~~LETTERl~S'~ FOt THE PEOPL' E, LETTERS~~~~~~~~~~~. gOR IH EPE ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 1. SLAVERY IN MISSOURI —-Rapidly declining. 2. NEBRASKA TERRITORY —-Where is it? and What is it? 3. THIE AMERICAN INDIANS —-How shall the Government treat them? 4. THE PACIFIC RAILROAD —-Where shall it run? and Reasons why. 5. COMPROMISES —-How kept, and what their effects. 6. THE TRUE PATRIOT'S DUTIES --- To be performed without delay. -/'-"il Ii - NOTE TO THE READER. I have lately received, from an esteemed friend, the following let. ters. They were written in reply to a request that lie would furnish me his opinions of the influence of slavery, upon the opening of Nebraska Territorv, and the building of the Pacific Rail-road. So deep ly have they interested my own mind, so startling are some of the facts disclosed and so beneficial does knowledge, by the people, concerning these important questions, become in an issue like the present, that I have deemed it my duty to make them public. Every one who reads these letters, will do so with far more interest and benefit, if he has before him some one of the large maps of North America, or the Western States and Territories. As they are sent forth for the benefit of the masses, I would request every gentleman to"vhom they are sent, to give them the widest circulation in his power; and to the Press-that mighty engine for good or evil in every community-I especially commend them as af. fording anl opportunity of vast and ilmmediate usefulness, which will be endless in its benefits to the people. A I. H.. New York, Oct. 1st, 1853. Is t I; I fi a, v. LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. LETTER I. Saint Louis, June 1st, 1853. MY DEAR FRIEND: In reply to your letter, requesting me to give you my opinions of the signs of the times, and the bearings of the g,reat national questions justs now to be settled. as they have been presented to my view at this point,-a point so deeply interested in both the subjects you inquire about,-I shall, for my own satisfaction, as well as to arrive at actual facts, give them a practical and minute, as well as philosophical examination. Hiig,hly as you estimate the importance of these questions, you can not, and no man can, calculate a tenth of the influence they will exert to bless our land, ifsettled aright. WVe are passing a'crisis, and, if our countrv and our Cohgress do their duty to themselves, to unitversal humanity, and to God, all will be well. You inquire, Hlow larg(e is Nebraska? What are its soil and climate? \Vill it be admitted as a Territory this winter? Will it be free? Now, there are preliminary questions and side issues, which should be first disposed of, to cBne to a true understanding of the case; and, while I shall treat the two great topics in all my letters, viz: NEBRASKA TER,RITORY-Sitall it befree? PACIFIC RAILROAD- Tlhere shall it' be built? I shall examine, in my first letter, The position of Missouri, as regards Slavery-Slavery waning in Missouri-Size and importanceof Missouri-Slavery unnatural to the State-Re-election of'I'homas H. Bentont-Why defeated —How re-elected-Internal imiprovements-State ap propriationt-Ianqux of foreigners-Iniquence of foreigners on Slavery .And I proceed, as preliminary to the admission of Nebraska, to examine Tnhe social and political condliiot of the sovereign State of Mlissouri. T1his vast State, now th' friontier of civilization and refinement for - tli3 Atlantic side of our Republic is destined, before many years, to be the verv center of the nation, in business, wealth, and population. T'he position of this State, gogrrap[-iically, is butfpoorly understood )by the nation at large. Its northern b,)undary, if extended eastward, iwould pass througrli the city of New York. Its southern boundary, -. I I rowc 'I? LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, the famous parallel of 36~ 30mn., runs through Tennessee and North Carolina, about five miles south of their north boundary. On the east flows the Mississippi, and, on the west for 200 miles, and through the whole center of the State, rolls the Missouri, measuring by its windings more than 600 miles within the State. From the Mississip. pi to the Missouri, the State is about 220 miles wide; in the broadest part, from the Mississippi to the western meridian, it is more than 300 p~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ miles. Saint Louis, the future metropolis of the nation, is situated on the Mississippi river, midway between the northern and southern bounda ries of the State, and is on the same line with the city of Washington. All the land north of the Missouri, and a strip south of it, reaching across the State, is suited for agriculture. There is no richer land in the world, none which can produce heavier crops, or which more readily responds to the exertions of the husbandman. The southern half of the State consists of beautiful grazing lands, interspersed with mineral sections, which alone make her richer than any other State in the Union. Such is the State, 300 miles from north to south,.with an average breadth of 231 miles. Missouri is one of those States " blessedl" with the curse of slavery, and its political relations to tile Union are different from those of any other SLate in the confederacy. Her admission was a cause of con tention, which shook the whole nation to its center. A compromise was effected. Henry Clay brought forward an agreement between thile contending parties, to which they assented. But, even while he produced the Missouri Compromise, while he hinmself was a slave. holder, he urged the citizens of Missouri not to p)ermit the introduc. tion of slavery, and declared, were he a citizen of that State, he would oppose the legalizing of slavery there with all his ability. Had Missouri but heeded his prophetic voice, what hundreds of thou sands of population, what tens of millions of moneys, now unpossess ed, would have been hers. But slavery, although legalized in this State, has never flourished in it to any great extent. The contest concerning its admission was so fierce, that it has seemed to the south as questionable, whether or not slavery could maintain the foothold, which it then obtained. And this feeling is beginning to enter the minds of our most discerning citizens who are owners of slaves; and it is not without foundation. 1 proceed to give some data, to show that The Institution of slavery is fast crumbling, and is soon to fall in, Mlissouri: I state as an indication of the feeling in regard to slavery in Mis souri. 1. The re-election of Thomas H. Benton to Congress. In the midst of the agitation which recently pervaded the nation, and the threatened division of the Union, the Legislature ofthe State of Missouri gave in their pledge of adherence to a Southern Confede. racy, should one be formed; and also gave instructions to their Sen ators and Representatives how to vote, in all cases involving slavery 4 ON THE PRESE'NT' cRISiS. and the Wilmot Proviso. Mr. Benton, in the Senate, disobeyed these instructions, and refused to form any union with southern nullifiers This called down the wrath of the slaveocracy of Missouri; be was broken of the honor he had borne for thirty years, as a Senator of this State. His enemies supposed they had triumphed; for a time, his friends almost despaired; but, offering himself as a candidate for the Lower House, he was elected. He nOw holds a place, as far as personal influence is concerned, more powerful than before; and his friends hope, at the next Senatorial election, to place him in the seat at present occupied by Mr. Atchison, and his enemies with trembling are expecting it will be done. The defeat of Mr. Benton resulted not so much from a dislike to his sentiments, as from fierce, sudden opposition, which dispirited his friends, while he was not present to reply, or encourage them. But they have rallied, and he himself upon the