more numerous detachment from the Mississippi
army,  and  all killed or made  prisoners.   The  vessels
moored near the shore had at the same time been attacked
both from the land and the water, (the latter force including
Col. D's little armed  steamer,) and had been captured.
The horses of the main body of northern troops had nearly
all perished for want of food, and the artillery could not be
used or moved except by hand force. Under such circutmstances, which would necessarily and continually grow
worse. Gen. N. proposed negotiations. He could obtain
no better terms than that the army should be surrendered
as prisoners of war, and the arms and remaining other
public property be given up to the victors.
Thlus,  with scarcely any fighting, and  no maintained
resistance, (except of the fort,) and not a blow being struck
in the open field, or arranged battle, this numerous and
well equipped army was beaten, and when reduced to less
then half its former military strength, had to surrender at
discretion to raw militia.
278 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
LETTER LI.
Effects of the separation of the states on both the northern and southern
sections.
RICHIMIOND, July, 27, 1868.
The  condition of the later seceding states (to which
Texas is now added,) in the southern  confederacy, is just
what it would have been if they had seceded with the first,
with the important exception (to their politicians) that these
states, by their delay, have waived their right, and lost the
opportunity, of having any voice in shaping  the federal
constitution, or in the earliest consequent congressional
enactments, and the appointments to office.   By their postponed secession, and becoming members of the southern
confederacy, they simply ratify, and concur in, all the
measures that had previously been adopted by the other
earlier moving states, and their representative statesmen.
The relations of the now border states of the opposed
sections are somewhat peculiar. There is no hostile action,
or attempt, of either population along the separating line
on the other-though there is no general friendly feeling.
Even the abductions of slaves, from the slaveholding states
formerly so frequent across the line, have almost ceased.
These inoffensive relations are mainly produced by the
military patroles and guards on -the southern side of Mason
and Dixon's line, and on the left bank of the Ohio river.
There is also maintained in the border states, and especially
near their boundaries adjoining the northern section, a strict
system of police, under which all persons coming fronm the
northern section to a slav(,li,lding state, and especially
279 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
across the siparating boundary line, are subjected to strict
examination-and all unknown or suspicious persons are
excluded, or punished, if violators of the law, or known
enemies. Northern visitors, known as worthy and friendly,
or strangers bringing sufficient vouchers for deserving such
character, are received and permitted to pass as friendly,
but must be supplied with a passport, and exhibit it in every
new place of the traveller's appearance. If known former
abductors or inveiglers of slaves, should be fl'ound south of
the border line, they will be subjected to summary trial and
speedy hanging.  Some suchl  examples  were made very
early.  Hence  the cessation  of such attempts,  and  the
already increased( security of slaves, and confidlence of their
owners, in thle border counties.   Immediately  after the
secession of Virginia, and the enactment  by that state of
these stringent measures against abolition emissaries and
agents, all the northern settlers or sojourners who had been
suspected of being favorable to such designs, speedily
departed for the North, and sundry others who had not
before been suspected.   Among  the latter, were  several
preachers, connected with northern anti-slavery churches.
Except this watchfulness and rigor in reference to the
entrance or stay of unknown  or suspicious  northerners,
there has been no interruption, along the border line, between the neighboring inhabitants of the two sections, of
friendly intercourse, or of trade not prohibited, or subjected
to payment of duties, by either section.
But there will begin, an(] increase in operation, a more
general and stronger reason for the cessation of abolition
action. Except with the fanatical abolitionists, who are
comparatively  few  in number,  the  great  mass  of  the
northern abolitionists and all the politicians, care nothing
280
Is 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
about negroes or negro slavery, and have heretofore used
the slavery question merely as the best means  for their
own political advancement and gain. The fanatics led the
fools in making this the most prominient question. Politicians
readily took it up, and used it to the fullest extent.  As no
man could then he elected to any public station who was
not an opposer of slavery, of course every man avowed
himself to be sucl-and all vied with each other in the
excess of devotion and of violence displayed against negro
slavery. But as soon as there is separation of the two
sections, and northern votes can have no possible effect on
slavery, or on the South, this political action must die for
want of support. When there is no political connection
between the North and South, and no possibility of the
former controlling the latter, there will be no longer any
abolitionists heard ol; except such fanatics as rave in Exeter
Hall, in England, without damaging, or being regarded by,
any slaveholder. The southern states (except in proximity
along the border line,) will then, in regard to slavery, and
the North, occupy thie same position as heretofore Cuba
and Brazil have (lone.  In these countries  the hardships
and evils of slavery are certainly ten-fold worse than in
these southern states.  Yet never have the northern aboli tionists meddled with the horrors of slavery, or troubled
themselves to meliorate the condition of slaves, in these
foreign countries-and for the sufficient  reason that no
politician could command a vote by any such direction of
philanthropy.   Fanatics do not reason.   Therefore  the
northern fanatics will exhibit their anti-slavery madness as
long as they are sustained in it. Therefore they will use, (as
has been attempted,) to the utlmost extent, the supposed great
means offered by the present war against the slavehlolding
281 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
states. Possibly they may effect something by these
means and facilities.  But as soon as the political separation of the northern and southern sections is confirmed,
and peace established, there will be an end to political
abolitionism. and to all mischievous power of the fanatics,
who only, whether in Exeter Hall or in Faneuil Hall, will
continue to utter their harmless negrophlilist ravings, in
religious reports and resolutions, and political speeches and
pamphlets.      *     *             * *                *
The recent secession of all the remaining slavehloltling
states, and( their becoming parts of the southern confederacy,
have produced most imnportant changes, not only in their
political condition, but in the condition of the northern
section, (still claiming to be " The United States of America,") and of the commercial affairs of Europe in connection
with the South.'The blockade by the northern naval force
has been extende(l to the ports of Texas, North Carolina,
and the capes of Virginia, of which, the last also excludes
Maryland, from the ocean. The foreign commerce of Virginia and Maryland, while thus blockaded, may partly be
carried on from Norfolk, through the new canal to Albemarle sound, and thence through some of the shallow inlets
and channels to the ocean. The guns of Fortress Monroe
prevent the blockading squadron from coming above, or endangering the navigation of the inner waters.  Much as the
blockade has served to obstruct the ocean commerce of
these two states, it has -damaged their interests less than
those of the northern states.  These are already suffering
for want of the supplies of grain and tobacco, and especially
of cotton, whlich they had before received from and through
Virginia, and of course in northern vessels. They must
now be supplied with the indispensable products of the
282
i
t 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
now united and hostile southern states indirectly through
Europeanii ports or vessels, with the additional charges
incurred by two trans-shipments, or perhaps by two voyages
across the Atlantic.  In addition to these difficulties and
illncreased expenses, all the duties forcibly collected on im ports to the blockaded southern ports, are of such small
amount, that they scarcely serve to pay tile salaries of the
collecting officers.  And the imports to the northern cities
are now limited to articles for the supply of the northern
states only, and these reduced to suit their present  im poverishled condition.  The greater portion of the former
importations to northern ports, and in northern ships, was
for trans-shipment to and consumption of the southern
states.  A still larger proportion of the northern ships found
regular employment in transporting southern exports and
imports, and these also mainly, through  northern cities,
and northern factors or purchasers. These former great
sources of profit are now either greatly re(duce(l, or cut of}
entirely. Still worse, the regular commercial debt due
from the merchants of the late seceding states to northern
merchants and manufacturers, computed at fifty millions of
dollars, (and making ninety millions for the whole  coin federacy,) has also been sequestrated in the hands of the
debtors, or is, at their choice, to be paid into the treasury
of the southern federal government. These different causes
have produced great increase of general distress in the
north-eastern states, and especially in the manufacturing
and great commercial cities.
The people of the South, and their federal government,
though straitened in their operations and their income, still
are both in good condition, and with better prospects for
the filture. The experience of the war, so far, has con
283 
~
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
firmed the previous opinion expressed by judicious southern:
statesmen, that even if the North were able to send armed
ships into every great port and river of the South, and to
march armies whlerever they choose to got and thereby
greatly to distress the invaded country, yet its subjugation
or coercion would still be impossible; and that every effort
to effect either of these objects would be (as they have 
been, so far,) much  more  costly and  injurious to  the,
stronger and aggressive North, than to the weaker and in —
vaded South. 
The northern government now feels a heavy pressure of 
financial dificulties.  Thie war expenses have added greatly 
to the demands on the treasury, and exceeded those of the
former general government, extravagant as they were, while
the supplies, fiom all sources of taxation, have fallen to
less than one-third of the former amount.  Loans to the
northern government cannot be obtained because of its bad
credit-and the treasury notes, which have been issued to
great amount by authority of the Congress, have already
depreciated twenty per cent. below their nominal value.
Added( to these evils, every aggressive movement by the
North since the war was begun, has been a failure.
Under these circumstances, of failure and defeat, of great
losses and general discouragement, it is not strange that in
the North there are already many voices now clamoring
against the government, and for peace, of persons who
before were among the most confident of crushing all armed
opposition of the South with ease, and( even with profit.
Of course, the minority of discreet men, and( faithful to their
duties as citizens, who had always wished to do justice to
the southern people, and never to attempt their coercion by
284
I
i 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
arms, are now  much  strengthened  in influence, and  the
number of their disciples has been latterly increased by
thousands.  Still thile spirit of fanatical and rabid abolitionism is not in the least quelled, butt rages the more fiercely
because  of the failure and  disasters suffered in its cause,
'and for its attempted support.
LETTER LII.
Ot    eaks of disorder and violenc     the northern cities.  Sack of New York.
' O,-tbt'eaks of disor-der and violence in the northern cities. Sack of New York.
RIcHMONI, August 10. 1868.
The former riots and plunderings by the destitute and
lawless residents of the great northern cities, had been
promptly quelled, by military force, and by  bloodshed.
But though the criminal actors had been subdued, and
their complaints and clamors silenced, the causes of their
action remained, and were still growing in strength.  The
recruiting for the regular army aided by the large additional
bounties for recruits, offered and paid by the cities in which
they resided, and  which their presence and desperation
continually threatened and( terrified, had served to withdraw
fronm the streets, and firom the goad(ings of the severest
want, nearly 20,000 men of the destitutute and ldangerous
classes. But since, there had been still larger numbers
added to these classes, by the continued and general decrease of employment for laborers, and the increased price
of food, new and much more alarming riots occured in
285
II 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the cities of New York, Philadelphia and Boston, with
indications of preconcert and arrangement. In New York,'
the rioters and plunderers, even in advance of seizing food
or money, rushed to the shops where fire-arms and ammunition were sold, and from them, and from all the private houses
subsequently entered, procured as large supplies as  could:
be obtaine(l.  The arsenals of two of the volunteer miilitary
companies also were broken open, and all the arms carried
off.  Though  arms and  ammunuition were first and most
eagerly souglht, every article of value was seized as booty. 
The actors and( their operations increased rapidly with their 
means.  Befiore any resistance was opposed(, except of the"
ordinary police, the rioters had increased  to thousands,
who forced their admission into every shop and mansion,!
aud plundered at their discretion.  The uniformed volunteer companies, only, were first called out, as for the
formner riots. But these were too few to put down the
rioters-and  large reinforcements  were  ordered  of  the
ordinary militia, and urgent requests were sent by the city
authorities to the quarters of the commanding general, for
the aid of the United States' regular troops in the neighboring garrisons. The plunderers (lid not at first assemble in
a body, or in large numbers in the streets, where they
might be opposed and fired on by the volunteers, and by
artillery.  If any considerable number happened to be collected together, by accident, they immediately dispersed to
avoid being conspicuous, an(l so putting themselves in
danger.   Threy  spread  themselves, in  numerous  small
parties, of ten to twenty, thlrough all the residences and
shops of rich owners, or wherever they expected to find
the richest lbooty.  Arms, money, plate, with food and intoxicating liquors, were demanded everywhere.  Hundreds
286 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
of liquor shops were entered, and left open, and their contents thus made free for the use of all who chose to partake
of  them.   And  when  thus  tempted, and  stimulated,
thousands of the lower classes who had designed merely
to be inactive spectatators, became, in their subsequent
drunken  excitement, acteide rioters, plunderers, and, in
many  cases,  murderers.   The  terror-stricken  property
owners rarely resisted tli  entrance of the plunderers into
their houses-or any acts of plunder or outrage they might
commit. The few who at first had attempted resistance,
were promptly stabbed, and their bleeding bodies thrown
into the streets.  A few such known examples and warnings were enough to render the hundreds of thousands of
peaceable inhabitants submissive to every command, and
silent under every outrage of a few thousand desperadoes.
Even a single rioter might rob alone, and without resistance.
For those who suffered his acts knew not how near were
his companions-and even if the one could be easily killed,
other stronger visitations would succeed, to complete the
unfinished plundering if not to avenge the punishment of
the first offender.  It is believed that the horrible and ex tensive massacres by the " Septembrisers," in Paris, in
1793, were committed by less than one tl-housand assassins,
who, for three days, held that great city in subjection, by
terror, and in quiet submission to the most atrocious and
extravagant shedding of innocent blood that the world had
ever known.   It is not then strange that three or four
thousand bloody miscreants of the most degraded condi tions of society, should have paralysed with terror the
people of New York. But these few thousands were
growing rapidly, and with every minute of time, to ten-fold
greater numbers.
287 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIlE FUTURE.
As soon as the volunteer companies appeared, they:'
promptly quelled all riot and open opposition for that time'
and place-and they shot down  hundreds, whether of the
guilty, or of the innocent, who, in many cases, were struck,
by the balls designed  for others.  The  ordinary militia:
companies were more slow to reach the scene of action./
The more worthy of their members had either families or
property which they desired to remain with, to watch and
protect.  Others were afraid to face the fierce and murder onls rioters-and many, who ha(] nothing to lose, sympathised too much with either the previous sufferings or the
present excesses of the rioters, to heartily oppose them in
arms.  Many of the men of these companies, when ordered
to hunt through the houses, and to shoot the plunderers,
used the opportunity, of being thus scattered, and out of
sight of their officers, to slink away, and return home, or
otherwise to desert their duty. Others, when opposed by
bands of armed rioters, and fired upon, fled in haste. And
not a few joined the plunderers, bringing the still more
welcome aid of their muskets and cartridges. This aid so
encouraged the rioters, and their numbers were also now so
much increased, that they no longer feared to face the volunteers in the streets, and to exchange some destructive
volleys with them before retreating. But more generally,
and to more fatal purpose, they fired on the troops through
the windows bf the houses, and from other places of con,
cealment. Their success rapidly increased their numbers,
and their boldness and ferocity.  In a few hours from the
beginning, there were more than 30,000 miscreants, mostly
armed with some deadly weapon, engaged in sacking the
houses and shops, not only of the rich, but of all whose
moveables were supposed to be worth being plundered.
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
When  they were masters of the city, and the only city
troops remaining to oppose them, (the trained volunteers,)
were reduced to the necessity of defending themselves,
instead of pursuing or assailing the furious mob, the United
States regular troops arrived, from their barracks, to the
number of 4000.  About  1000 of these, who  had been
longest in service, fought well, but to much disadvantage
against greatly superior numbers, and their enemies also
being as much concealed, as the soldiers were exposed to
be fired upon.  About half of this number fell before the
conflict in this place was over, and without being able to
unite and co-operate with the volunteers, who were merely
defending their position in another quarter-and of the other
half, most were killed, fighting desperately to the last. The
remainder of the regular soldiers, about 3000, were all new
recruits, very lately enlisted and taken fronl the streets and
cellars of this city, and from the habits, and companionship,
in misery and vice, of the present rioters, among whom
they recognized their friends and relatives, and whom they
saw to be now almost masters of the city and all its wealth.
They had no inclination to risk and very probably to lose
their lives in fighting their recent companions and friends,
in whose feelings and wishes they fully a nd heartily shared.
The usage of discipline was not yet old enough to restrain
them, and they soon began to drop off, at first singly, and
next in numbers, to join and aid the plunderers.  This de   cided the success of the rioters. The previous opposition
of the yet remaining defenders of the city, ceased, as hope   less.  No one dared longer to resist.  Every man who had
a wife or children, endeavored, if possible, to flee with his
family from the scene of horror, leaving his house and other
property at the mercy of the plunderers. Those who had
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
no families exposed, took no thought of their property, but
only of saving their lives by escaping fromn the city devoted
to ruin. But it was impossible for many to escape out of
the almost water-surroun(led city. Not many of the fugi tives could obtain, at any amount of cost, conveyance by
boats, or by carriages of even the humblest kinds. Carts
and small wagons, to carry the feebler members of families,
or their most necessary or valuable moveable property, to
places a few miles out of the city, were freely hired at prices
fromn $200 to $500 for each. One of the very wealthy
merchants, who, by too long delay had been robbed of his
own carriages and horses, and was too late to obtain any
more  comfortable vehicle, paid  $1000 for a filrniture
wagon to take his wife and children, and as much luggage as would complete a load, into the country. The
supposed great value of the contents of the trunks, inferred
from the immense wealth of the owner and the circumstances of the flight, temnipted the driver and his assistant to
emulate the worst crimes of the other plunderers; and they
first mnurdered( the merchant and then his wife and older
children, to possess themselves of the rich booty.  Two
children only, too young to report the crimes, were left on
the street, to perish by other means.  Many thousands,
mostly feeble females and children, and, in numerous cases,
members of the richest families intermixed with the poor
inhabitants, now all nearly alike destitute, helpless and despairing, were crowded together, an(] struggling on foot to
reach the upper suburbs, and, if able, a still greater distance from  the scene of horrors which already overspread
all the richest and most populous portions of the city.
Night had come on, to add still more to the horrors cf this
flight for life.
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LESSONS FOR TIE PRESENT TIME.
The rioters were now too numerous. and too well armed,
to be subdued, or even restrained, by any possible force
that could soon be brought against them.  Their boldness
and ferocity, had been stimulated to the highest degree, by
intoxication, plunder, successful conflicts, and profuse bloodspilling.  But few of them  reasoned, or thought of consequetices-but sought only present and unlimited enjoyment,
in gratifying every appetite, even at the expense of any
amount of crime.   There was  no, ord(ler-no  command.
Every man acted for himself, and as directed only by his
own  inftlriate(d or drunken will-unless he should  thwart
the like pursuit and object of soime other desperado, when
personal conflict, and the slaying of one or the other, usually
and  speedily settled  their contested claims.  More than
40,000 of such wretches were engaged in the vwork of waste
and(l destruction throughout the citv.  And  even one of
them, if alone, was enough to strike terror upon, and commani(l the complete submission an(l obedience of, any of
the inhabitants, who had not yet fled from their homes.
As soon as it was generally known that all military op position and defence had ceased, the only previous restraint,
that of fear, was removed, and ilumerous and strong parties
of the most criminal of the rioters, set out to spread their
depredations to other localities, or to enterprises which they
had not before dared to attempt.  The chturches were all
broken open, andl the plate seized.'I'The  banks, and the
United( States suib-treasury, were all forcibly occupied, and
their vaults speedily robbed of every dollar.   These last
acts: if they had been committed in some former prosper ous time of the city and of the federal  government, might
have caused the loss of from fifty to a hundlre(l millions of
dollars.  But the then penury of the treasury, and the pre
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
vious commercial distress, had reduced very low the hoar(ls
of coin. The federal treasury scarcely contained a million
of dollars-and all the banks together had but three to four
millions of coin.   And  when  militarv defence could  no
longer be hoped for, and the robbery of the deposits, by the
mob, was certain, the ofecials, in charge of the sub-treasury
and the banks, deemed it best to begin themselves the appropriating of the treasures, nominally, for the rightfuil ownlers,
but probably, to no0 small extent designed for themselves.
This work  of removing  the deposits was well adlvanced,
though no where completed, when the actors had to flee
for their lives before the approach of the less adroit and
more  violent robbers, the  raging and  murderous  mob.
Though most of the money had been before taken off, there
still remained enough to make rich, beyond his previous
conception, every individual of these first gangs of robbers.
But no equal or fair division was possible.   The strongest
hand enforced the most successful claim.   The immense
magnitude of the booty, instead of appeasing, served still
more to inflame the rioters with insane lust of gain, and of
blood.  The first comers to the exposed great heaps and
boxes of gold, and packages of balnk-bills, attempted to exclutde all others from the spoil, by armned resistance.  The
later comers were more numerous and equally greedy. A
bloody fight took place in every case, and when any one
party remained the final. victor, so as to take possession of
the contested spoils, they were sought for and removed from
beneath a heap of the d(ead and dying bodies of the plunderers, and drenched with their gore.
As soon as the city was completely under the control of
the rioters, and no more resistance was offered, many of the
more considerate of the plunderers began to arrange for
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LESSONS FOR TIHE PIESENT TIME.
securing their booty, and their own  personal safety.  As
the night advanced, and as more and more of them had become glttted with plunder, these effo)rts increased, and continued as long as there was rich booty to be removed, or
ability for its removal.  Thousands of those who  had  put
their stolen valuables in a small compass, and of portable
weight, an(l hoped to conceal it, or its true character, at first
spread themselves in other quarters of the city, which, because of their poverty an(l meanness, had not been yet
attacked by the plunderers. Many others went out of the
city, designing to assume the character of plundered inhabitants, fleeing  with a remnant  of their wasted property.
Many others, who were among the most desperate villains,
and experience(l robbers, and now thie most successful,
formed parties for combined operations, and seized steamers
and sailing vessels at the wharves, and either hiring by
enormous bribes, or compelling, the services of the crews,
had( their plunder brought by carriages and carts, and placed
on board, and then started for the ocean. Tlis procedure
was facilitated by the previous unusual condition of the
port. The great need for vessels of war to aid the blockade
measures on the southern coast, and its being supposed by
the government that no vessels could be needed for defence
of northern ports, had induced the removal of every vessel
of war, fit for service, from the lHuiidson river-so that there
was no force to oppose the passage and escape of the stolen
and plunder-ladell vessels, an(l their passengers. Many of
the sailors, an(l black as well as white, had been engaged
in the sack of the city, and joined with, and enabled, others
of their companions, to seize the vessels to which they
were attached.  One of these vessels had its rich ladinig of
booty supplied entirely by a gang of negro sailors, who
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
embarked under a negro captain, and set sail for Ilayti.
The crews of other vessels aimed to reach other places
where they hoped to be sheltered long enough to divide and
secure their booty.
These scenes of terror, crime, and suffering, continued
through nearly all the night, unabated except by thousands
of the criminals becoming gorged with plunder, or being
rendered insensible  by drunkenness-or  by the moving
away of large numbers with their booty. But the numbers
of the actors were still maintained, by new accessions of
recruits, who had been too remote, too cowardly, or perhaps too conscientious, at first, to join in the early operations.  Every property-holder, and every honest citizen, who
had anything to lose, had fled, unless physically unable to
escape. Every house was left open after the visiting of the
mob, and every remaining article of valuable and moveable
property, was left at the disposal of any who would take
possession-and with scarcely any chance of being preserved for the use of the rightful owners. tinder such
temptations, and ground for excuse, many persons become
plunderers who had before been esteemed to be honest and
law-abiding citizens. The only limit to the extent of the
plundering was the utter impossibility of removing or securing even one-tenth part of the moveables.
But the unhappy city and its inhabitants had yet to go
through still increased horrors.  In the latter part of the
night, when the plunderers could take no more booty, because unable to transport or secure any more, and when
nearly all were drunk and furious, it was proposed( by some,
and readily acceded to by all who heard the proposal, that
the city should be burnt. This might well have been the
resuilt of wanton love of mischief, of excitement, or of
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
drunken folly and madness. But a stronger and an earlier
motive was doubtless operating, in the malignant hatred,
which many of the actors, who had been the greatest sufferers from want and hunger, entertained for the rich, and
even for all property-owners, whom  they had learned to
deem their worst enemies. They desired to glut their hatred
and vengeance, as well as to gratify their appetites and their
cupidity.  The proposal to set fire to the city was therefore
received with shouts of applause; and thousands of the
rioters, armed, and bearing torches, spread themselves
through every quarter, putting fire, as they went, to the
more inflammable buildings.   A strong wind was blowing,
which soon spread the flames faster than did the numerous
incendiaries. In two hours, this great and rich city, containing with the adjacent suburbs  and connected  minor
cities, 1,200,000 inhabitants, was so covered by flames,
that no possible human means could have prevented the
full consummation of the calamity. The fires had been
kindled in so many places, nearly at one time, and so
generally over the city, that the whole space was, at once,
one raging sea of flame, rising in billows and breakers above
the tops of the houses higher than ever sea was raised by
the most violent hurricane. The roar of the conflagration
was like continued rolling thunder. The fire, in showers
of burning combustibles, was driven upon the ships lying
at and near the wharves, and even to many lying separate
in the river, and more than half of all in the port were
consumed. Of the houses, not one, in the closely built portions of New York proper and Brooklyn, escaped destruction.  Some of the remote and thinly-built suburbs only
were spared.  Scarcely any of the moveable property was
saved-owing to the magnitude and suddenness of the de
29' 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THIE FUTURE.
struction, and the want of force to remove property, as well
as the state of despair of the then remaining inhabitants.
Very many of these, being hemmed in by different fires
around, were unable to get out, and perished in the flames.
Andi very many more of the drunken incendiaries suffered,
as they well deserved, the same horrible manner of death.
Of the many thousands of charred an(l partly consumned
skeletons, which were afterwards to be seen among the
ruins, it was conjectured that the lives of as many had been
destroyed by the burniug, as by armed violence in the previoIus combats and assassinations.
This, the most terrible calamity that perhaps any great
city has ever experienced in modern times, though much
the worst, was not the only such result of the sufferings of
the destitute and vicious classes.  The reports of all the
circumstances of this awful event, wl-hile it struck with
fright and horror every good citizen-and even in(luced the
commiseration of all but the most embittered of the southern
foes-served merely as an entcouraging example for many
of the worst of the city populations, and which they speedily
proceeded to follow both i  Philadell)phia and Boston.  In
Philadelphia, the rioters had complete command of the city
through one night, during all which time they were glutting
their appetites, and plundering, at their will, and committing
every outrage to which they were invited by their vile propensities, and ferocious tempers.   They  were, however,
subdued by military force, aided by artillery, at last an(]
thousands were slaughtered in the streets and houses, and
other thousands are imprisoned, to be tried and punished
und(ler the criminal laws.
In Boston, the like riots, with plundering and murder,
were acted, but to less extent.  There a different phase was
296 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
given to the out-break, inasmuch as the rioters, besides their
main acts of plundering, denounced vengeance against the
leading abolitionists as the authors of the existing distress,
in their having caused the secession of the southern states,
and the war on them, and all the consequent losses and
distress of the North.  These charges were made the pretence for especially seeking out the prominent and wealthy
of the fanatical abolitionists, for robbery and maltreatment,
and destruction of their property.  Not one of these escaped
being made heavy sufferers, in person or property, at the
hands of the rabble who had been so long taught and
trained to lawlessness, by the doctrines and example of
these vile fanatics, or still worse hypocrites.
The enormous sacrifices of life which have already been
suffered( by actors in these criminal deeds, and  the slower
punishments of the law, yet to come, on all the survivors
who can be convicted on trial, will, for a long time, repress
such worst operations of the spirit of insubordination.  But
the seeds and causes still will remain, and are inherent and
inevitable in the northern social and political system-pro.
vided great wealth shall still remain, with great inequality
of condition of the people, great destitution of the lower
classes, and yet every member of them, however poor,
ignorant and vicious, being a voter, and having political
privileges and power equally with the most worthy and
intelligent citizens, and largest tax-payers   Moreover, the
juries for the trials of these criminals, will more usually in clude among their numbers men of the lowest character and
position in society, who will be more influenced by sympa thy and fellow-feeling for the most atrocious of these offen ders, than by reverence for law and good government, or
the sanctity of their oaths as jurymen.  But putting aside
29 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
all fears for future events, the evils of the recently past are
too great for estimation.  In addition to all private losses
and sufferings, the government is a heavy loser in various
ways-and one important loss is in its prestige of authority
and power, in consequence of the disobedience and desertion of 3000 of its regular soldiers, and the easy and unresisted plunder of its chief sub-treasury.  A general clamor
has already been raised against the war, and especially in
regard to its alleged bad management.   Under the present
circumstances of the recent disasters, and of changed public opinion, it does not seem probable that any more regular
troops can soon be spared from the North to be sent to the
South-even if the northern government shall still persist
in carrying on a war of invasion on  the southern confederacy.
LETTER LV.*
Washington the seat of the southern federal government. Free negroes expelled
from the District of Columbia.
WASHINGTON, -     -, 1868.
*~    *  *  *    As soon as could be arranged
after the capture of Washington, and its occupation by
troops of the southern confederacy, the southern congress,
in concert with the state government of Maryland, adopted
* The two preceding letters are wanting-but their contents, as to matters of
importance, may be inferred from the references made in this and succeeding
letters.-EDITOa.
298 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
the necessary measures to make that city again the seat of
the federal government for the South. This was soon
arranged. Within a short time after the frustration of the
attempt to excite servile insurrection in Maryland, the
federal government for the southern confederacy was regu larly and  completely fixed at Washington, and  all its
Departments and central functionaries were in regular opera tion.  For the safety of this capitol of the South, (which is
inconveniently near to the northern  fiontier and to the
enemy's territory,) the garrison is strengthened, and will
consist ill part of 2000 soldiers of the new regular army of
the southern government. But a still stronger defensive
force, and which, if alone, would be amply sufficient to
guard against any successful coup de main, or even insult
to the capitol, from the northern enemy? is offered in the
volunteer companies and the general warm zeal and public
spirit of the city of Washington and the remainder of the
District of Columbia. Every consideration of vital self interest of the inhabitants comes in support and( futherance
of their public spirit and patriotism. The previous removal
of the northern federal government from this city, and its
ceasing to be the capitol, (if things had continued as they then
were,) would have been the death-blow to the prosperity
of this district, and the ruin of every property-holder, and(
even of the business and daily earnings of every tradesman,
mechanic, and laborer. Tlhe.re-occupation of the city as
the seat of federal government for the southern confederacy,
offered the only possible hope for safety from the impend ing and almost consummated ruin.  Therefore, there was
every reason operating strongly on every inhabitant to
preserve and defend the safe possession of the District, as
the seat of the federal government to the southern power,
299 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
which now  promises not only to substitute  the former
general government in this occupancy, but to rival it in
strength, and exceed it in duration.   For these reasons and
motives, the military spirit of the District of Columbia was
especially ardent and active, and the organized force of
volunteers is unusually numerous for the population, and
already  in  good  military condition.   Every  volunteer
company has been carefully drilled once or more in each
week;  and the whole force can be arrayed under arms and
proper command, withlin a few  hours after any call that
may be made for defensive service.
Still earlier than the re-establishment of federal administration in the District of Columbia, there had been there
commenced, and are still in progress to full completion,
important new measures of policy, to reverse the nortlhern
and former federal action, by which  negro slavery had
been deprived of all support, and was virtually abolished,
and all the negroes of the District made free-and any
others permitted to come  there for reftige and security.
Now, the former and legal protection of slave property
was re-established and enforced, accor(ding to the laws of
Maryland.   All the free negroes of the District of Columbia
were banished, and compelled within a limited and short
time to move beyond the northern border of MAaryland, or
elsewhere to the northern states.  This order was forthwith obeyed by many, and by all who, whether as free or
enslaved, might have been troublesome as residents.  But
the greater number preferred, and adopted, the alternative
course, of resorting to the legal facilities afforded by the
laws of both Maryland and Virginia, to re-enslave themselves to masters of their choice. This could be easily
effected, by entering the close a(ljacent territory and juris
300 
LESSONS FOR TIIE PRESENT TIME.
diction of either of these two states, and complyilng with
the legal forms required.   Thus, after a short interval, the
District of Columbia  was again the seat of the federal
government of tile section of states by which it is surrounded, and was always identified with ill interest and in
institutions, as well as locality-and also, is again slaveholding territory, cleared  entirely and permanently, of its
former dangerous nuisances of northern abolition agents
and free negro population.        *      *      *       *
LETTER LVI.
A truce. Effects of the war, and present condition of the two sections.
RIcHMOND, September 20, 1868.
IThe truce which had been agreed upon, in the conference
of commissioners of the hostile northern and southern confederacies, while negociating for the restoration of peace,
is to continue for thirty (Jays after the close of the conference, (should it not bring about p,ice;) and hostilities are
not to be renewed then, or later, without notice, within less
than five (lays after such notice for the renewal of active
war shall have been given by either government  to the
other. The existing cessation of actual operations offers a
suitable occasion for me to take a hasty view of the effects
produced by the war, and the present condition of the two
now different and opposed peoples, and their respective
governments.
The northern government, as early as it could act, began
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
and continued to make strenuous efforts to subdue the
seceding states, speedily and effectually.  Every means of
war, which had previously been supposed available and
likely to be effective-blockade, invasion, and servile insurrections attempted with preparations and accessories that had
been, before trial, d(leemed the most formidable, mischievous,
and certain of effect-all have utterly failed to produce ally
important effect, in weakeniing or humbling  the seceded
states; and all these effects have produced much more loss
and damage  to the aggressive than to the assailed party.
The continuation of aggressive hostilities by  the northern
power, with equal vigor, was prevented, first, by the impossibility of conveying reinforcements and supplies to the
seat of war, and next by all the regular soldiers then enlisted and not sent abroad, being suddenly and imperatively
demanded to suppress and keep down insurrection and
massacre, if not more  extended civil war, in the northern
states.
The whole of the present northern regular army, including 8,000 prisoners released on parole, ( and which
must be exchanged or accounted for, if the war is reniewed,)
is now thus employed(, and required, to protect the northern
cities from insurrection and domestic violence and civil war
When active operations could not possibly be carried on,
a breathing time became desirable even to the aggressive
power.   An(], as a matter of policy, and for present objects,
the most violent and implacable members of the war party,
in the northern section, were as ready to agree to this truce
and conference, as were those who sincerely desired that
the negociations might lead to permanent peace.
The great and almost uniform success of the southern
people, through the war in defeating and repelling the
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
aggressions of their northern enemies, was not owing to
any superiority of courage, or military talent of the victorious party-but to the inevitable disadvantages of invaders,
and of opposite advantages of a people attacked by an invading army  on their own soil.  These respective  disadvantages and advantages  are especially great in this
southern country-and still more because the powers engaged are communities under republican governments.   if
the southern people had been so foolish, and blinded by
hatred or fanaticism, as to invade, and make a war of
aggression on the northern people, the latter would doubtless have been found as brave defenders of their soil and
homes, and as indomitable, as they, when invaders, found
the southerners to be at home.   But, fortunately, a republican and still more a federative government, which, while
well conducted, is the strongest of all for defence, and at
home, is, under all circumstances, the weakest for aggression abroad. Therefore, in any future wars between these
parties, if other circumstances approach equality, the aggressive and invading party will be much the most liable, if not
absolutely sure, to be defeated.
The people of the southern confederacy, and their federal
government, are all heartily desirous of peace. But they
have gained, from the events of the war, greatly increased
confidence in their means and ability for military defence, and
are assured of the impossibility of there being any serious
impression made on the South by any future hostile attempts
of the northern government or people, or indeed by any more
powerful nation. Thle existence of negro slavery had been
deemed, even by many southerners, and by all northerners,
as the vulnerable and very weak and assailable point of the
South. This has been fully tested, and by operations as
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
extensive as they were unjustifiable and shamefuil, and with
results that completely refuite the before prevailing opinions
on this subject.   Even  with the extraordinary measures
used to deceive an(l excite the slaves to insurrection-less
than which  would have made insurgents, an(] robbers and
murderers of the most destitute class of any great city of
the northern states, or of any country ill Europe-the general
failure was so complete, that it is not probable that such
atrocious and (letestible measures of war will be again
attempledt.
While the presence of numerous slaves has not produced
the anticipated da(ngers and evils to the Scutlh, it has been
found  iii other respects a most valuable aid to military
strength.  For the speedy construction of fortifications, and
foi-r any other labors incident to military service, which
demand neither courage nor experience, or skill, the resort
to the use of negro slaves, which could be obtained to any
desired amount, has served to leave all the soldiers for
military services only; and so every laboring negro slave,
thus employed, slupplied the full service of a white soldier.
Further, and wLhich is much  more important-a slavehol(ling people can supply a much larger proportion of the
whole population, and of better character, and material for
military service, upon a sudden emierge-ncy, than a hireling
or free and laboring population. For one-half of all the
men of the dominant class of whites may go abroad to repel
invasion, and thereby scarcely cause any of the labor of
the country to be abstracted, or the superintendence antI
direction of the negro laborers to be greatly lessened or
impaired. There have been many recent proofs of this
proposition, in the service of military companies for some
weeks together, without much inconvenience or loss. If
304 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
like calls had been made upon the people of the northern
states, and had been as promptly and fully obeyed, the
abstraction of so many laborers would have been ruinous
and intolerable to any community so burdenedl.  And so
sensible was President Seward of this condition of the
northern people, that he has not authorized a call of volunteers at all for any distant service-nor for any other than
to oppose riot and insurrection in their owni neighborhood.
The only other militia force used was obtained by draught
and legal compulsion; and no volunteers offered their services for distant localities, and for invasion of the Southexcept fanatical abolitionists, for exciting and leading in
slave insurrections. But abundant as was their zeal, their
judgment, and views and capacity for this peculiar military
service, were as deficient as those of Peter the Hermit, and
his followers, for conducting the first crusade.
The commercial and general loss and distress in tihe
northern states, and especially on the Atlantic border, have
been very great. No class or condition of people has
escaped heavy losses, or severe suffering, because of the
deprivation of southern trade, and of demand for comniodi ties, and of southern employment-and( also, directly and
indirectly, for the postponement of payment of the debt
of ninety millions of dollars due from southern to northern
merchants and manufacturers. But the laboring and most
destitute classes have been the greatest sufferers-for want
of employmenit, reduced wages, and the increased prices of
necessaries of life, previously drawn mainly from the South.
These wide-spread sufferings have led to the plundering of
great cities, the entire destruction of New York-and the
rich inhabitants, and even poorer property holders, now
live in continued terror, dreading and expecting like future
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attempts.  To guard against the renewal of such atrocious
acts in the great cities, the states to which they belong have
been compelled to strengthen their police forces and
measures, and also the general government of the North,
to maintain strong military garrisons.
But the plundering and sacking of cities, or countries,
by mobs and insurgents, with the usual incidents of fire
and massacre, however disastrous and fearful, and even
when ever so resistless and unrelenting, is not the only,
nor the most effective mnode by which the poor and destitute of these cities and states may, and hereafter will,
plunder the rich, and all the possessors of property. Every
ignorant, destitute, and desperate wretch, who would be
willing to resort to robbery and murder to obtain his richer
neighbor's wealth, has a vote, and an equal share in the
election of all representatives and public officers, and of the
direction of public affairs —and by the (even peaceable and
legal) exercise of their votes, the members of this class,
when  they are the majority of any community, may rob
property holders by law, and to any extent, for the benefit
of the legal robbers.   And  this malignant influence had
already been operating with fatal effect in the old northern
states, and( especially in the city of New York, long before
the lowest classes of inhabitants had become  the most
numerous voters.  For long in advance of that condition
of culminating political evil and wo, where universal
suffrage exists, (and the palliative in negro slavery does not
exist,) the layers and disbursers of taxes and the payers
of taxes are different and antagonistic classes.  The richer
citizens who must pay the larger amount of taxation, are
too few to control the disbursements.  The poorer majority,
(including all the destitute,) who pay either little or noth
i
306
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
ing of the taxes, direct the disbursements, and as much as
possible to themselves, and for their own gain. Every waste
and misdirection of public money goes (or is expected) to
aid some of the necessitous class-and therefore for this
class, it is soon understood and acted upol, that the greater
the amount of taxes on property, and( the greater the abuses
and waste of their disbursement, the better  will be  the
chances of some gain or benefit to the poorer majority of
voters-and who, moreover. lose nothing by the extrava gance and waste of public money. This class too receives
early and great additional strength, and(i efficient guidance
in the worst acts, from demagogues of superior grade, and
even of the higher and wealthy classes, who hope to wield
the votes and influence of the ignorant and brutish multi tuilde to build up their own political advancement and power.
This inevitable result of universal suffrage, in free states,
(if democratic government itself shall last long enough for
working out the political problem,) cannot be prevented by
any employment and action of city police, state volunteers,
or regular troops of the general government-however
effectual these means may be to restrain and prevent the
more summary mode of the poor seizing or destroying the
property of the owners, by forcible robbery, arson and
wide-spread massacre.   Thle  same future dangers would
threaten the southern states also, but for the existence there
of negro  slavery, by  which  (notwithstanding the ultra
democracy and( universal suffrage, of whites, and in their
constitution of government,) the great body of the  most
ignorant and destitute, are, as slaves, necessarily and com  pletely excluded from all political power.  This safeguar(d,
(for which the southern states owe nothing to their colnsti  tution makers,) possibly may secure to the southern people
II
30 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FIUTURE.
the continued blessings of honest and conservative magistrates and good government.  And in this point of view, the
states having the largest proportion of niegro slaves, if
equal in other political advantages and (lisadvantages, will
be most justly and discreetly governed, an(d will be best
able to preserve the principles and benefits of free goverliment.
The wretched condition of the finances of the northern
government, which I have before mentioned, an(l stated the
causes of, has continued to grow worse.   In addition to
the great decrease of receipts from ciistoms, (the only important source of revenue of the general government before
or since the disruption of the Union,) the payments for
public lands, in the new western states and territories, have
entirely ceased.  The  settlers readily avail themselves of
the doubts as to the rightful and eventual ownership of the
vacant public lands, to refuse all payments for the present
time-and the northern fe(leral power, thouglh claiming all
these lands, is now too weak to attempt to enforce its
claims.  It is thoiught? too, that this refusal to pay, by all
previous purchasers on credit, and of all later' squatters,
on the public lands, is favored and secretly encouraged by
the authorities of the north-western and Pacific states, in their
anticipations of benefit, in their own particular political
positions, in future time.
Very different is the present condition of the southern
states and people —whether political and general, or private
and economical.   Thie southern people  have indeed been
subjected to many disagreeable privations of enjoyment, by
the blockade, and the interruption of trade, and the partial
cutting off, and enlhancement of price, of the accustomed
supplies of foreign articles of luxury and comfort-as well
II
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308 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
as of the greater profits from products and sales which
otherwise  would have been  obtained(l.  Also, there have
been heavy and costly burdens, (however  readily and cheerfully borne,) in furnishing the military services required,
and incurritng the incidental and heavy expenses for their
support.  But this is all.  No  state or city, and scarcely
any individual, (except from the military licence and abuses,
or plund(erings of the invading armies,) has suffered any loss
because of the war that will leave any abiding privations or
discomfort.  Neither has the southern confederacy incurre(d
more expense, in debts or otherwise, than can be easily repaid by the operations and profits of a few years of peace;
and that too entirely out of such  sources of the public
revenue as had heretofore been paid by the South to the
former general government, and mainly to aid or sustain
exclusive northern interests.  If the war shall end nowor even, otherwise, if the Northl shall still refuse equitable
conditions of peace, yet shall be restrained from invading
southern territory, or interrupting southern trade by blocka(les, in either case, the prosperity of the southern confederacy must be advanced by a new and powerfiil impulse,
exceeding, beyond estimate, the measure of prosperity and
of progress, when  united with and tributary to the North.
Whether the last of the two named contingencies, or a
third, in the resumption and further i,lvigorating of hostile
action, shall succeed this truce an(l negociation, it may be
counted upon with certainty that England and France will
not longer permit the northern confederacy to maintain its
system of nominal blockade of southern ports, when it has
barely enough naval force to watch them irregularly and to
compel the obedience to their commands of unarmed trading
vessels.  In the early uncertainty of the persistence of the
309
I 
ANTICIPATIONS OF TIE FUTURE.
southern  states  in their revolt, and as to  the ultimate
establishment of their independence, it may be presumed
that the European powers  were unwilling to meddle, and
to incur the hostility of the stronger party, (which was then
expected to be victorious,) because of a tempoirarv and( not
very important inconvenience.   But as prospects chan-ge(d,
an(d no early termination of the blockatde system seemed
probable, both France and( England signified their objections, and their implied (letermination not to submit much
longer to this pretended right of enforciing blockade, exercised merely to obstruct trade, without the force for, or
any intention of, attempting to conquer, besiege, or even to
invest any other of the approaches to a city, whose distant
outlet to the sea, only, was thus guar(lded( and obstructed.
These great European powers, and, following their example,
all other naval powers, fortified by the laws of nations, can
rightfully, and certainly will require, and, if necessary,
compel, the raising of the blockade as to their respective
vessels. Of course this will defeat all the important objects
of the blockade, as all the exports and imports of the
souttlern states will be carried in European ships, and as
European property-and on either of these grounds will be
secured from capture by the northern vessels of war. The
only remaining service  of the blockade, to prevent the
passage of, or to capture, any of the very few vessels owned
in the South, would noQt be worth a tithe of the cost of the
means used for the purpose. Even if aggressive war is
persisted in, clearly it will be necessary for the northern
government to withdraw its various squadrons and single
vessels from the vain effort to blockade southern ports.   If
any naval aggressions can be s,uccessful, (even if counting
all damage to the South as profit to the aogressor,) it can
310
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
only be by a powerful concentration  of naval and land
forces, to conquer and hold, or pillage and burn, some  one
or more of the large sea-port cities of the South.
If the war shall continue-with the blockade broken lip,
(as it must be,) the independent nationality of the southern
confederacy recognized  by  the world, and  commercial
treaties made between it and the chief European powers,
(which the commercial interests of France and England
will especially need, and cannot dispense with,) then there
must soon follow another operation of war, of the most
serious importance. The southern confederacy, owing to
the former political connections, has almost no shippingand will have none for commnerce, and for ocean navigation, while the continuance of this war shall make such
possessions hazardous and  unprofitable.  The  northern
section, before this war, was, next to England, the most
extensive ship-owner of the world.  And even now, reduced in employment  and profit as they are, northern
vessels are still on every track of the ocean where profitable commerce or gain can be pursued.  But however destitute now, the southern people can soon build, equip, arm,
and send to sea, hundreds of privateers-and will be at no
loss to obtain able commanders and veteran crews for them,
if not of natives, of volunteers from all the commercial
marines of the world.  Still more speedlily, and to any
needed extent, can privateers: commissions  be given to
foreign vessels, which, if permitted, will come into southern
ports for this purpose, manned, armed and equipped for
immediate service, and will merely require to obtain
authority to assume the nationality and flag of the southern
confederacy. A few hundred privateers will sweep the
northern ships and commerce from the ocean; while neither
311
ie 
ANTICIPATIONS OF T11IE FUTURE.
northern privateers nor navy can inflict any such evils in return, because the South will have no vessels at sea to be
captured or destroyed, except the privateers.  And these,
necessarily swift sailers or steamers, and d(lesperate figlhters,
will be difficult to overtake in flight, or to overcome in
combat-and will offer no booty or profit for their capture.
LETTERP  LVIII.*
Conditions of peace required and denied. The truce extended. State of
Military preparation.
CHARLESTON, October 10, 1868.
It was not expected by many persons that the northern
government would agree to such terms of peace as the
South required. But though peace was not formally made, its
virtual existence was continued by the extension of the truce
for six months longer, and it is not then to cease, or hostilities to recommence, until one month's previous notice shall
have been given by either government that may desire to
renew hostilities.  In the meantime, the negociations for
peace have been continued, but very languidly, as it seems.