trail of Atchison, with the courage and the strength of a lion, is making a canvass of the State. I believe it is the policy of the Whigs throughoutthe Union, to permit slavery to take its natural course, to neither legislate to extend it, nor to uproot it; but to let the various elements, in the constitution of a free and Christian nation gradually, but surely, eradicate the evil. In Missouri, the Whig party, as a whole mav be considered as Wilmot Proviso men, who would not, it the question could be brought up distinctly by itself, do any thing to directly continue, or propagate, slavery. While this is true, so long as Missouri is a slave State, the great parties must and will act in accordance with the economy of the State, and may, in their strifes, leave this qveption untouched.Thus it is with the Whig party of Missouri. n. Mr. Benton, however, is a democrat. His defeat was upon the express ground, that he did not regard the slave interest of Missouri. He acknowledged that hetid not, and declared she would be infinitely V richer, happier, more populous and prosperous, were she free. He eats none of his words, he takes no step backward. When cast out of the Senate, speaking to his enemies, he declar,es that should all his friends desert him, he would alone maintain his position on this question. " The war is a war of extermination, and the war is but just begun." Such are his sentiments, they are founded upon the glorious scenes which rise before his far-seeing eye in the future, when, with a different policy, Missouri having marched to the first rank among the peerless sisterhood of States, his statue shall be crowned with laurel, and his name honored in song, as her noblest son. He cannot fall back from his position, for the longer he gazes, the brighter grows the vision, and the louder the acclamrnations. With such sentiments in his mouth, was he re-elected in the face of the most violent opposition; and with such sentiments in his heart are the people of Missouri preparing to elevate himn'again to the Senate. He could be elected to the Senate to-day, if the question were proposed to- the people. The instructions he disobeyed, and the dissolution action of the legislature, are to day hateful and odious with the peope. Politically, it may safely be set down that thiee-fourth's of the 5 .e LE.TTER,S FOR TIIE PEOPLE, State would vote against slavery, were the question tQ Dome up,di. recily, slavery or no slayvery in Missouri. mention as an indication that slavery is soon to fall in Missouri. 2. The progress of Internal Improvements. It is a common sayi.ng in this State, "one German knpcks out three slaves, one Irishman two;"' and it is as true as common. Labor is very high, white servants can not be obtained, and the owners of slaves let them at high prices.'this diminution of hands on the plantations makes the price of those retained still higher; and, in this manner, a demand is produced for slave labor, which would not exist in the State, could those who hire," and do not "own," supply themselves with white help. Legislative aid, amounting to more than $8,000,000, has just been granted to various railroads in the State. Hannibal and St. Joseph, $1,500,000; Pacific, $3,000,000; South Western, $1,000,000; Iron Mountain, $750,000; North Missouri, $2,(!00,000. All of these roads will be in progress this year, and they will produce a vast influx of foreign population. Wherever these roads run, the families of laborers can find, within a few miles, employment and good wages. Labor, being high in all departments, many will leave the employ of the contractors, and become residents of the various towns and cities. When the roads are completed, the State will find some 15,000 or 20,000 foreign population within its borders, ready to do any kind of work/that may be offered,-a population which will tell politically as well as socially, upon the system of slavery. This State has never before offered for construction any public work, either railroad or canal, so much th$ elight ofthe foreign population. There has been no excitement to call them hither. But now, the time has come, the people demand improvements in transportation, travel, mails, and they will have them. Each section, jealous of,4very other, demands them at the same time; and the next five years will witness an imnmigration of foreigners into this State, which will have no parallel in the West. Many are now in the State, scattered in every direction, ready to give their brethren a hearty welcome, and point out to them the speediest and richest avenues to a competency, when they shall come among them. Nor is this all. A great portion of the foreigl population of our country congregate in large towns, and go from onle place to another where the stages of travel are easy, quick, and cheap, taking em. ployment wherever they can find it, and hearing of all good openings for labor in the neighborhood of the road. Thus, when these shall be all completed, and in regular operation, they will steadily and ra. pidly furnish to the State free labor. It is probable that, within five years, as the direct result of the building of these railroads, 15,000 men, not now in the State, will be introduced; and of women and children belonging to them able to labor, there will be 15,000 more. In the same time, the increase of the whole slave population will nhot exceed 15,000, and they, too, al. most all young children,a burden and expense to their owners for the first twelve years. 6 QN TRE P-EFN;T CRI-;5f.; 'Ihus, while'the whole increase of the effiieie slave, working force, for the next five years, will probably be los than four thousand, the effiieont white force, of foreigners alone, will amount to somxne 30,000, in 4ddition to the children they will bring with them and produce, in that period. Wherever in a slave State a foreigner goes, he not only creates a competition disadvantageous to slave labor, but carries absolute op-. position to it with hiin. There are every where in slave States, thousands of men, who would rather hire a inan atd pay 4iin for his services, than hire a slave, and pay a master for his labor. Although the deepest love often exists between a master and slave, it i~ rare indeed that it springs up between the hirer and the slave. -,On the other hand, firiendship does constantly spring up between the employer and the employed, where both are voluntary in their mutual agreement. Almost unconsciously to themselves, this class which is vast, ly the majority in this State will, with thie supply of free labor, en. tirely withdraw their support from the institution of slavery, and gradually look upon it as a nuisance, and a disadvantage to the community; and then desire, and at last take steps to rid themselves of it.'This is the inevitable course of things. .More anon. - Yours truly, LETTER II. Decline of Slavery in Missouri, continued-Saint Louis-Population-Slaves-Free element-Situation-Rivers-Railroad-Prospects-Census —Slaves in Missouri Farms in Missouri-Social Distribution of Slaves Number of efficient Slaves Ratio of Freedem-Free Ratio rapidly increasing. Saint Louis, June 10th, 1853. MY DEAR FRIEN)D: In my last, I enumerated some of thle indications, that slavery is soon to fall in the State of Missouri. I will now mention, 3. The rapid and healthy growth of this?noble city. Between 1840 and 1850, Saint Louis gained 66,275 inhabitants. The county or Saint Louis, including the city, had, in 18)50, 105,064. What character of population,,was that, as regards the question before us? There are now in Saint Louis county, including the city, but ),967 slaves, while the whole population probably exceeds 135,000: so that, since 1840, there has' been a gain on the side of s"No sla very in Missouri," of more than 100,000, in twelve years in a single county. This 100,000 are worth as much monqpey in a physi. cal capvity for labor alone, as the 87,000 slaves of the State.'rlTe State, tlIen, has gained in this one city and county more absolute value of energy, enterprise, and labor, than all the slave property of Mis. sotiuri, which has been sixty years reaching its present amount and value. 