Trade and all peaceful relations are renewed, and have been
from the first truce-but only as between two foreign and
separate nations, suspicious and watchful of each other.
The terms of peace required by the southern confederacy,
of the northern, were these:  1st. Mutual recognition of
* Letter LVII is wanting.-EDITOa.
312
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LESSONS FOR THiE PRESENT TIME.
separate nationalities of the two powers. 2d. Equal division, in value, of the vessels, and of the arms, munitions,
and moveable materials for war, of the navy, and contained
in the fortifications and arsenals of the former general
government of the United States, and of the surplus funds,
then in the treasury, as they were at the time of the first
secession. 3d. Equal division of the net value of the public
lands, wherever situated, or an equitable and general composition for this claim of the South. 4th. The landed or
other fixed property, in buildings, forts, dock yards, &c., to
be released to the government within whose territory they
were severally included. 5th. The certificates of debt, given
by officers of the northern army in Mississippi, for provisions and other property seized, to be paid by the northern
government. On the forgoing terms being agreed to, then,
6th, the southern confederacy to assume the payment of
one-half the former public debt of the United States, at the
time of the first secession, with the interest since that time.
7th. The southern confederacy will pay to the northern
creditors all the sums received into its treasury for the
sequestrated private debts-and authorize the southern
debtors to pay all the remaining amounts to the creditors and to allow the use of its courts of law to creditors to
enforce such payments from all debtors who shall withhold
them. 8th. The foregoing conditions being carried out, the
southern confederacy will agree to a commercial treaty, for
ten years, (for trial of its operations) of perfectly free trade
between the people and territories of the two powers, or
of entire freedom from all duties on either the exports or
imports transmitted between the two countries.
These offered terms were rejected by the northern com missioners, because of the claim of the South to share in
14 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
the value of the public lands, and other public property,
now in possession of the North. This share the southern
confederacy certainly never can obtain, and never will seek
to enforce the claim for, by military action-and no one
imagines the possibility of recourse to any such meanis for
coercion. But though unable to enforce its deman(ls by
war, the South has still stronger commercial means for redress than war can furnish-and can well afford to wait for
the operation andi results of these means.  The events of
the late war have shlown that the North, though much the
stronger power at home, is as little able as the South would
be to enforce its dem-iands abroad by arms, and by a war of
invasion.  If the North persists in rejecting (by refusil)g
the connected conditions,) the priceless benefit of free trade
with the South, then the trade and vessels of the North
must continue to be burdened, in southern ports, at the
least, and as now, with as heavy duties an(l charges as all
other foreign trade is subjected to. This will be enough
to shut out northern productions, if not also all employment
of northern ships-and to encourage the substitution of the
use of the cheaper European products and shipping.  Even
this state of things will go far to exclude thle northern states
from their best customer, and heretofore the almost sole
consumer of their manufactures.  But the entire exclusion
of northern trade may be at once effected, by the southern
congress doubling the duties on the commodities of the
unfriendly northern states, or lowering to one-half the duties
and charges of all other countries, with which treaties of
amity and commerce shall be formed. It is understood
that such mutual and equal reduction of duties, by treaty,
have already been offered to the commercial countries of
Europe.
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LESSONS FOR TIlE PRESENT TtME.
The disagreement ofr the negotiators, upon the proposed
terms of peace, led to the contiinuationi of the truce, as stated.
There is very little probabilitv of active hostilities, or any
war measures, being renewed  for the want of any inclinationi thereto on the part of the South, and  because of the
inability of the North.   And so long as the truce shall conti-nue, and its permanency is trusted tot it will be even more
beneficial for the South than the obtaining its req(Juired terms
of peace.
Even with the remaining burdens and charges on northern
(as foreign) trade in the southern confederacy, and the new
impediments of police regulations on all the b)ord(ler lines,
the return to peaceful and(] trading relations was  a great
benefit to both sides, and especially to the northern section.
Still more beneficial was the renewed intercourse, and the
truce as the cause thereof, to the north-western states on
the Ohio, and other upper waters of tihe Mississippi river.
As nearly all the products of these states are agricultural,
they are not among the taxed articles in the last JUnited
States tariff law-which still remains the present tariff law
of the southern  confederacy.   Therefoire  the exports  of
these states are free of duty, whether sold in New Orleans,
or transmitted thence to any foreign mart.  Their imports,
in return cargoes, if of southern production, are also free
from duties; and if of European produ(ctioni, they will oinly
pay on them (in increased( price,) such duties as are chliarge(l
by the tariff law, and are imposed, and eti-nhance prices, at
the North, as well as the South.  But the fatbrics and manu  factures of the north-eastern states being  now  taxed as
foreign productions, will all be too highl-priced in southern
marts, (if found there,t all,) to be bought there for con  sumption in the north-western states.   Therefore, these
315 
ANTICIPATIONS QF THE FUTURE.
states must substitute such commodities by the like kinds
imported from Europe-or otherwise procure them by the
northern route from the north-eastern states.
Since the extension of the truce, the southern garrisons
of military posts along the lines bordering on the North,
have been still more reduced in number. Stronger garrisons are as yet maintained in the principal fortresses on the
sea-coast.   But all these garrisons, (and which are deemed
amply sufficient for safety,) amount to no more than 10,000
men. The greater number of these are regulars and artillery men. This number is not greater than half the former
United States peace establishment of regular soldiers, and
the expense is far less than half. Therefore, even now, the
military expenses of the southern confederacy, as an independent power, are much less than was the share paid by
the same states for the whole military expenses of the former
joint army.  This small standing army is deemed  suflicient, even for this time of uncertainty as to the duration of
the truce, because the facilities of communication offered
by the telegraph lines, and of transportation on the railroad, enable reinforcements of from 3000 to 8000 volunteers
and minute men to be sent within four days after notice of
their being needed, to almost any threatened point. And, if
it should be made necessary, by the renewal of war, the
whole southern armed forces, in the field and in garrisons,
can thus be increased to 40,000 men within teii d(lays. It
is deemed better, and is far cheaper, to rely upon such speedy
reinforcements, than to maintain a larger standing army in
service.  The northern section also maintains military posts
along its side of the dividing lines.  But a much larger
military force is required, and so used, to keep strong garrisons of regulars in or very near to all the great cities of the
316
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f 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
North, to guard against the unceasing and permanent danger
of the renewal of insurrections of the rabble and "rascal
multitude." These city garrisons alone, and required for
this purpose, are more than double the whole number of
troops deemed necessary to be kept by the South, to guard
against foreign open or secret foes.  Against internal foes
or dangers, in all the South, there is kept no permanent
military guard, except one company in each of a few great
cities, and no more are wanting, for perfect security and
tranquility.
The Congress of the South has continued in session to
this time, with but a few short intervals of recess. The
organization and putting in operation of a new government,
even with all the aid of the existing forms of the previous
general constitution and laws, have required much time and
deliberation.  Since the suspension of hostilities, and the
consequent raising of the blockades, much of the care of the
southern government has been given to military arrangements and to naval preparations.  Though most anxious for
the establishment and permanence of peace, the southern
confederacy is not the less determined to be sufficiently
prepared for war.
317
i. 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
LETTER LIX.
Effects of the truce on North and South.  Reasons and prospects for its
continuance.
CHIARLESTON, February 24, 1869.
The renewal of commercial intercourse and of peaceful
relations between the North and South, under this long
continued truce, has given a wonderful impulse to trade and
business, and caused also a renewal of much of the former
mutual kind feelings of i(ndividuals of the two lately hostile
sections. The fanatical abolitionists have lost much of
their former credit and influence at home, and they dare
not now venture to enter on southern territory, and so to
work to keep alive or rekindle animosity against tile whole
people  of the North.   Also, southern  merchants  have
entirely ceased going to the North, (as was universal formerly,) to purchase goods of any kinds. For all northern
fabrics being now subject to high duties, would thereby be
so much enhanced in price, that but few kinds can be sold
in southern markets, in competition with European articles
subject to the same rates of duties only-or of southern
manufactures, now protected by the same tariff law which
had formerly been enacted by the superior political power
of the North, and to operate exclusively for the profit of
northern in(ldustry and capital. Being thus deprived of their
former chief customers-and almost their only customers
outside of their own present boundaries-the northern shipowners, manufacturers, merchants, salesmen and mechanics,
and even common laborers in every branch of mecllanical
industry, are now crowding to the South, hoping to recover
318
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II
I 
LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
there, as residents and citizens, the southern custom or
employment which they had lost at home.   Manly of these
persons are possessors of large capitals, which will thus be
transferred from the North to give more rapid growth to
the mechanical, manufacturing, comamercial, and shipping
business of the southern cities.  All these new immigrants
from tile North, and designed permanent settlers, are (or
profess to be) altogether firiendly to the people and institutions of the South.   The  present intercourse serves to
awalken and cherish kindly feelings onl both sides.  The
main business now going on in the southern cities is incidental to or connected with the continual transference to
the South, of northern capital and operatives, in every department of inldustry, which  had been formerly sustained
by protecting duties an(l bounties, and by southern custom
and employment, thereby secured, under the legislation and
policy of the former general government.
i$    *     *      *     *     *      *     *     *
The earlier indications in the northern Congress of hostilities being vigorously renewed, have become  more faint as
the session advances, and as discussion serves  to elicit
opinions. The fanatical abolitionists, and insane haters of
negro slavery and of the southern people, are still urgent
for renewing the war.  But this rabid and malignant sect
has so lost credit and influence bly the events of the war,
and their couseq(luences, that they can no longer control
political action or popular opinion, except in the six New
Eng,,land states.  Elsewhere, (and even there with an increasing minority of opposers,) there has been a strong and
growing revulsion of the popular mind against the policy
andc the persons of the fanatical abolitionists. The majority
of the northlern Congress are certainly against renewing
319
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
aggressive war on the South-and no one has supposed
that the South will desire to become the aggressor, or to
invade the northern section, unless as part of a general system of compelled defence against dangerous aggression.
But though indisposed to renew the war, pride and. fear of
shame prevent the northern power from agreeing to the
terms of peace insisted on by the southern government.   In
addition, the north-western states having virtually the possession, and the prospect of all the benefits, of the vacant
public lands, prefer the continuance of the truce, which
maintains that state of things, to any definitive treaty of
peace. Under these several considerations, the northern
government seems content to do nothing to renew  active
war, or to establish peace, but to let the present state of
political relations continue.   This would  be still better
policy for the South-whose government, in its offered
conditions of peace, would  surrender more of advantage
now  possessed (if the truce continues  unbroken,) than
would be gained in the claims now denied by the North.
In truth, the claimed property in half the public lands (ill
and wastefully managed as they always have been, and
must be,) with half of the small navy, &c., are not equal in
value to the present and prospective net revenue of the
southern confederacy (which formerly all went to swell
northern gains,) for five years-and are of less value than
the amount of half the debt of the former general government, and the private debts due from southern to northern
merchants, both of which are now held by the South as
securities to obtain justice from the North.  Indeed, the
southern government does not care to retain so much security.
The sequestration of private debts was a hard and  unjust
measure, reluctantly resorted to, and which could be justi
A4
320 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
fled only by the exigencies and wrongs of the southern
states. The southern Congress has withdrawn the previous prohibition of payment of these debts to the creditors.
All honest and responsible debtors will soon, of their own
will, pay their creditors. The government will postpone
the repayment of its receipts from this source to the conclusion of peace.
LETTER LX.
Political aspects, and commercial changes-North aod South.
CHARLESTON, March 19, 1869.
The debates in the congress at Albany on the various
subjects connected with the continuance of war, or of peace,
have served to draw more distinctly the line of separation
between the two new parties or interests of the North.
One of these, mainly composed of and led by the rabid
fanatics, and which makes up the majority nowhere now
but in New England, still, in this disregard of all experience
and reason, is vehement for war with the South-and still
adheres to the first ideas of invasion, re-occupation, and
complete subjugation of the southern states, with the excitement of insurrection, and the general emancipation of
the negro slaves.  The opposing and much larger party
includes those of every shade of variant opinions, who are
opposed to renewing the war. One branch of this party, of
which the strength is in New York, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, and Delaware, are for concluding a treaty of peace,
even if it be necessary, for that end, to accede to the terms
321
Ii 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
offered by the southern government.   But this policy is
directly opposed, not only by the war party, btlt indirectly
by the northwestern states, the people  and mermb)ers  of
which prefer, for their peculiar condition and interests, the
continuance of the present truce, to definitive ternm  of peace.
And well may they prefer inactivity, and lettuilg things remain  as they are.  Under  tile existing  adiff law. (whiechl
however  may  be changed at the  will of th~e southern
government,) the north-westerii states enjoy all the benefits
of trade with the southern states, and indirectly, thliroughl
them, with Europe, that could be obtained from a treaty of
peace.  And, in the present unsettled state  of claims and
possessions, the north-wesern states indirectly derive all
the profit now accruing from the settling by squatters, and
filling up of the population of the vacant public lands on
their western frontiers.  But very different is the state of
things with the Atlantic northern states, and especially with
their manufacturing and commercial cities.  Their losses,
and distresses, both public and general, or private and
individual. had continued to increase with the continuance
of the wait- and have been  even  more aggravated by the
change to and the continuance of the truce.  These evils
have been ad( crted to before, and may be all classed togethier,
as the various sources of gain formerly derived from the
southern people, by operation of the former boun'ty on(c
monopoly system, of which the nortltern states, an(l more
especially the New England  states, enjoyed all thie former
benefits-and which sources of profit have been all cut off
by the independence of the southern states.   Anl( either
continued truce or final peace will ilnduce and enable most
of the remaining capital anId inldiustry, thus left p'ofitless, to
move to the South, if permitted, for profitable investment
322
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LESSONS FOt  THE PRESENT TIME.
and employment,  And if such is the manifest progress of
injury to northern tra(le while its burdens are only equal
to all other foreign trade, by the southern tariff and navigation law, how much worse may it not be made by taxes
discriminating against the northern states?  And that this
will be done, no one ot,ght to doubt.   When  the negociations now ill progress  with Ellgland, France, and other
comlner(ial European states shall end in commercial treaties
of these several powers with the southern confederacy.
there will doubtless be exchange(] between these several
contracting and fi-iendly powers, commercial' benefits, and
special favors, that  will be  withheld from  others-and
which neither policy nor magnanimity can operate on the
South to offer to the unfriendly and half-hlostile  North.
These confidently expected new relations of the southern
confederacy with European cou'ntries, when established,
must serve to deprive the northern states of even the present
poor remnant of trade with the southern states.
In the meantime, and in advance of these aid(s of more
profitable commercial regulations of foreign trade, the commercial prosperity of the southern confederacy is growing
with a-force and rapidity exceeding any previous anticipations of the most sanguine early advocates for the independence of the southern states.  Nearly all the trade with
Europe is still carried on by European vessels-but at
lower charges than were formerly paid for northern vessels.
The business of ship building is pursued actively, and with
much spirit, in every sea coast state, and in some  of the
western.   And very  much  faster than  the building of
vessels can be commenced, are northern vessels, and their
owners, officers and crews offered to be naturalized in the
southern states, and the men and property are so admitted. 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
The before established southern factories, now protected
by the existing duties, are thriving, and many new establishments,  for various fabrics, are in progress.   Northern
capitalists, merchants and manufacturers, and numerous
mechanics and former operatives in northern factories, now
closed, (all with good vouchers of opinions, character and
conduct,) are seeking investments or employment in the
South-and beginning the pursuit by taking the required
oath of allegiance to the new  government.  Every such
transference, fromn the North to the South, of either capital,
industry, knowledge  or skill in mechanical labor, is as
much a gain to the one community as a loss to the other.
On account of these and all other previous and greater
losses, the industrial and commercial  interests  of the
northern cities are obviously and rapidly declining. Already
many northern residents predict and believe that grass will
grow in the streets of Boston, and that the site of New
York will remain, as now  overspread by the ruins left by
the conflagration.
Filnancially, and in public affairs, the prospects of the
southern confederacy are as bright as those of private and
commercial interests. Heavy as were the expenses of the
war, and as are the still continuing expenses of the military
establishment and naval preparations and constructions, all
will be paid for, and in a short timer out of the ordinary
and present sources of revenue.  The present receipts of
customs amount to three-fourths as much as were obtaine(d,
under the same tariff law, by the former general government
before the separation and war. And the estimated annual
peace expenditures of the southern government, will not
amount to one-fourth of the latter ordinary expenses of the
general government, even before the beginning of President
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
Lincoln's administration, and while the democratic party
was still in power.  But it is true that a large portion of
that expenditure was unjustly wasted, and corruptly
squandered(, and especially under the democratic administration of Buchanan.
For  obvious  reasons, it has been the policy of the
southern confederacy to treat indulgently, and to conciliate,
the north-western states. For this reason, no new duties
have been charged upon their products or their imports,
and no unnecessary  restraints imposed on their foreign
trade, carried down  and through tile Mississippi river, or
by any other route. In consequence of this liberal policy,
the people of the north-west have not sought, nor desired,
to open direct communications with Europe, and are content to continue to trade principally with New Orleans.
They not only find that city the best market, for the sale
of their heavy agricultural products, but also their cheapest
mart in which to buy foreign commodities, having, as they
do, the benefit of draw-back of the duties on all imported
commodities in unbroken bales and  boxes-but  paying
duties, in increased price, on all purchases of smaller quantities of European and d(uty-paying goods.  The latter supplies, while still cheaper to the buyers than would be the
manufactures of the north-eastern states, by whatever chan nel brought, still are burdened with the cost of the duties
paid on  their importation-and so far, the north-western
states voluntarily pay so much  of the import tax to the
treasury of the southern confederacy.
*          *     *    Sk*           *     *      *k    *
325 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
LETTER LXI.
Conflicting views of policy in different portions of the northern section. Com        mon interests of the north-western and southern states.
CHARLEsTON, April 7, 1869.
The differences of opinion and views of policy between
the northeastern states on one side, arnd the northwestern
and Pacific states on the other, are becoming more marked,
and threaten to become  irreconcilable.  Thie former, and
especially the New England states, desire to maintain the
protective system, and as much as possible the forcing or
indirect bounty policy of the former general government
for supporting mantuflctures  and  navigation.   By  that
system, these states were enriched at the expense of the
agricultural states; and  they still aim at retaining as much
as may be of the like gain, under the present less favorable
circumstances.   As  the southern states, which  formerly
paid most of the exactions of this bounty system, have
withdrawn from its operation and oppression, such burdens
as can now be maintained must be borne by the northwestern and Pacific states only. When thus reduced in
applications the working of the system is more clearly seen,
and it is obvious that the north-eastern and Atlantic states
will receive all the benefits, and the western an(l agricultural
states (if submitting to the restrictions,) will endure all the
evils.  Hence  the latter interest becomes more and more
inclined to the policy of free tradie, or low duties-.while
the former adheres to its old and strong advocacy for high
protecting duties and the bounty system.  The still abiding
tariff (and other former United States) laws, were sufficient
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
for these purposes, while the southern states remained in
the Union.  But now the northern states on all the upper
waters of the Mississippi have entirely free trade with the
separated southern states, and so far are freed from paying
protecting duties through northern custom houses, or being
compelled to buy the manufactures of the Atlantic northern
states.  It would be impossible to prevent this new free
trade with the South, even by a cordon of interior custom
houses and reveniue officers along the separating line, for
some 2000 miles.  But the north-western states are not in   clined to try any such restrictions.  Besides this great and
growing  subject of alienation between these two sections
of the North, the fanatical abolitionists still influence and
lead the majority of the inhabitants of the New England
states, while the majority of the people of the north-western
and the Pacific states have been taught, by the events and
results of the war, much more correct views on the subject
of negro slavery. These states are now indifferent as to
this important domestic policy of the South, and desirous
that it slhall not be meddled with by their laws, or by any
of their citizens.  Indeed, very many politicians, and others,
and some newspapers, openly maintain the southern doctrine
of the benefits of the institution of negro slavery, not oily
for the South, but also for their northern region, (for
domestic and meneial services,) and argue in favor of slavery
being permitte(l and protected, in their states.  An early re   sult of this change of sentiment, (and also an indication of
the supposed necessity for conciliating the South,) has been
seen in the recent repeal by the several north-western'states
of their "personal  liberty"  laws, formnerly enacted  to
damage the security of property in slaves, and to encourage
and aid their absconding from their masters.  Self-interest
327 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
serves much to quicken the perception of truth in these, as
in all other cases.  The north-western states find that their
natural and chief trade is, or ought to be, with the slaveholding states on the lower waters of their great common
river. This beneficial and all important commercial intercourse with the South, though now open, and as free from
restrictions as the slavery question and differences now
permit, is still much hampered and impeded by the police
regulations of the South, which are necessary to watch,
exclude, or promptly to punish, the detected emissaries and
agents of abolitionists. Now all these vexatious, and costly
restrictions would have no existence if there-was complete
extinction of the fanatical spirit and action of abolitionists
of the north-western states-which extinction now seems
to be in progress. If the supremacy of sound sense and
good state policy, aided by state laws made in conformity,
shall remove all danger and fears of the southern people of
interference with this delicate subject, (of vital importance
to them, and to the North, of scarcely less indirect benefit,
and 1no detriment,) then all the present restrictions on free
intercourse would be removed.  The  discussions of these
questions, and of others in connection, is becoming common;
not only in conversation, and in publications, but it even
intrudes upon the latter debates of the northern Congress,
in questions of conflicting interests of the Atlantic and
w.estern portions of the northern states.
But all the present inconvenient restrictions and police
regulations, are of little moment, compared to what would
be the awful consequences of the complete obstruction of
that trade, which would be certainly caused by the renewal
of the war, and by every filture occurrence of war, with the
southern power.  The recent cessation of trade, for but a
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
few months, was sufficiently injurious to show  that the
cessation for some years, by a war of ordinary duration,
would be utterly ruinous to the north-western states.  All
these subjects for consideration and reasoning have latterly
more and more occupied the minds of the thoughtful men
of these states.  It is easy to see to what conclusions the
investigation of the whole subject ought to lead. But as
political action is rarely directed by sound reasoning, it may
be difficult to predict the issue.
Among the many subjects of public economy and regulation that have been arranged by the Congress and administration of the southern confederacy, has been the placing
the post office and mail department on proper footing as a
southern establishment. Like arrangements have been made,
and with less difficulty, in regard to the communications to
and connections with the northern states by mail roads,
and by the magnetic telegraph lines. The obvious common
interests, in all these subjects, of the now separated political
communities has induced the ready concurrence of all
parties in equitable and proper arrangements.
LETTER LXII.
Commercial treaties with European powers.
CHARLESTON, April 14, 1869.
The report of a commercial treaty having been concluded
between the southern confederacy and England, was soon
followed by the like news in regard to France.   Both
treaties were speedily ratified by the Senate and President.
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ANTICIPATIOIS OF THE FUTURE.
These treaties are precisely alike in their general provisions,
and also in one novel and particular article. This provides
that neither of the contracting parties shall impose duties
on imported products or manufactures of the other, exceeding twenty per cent. on the home value of any article.
'This important approach to free trade, being a new experiment of treaty obligation, may be put an end to, by notice,
at any time after ten years duration.   While it continues,
it will operate as an imnportant benefit to the southern
growers of tobacco, which export had before been taxed
very heavily both in France and England.  A  still more
important effect will be produced on the northern confederacy.   For while its commodities when brought to the
South, will continue to be charged, under the existing tariff,
duties equal to forty per cent., the like commodities from
England and France cannot be charged more than twenty
per cent.
But this is not all.  As soon as these two treaties were
ratified, the southern Congress enacted the imposition of
duties of twenty per cent. or more, on all commodities
previously free of duty, and coming from any country not
having a treaty of amity and commerce with this government.  At the same time, the provision of a reciprocal restriction to the rate of twenty per cent. of maximum duty,
is offered to every friendly power that may conclude a treaty
of  commerce  with the  southern  confederacy.   These
measures must utterly destroy all remaining trade of the
north-eastern states with the southern states.  They will
not effect the states west of the Ohio, as their agricultural
productions have been especially excepted from duties.