7 Ly, Nciius. LETTIE'S FOR THE PEOPLE, Among this 100,000 are men of education and talent, in the ptalpit, at the bar, and in the hospital, who bring to us the honor and respect of the nation. In that 100,000, also can be found more than three fourths of the capital and business talent, which are rolling money so rapidly into our State, and exert so commanding an influence over the mercantile interests of the whole of the Mississippi, Missouri, II. linois, and Ohio valleys. When we consider not only the bones, sinews, and muscles, gained since 1840, here in our own city, worth as I have stated more than all the'slaves'in Missouri, but add to that the intelligence, and freedom of action, of this mass of beings; and then add to that the vast abilities, the capital, and the influence it possesses, and the slavery of Missouri fades into insignificance be fore it. But the growth of this city has just commenced. Nature has placed her midway between the springs and outlets of the Mississippi, has seated her between the mouths of the Missouri and Ohio, and pours upon her bosom the waters of the Illinois. So long as these mighty rivers shall flow, she will have a commerce which will year by year increase'. And art and science have been called in, to assist in those directions where mighty rivers do not flow. Already, by her steamers and the Alton railroad, she is pouring supplies of merchandize into Central Illinois. She is binding herself to Cincinnati by iron bands, to make it but a stopping station between New York and the metropolis. [See map.] She is building a railroad to bring the iron mountain within her corporation. She is constructing another to turn the wealth of Iowa and Minnesota into her bosom. She is running a line west 300 miles to the Indian country, there to cross the Missouri into the fertile Platte country, thence toibe extended to the Pacific States; and she is stretching another still into the valley of the Arkansas. Such are her prospects; a circle of a thousand miles, north and west, rolls all its commerce and products into her marts; and as these countries increase in population and wealth, so must increase her standing and glory. It is true that our papers are defiled by the advertisements of slavetraders, but they are few. Our Court.house witnesses the sale, in the public street, of "God's image cut in ebony;" and yet, this is emphatically a free city. When the auctioneer leaves the block, the Abolitionist, even, may mount it and make his harangues, and be protected by the masses. Most of the sales are for debt, or to close estates in accordance with the statute law. As a city belonging to a slave State, we live on, anrd try to be peaceable, and obey the laws; seeing a brighter and happier day fast approaching. But while St. Louis says nothing about slavery, she nevertheless wishes slavery''ab'olished. Were the 87,0()00 slaives free, the-:would be a more brisk circulation of money. There6 would be 87,':i0 new consumers, at once, in the State. Labor would be more h6norable, and the pursuits of agriculture being followed with more ene'g., . 8 e proportion oi siaves to eacn Iarui - prujuiLitiu ui o,i, black. These items are calculated for each of the slave States individually. O. STATES. 0 0 c- 1 E~~- E.E- 0 ~~~~~ I~~~~~~= ~___~- DelawaTe, 91,535 71,289 17,957 2,289 6,063 39,0 1.2.7 Maryiand, 583,035 419,590 74,o77 90,368 21,860 5.4 3 7 4.1! Virginia, 1,421,661 894,204 53,929 472,528 77,015! 2.0 8.7 6.1 North Carolina, 868,903' 553,295 27,196 288,4'12 56,916 2.0 10.6 5:1 South Carolina, 668,507 274,647 8,851 385,009 27,868 0.13 43.0! 13.8 Georgia, 905.8999 52 81,438 $,880 38681! 51,759 1.4 132.0 7.4 Alabama, 771;671 426,507 2,272 342,892 41,964 1.2 150.0 8.2 Mississippi, 606,555 295,753 899 309,898 33,960 0.9 344.0 1 9.0 Louisiana, 511,974 255,416 17,537 239,021i 13,4221 1.1 113.6G 17.8, Texas, 212,592 154,102 331 58,161 12,198' 26 175.7 4.7 Florida 87,401 47,167 925 39,3091 4,30)4 1. 42.6 79.I Kentucky, 982,4(5$ 761,688 9,736 210 9811 74,7771 3.6, 21.6 2.8 'Tennessee,!1,002,6251 756,893 6,271 239,461 72,710 3.1 280 3.2 Missouri, 682,i43 592,077 2,544 87,422 54,4581 6.9 34.0 1.6 Arkansa, 209,63 162,068 589 46,982 17, 75 3.4 79 7 2.6 Dist. Columbia, 51,7 47,999.. 368S 14.0 _ _ By this table it appears, that while Missouri is second only to Texas in size, and seventh in population among the slave States, she is the eleventh as regards her slave population. She is also the fifth in the number of cultivated farms. But more to the purpose: With the exception of little Delaware, with her eight free blacks to every slave, and thirty-eigh free persons to every slave, and but' one-third' of a slave to woik a plantation, with a slave increase of only eighty'three in ten years; leaving out this little State, Missouri has'twice as strong a free element within her as any other slave State! :Slave labor is especially valuable in agriculturid pursuits, wheb thb owner can feed his slaves, and clothe,them, at the actual cost o! home productions off food:ad clothing. It is not'so profitable i I ::,.:, 1 *,: b LE-T'TrS FOR TIHE PEOPLE, where 411a they eat and wear must be purchased at high market pri? ce., It is profitable where one man can control and oversee the la. bar of several individuals, in reference to tihe most plain kindsof la bor, but not where it takes oneihalf the time of a iman worth $1,50 per day, to oversee a slave worth 75c. per days I will make a brief calculation, respecting what division could be made of the slaves of Missouri, supposing that withdrawing them firom all other occupations, they could become common field hands. There are 87,422 slaves, and 54,458 farmis, so there would be but 1 6-1 Otlhs slaves to work each farm. But in this estimate, we have considered them as all adults and able to labor; wheras the truth is far the opposite. There are among these 87,000, at least one.third who are unable, on account of old age, sickness, or extreme youth, to repay their masters even for the food and clothing they consume: these thenmust at least be subtracted from the whole sum, and it stands thus 87,422-27,140 =60,282. There is then an efficient force, capable of labor, of only 60,228 to work 54,458 farms, or only one and one.tenth slave for each farm. But here again we have assumed, that this 60,228 were allymales, whereas one half of them are women, so that the efective male force in all Missouri, is but 30,141 for 54,458 farms, or but 521.tenithsofa man to each farm, or in other words 30,141 farms have each one male slave, somewhere from 12 to 60 years of age, while 24,327 have none at all. But here we have again assumed, that only one male slave is held by a master, and that as many persons as possible, are implicated in this traffic. It must nQw be considered, that slaves are owned generally in families, or gangs, and that they are- worked in nunbers. There are slaveholders on the Missouri river who hold 400, 300, 200, or 150, slaves apiece; then there are some who own 30, 40, or 50, and many who own from 10 to 25; and it is almost universally true, that where a man has anything to do with the owning of slaves, he has not less than from 4 to 7. Were we then to divide the number of officient male slaves by three, we should fall below rather than exceed their true distribution, among the population. There are 30,141 male working slaves; at 3 to each plantation, 10,047 farms would be supplied with slave labor, leaving 44,401 farms without a single male slave. But again we must make a deduction: we have based these vari. ous distributions of slaves, upon the assumption that they were all farmers, and worked on plantations. But this is not true, many are owned by merchants, mechanics, and gentlemen of leisure, and to arrive at the truth in reference to the agricultural slave strength, we must deduct some 5,000 choice mnales, who are engaged as house ser. vants, porters, cartmen, teamsters, mnechanics, and in hemp and tobaeco factories, this leaves us but 25.141 for 54.458 tarms. Three slaves being the average force on a farm gives a supply to but 8.143 farms, leaving 46.315 without a slave. -Such is beyond a doubt, the 10 - - -Z :.. o, - I i " 0 a$solute condition, of the slave agricultural interest in Missouri, and if slave labor is profitable Any where, it is in this branch of industry As in the general white population, so in general negro population, the female element is just equal to the male, i.e., the two sexes vary. but slightly As regards total numbers. So that if wve can settle the true distribution of the males, we can justly apply the same distri. bution to the females, and to the children also. It will however be perceived that we have, in all our calculations thus far, been to high, for we have allowed to each male and female ovelr16 years of age, but one child und(ler that age, and the blacks are notoriously prolific. WVhiat, then, is the fact, as regards slavery in Missouri, as connrected with the agricultural interest of the State? It is, that while there are.54.000 men with farms under cultivation, there are 8.143 who own slaves, and work their land with them; while there are 46.315 who will not touch or use the system for their own aggrandizement, and who, when it shall come to the issue, "Shall slavery continue longer in Missouri?" will cast six votes against it )r every one the slave farmers of Missouri will east for it. Let us, in the next place, consider the social distribution of the slaves,,as regards the whlole population of the State The census states that there are 100.089 families in the State. The slaves in the census are not counted in families by themselves; the white families only are counted, and the slaves counted as be. longing to the master. The average size of the families of this State is 6 ard seven-tenths to each family. At this rate, were they count. ed by themselves they would be 13.048 families of slaves, which would leave 87.842 free families. As before remarked, slaves are held in considerable numbers, when held at all; ana each real slaveholder generally holds as much as one family, of 6 and seven-tenths members. But' by no means toe over estimate the matter, we will as. sume, that each slave-holding family holds but half a family of slaves, or, 3 and four-tenths slaves, a man, a woman, a child from 7 to 14, and 1 from 1 to 7 years old. Every one acquainted through the State will know, that this is an estimate far to low; but upon even this basis, let us proceed. There will. then, be in Missouri 26.096 families, holding slaves; on the other hand including the slaves held,,as such, there are 74.794 families opposed to slavery. Politically, however, the case is two-fold 1. If the question of gradual emancipation, should be acted upon through the General Assembly of the State, the slaves, according to the constitution of the government, must be counted. against them. selves; for, in the apportionment of districts, every five slaves count as three freemen, so that in those districts where slavery is strongest, and could perhaps obtain a majority vote, there fewer votes elect a delegate, and those the votes of their masters; we must therefore add to the 26.090 slave.holding famnilies, three.fifths of slave-held families, and we find 33,925 families politically efficient for slavery, while 53,817 families are politically efficient against it inr the State Legi lature. 4 ,.PN,,,rrHF, .PRES.ENT, ISIS. 11, LETTTES RSFOR THE PEOPLE, . In a popular vote.-Here matters assume a new form. Eve'rv white -citi Zen votes directly upon the question before him; here the slave population make no difference, they neither add to nor detract from the strength of either party, and the families holding slaves come directly in contact with those who do not; or 26,096 families) are opposed by 5.3,817 families holding no slaves. More anon. Yours truly, LETTER III. Decline of Slavery in Missouri, continued-Ratio of Freedom to Slavery-Ratio pro gressive-Slave localities-Free localities-Slave Counties retrograding-Project ed Courses of Raih'oads-Distrust of Refractory Slaves-Neglect to Import Slaves -Removal ot Planters to other States-General uneasiness of Masters-Extreine anxiety respecting the organization of Nebraska. Saint Louis, June 20, 185w. MY D-FAR FRIErND: In my last I was exhibiting the developments of the last Census. I now state, as a proof that Missouri is to lx fiee,.-; 5. The ratio of izdividual freedom to individual servitude. In Missouri there are 594,621 free persons, and 87,422 slaves; there.re, therefore, in the State 6 9-10lOths free persons to each slave. For every gray.,haired, broken-down old slave, there are seven old white men; for every slave in the vigor and prime of life, there are seven white men. For every slave woman, a maiden or a mother, there are seven white women; and for every youth or in'fant born and held as a slave, there are seven white infants or vouths free. Now, when we remember that one-third of these slaves are so young as to need the care of a mother-that there a slave man is held, there a, slave woman also is held to do the household work; and when again those who hold them strive to obtain as many as they can, to parcel out among their growing families,we find that generally only an many white persons are interested in the holding of slaves as there are slaves to be held. There are, then, not more than 87,422 persons, old and young, in Missouri, who have any interest or profit from the holding of slaves; and thus, for every one who favors the institution, there are six who oppose it. In. what light does this place the institution'of slavery in our State? is it safe-is it a delectable position to own slaves here? It seems to me the niost uncomfortable in the whole world. In Kentucky, there has been a public movement to bring about a plan of gradual emancipation, and they were defeated by a majority of about onethird..'But' that defeat was wrought by a commingling of the ques. tion "-with party prej'udices' and' local interests, and by a fier'ce and 12 LYNCEuS. ON TN E PRESENT -C.RSS,,. overbearing vindication of slavery. But compar, fornHe moment, the ratio we have been examining, as we find it in these two Stat~4. Kentucky has 761,688 fre9 persons; Missouri, 592,077;:Kentucky has 210,981 slaves; Missouri, 87,422. In Kentucky, there are 3 6.1(ths whites to each slave; in Missouri there are 6 9.-loths whites for each slave: so that Missouri lacks but 3.10ths of aunit to have a free element within her twice as great as that in Kentucky; and the element of freedom in Missouri is more intelligent, influen. tial, and wealthy, as a whole, than in Kentucky, How, then, whet the masses of Missouri shall demand a popular vote-" Slavery or no slavery in Missouri?"