This exception, or any other special provision, this governnient has a right to make, in the absence of any general
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
treaty of commerce with the northern government. This
exception, while it is a favor of incalculable value to the
north-western states, is at the same time a very significant
hint to them that this favor may be at any time withdrawn,
and consequent and inevitable ruin be thus brought upon
the productive and commercial interests of that region.  At
the same time, and as in previous practice, the southern
government has offered every facility, consistent with maintaining its police regulations, to the free passage of all
products of the upper states (when at peace) bordering onl
the navigable waters of the Mississippi river, along its
channel and out to the ocean. These several measures,
adopted only after long delay, will operate as a reminder
to the north-eastern states of the necessity for making a
definitive treaty of peace, and also of commerce-and to
the north-western states of their dependence on the forbearance of the southern confederacy, and the good policy
of cultivating its good-will, if not of entering into closer
political relations.   *      *     *     *      *     *
State of the two ections. Prospects of disruption of the Northern Union.
State of the two sections. Prospects of disruption of the Northern U~nion.
CHARLESTON, January 27, 1870.
The economical and commercial results, to this time, in
both the northern and southern confederacies, are such as
might have been anticipated from the operation of the previous and existing causes. Especially have causes rapid(ly
been working out effects since the commercial treaties were
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LETTER LXIII. 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
made, eight months ago, between the southern confederacy
and England and  France respectively-and which were
soon followed by treaties containing like general provisions,
with most of the other commercial nations of Europe. The
progress of improvement in every branch of industrial and
commercial business in the South, is manifest, and ill most
cases, very remarkable.   The  improvement is especially
striking in the growth and increased business of the seaports and cities of the South which have succeeded to the
possession of more than all the trade whichi the niorthern
Atlantic cities formerly enjoyed, and nearly all of which
they have now lost. Norfolk has received tile most powerful impulse.  This city (iiicluding Portsmouth) has already,
in the short time since the truce begun, had its population
more than tripled, and its commercial business increased
five-fold.- This citv is fast advancing to the position which
its great natural advantages, and its recent release from
political disadvantages, demand-that of being the chief seaport and commercial mart on the Atlantic coast. Charleston, Savannah and Mobile, also, are improving rapidly, as is
every other southern city, in proportion to its late increase
of capital and business. New Orleans mailntains its former
progress of rapid growthl and prosperity. The northern
Atlantic states, and still more their cities, have continued
to decline. Indeed so low already are the rates of profits
on capital and industry, that no enterprising man of commercial or manufacturing business is content  to remain
there, (and scarcely any working man in New England,) if
not confined by circumstances to his local position. The
north-western states, subsequent to the close of hostilities,
(by the forbearance, and the favoring policy of the South,)
have lost nothing in progress by the political changes-and
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
since the truce, have resumed and continued their former
rapid growth and general prosperity.  But, stili, there prevail general anxiety and uneasiness lest war should again
occur, or the southern confederacy should withdraw its
existing exceptional favors so far granted to the trade of this
region. These fears alone serve to depress the price of
lands to half of what it would be if these fears were entirely
removed-which they can be only by these states being
annexed to the southern confederacy. It is a powerful indclucement to seek this object, however difficult of attainment, when, in addition to all other inducements, every
proprietor believes that both the market price and intrinsic
value of his land would be doubled by the attainment of
the object.
Before the first secession of the southern states occurred,
it was predicted, by " conservatives,"  and advocates for
submission to the then long existing evils and wrongs, as
one of the sundry and certain disastrous consequences of
disunion, that the separated southern states would soon be
further divided. For this result, there is no cause or inducement seen operating, or in prospect.   rhere are no
important conflicting interests of the southern confederacy,
composed as it is entirely of agricultural states, and also
slavehol(ling states, on  which  to found any motive for
further separation. But in the now distinct and northern
section, there are strong causes and inducements in operation, (besides the particular one just referre(l to,) which can
scarcely fail to produce further and speedy secession, or
more extensive disruption. The interests, and preferred
public policy, of New England are peculiar, and different
from those of all the western co-states.  In these respects,
and in other matters of public opinion, &c., there are exist
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
ing, and fermenting, subjects of difference, and of future
discord, even between the New  England states, and the
other northern Atlantic states of New York, Pennsylvania,
New Jersey and Delaware. Yet, passing these by, and
considering all these states as concurring in political views
and public policy, (as they have usually acted,) this Atlantic
section, taken as a whole, is separated in interest and policy
from the north-western states, (on the upper waters of the
Mississippi river,)-and both these sections are no  less
separated ia interest, and far more in local position, from
the remote western states near the Pacific oceaiin.
New England had lived and fattened upon the bounty and
protecting duty system, andl had every reason of interest
for advocating that policy, while the great and rich agricultural South remained in the Union, and  mnainly paid the
costs of the system which supported New England. TIlhe
manufacturing and navigation interests of the other north-ern
Atlantic states were also benefited  by that system- anld,
though mistaken as to the supposed benefit to their other
and general interests, these states also concurred with New
England in supporting the general protective policy.  Thiis
Atlantic section of the northern states therefore 11now urges
the maintenance, and increased stringency, of the before
existing high tariff and  bounty policy.  But  the former
operation of that system, even for the benefit of New Engian(l alone, would bea now impossible to renew.   Not only
has the secession of the southern states withdrawn the
payers of tlhree-fourthis of all the profits formerly received
by the North from protecting duties and bounties, but even
the Atlantic northern states cannot now pay their former
shiare of the tribute. These states, which formerly imported
foreign commodities for the supply of the  whole former
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
United States, now import barely more than are needed for
the consumption of their own limited sectioli-and even
that supply is greatly reduced, because of the recently much
reduced capital, income and profits, and even productive or
useful population of that section.  At present, the southern
states import ill needed foreign commodities for themselves
entirely-and also for the wants of the north-western states,
which can obtain them much more conveniently and cheaply
from the southern than from the northern importers, Utider present circumstances, these north-western states pay
almost nothing in duties on imnportations to the treasury of
the northern confe(leracy-but, instead, prefer to pay the
tax on their consumption to the southern treasury, in the
much  lower taxed, and therefore lower priced, southern
importations.  Of course the north-western section will not
consent to the urgent demands of the Atlantic co-states to
maintain and increase the stringency of the tariff and bounty
system, to support northern manufactures-and still less to
aid in cutting off the present free and profitable trade of the
northwestern states with the South.  The Pacific states
have still looser bonds of connection with the other two
sections of the whole northern territory-and other and
distincttmotives for separation. Even before the first southern
secession, it was as certain as anything of the future of
political events, that California and the other new states of
the Pacific slope would  not remain as part of the then
general union, any longer than their youthfill and feeble
condition required the guardianship, aid, and support of the
general government, and defence by its army and navy.
Separated in local position from the other states by barren
deserts and high mountains, also usually barren, and rarely
free from snow, for an intervening space of more than 1000
335 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THiE FUTURE.
miles in breadth-and the broken navigation to the northern
Atlantic cities as long as 6000 miles-these natural difficulties made the union of the very remote and far separated
western and eastern states, under one government, as a permanent policy, both unnatural and inexpedient-and the 
disruption of their then political connection, would have
been but a question of time.  But now the reasons for disruption, and for hastening the measure, have been much 
strengthened by the southern secession. The Pacific states,
their products, their commerce, the duties received in their 
ports on imported commodities, all are growing nearly as
fast as the northern Atlantic states have been latterly de- (
clining.  They are already strong enough to defend them- 
selves from any power whose enmity and aggressive hostili- 
ties can be deemied in the least probable.   And  even if
needing military and naval aid, the northen Atlantic states
are now too poor and weak, as well as too remote, to afford 
any worth consideration. Further-both the Pacific and
the  north-western  states wish  to retain  to themselves
the vast extent of vacant public lands lying nearest to
their respective localities. The northern Atlantic section,
in loudly and continually asserting its claim to the joint l
property and benefits of these vacant lands- (while denying
the like claim and right of the seceded South,)-as well as in 
its required policy as to restrictions on trade-has come to (
be considered, by the two western sections, as an importunate and troublesome pauper, rather than a profitable mem ber of the present political co-partnership.  It is a growing 
opinion in the WVest, that the eastern states are a political
incumbrance, (aid mainly because of New England,) of
which the disconnection and riddance would be an unmnixed
benefit to the western states.  Iii addition to all these causes
336 
LESSONS FOR THIE PRESENT TIME.
of growing alienation, the fanatical abolitionists, and their
doctrines, are becoming more and more disliked, or abhorred,
by all persons who  are not now included in that much
diminished sect-which now is scarcely strong or bold
enough to speak aloud, except in New England, throughout
which, abolitionism is still dominant and raving.  To the
misguiding by this sect, and to its iniquitous hostile
aggressions on the interests of the slaveholding states, the
secession of these states, and all the latter misfortunes and
difficulties of the northern section are justly ascribed. And
no persons are more strenuous in charging and denouncing
these offences, and expressing hatred of the fanatics, and of
the New England states in which they still rule, than the
many thousands of their former misguided followers in the
north-western states, who have since changed their opinions
as to the evils of the institution of negro slavery.
With such separation of opinion, and of interests, and of
business pursuits, and connections-with such discordance
of views of policy, and in their remote localities, it is im  possible that these three minor sections can remain long
united in one political bodv. When the time shall come
for such results, the probable course of the section on the
Pacific slope will be to declare its independence as a sepa  rate nationality. The north-western states, on all the upper
'    navigable waters of the Mississippi, will desire re-annexa  tion to their natural and proper partners, as co-states with
the present southern confederacy. This re-union may be
made, under the existing provisions of the constitution of
the southern confederacy, upon the one condition, that the
legal recognition, and secure protection of negro slavery,
shall be enacted and maintained by every state to be so
annexed. In requiring this indispensable condition, it is
15
337 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
not expected (or desired) that the north-western states shall
become actually slaveholdiug to any notable extent- nor is
it supposed that negro slaves can be cheaply used for field
labor in a cold climate.  The  most free permission and
perfect legal security for holding slaves, at most, would only
serve to introduce them as house and menial servants, for
which places slaves would be very useful even in the coldest
of the new north-westhern states, where labor is scarce and
high priced, and domestic and menial service not to be
hired. The great and essential object of this condition required by the southern federal constitution, of the legal
recognition and secured position of slavery and slaves in
every state admitted to its union, is to prevent any renewal
of abolition or hostile action against slavery where it now
exists. For if the rights of all slavehliolders are legally and
amply protected in the border states, having few or even no
slaves, their residents, or emissaries from them, could not
easily invade and damage these rights in the states where
slavery is general.
The presence of the rich southern section in the former
general union was the strong link that bound all the other
parts together-the abundant aliment on which each necessitous and hungry northern interest fed and fattened. That
link of connection is broken-the foundation and support
of the former union removed-and the remaining states are
in three parts, separated.in interests, pursuits, and in locality,
having no common bond of coherence, and which will fall
apart, even if without the aid of any new or extraneous
force. But the pressing financial difficulties and growing
necessities of the northern government, will furnish new
reasons and stronger motives to hurry the inevitable disruption. The revenue of the federal government, derived
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LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
entirely from customs paid on imported foreign commodities, is now, by the diminution of imports to the northeastern states, reduced so low, that it cannot defray the
ordinary expenses of the government, exclusive of the interest of the public debt.  The improvements of the navy,
in repairs and new constructions, which were in progress,
hlave been suspended: most of the vessels before nearly or
quite ready for service, have been laid up in ordinary, for
want of means to keep them in use.  ThIe recruiting for the
regular army has been stopped.  All the regular armuy in
service has been kept, and cannot safely be dispensed with,
to guard the great Atlantic cities from outbreaks of their
destitute and dangerous classes.  The Atlantic states are
rgiln g the laying of direct taxes to supply the deficiency
of the revenue, and provide for the wants of government.
To this necessary measure the two other sections demur and complain that the present outlay, andl especially for
military expenses, is made mostly for the defence, and the
other burdens imposed by the protective tariff are for the
gain, of the Atlantic section-an(l that the products of direct
taxation would be mainly used for the same purposes. The
Atlantic states complain that under the present system of
indirect taxation, by imposts, the north-western states pay
scarcely anything-and that they are opposed to any mode
by which they would be made to pay their fair proportion.
They also complain that the settlers and squatters on  the
public lands no longer pay any of the purchase money to
the treasury, and that the western states, indirectly profiting
by this abuse, will not concur in enactments stringent
enough to correct it. The Pacific states, already and always
having the possession and use of the public vacant lands,
and of the immensely rich products of gold yielded by
I
339 
ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
mining, have come to consider these as their own exclusive
property-and regard the claims and efforts of the north eastern states to obtain their share as attempts of actual
usurpation and robbery.
Under these circumstances, it is safe to predict that this
ill-assorted union under one general government of all the
non-slaveholding states will fall asunder, and speedily, by
the mere force of its own elements of repulsion and dis cord. Whether before or after this disruption, there will
be utter inablility for the resumption of war against the
southern confederacy-and, even if the northern people
were as strong as at first, there would be now no desire to
make war, except by fanatical New England.  In any contingency, the whole northern section, while yet united, and(
still more, apart, after disruption, will be entirely unable to
make aggressive war on the South; and even the still raging
madness of fanaticism in New England will scarcely dream
of renewing the practical efforts to emancipate negro slaves,
or to assail with any success the institution of slavery.
When the disruption shall take place, it will probably be
begun by the assertion of the independlence of the Pacific
slope-wh ich will be a    jud icious and  safe policy for that
thriving a iion nd growing section. And if, after being independent, there shall be made a treaty of perfect free trade between the Pacific section and the southern confederacy, and
perhaps also with the remaining section of the North, that
arrangement will be better for all parties than the former
or the preseii close political connexion of regions so far
separated in geographical position. Better, I would say,
even for the Atlantic parties, whether retaining or forfeiting
the claimed and rightful, or equitable shares of the yet re
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LFSSONS FOR THE PRESENT TIME.
maining golden treasures of the mines, or of the vacant
lands of the whole Pacific territory.
The geographical position and relations of the northwestern states unfit that great section for independent political existence.  Its interests will be best promoted  by reannexation to the southern states, under one general government.
As to the predaceous and troublesome New England states,
with their pestilent fanaticism, no political community or
power will be willing to accept their annexation, by union
or allegiance. Greedy as England has always been for
territorial acquisition and extended dominion, and anxious
to retain even the most costly and unprofitable colonial
possessions-even England would now refuse to receive, as
a free gift, the voluntary annexation of New England to
British America.   And when the other northern Atlantic
states, (New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware,) shall be left united with New England only, it is
not probable that they will consent to continue in that
baleful connection, and then very feeble political position.
These four states, bordering upon the great confederacy of
not only the southern but the north-western states, will
doubtless desire to be re-annexed to the great and prosper ous body, even if yielding, as the necessary condition, all
power for the future action of anti-slavery fanaticism.  Then
New England will be left aloqne, as it ought to be, without
any political associates to rob of their wealth, or to hate
and annoy or persecute, because of their diverse opinions,
or preferred policy.
In the meantime, the offer of peace from  the southern
confederacy, with the equitable arrangement of all the claims
of opposite parties, remains open to the acceptance of the
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ANTICIPATIONS OF THE FUTURE.
still united northern power-and of course will be so to
either and all of the fragments made by future disruption.
Whether this offer shall be still rejected, or accepted-and
whether accepted soon or late-is of but little practical importance, or interest, to the southern confederacy-which,
in either of these contingencies, must go on to thrive and
flourish, drawing growth and vigor and wealth from nearly
all the sources which heretofore had supplied the whole
former United States, and of which the former benefits were
retained mostly by the northern portion, and especially by
New England.  And should New  England be left alone,
thenceforward its influence for evil on the southern states
will be of as little effect, and its political and economical
position scarcely superior, to those conditions of the present
republic of Hayti.
't
f
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I 
APPENDI)IX.
OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF.THE SOUTH*
FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1856-7.
SECTION I.
The sectional abolition party barely defeated in 1856-and the causes.
In the late presidential election a victory has been
achieved for the constitutional rights of the southern states.
The northern abolitionists and their auxiliaries have been
repulsed, and their strongest assault has been foiled and
defeated for the present time. But though defeated, our
enemies are neither weakened  nor discouraged.   They
have seen that with even their present numbers, if more
adroitly marshaled and directed, they might have been
victorious.   And with their growing and certain gains,
from the hordes of future ignorant immigrants from Europe,
[* This argument, which consists so largely of "Anticipations of the Future,"
and therefore is appropriately appended here, will be reprinted from the first
publication, which was made in the Richmond Enquirer in December, 1856and which was republished in De Bow's Review, in 1857, with the addition of
the concluding section. The only changes now to be made, from one or both of
*4.
C~T-SES  ~llND  COiITSMQUTNC-:ES
oqm 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
(most of whom will be ready tools for the service,) the
abolition party will be relatively stronger for the next contest, in the next presidential election.
And what is this victory that the South has gained, and
its value? And by what mneans was it secured?
Even if Maryland had not been an exception to the
otherwise unanimous vote of the slaveholding states, their
unanimous vote would have been overpowered by all uniteQ.4
vote of the states under abolition influences and all of which
will be ready hereafter, under different circumstances, to
follow the -lead of abolition to put down slavery, and to
crush the rights and the vital interests, and the very existence of the slaveholding states. The recent victory for
the South was gained only by the southern people sustaining a northern candidate for the supreme magistracy. And
the democratic party was victorious, only by adopting as
their candidate one who differs from that party on sonme
important questions of public policy, and still more from
the southern portion of that party. If Mr. Buchanan had
been a southern man, and even had equal or superior abilities
and claims, hlie could not have been elected, because he
would have failed to obtain the necessary additional aid of
northern votes, adverse in feeling and interest to the South.
Therefore, however much we  may   rejoic        e f or our victory,
it affords but slight ground for triumph, and still less for
assurance of safety, or.even of a like temporary defence
these early publications, will be in some merely verbal and trivial corrections,
the addition of section headings, and in the form of words of the general'title.
Any new addition, required for explanation, will be distinguished by being
enclosed in brackets. Both the date and place of the earliest publication should
be borne in mind by the reader at this later time, when the lights of subsequent
events have served still more to sustain the positions which, in this article,
were so much earlier asserted and maintained by the writer.-1860]
344
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TIIE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
hereafter, against the renewed and better concerted attack
of our enemy.  It has been truly said that this victory has
given to the South, not peace, but only a truce from active
hostilities.  Let us of the South use this time of truce to
thoroughly examine, understand, and strengthen our position, and so be prepared to meet and repel every future
attack on our constitutional rights and our rightful interests.
SECTION II.
The rights and liberties of a people may be effectually destroyed, without
violating the letter of their constitutional safeguards.
It is often asserted, and is admitted by many among ourselves, that so long as the northern people and states use
only their constitutional power to assail our interests, the
sufferers have no just right to complain, and still less cause
to resort for defence to extra-constitutional remedies. No
position is more false or dangerous. The forms or letter
of the constitution may be so used as to destroy its spirit
and substance, and the very benefits that the constitution
was enacted to secure. When one, and the much more
powerful section of a country and people is entirely
opposed to and arrayed against the other section, in interest
or principle, or in fanatical sentiment, the constitutional
forms and literal restrictions of the government may be
respected, and yet the weaker section anid party may be
subjected to the utmost extent of injustice, wrong, and
oppression. The right of representation granted for Ireland
in the British Parliament, even if entirely fair and equal in
I
345 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
proportion to the respective populations of Ireland and
England, would have done nothing to guard the weaker
from the oppression of the stronger country. If the plan
had been adopted of allowing to the former American colonies of England representatives in the English Parliament,
it would have been futile and contemptible, as a measure
of defence. Our ancestors would have scorned to accept,
as protection for their assailed and threatened rights, a
representation in Parliament, even if then greater in proportion to population than that of the far more populous
mother country. And, as the people and the states of this
confederacy are now divided, by sectional lines, in sentiment, opinion, and supposed interests, and are standing
adversely, and in still growing opposition and hostility, the
representatives in Congress of the Southern and weaker
section, being a fixed minority in both houses, are no more
a safeguard to the section they represent, than would exist
if it were deprived by the constitution of all right of representation. In the lower house of Congress. that result is
already seen fully exhibited. In the Senate, the majority
of members from the non-slaveholding states is smaller,
and, owing to the longer term of service, and slower
changes of members in that body, the cause of right and
justice has not yet been trodden under foot by the brute
force of a fixed and sure majority of voters. But the same
end must be reached these also in good time. The senators
of the sixteen non-slaveholding states must hereafter truly
represent the opinions of their constituents, as now do
their fellow representatives in the lower house, and then
both legislative bodies will concur in controlling the fixed
minority of the fifteen slavehliolding states.   And, even
without this certain, though slow change of voice of the
f
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TIEE INDEPENDENCE OF TIIE SOUTII.
Senate, and long in advance of its completion, there will be
admitted  other senators from four or five new non-slaveholding states, which increase will make the abolition party
as irresistible in the Senate, as it is already in the other
branch of Congress. When this party is thus suipreme, it
will, of course, elect a President of the United States of like
sentiments.  And then;'w'ithout the need of infringing the
letter of a single article of the constitution, the southern
states, their institutions, property, and all that is dear to
them and necessary for their very existence, will be at the
mercy of their fanatical and determined enemies. Under
these circumstances it would be very easy to d(estroy, by
legislation, all the value and security of the institution of
slavery, and so lead to its necessary abolition, and the consequent inevitable ruin of the southern states and people.
But these would not be the only means to reach this eli(l.
If more power were needed for more complete victory and
success, and the constitution (even as construed at the
North) stood in the wray, that instrument, in accordance
with its own  provisions for amendment, may be altered
and put in any required shape. Owing to the actual much
faster settlement and filling up  of the  non-slaveholding
territories, (mainly by foreign immigrants,) and their greater
extent, and even if no  unjust preference were given  by
Congress, it will not be long before the non-slaveholding
states will be so increased as to make three-fourths of the
whole number of the members of the confederacy.  Then
the federal constitution may be legally altered in any mannerl,
by the votes of the northernl states only.   Negro slavery
may be thus abolished, either directly or indirectly, gradually or immediately. Can any man doubt that the full
power and constitutional right, then possessed, will not be
341 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
exercised as directed by the already existing fanaticism and
hostility of the northern people? The man who can entertain a hope of the contrary course may be, (indeed must
be,) too virtuous to know or believe in the extent of the
violence of fanaticism, or the baseness of party spirit. But
he will be a poor judge of human nature, a novice in political history, and altogether unfit to be trusted to guard and
protect our rights and liberty.
SkECTION III.
Some of the ruinous injuries which may be inflicted on the South,  without
infringing on tihe federal constitution.,<;
(
I' 
The present contest between the northern and southern
states, in regard to negro slavery, has been  growing in
violence for a long time. It was begun with the iniquitous
aggression of attempting to exclude Missouri from'the
Union as a slaveholding state, and in the successful exaction
of the Missouri compromise, in relation to which, both the
general enforcement and exceptional violation of its principle by the North have been exercised and varied, the more
to wrong and injure the southern states.  But it has been
only since the (falsely so-called) compromise enactments
of 1850, that abolition has been hastening towards its object
with gigantic strides-and( also that the South has been
partially rotlse(d from its sleep of fancied security.  Unfortunate it has been, that this sleep had not been effectually
shaken off thirty years sooner, and that all the means had not
then been used for dclefence, that were abundantly possessed by
348
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
the South at that time. If, when the Missouri compromise
was submitted to, the proposed restrictions had been resisted
by the South at all hazards, there would have been no further
trouble about slavery. And if the fanaticism (or, more
truly the unholy grasping for political power) of the North,
had then been so unyielding as to permit a separation of
the United States, the southern portion would now have
double of their present wealth and power-and the northern
states would not have attained half of their present great ness and wealth, which have been built upon the tribute
exacted from the South by legislative policy. But no
separation would have been produced. lf, at the time of
the Missouri compromise, the northern members and states
had been firmly resisted, they would have drawn back, and
the spirit of political abolition would have been crushed in
. the bud. The sincere abolitionists, who are actuated by
what they deem moral and religious considerations, are but
'the simple and deluded tools of the hypocrites and knaves
who are using them to further their own objects of personal
ambition and political power.