-howv will the decision fall? She can poll a vote for freedom twice as strong as that of Kentucky, and she will find more powerful.advocates to-urge the side of freedom. I have often felt that I should like to write'upon this subject for our city papers:; but I knew they would not publish the articles. Our political Journals make their bread by their columns, and they therefore follow public sentiment, and cater to it, rather than lead it. If, however, a moderate journal, ably conducted, were established in this city, whose avowed object was to bring about, in the best manner, a system of gradual emancipation for our State, its circulation would be immense, and its usefulness almost without a limit. It will not, however, be many years before public sentiment will have so. far changed, that the " Republiean," "Democrat,": "Union." and "'In. telligencer," will all stand upon the free side of the question 1 mention, as another indication, 6. The steady increase of this ratio of freedom. In the year 1820, before Missouri was really a State, there were within her limits 5 5-10Oths free persons to each slave. The Compromise passed,and slavery legalized, a heavy immigration from slave States commenced, and the ratio of freedom in ten years sunk onefifth, or descended from 5 5-10lOths to 4 5-10ths wite men for each slave; but, true to nature and her geographical position, the free ele ment again increased, and gained in the'next ten years what it lost from 1820) to 1,q30, so that in 1840 the ratio stood again at 5 5-10ths white to each slave. Since that it has gone rapidly forward, and in 1850 had gone, in ten years, from 5 5.10ths to 6 9-10Oths free to each slave. WVhat will the end of these things be? For 20 years the free element faster and faster has been outstripping the slave element What will be the condition of Missouri when Jan. 1st, 1860, shall pour its light upon.us. During the last ten years the free increase has been 802-1000lths, and the slave 507-1000lOOOths, on their own previous accumulations. Now, if the State shall increase for the present ten years at the same ratio, it will gain, by January 1st, 1860, 477,402 freemen, and only 44,477 slaves; and the total population will be 1,070,542 freemen, and only 132,244 slaves, or a ratio of 8 1.10th whites to every slave. But will this be the increase for the present ten years? It will not! Slaves in great numbers were brought into Missouri up to 1846. i q L14~~tS' Fit ~ th P'OPL,E, Since J$nua'ry, 1850, soa-'re a slave has beeh brought into Miss6ti: 'The slaves taken away by masters removing, and those sold Sodtlh hi ao'otu't of misdemeanors, will far outnu,mber those now brouglit if the State. Xg~a'a~ the i;mmigrtio into Misso-i,p So 0, had been alhot entirely from the South;. but from that time, a foreigh and nortlibe imrnmigration set in, which every year becomes larger and stronge:. All the men drawn hither by our public imrnprovemenets, will come through an influence which never before evisted. Our improvements, thtemselves, making us the cenrtre and not the outskift of th$ nation, will overcome the obstacles of time, money, and distance, which Ihav existed heretofore, and so greatly retarded our settlement. Our rail. roads will also, wherever they pass, opeil new fields for investments, and cultivation, which will call thousands, and hundreds of thousands, who were before unheeding, to come and settle within our bounds The two and a half years already passed, of this present decade, fully justify the assertion, that the ratio of increase will be double that of the last decade —that the increase will be in the free element, and that there will be an absolute decrease in the slave element, when corn. pared with itself in the last decade. I mention, as further evidence that Missouri is to be free, 7. Some particular facts respecting slavery in this State. And let us briefly contemplate the slave localities, and the locatit'es of presentimmigration. In 16 counties lying on the Missouri river, there are 41,127 slaves and 113,944 free. This may emphatically be called the slave region. Now this country is not increasing from inmigration, and yet it is the country possessing the slaves. WVI)en wce consider the population in ]1840, and compare it with 1850, we shall see that some of the wealthiest, largest, and most populous counties, (do not make even the progress which flows f'om thle natural increase of thel race. Callowayfin 1840, had 11,76.), in 1850 13.828; gain in ten years only 2,063, or 2)06 each year. Boone, in 1840, had 13,561 il 1850, 14,981; gain in ten years only 1,420- only 142, white and black, each year. Howard had, in 1840), 1',] 0o, in 1850 13,971; gain in ten years 863, or only ~6 in each year. While Cole, in 184-9, had 9,286, in 1850 it had but 6,754; having in ten years lost 2,532, or 253 each year!-\Who dare say that slavery is not a.blessing and a help to prosperity, commerce, and population? Now in this section of country, in these sixteen counties, there are but 2r whites for each slave. PThlere must, then, he other portions of the State in which the free" element as far exceedsgthe average ratio (6 9-1lOths) as in these counties it falls below it. Such a locality is just opening upon the line of the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad. In the 8 counties through which this road runs, there are 49.007 freemen, and 5,553 slaves-i e., nearly ten free to each slave. Butt let us take off Marion county, wlichl is in the slave section on the Missi~.,ippi river, and we have remaining 39,609 free and 2,710 slaves, or 1 slave to 14~ free. This section, more than 200 miles in length, opens to the eniigrant 14 ON- TAE PRESENT CRISIS. the most glorious prospects. Scarce a paper dame to us all the spring, from Glasgow, Boonville, Brunswick, and other central towns upon the river, which did not mention that the steamboats were flooding then) with men on their way to visit and explore the country, in order that they might enter lands, and obtain choice locations. For weeks their hotels were crowded with such visitors, either going or returning. Many alsocame down from Iowa, and many passed directly west from Quincy and Hannibal, to examine the country. The line of the railroad has been entirely settled, and soon as the Railroad Commissioners have indicated their choice of lands for the use of the railroad, there will be a greater immigration to the State than it has ever before received. The North Missouri railroad also opens another such field, it cross es the Hannibal and St. Joseplh railroad, at nearly right angles near its center. The South- Western road also runs, for two hundred miles, through a country where nature makes slavery unprofitable, and where the people look u1pon it with great displeasure. The census and obser vation will show the most thoughtless, that the free portions of the country have been growing for the last few years, while the slave portions have been standing still, or even losing ground. The-immigration is almost entirely from the Northern States, and whetlier American or foreign, hates slavery. The period of slavery is fixed-in 1issouri; there is no vital power in the institution to sustain or propagate itself. Being a selfish and avaricious system, no one will come from abroad to sustain and up. hold it; the country is growing away from it, and it will die from being overshadowed by an uncongenial tree-the tree of absolute liberty, whose sap is the dignity of labor, whose leaves are justice and equality, whose fruits are peace, wealth, intelligence, and religion. 8. Slaveryfeels itself in daniger in Missouri. This is seen in various ways. One is, the extreme distrust of refractory slaves. When a slave does wrong, the master resorts not to the severer punishments usual In the slave States; for he fears lest his servant may, with the morrow, be far away for east, or west, or north. The slaves in this State are treated well, very well, and that of necessity. The masters try to govern them by kindness, instead of.violence, and yetthis does not suffice to keep them. To onel making a winter collecting tour, it is a matter of amazementt, as he passes from county to county, in every hotel bar-room, to see the almost countless number of advertisements, giving descriptions and offering rewards for runaway slaves. They are often recaptured, and are immediately sold out of the State, lest their refractory example should become contagious. Another proof is the neglect to procure slaves. Slaves in Missouri are worth from $500 to $1500, while in Virginia they can be bought from $250 to $900. They can be transported for $25 each. Slaves holders, who need slaves badly to work their plantations, who have 15 LETTElERS FOR THE.PEOPLE, goald locked in their coffers, who have no scruples about buying-; and Slling, and owning, and working slaves, will yet not lift a~hand, to bring themr from Virginia. They hare relatives there, from whom or through whom they could obtain them. They are constantly visiting there themselves,'and their factors are passing back and forth, and yet they will not purchase more. Wherefore?, Laziness? No. Contentment,with present possessions? No. Humanity or conscience? By no means. What then.? Nothing but fear. The same avarice that leads them to hold what they have,is a check upon them, and will not let them hold more; the risk is too great; they long to do it, but dare not fill their desire. I am now speaking of the more intelligent and observing of the planters, not those who can not write their names to a note of hand, who can not read a newspaper, and who are compelled, in all business transactions requiring figures or writing, to trust to the honesty of an amanuensis. Such men know not what is passing in the country, the State, or even county. They have few thoughts which straggle beyond the fences of their farms, or off from the highways.Thinking, clear-minded planters,are advising theirchildren and friends not to entangle themselves with this unsafe institution, not to invest their money in such unceitain property,they say to them," Keep clear of slavery save your money for something else! work harder yours-lves and hire whites; they will be more numerous after a little."' I mention also the ErIGRATIOn of slaves and mastersfrom Missouri. Three years since, two planters from Virginia moved into Andrew and Holt, with some forty slaves. In less than two years, they sold their plantations, and returned to Virginia, alleging that Missouri was an unsafe country to hold slaves. Some of the heaviest planters in Boone, Callaway, Chariton, and Howard, have sold theirlands, and have gone with their slaves to Texas, stating that a change was soon to come over the whole State,'and they were unwilling to endanger their property by remaining, or to take part in the contest. A general feeling of discontent is filling the minds of the slaveholders. There are too many foreigners in the country, too many men from the north, too many poor from the slave States, who, always degraded and kept down by the competition of slavery, now loathe and hate it; there are too many of all these class. es, for the intelligent slaveholder to feel at ease for a single hour. The minds of thousands in Missouri, interested in slavery, are turned towards Texas; and it is probable that in 1854, there will be an emigration thither, that will relieve the State of severalfthousands of slaves The planters find they can sell their lands here for prices, which well pay for all they have expended on them, that they can buy fine farms in Texas, at government prices, where their slaves will be safe, and their minds free from care. With such inducements to draw, and such fears to drive them, they can not, and will not, long remain in Missouri; and when once the emigration is well commenced. it will increase with great rapidity. There is, also, in Missouii, an increasing feeling infavor offreedomn, 16 ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. on the part of many masters. Slaves are constantly being liberated, by the benevolence of their masters, both during the life of the own er, and also at his death. Many slaves are buying their time, and laying up what they can, by economy and industry, towards the pur. chase of their freedom; many slaves are also permitted to work out their freedom, by paying to their masters their whole earnings, which are credited upon an agreed amount, which they are to pay their masters for their freedom. Others, also, would free their slaves, but can lot give the required bonds, for their proper conduct, &c. When, however, a plan of gradual emancipation shall be adopted, they will be foremost to come out, and grant freedom to their servants. The feeling is becoming painful, through the whole State, that slavery is retarding its growth, depressing its industry, bringing deterioration upon those districts where it most abounds, making the men supercilious,thie women dolls,the children imbeciles. The old men who, at the formation of our State government, helped draft our con stitution and entailed slavery upon us, have lived to see the day when they mourn over their ignorance, prejudice and folly in that step, and would now take just the opposite position. The interest felt, by the State in the questions penfding, respecting Nebraska, is most intense. The whole free element sympathizes with the Missouri compromise. and wishes it' free. The slave interrt dare scarce speak, in their fear lest it should be so, and another wall of fire be planted bevond them. Nebraska must be a free State, whatever Congress may do about it; and this dread felt by the slave owners is not a mere imagination, it is a reality, which will soon be felt thro,'gh everv inch of Missouri. [flaviri, siluinhered for years, over the subject of common schools, on a practical ati(l useful plan, and permitting the school money to be squandered this last winter the Legislature has passed a general corm. mon-school law, upon the verv best principles adopted by other States; so that those conmling to the State to settle, will find the means of ed. ucation ready for their use. Such then is the absolute position-of the State of Missouri, in re. gard to slavery. And what a view does it present to us! Sixty years, this institution has been seeking to obtain a firm hold In this region. Is 1820, it received the special legislation and fostering care and protection of the Congress of the United States. For some 20 years it was almost the only desirable outlet for southern emigra. tion; and yet, it has for the last 20 years been absolutely losing ground! for it is of no consequence in what manner it is brought about, whether by increase of freedorm or decrease of slavery, that the free element, in any particular State, obtains the ascendancy and overbalances the element of slavery. We see here a people divided iti her public policy respecting this social evil, and waging a fierce war against the imposition of this blight and incubus upon soil yet unpolluted and free fromm its noxious contact. B 14 17 LET-T RS, FO. WT.,~E PEOPLE, Wesee a stead emigration frotnthe free States erol ing into Mis. souri4,,constantly inoreasitng the n,ubers, the influence andl- the 'strength of those, who long -to see this evil melt away from the -midsteof the land, and who are willing to adopt any judicious and just method of gradual emancipation. We see a-mighlly State, hitherto careless and inactive respecting -her own interests, routsing herself like a lion to the work of public improvements, and throwNing open her bosom and extending her hands to every son of industry and toil, in every department of labor. ,We see men born under the usages and prejudices of ibis system, from motives of pruidence, economy, publi.u good, justice, and religion, turning away from and abandoning a system, fraught with so much against which the finer and nobler feelings of the soul must ~constantly rebel. The die is east in Missouri. Without.the knowledge or intention of any man, or set of' nen), natural position, the peculiar settlement of other portions of the country, and the energy of freedor, have brought things to the; coi)ditionabove described. The currents are set, the channels- cut; and no action of Congress, no effQrt or ex pense of the slave interest, can revive ihe element of slavery in this State;- faster and faster must it fall behind, weaker and weaker will grow its voice., until scarce a whisper shall it breathe in the councils of the State- till sceareo a featIther's weight shall it avail in the policy ,of the people. God himself has done it, he has overruled circumstances, and pro. duced causes which havethus resulted. Well isit that ithath been thus; happy indeed that it was left to no set of fanatical, theorizing aboli tionists; man can reap no glory; no effolbrt has been put fotbrth by him to produce it. But the sanie wisdom and power which planned and produced the present state of thing as, still are engaged to prose. cuteit to the end. The circumstances which we have considered are still operating, with hourly.