Without looking even as far as twenty years into the
future of the effects of the northern crusade against southern
slavery, let us see what might have been the speedly con  sequences, if the contingency had occurred, which was so
near occurring, of an abolitionist being elected President  he being the candidate of the northern states only, and on
the abolition question and principle. It is true that a more
conciliatory policy would probably have been adopted at
first, because the victorious party would not have risked
the driving their conquered opponents to desperate and
revolutionary measures of resistance.  But it is fair to sup  pose that a party so fanatical, greedy, and( unscrupulous,
349 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
would have used every means to reach its object, that
could be used safely and successfully. Let us, then, see
what means, and all claimed as constitutional by the North,
could be used by an abolitionist administration of the
government of the United States.  If elected, it would have
been supported by a majority of the people of the states,
and of the House of Representatives. It would not have
required much  time, or management, (by corruption or
other influences,) for the President to have also at his command a majority of the Senate-representing states that
were already his supporters.  Then, the President, with a
majority of both Houses of Congress, might adopt any or
all of the following measures, to weaken and destroy the
institution of slavery:
The first and greatest measure, is already openly avowed
by the abolitionists, and the majority of every northern
state, as their designed policy and plan of action hereafter.
This is to admit into the Union no new territories as slaveholding states.  This alone, even  if nothing else is done,
will soon increase the non-slaveholding states to threefourths of the whole, so that the constitution can be changed,
and slavery abolished.  But, in advance of the consumimation of this great and effectual measure, various  other
auxiliary means might be used to hasten the end, as thus
Each of the largest non-slaveholding states, with its own
consent, might be divided by act of Congress, so as to
make two states of each, and so have four abolition senators
in place of two.
Every office and emolument in the gift of the federal
government might be bestowed on abolitionists only, and
in all the southern states on northern abolitionists, until
corruption and fear, or dlespair, should induce conversions,
I
350
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TIIE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SCUTII.
or professions and acts of abolitionism in southerners, as
offering the only road Lo office or gain.
The zealous and active exertions of all these many
thousands of government officials and employees, down to
the lowest laborers on any government work, would be
counted on and secured, to operate against the institution
of slavery and the interests of slaveholders.  This open,
unassailable, and powerful influence, would be added to,
and serve to increase a hundred-fold, the existing secret
influence and concealed operations of the many abolition
agents, male and female, lay and clerical, who, in various
ostensible business employments, have long been operating
on our slaves, often under the hospitable shelter of our
own roofs, and as our pretended friends.
Every military and naval officer hereafter to be appointed,
might be an abolitionist, and all now commissioned, and
not abolitionists, might be dismissed from service on other
pretexts, or otherwise not entrusted with any command.
The various lands held by the federal government, for
forts, dock-yards, arsenals, light-houses, &c., in the South,
and every national ship in southern waters, would be made
places of secure refuge for fugitive and even  rebellious
slaves, and secure positions for any other incendiary action.
The District of Columbia would be made non-slaveholding by law, and soon in sentiment. It would be openly
and entirely what it is already partially, (by northern and
government influence,) ground, within the southern and
slaveholding territory, where the enemies of the South have
the greatest facilities for their most effectual and dangerous
action. Already under the protecting shield of the federal
government and its administration, at a former time, the
agents of the abolitionists have been able there to effect
351 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
more injury to slavehold(lers, and with more of impunity,
than anywhere even in the abolition states.
The removal of slaves by sales from states where they
were in excessive numbers, to other states or new territories where they were most deficient, would (as long
threatened) be forbidden by an early law under the complete supremacy of a northern administration.   This alone
would prevent the making of any new slavehlold(ling states
in the small extent of the remaining territory in which
climate does not forbid slavery; while the increase of slaves
in the old states, from which they woul(l have no sufficient
outlet, would render them an unprofitable burden and a
dangerous nuisance to the whites. The condition of the
slaves would thereby be made much worse, in regard to
their own happiness, and the institution of slavery would
be hastened toward its doomed extinction,
Some of these measures might require that liberal mode
of construing the federal constitution which is general at
the North, and especially on this subject. But even the
strict construction of that instrument might be conformed
to, literally, and yet an abolition administration, in a little
more time, could as effectually extinguish the institution
of slavery, and the prosperity and existence of the southern
states as independent communities.
Such might have been, and to great extent, such would
have been the earlier or later effects and operation of an
abolitionist's election to the Presidential office.  Such, and
with more sure and extended operation, will be the effects
of the future election, by a much stronger constituency, of
a Seward, or some other northern abolitionist, or of another
southern renegade and traitor, of more ability than the one
352
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TIIE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
who was lately raised so nearly to the height of his ambition, only to be let fall and sink in all abyss of contempt.
Will the southern states wait for the completion of these
surely coming results, or will they take the warning so
plainly to he read in their enemies' acts and avowals, and
save themselves from the impending ruin?  The fast growing strength of the abolition party, and the signal success
of that party in the next Presidential election, may cause
every southerner to regret that its candidate was not elected
in the recent contest, when the south was relatively
stronger for defence than it will ever be hereafter.
SECTION IV.
Obstacles to resistance.
In such a contingency as we have just now barely escaped, the election of a President by abolition and sectional
votes, there will remain no chance for the  slaveholding
states to preserve their property and their political rights,
unless by another declaration of independence of, and
separation from, a despotic party, whose wrongful and
oppressive acts have already far exceeded, and threaten to
exceed  much  more in future. all the acts of actual and
prospective oppression of our mnother country, against
which our brave and patriotic fathers revolted-preferring
a struggle for freedom, with all the certain disasters and incalculable dangers of a war with a nation of ten-fold their
power, to submission or unjust oppression.
.353
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CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES 0OF
We, the sons of those fathlers, eulogize and glorify their
act of separation from the previous glorious and happy
union of these colonies with their mother country. Their
act of separation and disunion we deemn a noble and patriotic
devotion to freedom, worthy of all praise. We the children
of those fathers, in maudlin love of, and devotion to a union
with those who were formerly deemed our brethren, but
now are our most malignant and dangerous enemies, have
submitted to oppression and wrong incalculably greater
than ever England inflicted, or thought of inflicting on her
colonies. And still many of the South continue to recommend patience, and endurance, and submission to every
wrong and evil, rather than meet the evil of disunion!
SECTION V.
Separation of the Union no ground for war.
If Fremont had been elected, the consequences would
have been so manifestly and highly dangerous to the rights
and the safety of the slaveholding states, that they would
scarcely have waited to be completely shackled, and powerless for defence, before they would have seceded or separated from the victorious and  hostile states of the present
confederacy.  It is proposed here to inquire what would
have been the results of such separation, and especially to
consider the question of the danger of war, which it is so
generally believed would necessarily ensue between the
separated communities, and the results of any war.
0
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
If the necessity was manifest to the people of the South,
there would be no obstacle to their deliberate action, and
no probability of opposition by the northern states, nor by
the then remaining fragment or shadow of the federal government of the previous confederacy. The legislatures of
the offended states would call conventions, and these conventions would declare their separation and independence,
and, by subsequent acts, make a new confederation. If all
the fifteen slaveholding states united in this action, they
would be far stronger, at home and for repelling invasion,
than would be the northern states as invaders.  Even if but
five or six adjacent southern states alone seceded, no remaining power of the federal government, or of all the
northern states, could conquer or coerce the seceders.
But, contrary as is the opinion to that which generally
prevails, I maintain that such act of secession would offer
no inducement or occasion for war; and that there would
be no war, as the immediate or direct result of secession or
separation.
The malignant hostility of feeling that is even now entertained by the abolition party, and perhaps by a majority of
the northern people, towards those of the South, is not here
overlooked or underrated. If they could, by merely willing
it, they would ruin us, even while united with them under
one government-and still more readily if we were separated.  If the mere wish of abolitionists could effect the
destruction of our systemrn of negro slavery, even by the destruction of the entire white population of the South, I
would fear that that consummation would not be a remote
event. But to will and to do are very different things. And
even northern fanaticism, (to say nothing of northern selfinterest and avarice,) would prefer to forego these gratifica
355 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES 0OF
tions, if they were to be purchased only at the cost, to the
North, of hundreds of millions of dollars, and hundreds of
thousands of lives.  Even if admitting, what is so arrogantly
and falsely claimed by the North, that it could( conquer
and desolate the South, any such victory would be scarcely
less ruinous to the conquerors than the conquered.
But there would be no such war, and no movement towards it-because war could not subserve or advance any
interest of the North.  It is unnecessary to maintain the
like proposition ill regard to the South, inasmuchl as it is
universally admiitted.   No  one, of either side, llas ever
asserted, or supposed, that the South would assail, or make
war upon the North, in consequence of their separation.
Whether this peaceful disposition is ascribed to a greater
sense of justice, or to the weakness, or the timidity of the
southern people, all concur in the belief that the South
would desire peace, and would avoid war, unless necessary
for defence. Then, passing by this contingency, deemed
impossible by all parties, we have only to examine the supposed inducements for offensive war and attack by the
North on the South.
SECTION VI.
The interests of the South not endangered by separation from  the North.
Means for peaceful retaliation and indemnity for injuries,
"But," it is urged by many among ourselves, "even if
the North refrained from making war, still it would retain
the direction of the federal government, and exercise its
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTIH.
right and remaining power-and also hold possession of
the seat of government, the army and navy, the fortifications,
and the public lands..[low could the public property be
divided peaceably? And, without resorting to war to enforce our right to a fair share, would not all be necessarily
lost to the South?     I answer that, even if admitting all
these premises, still there would be no need, and no advantage, for the South to seek justice through war-and  no
benefit to the Nortlh would be gained by withholding our
just dues, either by war, or in peace. Nations, in modern
days, do not often go to war, and never in advance of negotiation, to recover debts, or to settle pecuniary accounts
and obligations. There are other means, in many cases, to
induce, and even constrain nations to render justice; and,
luckily, in our case, the means available for the South
would be of the most cogent influence.  T'hese will presently be discussed. But first, I will say, that even if the
result of separation to the South was, indleed, the loss of
every value named above, (except the few spots of southern
ground, heretofore ceded to the federal government, and
which would necessarily go finally to the states in which
they were situated,) the South would still gain, by separation, much more than it would lose by this great spoliation.
As to the army, it would, probably, like the present federal
government, cease to exist, as soon as the Union was dissolved(. The public buildings, fortifications, and navy, and
all other material valites held by the government of the
Union, and the annual revenue, have been mainly (at least
two-thirds of the whole) acquired from the contributions of
the southern states-while the much larger proportion of
all disbursements of government, and pecuniary bounties
and benefits of all kinds, have as regularly gone to enrich
357 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
tile northern people.  If, then, this regular andi very unequal
apportionment of the burdens and bounties of government
were stopped, as it would be by separation, the South would
gain more in retaining, for the fiuture, its own resources for
its own  benefit, than the actual pecuniary value to  the
South, in tile Union, of its share of all the present national
property.  And these retained resources, within a few years,
wvould amount to a fund more than sufficient to replace tihe
forfeited values of army, navy? an(l all the public edifices.
As to the public lands, vast as is their extent, and enormous
their value, the South has already been virtually deprived
of them.   No southerner can safely remove with his slaves
to any new territory. The people of the South were thus
unjutstly anal illegally shut out from the ric(h fields and
richer mines of California, by the action of the North and
the federal government.   The  conquest of Mexico  was
achieved by men and money supplied (as of all other contributions) in much the larger proportion by the southern
states.  By  their much  larger expenditure of both blood
and treasure, California and New Mexico were acquired.
Yet the people of the South, as slaveliolders, were excluded
from the whole territory; and southern men have had no
access to or benefit from the rich mines and lands of California, that were not as open to, and equally ei)joyedl by,
the semi-barbarians of China and the Sandwich Islands,
the former convicts of.Australia, and the needy  and desperate outcasts, attracted by these benefits, from every foreign lancd.  A like virtual exclusion of slaveholders will be
effected hereafter as to every other new  territory.  And
even from the sales of public lands, and through the federal
treasury, it can scarcely be expected that any considerable
benefit will hereafter accrue to the South, or serve to lessen
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
its greater share of the burden of taxation.  For nearly all
the resources from the public lands have, in latter years,
been squandered by Congress, and mainly to benefit northern
men  and northern interests.  So little revenue from  the
public lands will hereafter reach the treasury, that the
amount will probably not more than defray the great expenses of the land surveys and sales. and the much greater
expenses incurred ill governing and protecting the new
territories.  If the gigantic and much urged and favorite
scheme of either one or three railroads to the Pacific ocean
should be adopted by Congress, (as seems probable,) all
the net proceeds of future sales of public lands, and that
amount doubled by ad(ditional grants from other funds of
the government, will not suffice to construct and to keep in
use this work of unexampled magnitude and unheard of
national folly or extravagance.
According to these views, the entire loss to the South,
and at once, of all the public property, would be no greater
damage than the former and present and prospective unjust
apportionment of contributions and disbursements.  Still,
this is no reason why, in the event of separation, the South
should submit to lose its just rights in the common public
property.  And in this respect, the independent South would
be more able to obtain redress for spoliation, or to save
something out of the general wreck of the present public
property, than will be possible if remaining united to and
governed by the stronger northern states.  As a separate
power, wronged by spoliation, the South would negotiate
for redress, calmnly and peaceably.  And, if necessary, until
redress was obtained and an acceptable composition made,
a prohibition should be enacted against the introduction or
sale of all northern commodities, and the employment of
359 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
northern vessels in the southern states.  These peaceful
means would soon produce satisfactory redress, or, otherwise, ample retaliation, for any amount of previous injury.
These measures would be far more potent than war, and
yet entirely peaceful, and such as could not be opposed or
countervailed, or even complained of by the northern states.
SECTION  VII.
Fanatical and political abolition. Superior political talents of the slaveholding
states.
The picture which has been sketched of the ruin of the
South, which will surely result from the present and continued efforts of our "northern brethren 7 and fellowcitizens to extinguish negro slavery, has nothing in it to
moderate or discourage any abolitionist of the fanatical
school of Garrison, Giddings, and Beecher. Fanaticism
has no moderation, no reason, no mercy. The true abolitionist-an abolitionist for the sake of conscience and what
he  deems  religion-would  welcome  all the  evils  and
horrors that would come, if these were the necessary consequences of the consummation of his great measure and
object.  But these men, the only sincere antI honest mnembers of the great anti-slavery party, are comparatively but
few, and they are but the tools of the more selfish and
cunning and baser Sewards, and Sumners, and Greelys, who
know full well the folly and falsehood of their professed
doctrines, and who advocate them merely to acquire political power or personal gain. These and all of the most
360
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
intelligent leaders, and the greater number of their followers
in the abolition party, are not in the least actuated by the
alleged sufferings and sorrows of the " poor slave,,' or by
the other evils generally imputed to the institution of
slavery.  v'hese charges are but pretences to delude their
own followers, and induce their obedient following and
zealous support. Many of the more candid men of the
party admit that they are not deceived, or directed by
sympathy for the "poor slave," whose  condition they
know to be better than it would be if the "poor slave"
were made free. But they say (and truly) that notwithstanding the larger population and vote and decided majority
of the North, and its greater wealth and more extended
education and intelligence, (as claimed,) that the government of the United States has always been, and still is,
generally directed by men of the South, or by men and
measures of their choosing. This greater influence of the
South is denounced as the "slave power;" and to overcome
and prostrate this "slave power," and transfer its rule to
the North, is the true and great object of the political and
hypocritical abolitionists who now lead the great northern
party.
It is true, (and almost the only great truth that the
abolitionists have yet arrived at,) that the intellect of the
South, in most measures of high importance, has influenced
and directed, and controlled the much greater numerical
power of the North. And it is also true, that this superi ority of influence is a direct consequence, and one of the
great benefits of the institution of domestic slavery.  In the
IUnited States, it is only where negro slavery exists that
many men of the rural or agricultural population can have
enough of leisure and opportunity to cultivate their intellect,
16
361 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
and especially, by social intercourse and the instruction
thence derived, so as to become qualified to teach and to
lead in public affairs, instead of being mere "hewers of
wood and drawers of water," (slaves, in effect, politically,)
to a few of the better instructed of their fellows.  In the
southern states, the greatest men who have been sent to
Congress, or who have occupied still higher public stations,
were for much the greater number, always residents of the
country.   Washington, Henry, Jefferson, Mason, Bland,
Lee, Calhoun, Cheves, and hundreds of other able statesmen, were all slaveholders and countryresidents.  For any
such cases of representatives of distinguished talents that
can be stated of the rural portions of the non-slaveholding
states, in recent times, the South, from its much scantier
numbers, can adduce  fifty of equal or greater political
knowledge and ability. In cities, the case is different. In
all great cities there are operating inducements and also
facilities for mental culture and improvement, much greater
than anywhere in the country, or than we can have in the
southern states, where there are very few large cities, and
none to compare in these respects with Philadelphia, New
York, and Boston, Therefore, in the great cities of the
North and especially in the learned professions and scientific pursuits, there are more of highly educated and scientific
professional men, than are to be found in the southern
states. But even of these shiiiing lights of learning and
science, but few seem  to be fitted for, or at least are entrusted with political offices and duties, by the votes of
their fellow-citizens. Even the great cities of the North,
with all their learned and able men to select from, more
frequently elect representatives of the lower than the higher
order of education and intellect.  Still, almost the only
362
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
distinguished statesmen who have appeared from the North
have been the residents and representatives of cities. Of all
the far greater number of northern members of Congress
from the strictly rural districts, and even including in such
the villages and small towns, scarcely any deserve to be
distinguished for superior education, talent, or statesmanship. This is notoriously the fact. And though the workings of the caucus or convention system, (a political iniquity
and curse borrowed from New York) and also of the evil
changes of state constitutions, (in regard to suffrage and
popular elections,) have served greatly to lower the grade
of the representation of the South, yet, even now, any ten
southern representatives, taken at random, will probably
possess more political talent than one hundred from the
rural districts of the old northern states, where the stultifying operation of the absence of slavery on an agricultural
population has had the longest time to show the sure consequences.  Under  these difbferent circumstances, it neces sarily follows, that the greater superiority of intellectual
power, more than the mere brute power of greater numbers,
will govern in most questions of statesmanship and pro found national policy. And such has been the case in this
federal government for a long time, and such will be the
case, and increasing in degree, so long as one portion of
the confederated states enjoy, and the other is without the
refining operation of slavehol(ling on the superior race.
A very marked statistical illustration and evidence of my
position has come under my eye since writing the above
It is a passage in the noted abolition article in the number
of the Edinburgh Review for October, 1856. This infamous
piece of elaborate calumny on the South is doubly a fraud,
i. its source and authorship, besides being a tissue of in
363 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES ()OF
ventions in its general statements and argument. It appeared
in a British publication as if by a British author. And
when this fraud was exposed, and it was known that the
author was an American both by birth and residence, it was
as falsely claimed that he was a southerner, because he
was born of northern parents during their sojourn in the
South, though he is a northerner in education, residence,
and principles.'I'his writer, to prove the supremacy of
the "' slave power," adduces these facts: that of the sixteen
successive Presidents of the United States, eleven have been
slaveholders; and that for five-sixths of the duration of the
government, southerners by birth, or northern men elected
by southern votes, have occupied the presidential office.
And of the other higher federal offices, there have served
from the southern states,
"Seventeen out of twenty-eight Judges of the Supreme Court;
Fourteen out of nineteen Attorneys-General;
Sixty-one out of seventy-seven Presidents of the Senate;
Twenty-one out of thirty-three Speakers of the House;
Eighty out of one hundred and thirty-four Foreign Ministers."
Now, it is very true that high official position, even in a
free or popular government, is not often obtained by the
greatest fitness for the service.  But, when so much the
larger proportion of the highest offices of government have
been, during a long time, filled from the South, there can
be no stronger proof of the fact, that in the scanty populationI of the South, there was a very far greater amount of
political talents of high order, than in the more populous
northern states.
364
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THE INDEPEND)ENOE OP THE SOUTH.
SECTION VIII.
Superior southern intellect contrasted by northern self-interest.
But though the superior southern intellect has generally
guided the national councils in important matters, it has
only been, and can only be, in questions of general policy,
requiring great abilities to investigate, and in which the
pecuniary interests of members, or those of their constituents, are not concerned. In all questions in which
self-interest or sectional aggrandizement is supposed to be
involved, the highest intellectual power must be governed
by the power of numbers-and even by the most obtuse
understandings, if of greater numbers who have, or believe
they will have, their personal  interests affected by the
decision. In questions of foreign relations and policy, of war
or peace, or in the selection of chief magistrates, and in supplying or choosing subjects for other high offices, the South
has had the main direction of the federal government. But
in all questions of money, or the means for acquiring gain,
either for northern members or their constituents-as by
protective tariffs, bounties, direct or indirect, to navigation
and commercial interests, pensions, construction of public
works, wasteful, or corrupt expenditures from the treasury,
bribery, &c., &c., the northern members have always
exerted and enforced their greater numerical power. Thus,
southern intellect was generally free to direct all matters of
policy for the public good alone. But in legislative contests between southern and northern interests, the South
has had to submit to a fixed numerical majority, and to any
degree of injustice and outrage which that irresistible
365 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
majority was interested in inflicting. It is on this ground,
and by this latter power, that the great question of slavery,
and all minor questions incident thereto, have been judged
and decided-because the great body of the northern people
have been so deluded by their unprincipled leaders, as to
be made to believe that their personal interests would be
promoted by extinguishing slavery in the southern states.
If they knew the truth of the reverse proposition, then the
northern people would quickly become as indifferent to the
existence of slavery, as those of the city of New York are
to the continual fitting out, in that city, of vessels to carry
on the African slave trade in all its present horrors. This
enormity, and infamous breach of both moral and statute
law, is a matter of notoriety, and frequent occurrence; but
which seems neither to shock nor disturb the Greeleys and
Tappans, and the other numerous abolitionists or fanatics
-and indeed seems to be of no concern to but a few of that
community.
SECTION IX.
Mfistake of northerners as to their interest in southern slavery.
If, then, as is here charged, the people of the North are
so much governed by self-interest, it may well be asked,
why do they oppose the institution of negro slavery in
the South, in the products of which they are so deeply
concerned?  It has already been said, that the great body
of the northern people are deluded by their leaders. But
that is not sufficient. It still is required to be explained
366
I
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
why any of the great northern party, if knowing the truth,
should still advocate a policy which, if carried out, would
be destructive to northern interests? To this question,
there are different answers for different portions of the
great abolition party. As to the few honest fanatics, of
course, they neither consult reason, nor regard consequences. Of the politicians, such as Seward and Hale,
they merely aim to join in, and to get the full benefit of the
popular clamor against slaveholders, to promote their own
personal advancement and gain. Such men would oppose,
as injurious to the North, the working of their own present
measures, if these measures did not promise still more to
serve their private ends and interests.  Further-the political leaders of the party would not be willing to meet the
consequences of their own complete success, if they
expected complete success, and intended to go so far.  But
they, and all the people of the North, have been taught, by
the long continued submission of the South, to believe that
no repetition or increase of oppression by legislation will
induce the South to secede, or to offer any other effectual
resistance. Some renegade southerners have, in substance,
re-asserted this opinion, and thereby established it in the
confidence of the North. Our heretofore and our expected
future submission are imputed to our dread of certain ruin,
in the destruction of slavery, as a result of separation and
war. Therefore, our enemies deem that their best policy,
for the purpose of ensuring our submission and complete
humiliation, will be continually to threaten and to encroach,
but still to withhold entirely from striking the final and
fatal blow.  It is also a general belief at the North that
the southern people, by their inferiority of numbers, and
the supposed enfeebling operation of the institution of
367 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
slavery, are too weak to resist, and too timid to incur the
risk of the hostile and warlike action of the stronger North.