-increasing power. Time may be necessary to its full completion; but sure as there is land within her borders, or dwellers thereon, slavery on that soil is doomed to extinction, and Missouri will be free.. Premising that I havelsatisfied you tthat my positions are correct, I shall in.my next proceed directly to the examination of. the Immediate Organization of Nebraska Territory. Truly yours, LYNIcRUs. LEiTTER IV. Louisiana Territory-Division into States-Missouri admitted to the Union-Old Bond ries of Missouri-Prohibition of slavery-West line of Louisiana Territory-Limits of Nebraska-Indian Republic-Soil —Timber —Population-Indian Reservation and Treaties. SFaint Louis, June 30, 1853 MY DEAR FDRIEn: The Mississippi river was first discovered, both at the north' and south, by the French; and all the lands est 0 I.is %o ON THEE P:E-SENT CRISIS., and west, which poured their waters into it, were claimed as theirs. All east of the Mississippi and the Canadas, were lost in war with Great Britain, and our title from Great Britain extends no further west than the center of the'Mississippi river, nor south of:31 deg. N.L.; all south of 31 deg. N. L. was ceded to us by Spain. All west of the Mississippi was claimed by France, ex cept Mexico, which was conquered by Spain. Near the close of' the 18th century, France ceded all her territory to Spain. But in 1800, Spain re.ceded this same territory to France; and in 1803, in consideration of the sum of-$15,000,000, France ceded it to the United States, In all these transactions, this vast country passed under the name of the' Louisiana Territory." In 1804, Congress divided it, upon the line of 32 deg,. N.L., into two parts. Thie Southern part was called the Territory of Orleans, (this is now the State of Lou isiana.) The Northern part was called, the District of Louisiana. In this district a territorial government was established, and it'was called the Territory of Louisiana. In 1812, its name was again changed, and the State of Louisiana assurning that namne, it was called the Territory of Missouri. In 1819, that portion of Mis. souri Territory lying south of 36 deg. 30 min. N.L., was erected into the Territory of Arkansas, and is now the State of Arkansas. In 1820, Congress gave permission to the inhabitants of Missowi Territory to form a constitution, and to apply for admission into the Union, as a sovereign State. In this enactment, which em. bodies the Missouri Compromise, an act passed with so much difficulty, we find the following statement of the boundaries of the new State Section second. Thence west on the parallel of latitude of 36 deg. 30 min. N.L., to a point where said parallel is intersected by a meridian line, passing through the middle of tie mouth -of the Kan. zas river, where the same empties into the Missouri river; thence from the point aforesaid, north, along the said meridian ine, to tihe i ntersection of the parallel of latitude which passes through the rapids of the riter Des Moines, making the said line to correspond with the Indian boundary line; thence' east," &c. In Secion 8, respecting slavery "And be it further enacted, That in all that territory, ceded by France to the'United States, under the name of Louisiana which lies north of 836 deg. 30 min. N.L., not included within the limits of the State contemplated by that act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishrient of criteip,s, whereof the parties shall have been duly convic. ted, shall be, and hereby is prohibited, forever. "Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Teriitory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor er service as aforesaid. !'Approved March 6, 18920." 19 LETTERS FOR' THE PEOPLE, In 1821, Missouri was admitted to the Union, on the additional condition, that any regular citizen of any State in the Union might freely enter her bounds. The line, which separated the Louisiana Territory from the Span. ish or Mexican States, is as follows: "The boundary line between the two countries west of the Missis. sippi, shall begin on the Gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of the river Sabine, in the sea, continuing north along the western bank of that river to the 32d degree of latitude; thence, by a line due north, to the degree of latitude where it strikes the Rio Roxo of Natchitoches, or Red River; then following the course of the Rio Roxo westward, to the degree of longitude 100 west from London, and 23 from Washington; then crossing the said Red River, and running thence, by a line due north, to the river Arkansas; thence following the course of the southern bank of the Arkansas to its souirce; thence north to the parallel of 42 deg. north latitude, and thence by that parallel of latitude to the South Sea," (i.e. Pacific Ocean.) The present States, which have been erected out of this Louisiana Territory, bear the following names: Louisiana, Arkansas, Missou. ri, Iowa. They all border east upon the Mississippi river. Trhe west line of Louisiana and Arkansas, until it crosses the Red River, is the same as the old dividing line. But above the Red River, and between it..and the Arkansas,- there is a strip of the old Territory, 5 degrees 30 minutes, in width. This strip extends ldeg. 30m. north of the south line of Missouri; here the Territory widens, stretching from Western Missouri to the Rocky mountains, 14 deg. from east to west and 4deg. from north to south; at the latitude of 42deg. it ex. tends from Western Iowa and the Upper Missouri, to the Pacific Ocean. We inquire, first, What portion of this country is to be considered the Nebraska Terrier,? Nebraska is the Illdian name for,'the Great River, which flows into the Missouri, near Council Bluffs, common. ly called by its French name, the Platte. To me, it seems that the Nebraska Territory is already distinctly marked out, by present boundaries and past legislation. By annexation and the Mexican war, the United States have acquired Texas, Utah, New Mexico, and California. But all these, while they come clear up to the old boundary line, do not pass beyond it, so that upon the west and south by these new States and Territories, and upon the east by Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa, it is hemmed in. The latitude of 42 deg. north runs from the Rocky mountains through to the Pacific; it is as fine a base line for the new States above, as any that could be selected; it separates California and Oregon; it bounds Utah on the north; it divides New York and Pennsylvania, and would assist in the surveys and divisions of Missouri Territory, in future years. [See map.] It has been often suggested, that the Nebraska river should be its northern boundary. But the whole of that river should fall within its limits, as the Territory which will be established, north of Ne. braska, will have within its center the Missouri river, and all her 20 ON-T'HE PRESENT CRISIS. tie large tributaries from the north; the Missouri, a stream naviga, ble for the largest boats;, whereas, Nebraska would have but two rivers within her borders-the Kanzas and the Platte, neither of them in the least navigable. It has been urged, that it extends no further south than a'line drawn from the Arkansas river, in 37 deg. 40m., north latitude.This leaves a point of the old Louisiana Territory, longitudinally 5 deg. 30m. wide, and latitudinally 4 deg. long. But as the Missou-. ri Compromise legislated upon a portion of this c"untry, and fced a standard line for the separation of the country upon a most important sul)ject, it seems tp rie, that precedent and justice require, that the north should yield all below that line, and that the south should ask nothing north of it; Let the line of 36 deg. 30re.