Hence, impelled by these different considerations, the North
supposes that it may vilify and wrong the South to any
extent that interest or passion may invite, without danger
to the North.   And, therefore, the leaders and the miost
powerful of the party, (who, in opinion or principle, are
not real abolitionists at all,) may push the movement as far
as necessary to attain their personal ends, and crush the
political power of the South, (which stands in tile way of
their supremacy,) and yet stop short of that extremity of
injury to the property of the South which would react
disastrously on northern interests.
SECTION X.
No danger to the South from war, unless for want of preparation.
Southern men have met all past violations of their rights
by threats of resistance or separation, and then submitted,
until no such threats are believed, or will be believed, unless
unmistakable action shlall have commenced.   This wellfounded incredulity is the secret of all the recent and present
abolition movements and designs. And even if, by possibility, and when driven to desperation, the insulted and oppressed South should secede, it is confidently believed by
the North that its own stronger military and marine force,
and greater wealth, would serve, speedily and easily, to
subdue the southern states.   Never  was there a greater
mistake, or one which, if acted upon, will be corrected more
368
iI
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
effectually. It is only this mistaken idea of southern weakness, together with the absence of all military preparation
in the South, that can possibly produce war, as the direct
and immediate result of separation.  lf, when separating, we
shall be, as now, unprepared for defence, we may surely
expect to have war. But due preparation for war will as
certainly ensure the maintenance of peace.
It is assumed by most persons that war between the separated portions would be a necessary and immediate consequence of separation.   Even if no other ground for war
existed, one certain and unavoidable cause is apprehended
in the fact of the separate ownership, by the separated communities, of the upper and central waters of the Mississippi,
and of its lower waters and their outlet to the sea. And one
great consequence of war, (as generally believed in the
North, and by very many also in the South,) it is supposed
would be, that successful insurrection of the slaves would
be invited and produced by war and invasion, and thus their
general enfranchisement effected in the mode most disastrous and afflicting to the whites. Sure and sufficient reasons have already been offered to show, in reference to other
and general grounds, that war would not be either a necessary
or probable result of separation. Other reasons will now
be offered to invalidate this particular cause of war, and
afterwards will be considered the particular and worst possible consequence which has been anticipated.
War, in any mode, is an enormous  evil, which it is far
from my intention to deprecate. And war between separated portions of the same people, and previously long of
the same community, would be the most deplorable and
calamitous of all wars. A war between the southern and
northern states, embittered by every growing cause of hos
369 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
tility and mutual hatred, and if waged to extremities with
such balanced alternations of success and defeat as might be
expected between foes so nearly equal, would be scarcely
less destructive to the ultimate conqueror than to the conquered party.  The  prosperity, wealth, and as yet happy
condition of both powers, would be engulphed in one abyss
of complete industrial and political ruin. The possibility
of these awful consequences should be well considered by
all. But, as admonition and warning of the most solemn
import, it is for the aggressive and offending party to heed,
and by stopping and restraining its course, to avoid these consequences, and not for the aggrieved and heretofore always
yielding party. The South, if still remaining in the Union,
can do nothing except to submit entirely and trnconditionally
to every present and coming measure of aggression, which
will be but another way to reach certain ruin. Rather than
entire submission, we should prefer any hazards of war and
its consequences. For all the calamities of war should be
risked, and met, if necessary, by freemen who deserve to
enjoy freedom, rather than to yield their rights without
struggling, to the last ground of hope, in its defence. If,
then, we are such men, the threat of war, with all the necessary and horrible consequences, will have no influence to
induce the South to purchase peace by entire submission
370
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THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
SECTION XI.
Joint occupancy of the Mississippi not a cause for war. Law and usage of
nations in like cases.
The supposed inducement, or necessity, for war in the
geographical character of the Mississippi river, is as groundless as any other of the anticipated causes for war, in the
incidents of the separation of the present confederacy.
Moreover, this result from this particular cause of divided
possession of the course of a navigable river, is opposed by
the laws of nations, and the usages and experience of the
whole civilized world. As, however, the fallacy in question has met with very general admission, it may be necessary to examine and expose it at more length than its importance would otherwise require.
Before coming to the particular matter of the navigation
of the Mississippi, when under separate proprietors, it will
be necessary to look to general principles, as furnished by
the laws of nations, and to the past history and present
usages of Europe, in respect to the general subject.
When the Roman Empire was extended over the whole
of the known civilized world, and much of the barbarian
world, the Roman  law, as to the rights of different countries and dominions, was the only law of nations.  It not
only was recognized and obeyed then, but its main and
manifestly good principles were preserved and respected, if
not always obeyed, in the understood commercial and political regulations between the many succeeding dominations
of Europe in the middle ages.  The ancient Roman law and
the modern acknowledged laws of nations, both maintain
371 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
the right of every nation, possessing one or both sides of
the upper waters of a navigable river, to use the lower waters
and outlet of the river, for navigation, and to transport its
commodities to the ocean, or to foreign markets. The vessels, and their freights, of the upper country, so using the
waters of a lower, while enjoying the benefit of a free
passage, are, of course, bound to respect the municipal laws
of the country through which the lower navigation passes,
and to bear any reasonable charges (of inspection, &c.,) necessary to prevent violation of these laws. Except for these
necessary restrictions and safeguards of defence, the passage
would be entirely free to vessels and people of the upper
country, so long as the two countries were at peace. War
between the neighboring powers, only would alter these, as
it must alter all the other relations of peace.
It is true, that with the general recognition of this law of
nations, there had been many attempted violations of its
principle; and some of them, for a time have been successful.
But at the Congress of Vienna, in which all the great powers
of Europe acted for themselves and for all the minor powers
also, this great principle of the laws of nations was formally recognized and definitely explained, and made obligatory by treaty stipulations. The particular violations of this
law of nations, whether before the congress of Vienna or
subsequently, would be no reason for general disregard, or
for deeming it null and of no obligation. There is scarcely
any provision of the laws of nations and especially of the
laws of war, which has not been violated. Yet, the laws
so infringed continue to be respected and deemed obligatory,
and are generally obeyed.   These exceptional violations
are more and more rare as the world advances in wisdom and
in civilizations and governments and communities learn bet
372
; 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
ter to understand their own true interests. There will be
little reason to expect future violations of this rule of free
navigation by any civilized country; and, least of all, in regard to the common right of the Mississippi, which both the
proprietary powers would be so deeply interested in preserving.
The law of nations in this respect, and the rights claimed
under this law, are of less importance in this discussion
than the actual practice and usages and the experience of
Europe, and of the civilized world.  All the great rivers of
Europe, except a few in Russia, are, and mostly have been
since the overrunning and dissolution of the Western Roman Empire, in precisely the situation which, for the Mississippi, is generally supposed would be an inevitable
cause for war. If this doctrine is true, or worth anything,
as to the Mississippi, then it would be as true of every other
navigable river, of which different portions passed through
different dominions. Now, precisely such divided property
is held by different sovereign states in the upper and lower
navigable waters of the Danube, the Rhine, the Po, the Elbe,
(which passes through no less than seven separate dominions,) the Weser, the Vistula, the Niemen, the Dniester, the
Scheldt, the Meuse, (or Maese,) the Moselle, the Douro,
and the Oder in connection with its navigable tributary the
Warta. Among the sovereign powers to which these divided properties of soil, and joint rights of navigation belong,
are Russia, Turkey, Austria, Bavaria, Prussia, Hanover,
Piedmont, Lombardy, (before being Austrian,) Belgium,
Holland, Portugal, and Spain, besides other smaller powers.
If then the mere condition of two or more powers, possess ing severally the upper, or middle and lower waters of a
navigable river, were sufficient and sure cause of discord and
373 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
war, all these countries would have been involved in war
for ten centuries, or throughout the whole time of their separate political existences. Yet, many as have been the wars,
and trivial their causes in most cases, not one is remembered to have been produced by this cause alone. Some temporary difficulties have indeed occurred-and some wrongs
have been inflicted, in this as in numerous other cases
of supposed conflicting interests, by the strong on the weak.
But though connected with these joint rights of navigation,
these difficulties and injuries have in no case amounted, (at
least in recent times,) to a permanent denial, by the power
on the lower waters of a river, of the navigation and passage
of the vessels of the upper country, to foreign markets. An
exception to this position may appear to be presented in the
noted case of the long continued closing of the lower
Scheldt, where it passes through the territory of the former
Dutch republic to the sea, against the vessels of the then
Spanish and afterwards Austrian Netherlands, (now Belgium,) on the upper waters. And when Joseph II. of Austria, becoming the master of the before Spanish Netherlands,
attempted to re-open this passage, the vessel sent by his
order was fired upon and stopped by the Dutch fort on the
Scheldt-and the Austrian power hadl to submit to be thus
thwarted by a much weaker nation, whose right was sustained by the approval of Europe, and the faith of treaties.
For this restriction, absurd as it was in a commercial aspect,
was a solemn stipulation of the treaty of Westphalia, agreed
upon for political considerations, by all the powers that concurred in making and maintaining that memorable treaty.
This exceptional departure from the acknowledged general
law of nations, waas neither designed as a violation or abrogation of that law, nor a denial of its obligation by, in
374
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i 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
this case, suspending its operation in favor of Holland
alone.   As  such, it would  have had no force, and no
power would have dared to attempt the course. But it
was an agreement made by all the great powers of Europe,
demanded by one part and acceded to by the other, as necessary to protect Holland, and in Holland, the protestant interest of Europe, by preventing the continual and easy ingress of the inimical and dreaded power possessing the
upper waters. Besides, there were other important considerations. This was not the only passage, though the most
convenient for the trade of the Spanish Netherlands. And
further, the Dutch claimed that the navigation of the lower
Scheldt was an artificial passage, opened formerly by their
own industry. Thus, the Scheldt remained closed for some
one hundred and fifty years, until the French republic, after
becoming possessor of Belgium, forced and kept open the
passage. But this act was deemed a cause of war, and was
so counted in the war which soon followed between France
and Great Britian and Holland. But even this long respected
restriction has since been removed, and the lower Scheldt,
as all other rivers in Europe held by different powers, under
both the law of nations and the treaty of Vienna, is of free
navigation.
For centuries past, as nor, Denmark has collected the
"sound dues or a tax levied on all vessels entering the
Baltic sea-and Hanover in like manner levies the "stade
dues" on all vessels entering the Elbe.  But wrongful and
extortionate as these charges are, (and as such, our government has done well in resisting them,) they were originally
demanded, and paid, not because of ownership on the lower
waters, but on the ground of supporting light-houses and
beacons, and paying other expenses for facilitating the safe
passage of vessels.
375 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
Perhaps unjust and vexatious claims may have been set
up to obstruct or to tax navigation and trade in many other
cases, where might defined right. But it is believed that, at
this time, nowhere is the possession of the outlet of a river
claimed, per se, as ground of right, and exercised as such, to
exclude or to obstruct the passage of the vessels of a power
owning the higher waters of the river. In stating this proposition reference is had to civilized nations and to recent times,
and not to such exclusive policy as was adopted by Spain
for her former American dominions, (and of which both
the policy and the dominion have long been at an end,) and
which would still be enforced (if such cases existed) in China
and Japan. Even the government of Brazil, narrow-minded
as it is, and both jealous and fearful of the entrance of
foreigners, and strong, too, compared to all the neighboring
dominions, does not pretend to oppose the passage of the
vessels and freights of Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru from
passing from their own upper and tributary waters down
the Amazon to the ocean, or returning, through thousands
of miles extent of Brazilian territory on both sides of the
river. All that Brazil has claimed is, that the countries on the
upper waters shall be the carriers of their own trade through
Brazil, and that the route shall not be opened to all foreigners who may desire its use, to trade with the upper countries, or for any other purpose.
At this time Russia is striving to keep possession of the
Isle of Serpents, near the mouth of the Danube, and the
other great powers and parties to the late treaty of Paris are
as anxious and determined to exclude Russia from the possession. Both parties understand that the possessor of this
island, if able to hold it, will, in time of war, command the
outlet and control the navigation of the Danube. This, in
376 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
deed, would only be available during war. But it would
then be a most formidable advantage to be possessed by a
power so strong as Russia, and which has very little territory on or very near the Danube, and therefore would not
suffer materially by closing its navigation. This case is
entirely different from that supposed of the Mississippi; and
yet, with all the danger to the dominions on the Danube,
of the Emperor of Russia occupying merely the mouth of
that river, even he would not dare to close or obstruct the
navigation, except in war, and to his enemy in arms.
In applying the foregoing views to the particular case of
the Mississippi, it is clear that, in the event of separate proprietorship, the lower occupant would have no right either
to close or to obstruct the passage of the vessels and freights
of the upper occupants.  But there is still better assurance
that there would be no such attempt, because, in time of
peace, there can be no possible inducement for such a
course, even if to be effected with certainty, and without
danger of war, or reprisals, from the upper country.
The city of New Orleans derives nearly all its immense
trade and wealth from the purchasing, or forwarding, and
furnishing commodities in exchange for the products of the
higher waters of the Mississippi, and (it may be and must
be hereafter) mainly from the non-slaveholding region.
Now, under any peaceful circumstances, what inducements
can possibly operate on the city of New Orleans, or on the
state of Louisiana, or on any of the states bordering on the
lower river, to exclude or to discourage, by burdensome
exactions, the free passage of the vessels and products
which brings all the business and profits of the city, and is
so greatly beneficial to the whole neighboring country?
On the contrary, would not every reasonable facility be
377 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
afforded for this trade, to prevent its being diverted, as much
as possible, to New York and other northern markets?
And if there were no such action, and no motive for the proprietor of the lower waters to obstruct the trade of the
upper proprietor, what ground would the latter have for
complaint? And on what possible ground could either the
upper or the lower power go to war with the other, for th9
benefit of a navigation and trade already fully enjoyed, and
which enjoyment could only be prevented, and certainly
would be prevented, by the very act of war? The contrary
assumptions, or the equivalent assertions of the danger of
and even necessity for war, merely on this ground, are so
preposterous that they would not deserve to be answered,
but for their extended currency.
If a government or private association constructs a canal,
or a new artificial passage for navigation, through the territory belonging to the proprietor of the work, the proprietor
has undoubtedly the right to forbid the passage to all foreigners, however beneficial to them the new facility might
be. But was there ever such a prohibition, or even discriminating and heavier tolls and charges on foreigners,
adopted in such a case? Or has any one ever feared such
impositions?   No  such obstructions can possibly exist,
until self-interest shall cease to direct the conduct of man.
The state of New York, and Canada, have both opened
canals to unite the navigation of the great lakes with the
Atlantic. Each of these artificial passages may be used to
great benefit by the people of the other country. And, so
far from obstructing these uses, New York desires and
strives to be the carrier for Upper Canada, and the Canadian
canals are as open to convey American vessels to the lower
St. Lawrence. But lately a vessel laden with flour sailed
378 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
from Chicago, and without unlading or trans-shipment of
cargo, passed through the Welland canal, around the cataract of Niagara, and from Lake Ontario through the Rideau
canal to the Utawas, and thence into the St. Lawrence, and
across the Atlantic to Liverpool.
In former times there was much diplomatic argument
and conflicting claims, between the British and American
governments, as to the right of navigation of the St. Lawrence by American vessels. Probably each party claimed
too much-the American government for the perfect right
to navigate the river, and the British government the right
to exclude American navigation. All these theoretical difficulties were finally settled by the recent "Reciprocity
Treaty." But previous to that treaty being made, and in
time of peace between the two countries, American vessels
were (as now) as free to navigate the river as Canadian
vessels. From Lake Ontario to near Montreal, the downward navigation is so difficult, because of the numerous
rapids, that it is of little use to freight and sailing vessels,
or to any that could venture to cross the Atlantic. To
ascend the river it is necessary to use the Canadian canals.
SECTION XII.
The ownership by two nations of the upper and lower waters of a great river
is a bond of peace between them.
It is very true, and is so obvious as scarcely to need being stated, that the occurrence of war between two nations
occupying the upper and lower navigable waters of a river,
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CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
or the different places of production and of sale thereon,
would necessarily shut out either party from navigating the
waters of the other, and would prevent the continuance of
the previous friendly trade.  But the prospect of this sure
and heavy penalty for war, and of the certain and great
losses which would thence accrue to both nations, would
serve as the strongest possible reason and inducement for
the preservation of peace. Therefore, if the Mississippi
was held in separate occupancy of its upper and lower
waters, instead of this great river being then a continual
provocation to war, it would be the strongest possible bond
of peace between the respective proprietary powers. For
neither power could break the peace, without immediately
and entirely cutting off the trade which had been the chief
source of its prosperity and wealth.
In cases of war between two powers, thus holding the
upper and lower portions of a navigable river, though both
countries would suffer greatly, it would not be equally.
Undoubtedly, for military or naval operations, the holder of
the lower waters, or of their outlet to the ocean, would
have a great advantage over the upper proprietor.  Hence,
it is fortunate for the South, and for the better preservation
of peace, that in every case of such prospective divided proprietorship of navigable rivers or straits, the weaker southern
states will hold the lowcr, and the northern, which is the
stronger, and also the aggressive power, will possess the
upper navigable waters. The most noted and important
case is the Mississippi river. But, though much the strongest, it is not the only such bond of peace. There are
other cases, presented in the Ohio river, and in the Delaware, and still more the Chesapeake bay. lThese facts offer
most important subjects for consideration, for the states
380 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
and cities most interested in these future relations, which
need not be pursued here.
Of course, all independent states are liable, at some times,
to have causes of war with neighboring powers, or to be involved in war, whether with or without good cause. From
this universal  liability, the  separated  and  independent
northern and southern confederacies would not be exempt.
Either, indeed, might make war on tile other, at any time,
if choosing the hazards of war, in preference to the benefits
of peace. So the United States might have gone to war,
(and as then deemed, for just causes,) in a dozen cases,
with England, France, or other powers, where no war occurre(l, and where all differences were subsequently settled
by peaceful negotiation.  If the northern and southern states
were two separate and independent powers, each would
gain more by cultivating and preserving peace with the
other, and each would lose and suffer more by being at
war, without any possibility of gain, than would be in regard to any other two nations in the world. Under such
circumstances may we not safely anticipate that peace would
be maintained?
SECTION XIII.
The great danger of the South is from northern emissaries and agents of
abolition.
Among the evil consequences to the South of a separation from the North, it is supposed by most persons that
the abolition action of the North would be thereby stimu
381 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
lated and increased, and the effects would render the preservation of our slaves and the existence of slavery much
more precarious than while the relation of union, under one
government, continues. There is no ground to expect an
increase of this evil action, or of its effects, whether in the
state of war or of peace, and good reasons for the reverse.
The main cause of the ability of the abolitionists to
operate on our slaves, to infuse discontent, and to seduce
them to abscond, or to rebel, is to be found in the existing
relation which the hostile incendiary agents from the North
bear to us, in being also our fellow-citizens. The worst
enemies of the South, even the regular and the most mischievous agents'of organized associations for stealing slaves,
and exciting insurrection and massacre, have now every
facility to enter the country, and to sojourn wherever they
can best operate.  Any pretext of business is enough  to
serve to account for their presence; and there is no neighborhood in the southern states into which Yankees have
not penetrated, and could freely operate as abolition agents.
Under the federal constitution, they are citizens of any
southern state in which they temporarily reside, and  their
conduct and proceedings cannot be questioned, so long as
there is cautious concealment from white witnesses of any
felonious or incendiary acts. Not only have these agents,
as our fellow-citizens, the protection of the constitution of
the United States, but we, the people of Virginia, and of all
the southern states, afford to these most dangerous of incendiaries the far greater protection of our own laws, by
forbidding the evidence of negroes to be heard against any
white person.  In these cases of incendiary attempts to
seduce slaves, or to plot with them to excite insurrection
and massacre, it is next to impossible that any other than
282 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
negroes should have heard their communications, and be
able to inform of their proceedings. Consequently, not one
case in the hundred, of which negroes could and often
would readily testify, is detected and punished. A still
stronger reason for changing this policy is, that, with the
existing impunity, the abolition agent knows that he may
safely attempt to delude or seduce any negro, as no statement of the negro can convict him. Even if suspected, at
the worst hlie has only to shift his residence to some other
place where he is not known, and then to operate as before.
If the northern agent was subject by our laws to be tried
and condemned for this offence on the evidence of negroes,
(as he would be at home for any other felony,) he would
not venture to incur the great risk of communication.  Thus,
and by other measures of caution, nearly all such action by
foreigners would be prevented.
Thus protected by the federal constitution, and our own
mistaken legal policy in regard to evidence, it is no wonder
that abolition agents are numerous and efficient in the slaveholding states. They are numerous in the southern cities,
especially, where they may be safe from suspicion in their
various ostensible or real employments, of traders, mechanics
and laborers, or sailors. in every county they have probably entered, and many have remained to operate as pedlars
and sellers of northern commodities and patent-rights, solicitors for subscriptions to northern publications, beggars
for societies of various moral and religious pretensions,
teachers, both male and female, and even ministers (so esteemed) of the gospel of love and peace. Until within the
last few years, and after numerous discoveries of such incendiary action and many convictions, (among them two of
northern preachers, and two at different times of the same
383 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
northern lady,) these agents had the most unrestrained access to all our country habitations, and to our slaves.
There had previously been no suspicion entertained of
such a system of villainy. The primitive and general hospitality of our country served to admit every apparently decent
stranger to our houses, as a welcome guest. And thus, as
inmates, they had every facility afforded them for deceiving
our slaves, and implanting discontent, as well as for aiding
their escape, when any fit subjects were found. With such
facilities for agents, and with the instigation, and aid of
money, of the northern organized associations, and with the
general spirit of the northern people and their state governments to encourage such acts, and to screen the criminals,
it is not surprising that these offences against the South
have been every year increasing. The counties of Virginia
bordering on Pennsylvania, Ohio, and even on the Potomac
above Washington, have lost so many slaves, and their
possession is so hazardous, that but few remain, and property in slaves is there of such uncertain tenure, as to be of
but little value. The city of Norfolk, and its close vicinity,
in one year, (preceding the late state law affording partial
protection,) lost about one hundred slaves, of the most valuable description, all of which were doubtless forwarded by
northern agents, and taken off in northern vessels. In and
near Richmond, the losses have not been so numerous, but
still very many. There, several agents have been convicted
and punished.
But these pecuniary losses in slave property, and even
the delusions and discontent produced in mnany more slaves
than the actual fugitives, are as nothing compared to the
other evils which abolition agents have the like facilities for
encouraging and abetting, and which they are equally ready
384 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
and zealous to bring about, in insurrections of the slaves,
with all the horrible results of the attempts, however unsuccessful as they all must be, in reaching their great object,
or indeed any considerable effect in general and political
affairs. The continual efforts to excite mutiny and insurrection, even if failing to produce any open or violent act,
cause discontent and unhappiness, and a spirit of insubordination in the slaves, and much injury to their owners and
to the commonwealth. If actual rebellion, or plotting to
rebel, is attempted, it must always end in utter failure. And
the worst and most deplorable consequences of such plots,
or actual outbreaks, have been, and will be, (and the only
spilling of blood, except in the single and peculiar case of
the Southampton insurrection,) in the heavy punishments
which have fallen upon the deluded victims of the abolitionists; while the far more criminal, and immediate instigators, have generally escaped-and their employers have
remained safe in their northern homes, to continue pharisaically to thank God that they are free from the sin of
slaveholding.
Even since the writing of these pieces was begun, there
have been more cases of discovery of these iniquitous operations, and of more wide-spread extent, than has ever been
known before-but not more than might have been expected
from the ample means and facilities at command. Plots for
simultaneous out-breaks or insurections (which rumor said
were to occur at Christmas) have been discovered at several
remote points in Virginia, in Kentucky, Tennessee, and other
southern states. All, doubtless, were instigated by abolition
agents, and induced by their delusive representations; and
some of these instigators luckily have been secured, though
others have escaped. Probably all these alleged plottings
17
385 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
and their incidents have been much exaggerated, as usual,
by false reports, and some of them may have had no existence. But there is enough certainly true to produce much
uneasiness and extended panic among many of the whites,
and to cause much suffering, whether deserved or undeserved, by the implicated negroes. These are dreadful and
most deplorable results of these abolition efforts, and the
only results they can ever have, save one, which will be
also the only good result. This is, that these numerous
and far extended designs will be universally and truly inferred to have been instigated and forwarded by concerted
abolition action, and to have been the result of, and connected with the recent sectional effort to elect an abolition
president.* And the greater the immediate effects may be
of this most recent incendiary instigation, the more will be
the beneficial ultimate result, of inducing the southern states
to ward off, by the only effectual mode, all such future and
effective operations of hostile northern abolitionists.
SECTION XIV.
Separation would lessen the mischievous operations of abolition agents.
The power of the abolition agents for mischief, and their
security from detection and punishment, and all the evil
consequences of their incendiary actions, are owing mainly
to their privilege of citizens in the South. If the southern
* Before the election by the people had taken place it was known that slaves
had been informed of the northern motives of action, and had received the impression that the election of Fremont would cause the extinction of slavery. It
386 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
and northern states made two separate political communities, these agents would be deprived of all their present free
access to our slaves, and of the facilities for their operations.
Neither the agents nor their employers could find any substitutes for these facilities, in their new relation to us, of
foreigners in peace, or enemies in war.  It is true, that then,
a fugitive slave who may pass the line of division will be
safe from pursuit. But it is nearly so now-and the legal
remedies, or means for recovering fugitive slaves within the
northern states, are null in fact, even when not expressly
made so by state law, as is the case in Massachusetts. A
mode of redress which cannot be obtained once in a hundred
cases of wrong, and which, even when most effective, costs
more than the value of the object sought, is clearly worthless. Therefore, the South would lose no more by the immediate and entire repeal of the present delusive "' fugitive
slave" law of Congress, and by the cessation of all future
attempts to recover fugitive slaves from the North.
As a certain result of an independent dominion and government, the South would guard against such future action
of emissaries by a strict examination of northern immigranits,
and a proper investigation of the objects and proceedings
of those newly arrived and unknown. If incendiaries would
be safe on tile northern side of the line of division, on the
southern they could be far more easily watched, detected,
and by more stringent laws, speedily hung, as soon as found
guilty.  If the same disposition to interfere and agitate re mained, (which would not be,) there would be much less
is said that in the recent (designed) insurrection in Tennessee the poor wretches
were deceived and encouraged by the belief, that they had only to fight their
way to the north side of the Cumberland river, where Col. Fremont and his
army would receive and protect them.
387 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
opportunity left for it to be exercised. Thle new and(] severe
policy of the South, in regard to incendiary action, would
at once restrain the efforts of the pious and gentle incendiaries. and greatly restrain the mercenary and boldest.  If
all such emissaries and agents were shut out from intercourse with our slaves, and deprived of their present facilities for deluding them, it would be very rare for any slave,
without influence from abroad, to attempt, or desire, to
escape permanently from his home and his condition of
slavery. And the spirit of discontent which northern abolitionists have produced by false representations, and the
consequent spirit of insubordination-and the new and more
stringent measures of discipline for repression of insubordination thus rendered necessary-all being the direct results
of abolition action-are the only serious disadvantages, and
sources of suffering, to the slaves, and the only thing to
prevent their being the most comfortable, contented, and
cheerful laboring class in the world.
The means for holding slave property safely, would be
so much increased by separation, and especially near the
border lines, that the slave population of the border land
would soon increase and extend, where it has been long
decreasing, and, at this time, can scarcely exist, because of
the inability of the proprietors to shut out northern incendiaries.
So much for the supposed and expected relations of peace.
But the great power of abolition action, and its greater, if
not complete success, it is usually inferred, will be exhibited in the condition of war between the separated North
and South.  This branch of the subject will be next consid(leredl.
388 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
SECTION XV.
Results of war considered-and especially as affecting slaves of the South.
If the northern and southern confederacies were at war,
and it were possible that the former could succeed in cornpletely subjugating the latter, then, indeed, the conquered
people woluld be at the mercy of the conquerors, who might
abolish negro slavery, or do any thing else. But it is unnecessary to argue on the assumption of such impossible
premises.   In the very improbable event of any war occurring, the invasion of the southern territory, if attempted,
would not likely be successful-or allow more than transient occupation of a small extent of country. If admitting
the North to be the stronger power on its own territory,
and still more on the water, all its power for invasion and
offensive warfare, would be far less than that of the South
for repelling and punishing such aggressions on southern
ground. Under such circumstances, and with any thing
like equal action, and balanced successes, the North would
have much less chance for producing successful insurrection
and enfranchisement of the slaves, than had the more powerfil enemy in both our wars with Great Britain. In the
war of the revolution, at diflebrent times, the British forces
were the masters over lower Virginia, and even extended
their incursions to the middle country. They remained
in possession of the neighborhood of their encampments for
months together.  In the farther South, the hostile occupation by the British forces was much  more extensive, and
continued for years. Encouragement was held out to the
slaves, in offers of freedom and protection, to desert their
389 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
masters and to rebel against and oppose them in arms.
In the very commencement of the war in Virginia, the royal
governor, Lord Dunmore-while still possessing all respect
of the vulgar, and the authority of the representative of the
King, and esteemed as a King, and the only known supreme
power in the minds of the ignorant slaves-in command of a
regular military and naval force, raised together the royal
standard, and the banner of negro insurrection-calling upon
the slaves to side with the King, and to receive protection and
freedom as the reward of their loyalty. Even this invitation,
proceeding from the only known previous, and highest legal
authority, and backed by the military power and the government of Britain, was a signal failure. Throughout the war of
the revolution, and in all the South, there was no such occurrence as even a partial insurrection of slaves, or of the
negro deserters to the enemy being embodied for military
service. There was no approach to or the least apprehension of any danger of the abolition of slavery. That there
were numerous losses sustained in the desertion or the stealing of slaves, is indeed true; as well as that our brave and
patriotic fathers incurred numerous other and much greater losses, and risked the loss of everything, in their struggle for freedom and independence.
In the war of 1812, the many facilities for slaves to desert, or mutiny, and the attempts of the enemy to seduce
them, were still less successful.  At that time many of the
old negroes remembered, and all the younger had learned
from the older, the inducements offered for the desertion and
rebellion of slaves in the revolutionary war, and the treatnment and various sufferings of many of the deceived victims;
of whom many escaped from the British camps or ships,
and returned to the masters they had been induced to de
390 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
sert.  Probably it was owing to these recollections and traditions? that very few of the slaves of Virginia deserted or
left their homes voluntarily, to go to the enemy during the
last war, though British ships occupied permanently, portions of our waters during nearly all the time. Finally,
finding that invitation and seduction had no effect, Admiral
Cockburn and other officers of the British naval force resorted
to compulsion.  Then, on the borders of the Rappahannock,
and other most accessible places, many slaves were taken
by force from the farms, in marauding incursions of the
enemy, and driven at the point of the bayonet to the boats
of the British shipping. Thence, they were afterwards sent
to Trinidad and elsewhere, and, as was reported, settled as
slaves, or in bondage much worse than slavery in Virginia,
on sugar plantations of the captors, Qr others. That the
abduction of these slaves was effected by force, admits of no
doubt. For, on that admitted ground, in the subsequent
treaty of peace, the British government agreed to pay for
these slaves, and the owners were so paid their full estimated
value.
So much for the chances of voluntary desertion of our
slaves to an enemy in arms, and of supposed superior force,
and desiring and  inviting such  desertion.   But even if
counting this danger as nothing, it may still be feared that
without the voluntary desertion of individual slaves, there
might be produced, by the encouragement of a neighboring
abolitionist enemy in arms, a general spirit of insubordina tion, mutinous conduct, and results leading to revolt. The
writer is old enough to have had some personal experience
of the like causes, and of the actual results from the begin ning of, and through the war of 1812; and what he saw
and heard then, bearing on this argument, may be new and
391 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
of interest, and of weight as evidence, to readers of the
present day and generation.
In the beginning of 1813 British ships of war first occupied Hampton roads, and began the blockade of Chesapeake
bay and of the rivers of the whole Atlantic coast south of
New England, which blockade was strictly maintained to
the end of the war in 1815. During all this time, all the
rivers emptying into the Chesapeake, and also other accessible shores of the great bay were frequently visited by
portions of the British marine force, and the bordering lands
were subjected to the incursions and depredations of the
enemy. Numerous and great depredations were committed
inl Virginia, including the forcible abduction of slaves mentioned above. There was no defensive force except hasty
levies of the residents, acting as militia, and nearest to the
places invaded, or deemed in most danger of attack. And
all the men of the tide-water counties, then, (before the
introduction of steam vessels, and of railroads, and of the
electric telegraph,) would have been a very insufficient defence against an enemy having possession of and command
on the water, and therefore able to change the points of
attack, or feints of attack, in a few hours, to other points far
removed from the previously assembled force, summoned
for hasty defence, and this for many hundreds of miles length
of the exposed river and bay shores.  Along all these shores
were the richest farms ahd the most dense slave population
in Virginia; and wherever the British landed they were
complete masters for the time, and usually the only white
occupants of the place. Therefore, they had every opportunity and means to operate on the slaves, by deception and
seduction. Yet, only by force did they carry off any slaves
-and in no manner or place did they induce any act or
produce any indication of insubordination, then or thereafter.
392 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
In the tide-water county of the writer's then residence,
the entire body of the militia was called out, in mass, on
several different occasions of alarm, because of movements
and expected incursions of part of the enemy's force. Each
of these general and hasty unexpected calls for immediate
service lasted for but a few days, except once, in 1814, when
the service was continued for some weeks. During that
time, the British vessels were much higher than usual in
the river, and every man of military age in the county, and
the overseers as well as the proprietors of the slaves, were
encamped at one point, where the enemy was expected.
Further, the most important operation and heaviest labor of
our region, the wheat and oat harvest, was commenced and
completed during this time when almost every farmer was
from home, and unable to give the slightest attention to
his farm, or to procure any fit substitute for the proprietor.
Yet, not a single case of insubordination among the slaves
was heard of, nor had there been any apprehension thereof.
Our wives and children, and all our moveables, were left at
home, surrounded by and all in the power of the slaves, and
all in perfect security. In the actual absence of all super intendence on the farms, no doubt the harvest and other
labors were performed more slowly and carelessly, than
would have been under different and ordinary circumstances.
But I did not find in my own case, nor hear from
others, of any important and, serious loss on this score.
Suppose that the entire male population, of military age, in
a county of the non-slaveholding states, had been thus and
so long removed from their farms and employments-or
even all except the hireling farm laborers-would not the
losses and evils have been very far greater? 
393 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
The like general circumstances as here stated, to greater
or less extent, attended every tide-water county in Virginia
and Maryland, and also every accessible river in the more
southern Atlantic states. And every resident now living
who  then had reached the military age, can confirm the
general facts, and especially what is here asserted of the
obedience and good conduct of the slaves and their almost
universal resistance to all attempts to delude them by offers
of freedom and promises of gain and benefit. An invading
force from the northern states, whether coming by land or
by water, will not be likely to have as free communications
with slaves, or as great facilities to remove them, whether
by fraud or by. force, as had the British liberators, and will
scarcely meet with more success.
Judging of the whole southern Atlantic states in these
respects by the known experience of eastern Virginia, it
seems probable that all the slaves induced to desert or to go
off voluntarily, in all these states and throughout all the
war, did not amount to as many as in late years our northern
fellow-citizens have seduced and stolen within a single
month.
SECTION XVI.
Comparative capacities of the North and South for carrying on war.
In the foregoing pages it has been maintained that war
would not be either a necessary or a probable result of
separation; and also, in the improbable or remote event of
war, for any cause, that the injury to be thereby produced
394 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
to the South, in regard to its slave interests, would be less
than will be suffered under the present union. But there
is still another question to consider. This is, if war, from
any cause, should occur hereafter between the severed
North and South, what will be the comparative abilities of
these parties to carry on the war-it being supposed (as is
anticipated by all who predict its certain occurrence,) that
the North would be the aggressive and offensive, and the
South the defensive party.
Our northern fellow-citizenis are so accustomed to scoff
at the alleged weakness of the southern states, in military
matters, and to ascribe the supposed weakness to the institution of slavery, that the belief is well established among
themselves. Should an occasion require, this opinion will
be found to be as much mistaken, as any other of the false
positions of abolition fanatacism. With the Greeks and
Romans, and all other of the most military of ancient
nations, and all of them slaveholding nations, slavery did
not impair, but on the contrary, increased their military
force. Yet their slaves were of the same white race with
their owners; and as men, in mind and education, often
equal, or, in many individual cases, superior, to their
masters. Yet history has nowhere shown that the holding
of slaves was deemed a cause of national weakness in war.
Among hundreds of slaveholding nations, and in the course
of thousands of years, there have been some insurrections
of slaves. and some few servile wars, of sufficient importance
to be recorded in history. Of all these, the only one which
was not quelled by their masters, was the servile war of
St. Domingo; and that was both instigated and reinforced
by the abolition fanaticism of the Jacobin government of
revolutionary France, and the then political madness of the
395 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
ruling class of that country.   Such  instigation and  encouragement, and, indirectly, the promise of the future aid
of armed support, are offered to our slaves by our " northern
brethren."  But they have a very different people to deal
with; and they will equal the emancipators of St. Domningo
only in intention and effort.
Where, in all past time, there has been one mutiny, riot,
outbreak, or rebellion of domestic slaves, there have been a
hundred of as great importance, of the so-called free subjects of the governments of the world.  But for the deluding
pre(epts, and stimulation, from our  "northern  brethren:)
there would  be less of discontent among our slaves, and
less of disposition as well as less inducement to rebel, than
there is among the laboring class of England, almost the
only free and certainly the best government of all Europe
-or than there soon will be among the most needy and
vicious population of the free northern states of this Union.
And there will be much less probability, after a separation,
of any important insurrection of our slaves, with even
temporary and short-lived success, than there will  be of
the great cities of Boston, New York and Philadephia, and
others, being sacked and burnt, and their wealthiest inhabitants massacred, by their own destitute, vicious, and
desperate population. And such horrible atrocities in the
northern cities will not be very improbable events, after the
severance of the present union, and the cessation of the
protection of the present general government, and of the
conservative influence (exerted through the federal union)
of the slaveholding states-conservative in feeling and
action, because of the existence of slavery.*
* Suppose that there existed in the southern states organized, numerous and
rich associations, supported and encouraged by public opinion in every southern
396 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
The scoffs and contemptuous opinion of the North, in
reference to our military weakness, should come in aid of
other and stronger considerations to admonish us to be well
prepared for war. The only possible danger of the occurrence
of any warlike aggression, or invasion, from the North, will
be the effect of belief in the weakness or timidity of the
southern states. Offer to the abolition states a sure and
easy victory, or allow them confidently to expect it, and
they will, in that case, and that only, attempt armed coercion and conquest.   Therefore, to preserve peace most
effectually and certainly, we should be well prepared to
meet any contingency of war.
In comparing and balancing the respective advantages
(and especially in new  countries) of slave and hireling
labor, while claiming superiority for the former in most
things, it is readily conceded that there are some superior
advantages, as usually understood, in the latter. Under the
state, whose avowed object and whose continual action and effort through secret
emissaries, were to persuade the destitute and suffering people of the North
that they had equal rights to the riches and luxuries of their cities and of the
world-that they were defrauded of their just rights and starved and made
wretched by the actual possessors of wealth, and that they ought, and easily
and safely and honestly could, take their full shares of the wealth of others, and
quietly and peaceably, if the possessors did not resist this new and just distribution; and that in case of resistance to this act of justice, by thle possessors of
property, all the probable consequences of massacre, conflagration and irregular
appropriation of the property in dispute, would be the fault of the previous
property-holders, and not of their former destitute victims, who could in no
other way obtain their rights. In the case supposed of such infernal teachings,
and of measures so sustained and so propagated and urged, what would the
people of the North think, and how long would they submit to such action of
their southern "brethren?" Yet, if this atrocious conduct was-that of every
southern state, and even in advance of all the actual enmity, or of the actual
injuries inflicted by the North, it would not be worse in intention or consummation than the abolition action of the North, and of the stronger portion of
every northern state, towards the South, in relation to our institution of slavery,
and the vital interests founded thereupon.
397 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
system of hireling or free labor, there will be a denser
population, more labor on the average of each individual
hireling or laborer, and more individuals, as capitalists or
employers of labor, closely engaged in and confined to their
daily business, than in slaveholding countries.   Conse quently, in the absence of domestic slavery, there will be
more production from each individual, both poor and rich,
more of general wealth will be produced and accumulated,
and more population kept together in a certain space
of territory. The system of slave labor requires more
space for population-more of comfort and ease for the
laborers-than want and suffering permit to the destitute
laborers of free society-and it obtains less labor from the
slave than the free laborer of countries densely populated
must perform to obtain bread.  If there are disadvantages
to the whole political community, as giving less labor,
production and accumulation of wealth, and less population
to a slaveholding country, there are some compensating
benefits also in each individual member of the community,
bond and free, enjoying more space, more comfort and
repose, and security against extreme privation; and the
proprietary class have more leisure, and use it more for
social and intellectual improvement or enjoyment, than can
be approached in the class of property-holders where slavery
does not exist. But these very defects (as they are estimated
by others) of our system of slavery, besides other much
greater benefits, provide a numerous class of the best
possible material for military service, without drawing much
from the productive labor and resources of the country.
In every southern county in which slaves make one-third
or more of the population, one hundred men on an average
could be raised on any sudden and urgent occasion, ready
398 
THE INDEPENDENOE OF THE SOUTH.
to march at a day's notice, and able to continue in military
service a month, if needed, without any important loss to
the persons so engaged, or to the productive values of the
country at large. And if the danger of the country required,
or the want of government supplies, at first, half of all such
hasty levies would be volunteers, mounted on their own
horses, carrying their own private arms, and with enough of
their own provision, or money to buy it, to serve for a week,
without any aid of the government. In the busy, frugal,
and hard-working North, there is no such class of worthy
(and trust-worthy) citizens, able to leave their daily labors
and employments, or who could do so without great loss,
and suffering to families. If, in case of need, a sudden call
was made by the North for 50,000 men only, they could not
be supplied, for the shortest time, without stopping the daily
and necessary labor of nearly as many. It would be more
destructive to the prosperity of any portion of the northern
states to furnish one-fourth of its men of military age, for
a short service, than it would be for like portion of the
South to furnish all for equal time.  An army of volunteers
from the North to invade the South, will be as likely to be
recruited from the rich merchants and capitatists of New
York, as from the industrious and worthy of the class of
artizans and laborers. The number of young volunteer
soldiers, of the best material, who  could be readily and
quickly raised to defend southern soil, or to inflict vengeance
in reprisals, would be limited only by the demand  of the
country, and the means to arm and feed those who could
not arm and feed themselves. And if the extremity of circumstances shall ever require offensive reprisals, and invasion
of the eniemy's country, the South will be able to obtain
399 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
ten volunteers for such service, where one would leave the
North for such distant warfare.
There is, however, one superior military advantage, or
nursery for soldiers, which the northern states have, in the
many thousands of the vagrant, destitute, and vicious population, and worst  nuisances  of their great cities.  For
materials for a regular or standing army, and for a long,
protracted war, requiring regular forces, these men, good
for nothing else, and dangerous at home, would offer a
valuable supply. But such soldiers, would be destitute of
every higher quality than mere physical force and obedience
(if under the strictest discipline) to despotic military rule.
For any moral or patriotic principle of conduct, or as volunteers, the free negroes of the South would be as respectable;
and with the like necessary military rule and(] discipline,
perhaps, would be equal in military array and conduct to
the northern " loafer" and convict soldiers.
SECTION XVII.
Naval warfare, and effects.
But, it may be said that there would be no need of land
forces for invasion, or of military operations on  land,
because the North, possessing nearly all the mercantile
marine, and, perhaps, retaining all the navy of the present
Union, could blockade every southern river and sea-port;
and thus, safely and easily produce great privation and loss
throughout the southern states, and thus compel their submission.
400 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
The first part of this proposition we may safely (for the
argument) admit to be probable, or even certain-and yet
the conclusion will be none the less impossible. They
who suppose that the people of the South would succumb
to, or even be seriously affected by, the mere privation of
superfluities and luxuries, have no knowledge or experience
in this respect, of our people, or of the nature of mall.
After providing for the necessities and ordinary comforts
of our households in food, clothing, fuel, and lodging,
nearly all the remainder of the incomne of the community
is used for expenditures for superfluous objects of luxury
and display, to gratify the mind, and not required by the
body, and designed for the eyes and admiration of other
people, much more than for any comfort or benefit to the
possessors or to their families. To such useless and ostentatious expenses the southern people are as much addicted
as any others. But there are very few individuals who
would not cheerfully and readily yield and forego his share
of this expenditure and indulgence for patriotic objects;
and would even find therein more of pleasurable excitement.
I remember well the operation and effects of this state of
things, and of the feelings thereby excited during the war
of 1812. No blockade of our coast by northern ships,
however close and long-continued, could now cause half
the privation and loss then suffered from the British
blockade. Previous to the declaration of war, the previous
restrictive measures of embargo, non-importation and non intercourse with Europe, had exhausted, without renewal,
nearly all the supplies of manufactured articles, and all
foreign commodities.   Without manufacturing establish ments, and without any facilities for transportation, during
the British blockade, our southern country became almost
401 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
destitute of everything but bread and meat, and a very scant
supply of coarse home-spun fabrics. It was then accounted
most honorable and patriotic to dispense with every luxury;
and the wealthy then contended with each other as to who
should be most frugal, plain, and extreme in using only
simple and cheap commodities and accommodations, as
much as they would have contended at other times in the
race of extravagant and ostentatious expenditure. As much
real comfort was found, and more gratification of public
spirit, and also of vanity and self-love, in wearing the
coarsest and homeliest of home-spun garments, than there
had been when the family used silks and the finest of cloths.
There was positive and great enjoyment in pursuing this
new  course of hard living, in such a cause-as are the
severe labors and great hardships of the hunter welcome to
him, with the excitement and chances of the chase. And
such will be again the state of things, in the event of its
being required by a war with invasion or blockade by the
enemy.
But there would be no more possibility of all effectual
blockade by the North, than of a successful invasion by
land forces. All the naval force, and all the revenue of the
northern states, could not maintain a close and effectual
blockade of all the southern ports-and foreign powers
would not respect, or submit to be shut out by a mere
pretence of blockade.'If foreign vessels entered southern
ports freely, and brought in their commodities and bought
ours, we, even though excluded for a time from the ocean,
would, in a pecuniary point of view, be nearly as well off
as now, when northern vessels are our sole carriers. And
if war should occur, the party owning few vessels, and
carrying no ocean trade, could suffer nothing by depreda
402 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
tions on the ocean; while the numerous ships and smaller
vessels of the North, would furnish abundant and rich prey
to privateers, which might be fitted out and commnissioned
by the southern confederacy, even if destitute of all other
marine force or wealth. In a war of marine plunder, and
destruction of merchant vessels, the country owning the
fewest ships becomes the strongest for this purpose, and
the one richest on the waters is exposed to loss more than
in proportion to its greater amount of mercantile shipping.
SECTION XVIII.
Consequences of separation to the North.
When assuming an independent political existence, and
afterwards, every consideration of self-interest will cause
the southern confederacy to desire to have peace, amity,
and also free trade with the northern states, if true and real
amity can subsist. And the best possible relation also for
the North, would be amity, (and as a necessary condition,
the refraining fromn all the now existing causes of exasperation,) and trade as nearly free as may be, with the South.
But, whether with a moderate tariff of duties, for revenue
only, or with no duties, northern vessels and imports, in
the southern confederacy, would at best stand only on
equal footing with those of all other foreign countries.
The northern states and their commerce and manufactures
and shipping would be deprived of all their former advantages, by which northern interests gained monopoly prices
and profits, and which were paid by the South. No more
403 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
protecting duties for northern manufactures-no more fishing bounties, (in which $10,000,000 have been already
paid, mostly from southern taxation, and received exclusively by the northern navigation interests,)-no more
bounties to Collins' or other lines of northern steamers,
also mainly paid by southern taxes, and by which policy
of the federal government, the last remnant of direct trade
with Europe has been taken away from the southern states.
This new commercial condition of the North, though equal
to that of all other nations, would be bad enough compared
to the former and present system, by which so much of
unjust and iniquitous gain has been made at the expense,
and to the great detriment of the southern states.  But by
resort to war, whether of artms or of tariffs, even the benefit of
free, or of equally burdened trade, would be lost to the
North, if not also, all commercial intercourse with the
South.
The separation of the northern and southern states by
secession of the latter, would, by the very act of dismemberment, put an end to the present confederation and its
government.   But, probably, the  northern remnant will
claim to be still the "United States,") and to have authority
to administer the government for all as well as to hold to
the national domain and all other public property.  In this
case, the South has the full means for redress, in commercial restrictions, as has been already stated. But suppose
that these measures were ineffectual, for redress, for any
cause whatever, and that the South had to suffer the spoliation, without compensation.   There would still be, and
mainly because of this act of spoliation, consequences for
the old northern states, (the leaders and main actors in the
abolition movement,) much worse thanil would be their
404 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THiE SOUTH.
yielding the unjustly held spoils, by agreeing to a just and
fair division of the national property. The new northwestern and Pacific states and territories, within which
would lie all the public lands to be embraced in the great
northern sections would never agree to share the domain
in proportion to population with the old northern states.
Each new state, and the squatters on each new territory,
would claim, and would hold all the vacant land within
their respective boundaries.  Then  the old north-eastern
states will have robbed the South, only that the north
western and Pacific states and territories may secure all the
most valuable spoil.
SECTION XIX.
Future end of anti-slavery fanaticism at the North.
This will not be the only evil of vast importance to the
old northern states. When the separation of the present
Union has been consummated, there will no longer remain
to northern men any political object or gain for which to
agitate the slavery or abolition questions. The Sewards,
and( Hales, and Wilsons, no longer kept down by Southern
intellect and patriotism, would  be the established leaders
and rulers of the northern confederacy, and they could gain
nothing more by denouncing slavery or contending against
slaveholders.  It would  then be seen that the abolition
question had  been agitated only for political effect and
benefit to the prime agitators; and when such agitation
could no longelr serve their interest. the alleged sin and hor
405 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
rors of slavery in the southern confederacy would be as
little noticed by abolitionists, as has been always the case
in regard to Cuba and Brazil. Certainly the condition of
the slaves in those countries was far more wretched, and
more strongly calling for the sympathy of philanthropists,
than in these southern states. Moreover, the illegal African
slave-trade, of the most cruel and murderous character, (and
with many of the slave vessels fitted out in northern cities
and by northern capital,) continued to add to the number
of slaves, and by such additions to increase the sufferings of
all. These worst evils and sufferings incident to the worst
condition of African slavery and the forbidden slave-trade,
certainly were, and are, as much worthy of the attention of
moral reformers and philanthropic abolitionists as the need
for more humane treatment and comfortable condition of
slaves in these southern states.   Yet scarcely have  the
northern abolitionists noticed the horrors of Cuban or Brazilian slavery, while all their denunciations and hostility
have been reserved for the milder slavery in the southern
states.  rhis, if alone, ought to have shown, in advances
how false and hypocritical has been the pretence of this
abolition party being influenced by considerations of humanity or benevolence-by morality or religion. Separation of political connection will be the.certain end of all
actual and injurious abolition agitation. The newspapers
of the North, after separation, and public speakers, both lay
and clerical, may continue to denounce the iniquity of
slavery and the atrocious acts of slaveholders. So are we
now denounced and abused in Canadian papers and speeches,
and in British newspapers and reviews. But, as in these
latter cases there has never been sufficient inducement for
406 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH.
attempting more active or practical interference with our
rights and property, so neither will there be with the people
of the northern states, when no political gain can be made,
or sought, by aid of such interference. Then the abolition
agitation by politicians will die for want of object and aliment-and the deluded people of the North will recover
their long lost sanity on this subject.
SECTION XX.
Other divisions of the northern and western states, to follow their separation
from the southern states.
When this change shall have occurred, and the now prevailing delusion is at an end, the people of the new northwestern states, who are especially connected with the South
in bonds of trade by the Mississippi, and who have no such
ties with New England, will see their error in following
the fanatical course of the latter, to the end of separation
from the southern states, their natural allies and best customers.  It will be found by them a source of great inconvenience and loss to have no trade with the southern states,
or a taxed trade in time of peace, though the passage of the
Mississippi to the ocean or to foreign ports would be still
open to their vessels and freights. And if the North should
force war on the South, then, of course, the navigation of
the lower Mississippi will be no longer open to the use of
any portion of the hostile country. This would be ruinous
to the north-western states. And on this ground, even
407 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
without the anticipated difficulty growing out of the contest
for the public lands, these north-western states, ont the upper waters of the Mississippi, would soon secede from  the
north-eastern and Atlantic states and make a separate community, and also would make a separate peace-if not seek
to be re-united to the southern states. This abandonment
by this vast and fertile region would leave the north-eastern
states in a much more weak and hopeless condition than
previously.
And as early, or perhaps earlier, there will be another
secession from the first northern confederacy, by California,
Oregon, Utah, and all the other territory of the present
United States lying on the Pacific slope. This separation
will take place as soon as the residents of the Pacific states
and territories shall deem the measure more beneficial to
their interest, than to enjoy the bounties and have the protection of the present federal government, and the consummation will only be hastened and hurried by the previous
separation of the slaveholding from the non-slavehlolding
states. And even under the present state of things, if such
a separation were to take place, and if the parties would
maintain perfect free-trade with each other, after their separation, (as while under one government,) it would be no
evil to the other portion of the present Union, and especially
to the southern states, if all the Pacific territory would at
once declare its independence and secede from the United
States. The southern' people, from the first possession,
have been unjustly excluded from their equal rights to CalifornIia. They will never receive either the value of an acre
of land or an ounce of gold from this part of the public
domain. And the only pecuniary interest that will accrue
to the South, (even if ever so much to the United States)
408 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTIH.
from the possession of the territory on the Pacific slope,
will be the southern (and much larger) share of the cost of
its government, maintenance, and improvement in time of
peace, and of the incalculably greater cost of its military
and naval defence in time of war. It would be far better
for the South that the Pacific states and territories should
secede at once, and even if without conditions or amicable
arrangement. before we shall have to incur our legal share
of the enormous cost of constructing one or more railroads
to the Pacific, or of defending the Pacific coast from a foreign
enemy and naval power. Already King Brigham Young is
the despotic and secure ruler of tile virtually independent
Mormon people and country, to which the government and
people of the United States pay tribute, (in defraying the
expenses of its territorial government, &c.,) and over which,
or its ruler, the general government dares not attempt to
exerise any coercive control.
SECTION XXI.
Prosperity of the southern states the result of their irdependen ce,
While such elements of division, if not of strife, would
operate to separate the non-slaveholding states into at least
three portions, the slaveholding states would have common interests, and unity of opinion and principles as to
matters of general policy. United in a confederacy, they
would possess enough of territory, population, and wealth
for an independent community-strong enough for defence
in arms against any single power whatever-.and of more
18
409 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
than double the absolute strength of all the thirteen united
colonies when they revolted fromn and defied in arms their
mother country, then one of the most powerful nations of
the world. But a guaranty of safe defence, and( almost of
immunity from war, would be found in the important fact
that this southern confederacy would supply nearly all the
cotton for the factories and the consumption of both Europe
and America. The only nations of both hemispheres that
could be dreaded as foes, would incur far more injury from
being shut out by war from the needed supply of our cotton, than would be compensated by any possible amount
of military success in war against the confederacy of cotton
states.
The revenue and resources of the southern states, heretofore contributed mainly to aid northern interests, foster
northern industry and trade, and increase northern wealth
and power, would thenceforward be retained and used to
sustain and build up our own commerce, and cities, and
general prosperity.   In twenty-five or thirty years  our
population and wealth will be more than doubled, and the
value of our products, and their demand by the commercial
world, will be increased in still greater proportion. There
will probably be no community of more vigorous and
healthy growth, or with better prospects of stable prosperity. With the aid of our own annual profits of industry
and capital, and the encouragement that the new condition
and demands of the southern states will create, manufactures, and navigation and commerce will increase rapidly,
even if the growth was stimulated and maintained by
southern resources only. But in advance of this natural
and slower growth, these branches of industry, and the men
to carry them onl, and the capital to sustain them, will be
410 
TItE INDEPENDENCE  OlF  TIIE SOIJTII.
transplanted to any amount that may be d(esired, and permitted, from the northern to the southern states, as soon as
they shall have  become  separate  political  communities.
Plenty of manufacturing capital, and also of captalists and
laborers, and plenty of ships and sailors,t will come to obtain the benefits of establishment ill the South. There
would be nothing more wanting for this speedy and extensive transferrence of capital, industry, and also of (at least
professed) allegiance, than the sure and simple operation of
greatly reduced employment and  profits in the  northern
states, and( the great increase of both in the independent and
flourishing southern confederacy-then just beginning to
use its own funds and resources to build up and sustain its
own cities, manufactures, all( navigatioll.
SECTION XXII.
The prolper mode for the practical secession of the southern states   Concluiolt.
In the foregoing pages it was  maintaine(l, and I trust
established in the min(is of all who know the people of tlhe
South, and un(derstand( their condition, that there is no reason
why a separation of the states shiould cause war between
the portions, acting in their new  p)ositions as separate
political communities.   And further, it was mainl;aille(l that
if, contrary to all probability, war should thence arise, that
thie consequent and necessary evils of war would bear less
heavily on  the defensive South than  on  the  aggressive
North.  That it would not promote the interest or welfare
of either of the separated portions to nmake war on the
411 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
other, is self-evident.   And if that premise is admitted, the
deduction is inevitable, that aggressive  war would not be
made by either cnommunity because of their separation, and
upon calculation and deliberate design.
But still there would be danger of war springing from
other sources, though it might be as contrary to the wishes
and intentions, as it would be detrimental to  the interests
of both the separated communities, and new political states.
Immediately at the time of separation of states previously
embittered  against  each  other by injuries  inflicted and
suffered, quarrels and collisions might take place between
imprudent, violent, or turbulent individuals of both sides,
which would involve other persons, as partisans, and( spread
hostile feeling and( induce avenging action among many
others, ready to be  inisle(l  through  their ignorance or
prejudices.  Or, otherwise, hostilities might be commenced
anidl blood be shed by the indiscretion of a civil magistrate
or military officer, or by the calculating  self-interest and
unscrupulous  ambition  of s(ome  one  clothled with  legal
authority to command, and who might expect to elevate
himself on the misfortunes  of his country.   Tlherefore,
from one or other of these causes, there would lhe great
danger of the commencement of at least partial hostilities,
and private and unauthorized acts of volence and bloodshed,
along the new border lines. But all such dangers may be
effectually guarded agai!st, at the time and in the manner
of beginning the separation, by a(dopting the policy which
will be safest and best inll every aspect, an(] which will be
here indicated.
The opposers of further submission to wrongs, and consequent advocates for secession, in  the more  southern
states, have been looking to the great state of Virginia to
412 
TIlE INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTII.
lead in the movement, in which case the large majority of
tile more southern states would follow immediately, an(l all
others  of the  slavehlolding states soon  after.   But,  for
reasons which ought to be manifest to every thinking man,
a border state, as Virginia, or Maryland, or Kentucky
would  be after the general separation, never will, and(
scarcely can, take  the first step in the actual (leliberate
movement of secession. Thlere will aNlways be in states
thus situated, at least a minority, timlid, and also numerous
enough  to paralyze the will and strength of the majority.
And such is the case now  in Virgiiiia, even tlhoutgh a large
majority of the citizens are most earnestly opposed to longer
submission to northern wrongs.  The proper and perfectly
safe andl peaceable course to bring about the secession, and
subsequent confederation of all the slaveholding states,
(excepting Delaware perhaps,) will be for Virginia, and all
the other of the northern tier of the slaveholding states,
with North Carolina and( Tennessee, nlot to move at first,
or as early as the more southern states. Whenever the
evils inflicted under the present Union, and the usurpations
and oppressions by the northern states shall be deemed no
longer tolerable, (if that time has not already arrived,) if
five or six only of the more southern states adjoining each
other, acting in concert, shall declare their independence
of, and secession from the present federal government, the
movemenet will be perfectly safe from  the danger of producing individual conflicts and border  feuds, as well as
from attack or war from the northern states, or the still
remaining northern federal power.   There  could  be no
border feuds, because the people and their magistrates, or
leaders, on both sides of the new (and but temporary) line
of separation vwould be alike in interests and sentiments.
413 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF
And if the government or people of the northern states
should be so insane as to make war, and  attempt to march
an army to coerce or conquer the seceding states, there
would be to these an impregnable barrier of protection
afforded in the commnon feeling and friendship, and the
position of the slaveholding and  (as yet) non-seceditlg
states.  And within a few months, or as early as the plan
of governmlellt of the new southern confederacy shall have
been determined on and organized, and the power of the
already separated states consolidated, the time will have
arrived for the final and practical settlement of the great question-the question which would have been growing more
and more intense in interest-as to the subsequent course of
the non-seceding and slaveholding states. This question is,
would they follow the course and share the fortunes of
their friends, or remain in the power, now  more  than
doubled for their injury, of their opponents  and worst
enemies?  Whether the first seceding states were ten or
but five in number, they would be equally and perfectly safe
from northern hostility or attack. And whether five or ten
in number, their secession would equally leave the nonseceding and slaveholding states in a helpless and hopeless
minority in their then political connection, and at the mercy
of a hostile, malignant, and remorseless majority of their
enemies.  If now, when the southern states in the present
confederacy number fifteen, to sixteen  non-slaveholding
states, their rights are trodden down, and their dearest
interests are in the course of being gradually but certainly
destroyed by their barely more numerous co-states, what
will be their prospect for defence or safety when they shall
number but five or ten to sixteen hostile northern states?
Scarcely would a year elapse, or the requisite legal formali
414 
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THIE SOUTIIH.
ties be complied with, before the present provisions of the
federal constitution, which authorize slave representation,
and protect slave property, would be annulled, and when
other enactments woul(l mnake the complete destruction of
the institution of slavery but a question of time.  Would
Virginia and North Carolina, or Kentucky an(l Missouri,
wait for this certain consummation? Certainly they will
not, unless they are already prepared to submit to this extreme measure of outrage and spoliation.  As soon as these
mniddle-ground states could act through their legislatures,
they would undoubtedly and necessarily determine to unite
with  their more  southern sister states in their comr.mon
cause and political connection. Not only would all these
named states so act, both from preference and necessity,
but Maryland also. For, if this state were separated from
political connection and friendship with Virginia and the
other more southern states, the commerce of Baltimore
would be ruined, and with it the great commercial interests,
as well as the property in slaves of that state.  Unless the
people of Maryland are prepared to make these sacrifices,
immnnediate or remote, fot the benefit of remaining united
withl the northern states-ready indeed to submit to certain
ruin-they will as certainly concur in and follow the
seceding movement, as will the more southern people.
In this manner, without risk of war or bloodshed, the
separation of our present Union with our worst enemies
may be effected, and the consequent construction of a southern and slavehol(ling confederacy.  Then, freed from the
hostile and incendiary action of our now fellow-citizens and
"brethren" of the North, the people of the South will be
well able to guard against them either as foreigners, or (if
they prefer that character) as enemies. Slave property, by
415 
CAUSES AND  CONSEQUENCES.
being then duly guarded and protected, will become even
more secuire in the northern border counties of Virginia and
IVaryland, than now in their southern frontiers.  Freed from
longer paying millions every year of legal tribute  to tlhe
North, thlrough the macl-hinery of taritfs, banks, and( other
commercial privileges, (as in the fishery bounties, exclusive
coast navigation, and( bounties to lines of ocean steamers,)
the southern states would soon rise to the high position of
econonical,  commercial,  and  political prosperity, whicll
wouldl be tlhe certain result of retaining the products of their
industry and wealth for their own use and benefit.  On the
other hand, if thingrs continue as thley are, tl,,e outside pressure of fanaticism, ajid its secret ineendiary action, operating
more and more to renlder property in slaves  unsafe, will
continue to cause (as llas long been the case) and to increase
the removal of the slave population from the bor(ler slaveholdiig states until these will lose  all, and  ceasing to he
slaveholdintg, must conseqienitly become  more and  more
assimilated to the North in sentiment and policy.  On this
account, every year that shall pass  before  tlhe  secession
movement is made, will serve to depress still lower  the
property and slavery interests, and the power for resistance
and sellf-protection of the border  slaveholding states.  If
these states are to be successfully defended in the possession of their property, their political rights, and everything
dear to freemen, orif they are to be preserved as a future
antegral portion, and the border bulwark of a southern confederacy, it must be secured  by the more  southern states
seceding first, and speedily.
416 
TRACTS FOR THE SOUTH.
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SLAVERY; with an Appen  dix on the Effects of the presence or absence of negro slavery on
the social condition of the dominant class. By EDMUND RUFFIN.
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SLAVERY AND FREE LABOR DESCRIBED AND COM  PARED. 28 pages. By EDMUND RUFFIN.
TWO GREAT EVILS OF VIRGINIA, AND THEIR ONE
COMMON REMEDY. (An argument on the Free Negro pro  blem.)  By EDMUND RUFFIN.
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6
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7
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8vo, paper.  Washington, 1846......................... 50
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VIRGINIA. Report on the Soils of Powhatan County. By
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8
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VIRGINIA.  A Comprehensive Description of Virginia and
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pa. Richmond, 1844............................... 13
BURKE. The Virginia Mineral Springs, with remarks on
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Improved  and enlarged.  By  W. Burke,  M.D.  12mo,
muslin. Richmond, 1853.                                          75
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9
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10
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STRINGFELLOW'S  (T., D.D.) STATISTICAL  AND
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FAMILY CHRISTIAN ALBUM.  Edited by Mrs. E P.
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75
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75 
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RUFFIN'S (EDMUND) AFRICAN  COLONIZATION
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75
25
50
35 
12
wealth and the general welfare. Two Great Evils of Vir ginia, and their one Common Remedy. 8vo, pa. Rich nmond, 1860.  Each...................................
UNCLE ROBIN IN HIS CABIN IN VIRGINIA, AND
TOM WITHOUT ONE IN BOSTON.  By J. W. Page.
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WHITE ACRE vs. BLACK ACRE, a Case at Law, re ported by J. G., Esq., a retired barrister of Lincolnshire,
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Prof. P.S. Ruter. 2 vols., 12mo, paper.  Louisville, 1849,
SOUTHERN AND SOUTH-WESTERN SKETCHES.
Fun, Sentiment and Adventure! Edited by a Gentleman
of Richmond.  18mo, mus.  Richmond................
TUCKER. Gertrude. A Novel. By Judge Tucker, Pro  fessor of William and Mary College. Svo, paper. Rich mond, 1845..........................................
UNCLE ROBIN IN HIS CABIN IN VIRGINIA, AND
TOM WITHOUT ONE IN BOSTON.  By J. W. Page.
2nd edition, plates, 12mo, mus.  Richmond, 1853........
SKETCHES OF CHARACTER, (Randolph, Wirt, Ken  ton, &c.) AND TALES FOUNDED ON FACT. By
F. W. Thomas.  8vo, boards.  Louisville, 1849.........
MICHAEL BONHAM, OR THE FALL OF BEXAR.
A Tale of Texas. In five parts. By a Southerner. 8vo,
paper.  Richmond, 1852..............................
EDITH ALLEN, OR SKETCHES OF LIFE IN VIR GINIA.  By Lawrence-Neville.  12mo,mus. Richmond,
1855.......................................
EVERETT'S (DR. A. B.) ELEMENTS OF VOCAL
MUSIC; including a Treatise on Harmony, and a Chapter
on Versification. Designed as a text-book for teachers
and pupils in Female Seminaries, Male Academies, Sing ing Classes, etc., etc., and for private study and reference.
2nd and enlarged edition.  18mo, mus.  Richmond, 1860,
10
75
75
1 25
75
1 25
50
60
35
75
25
25
I 00,
MT-TSIC
50 
EVERETT'S (L. C. & DR. A. B.) NEW THESAURUS
MUSICUS, OR U. S. COLLECTION OF CHURCH
MUSIC; constituting the most complete variety of new
Psalm and Hymn Tunes, Sentences, Anthems, Chants, &c.
for the use of the Choir, the Congregation and the Singing
School, ever offered to the American people. Comprising
also all the popular old choir and congregational tunes in
general use.  Music, 8vo, boards.  Richmond, 1860......
WINKLER'S HINTS TO PIANO-FORTE PLAYERS.
12mo, boards. Richmond, 1847.......................
MISCELL\ANY_
LUMBER (THE) DEALER'S ASSISTANT, OR COM  PLETE TABLES OF THE MEASUREMENTS OF
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in any number of plank or scantling, from one to fifty; of
any length in feet or half feet, from eight to twenty-two
feet long; of any width in inches and half inches, from
three to twenty inches wide. By George S. Sutherlin.
12mo, half sheep.  Richmond, 1849.................... 50
VIRGINIA JUSTICE'S RECORD BOOK OF JUDG  MENTS. Cap size, half bound....................... 1 50
PAJOT'S OBSTETRIC TABLES, translated from the
French, and arranged by O. A. Grenshaw, M.D., und J.
B. McCaw, M.D.  4to, boards.  Richmond, 1856....... 1 25
PHYSICIAN'S TABULATED DIARY, designed to facili  tate the study of Disease at the Bedside. By a Physician
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SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER. 29 vols., 8vo,
in numbers.  Richmond, 1834-59......................100 00
W-Most of the volumes or numbers are for sale separate.
RANDOLPH'S POCKET DIARY AND DAILY MEMO DANDUM BOOK.  Richmond, 186-. 18mo, half bound,
35c.; tucks.......................................... 60
RANDOLPH'S POCKET DIARY, DAILY MEMORAN  DUM AND ACCOUNT BOOK. Richmond, 186-. Half
bound, 75c.; tucks.................................... 1 00
LIBRARY CASES, OR BOXES, in neat book form, very
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SKETCHES OF CHARACTER, (Randolph, Wirt, Ken  ton, &c.,) AND TALES FOUNDED ON FACT. By
F. W. Thomas.  Svo, boards.  Louisville, 1849......... 25
EDGAR'S SPORTSMAN'S HERALD & STUD BOOK
8vo, sp. New York, 1833........................... 1 50
WATER CURE. By Dr. J. B. Williams, and others. With
comments and explanatory remarks on bathing for invalids,
&c., by J. Timberlake. 18mo, paper. Richmond, 1853..    25
13
I 00
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14
THE PRACTICAL MINER'S OWN BOOK & GUIDE.
By J. Budge. With additions by J. Atkins. Plates, 12mo,
muslin.  Richmond, 1860............................. 2 00
THE CARPENTER'S GUIDE IN STAIR-BUILDING
AND HAND-RAILING, based upon Plain and Practical
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