-the south line of Missouri-the Compromise line-be the southern-most boundary, and let the remaining part fall to T''exas, to help form the new free State there. The limits, as we have described them, make the new Territory, at the east end, about 350 miles from north to south; at the western extremitv about 200 miles, having an average width of about 240 miles,and running back from the State of Missouri to the Rocky moun. tains. Such are the limits which seemn naturally to belong to it. A trenches upon no new possessions, and it is governed by the two great lines of 36deg. 30m. and 42deg. nrorth latitude. No mistake can ever occur concerning its boundaries, for they are lines already settled. Are there inhabitants in this Territory? There are. In 1803, Congress authorized the President, to exchange tracts of land west of the Mississippi for lands owned by Indians, residing east of the Mississippi. It was the design of the Government to collect the Indian tribes, from among the various States, and, locating them in one section of country, to establish a simnple form of government, and erect them into a State ly)v themselves. In 1825, the Kanzas and Osages, with small reservations for themselves, ceded to the United States all their original title to the lands upon both sides of the Kanzas river. In 1833, the four great divisions of the Pawnees ceded to the United States all their claims south of the Platte, Other smaller tribes ceded to the Government the remainder of the land, lying south between Arkansas and the old Spanish line. In 1830, Conzress passed special enactm ents in reference to the removal of the Indians, and the division ot this country for their reception; and the work of transplanting was commenced with vigor; $500,000 having been appropriated to enable the President to execute the provisions of the act. There are now, south of the line 36deg. 30m. north latitude,-the proper southern boundary of Nebraska-the Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, Seminoles, and one half of the Cherokees. North of 36deg30m.. are one half the Cherokees, the Osages, Cherokee reservation, Wyandots, Pottowatomies, Otawas, Chippewas, Peorias and Kaskas. In kias, Wears and Pinkashaws, Shawnees, Kanzas, Delawares, Kickaspoes, Iowas, Sacks and Foxes, HalfBreeds, Otoes, and Missourias. I can find no estimate of the population of this Territory; but it is probable that there are not more than 12,000 in the tribes north of 36deg. 30m., N. L. Let us now inquire, Is Ithis counttry desirable to settle in? The valley of the Kanzas to its head waters, is a rich loam. The valley of the Platte is low, but for some 250 miles is very fertile, then it changes to a deep sand. The two great divides, or ridges, botween the Arkansas and Kanzas, and the Kanzas and Platte, are a mixed loam and sand, or gravel, which makes a delightful soil to till, and returns heavy crops. The divide, between the Kanzas and Platte, is more beautiful and fertile than the other. The valleys are tolerably suppled- with timber. There is also some timber along the Missouri river, and a slight growth is found along the sm)all streams. Coal has been found of a superior quality at several locations, and there are indications that an abundant supply will be found for the whole Territory. The Osage orange is indigenousto the southern part of the country, and can be cultivated with the greatest ease in all the Territoryv; so much so, that, with tolerable attention, three years will produce hedges sufficient to'turn any stock. The want of timber for fencing is thus readily supplied to the prairie land, and the expense of clear ing timbered land, fencing and bringing it into cultivation, far exceed the trouble, time, and labor, of producing the finest hedged farms in the prairie districts. The want of materials for building will be supplied by the pine, brought across by the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad, which can be sold by that route lolyer than that which is now used in Western Missouri, and brought up the rivet'. The want of lumber will also lead to the erection of brick, stone, and even beautiful free stone houses, as these materials can be abun. dantly obtaine.d in various localities. Such is the nature of the coun. try, for some 300 miles west; then there are fertile divides and fine rich prairies, scattered over a country, in some places almost barren. It is alo thought that, ere long, the cutting and sawing pine will become a heavy business on the James and Sioux rivers, which would place this country on an equality of prices, for lumber and shingles with the States on the Missisippi. All these things considered, there is no section of the United States more inviting to the settler than this Nebraska Territory. With its clear air, crystal streams, far.-stretching, rolling, flower-covered prairies, it is no wonder the remark is often made, that no one hlas set his foot on it who has not wished he had a home there; and until the population shall have reached more than 500,000 souls, there can be no lack of room, or choice situations for the immigrant. But is there no white population there? At Fort Leavenworth, there is a reservation of nine square miles, belonging to'the United States' Government. Here, there isa popu. LET,TE.RS'POP4, T'HF, PEOPLE, 22 ON THE PRESENT CRi SiS. lation, which varies greatly according to the season of the year, and the demands of the army, numbering iiociers. soldiers, civilians in the service of Government, mectlanics, farmers, teamsters, &c., &C., from 400 to 1200 persons, commonly the number does not exceed 600. There are also various missionary stations belongin]g to She Meth odists, Presbyterians, Baptists, Quakers, and Catholics, at which more or less white persons are r,equired, as teachers and instructors in domestic and agricti'ltural pursuits. Tiere are also the United States' mechanics, loatee} by treaties a'mong the tribes. as carpen ters, blacksmiths, and farmers. There are als the authorized lndi an traders, the Indian agerits, and'the authorized agents of the Ameri can Fur Company. Some 70 votes were polled last year, when a delegate was sent from Nebraska to Congress. Nonte of the persons at Leaven worth were included in this number, and it is thought not more than one halfof the white residentsvo:+ These are the only white inhabitants in the country..': . what manner do the Indians hold their claim? The United States in a particular treaty express the consideration, in behalf of which the grant is made. The boundaries of each tract are minutely described, and:many, if not all have been definitevy run, and the landmarks set up. Under the solemn promise of the pro.' tection of the United States, these lands are ceded to them. The Indians on their part agree that, should they ever frsake their lands, or their tribe become extinct, the title shall revert to'the United' States. Tbhlat they wvill not sell any of the soil to a white man, and, in. case of' sale, the Unired States shall be the buyers. The United States on her part promises them her protectionforever, if they choose to remrnain; and: if the Indians desire it, promises to execute to them a patent for the same. The United States promnises, that she will! remove, by militaryforce, any man, who shall atterml)t to settle, or slhall trespass upon, these lands belonging to the Indians. But howU much of this Territarv do the Indiants thus -own? The portions of land assigned to variouis trib)es differ greatly in size --— limost all of them adjoin Missouri, and stretch back west so that there is no western line that is cornmmon to anytwo (}fthem. At the lat.' 3idecg. O0m., they run back 200 miles; a little further north, 20, then (1, and further north tihere is a portion, touching the line of Missouri, which is still unalloted to any tribe. The Kanzas reservation isbhack a -huandred miles from the'Missouiri line, and on the south side of the Kanzas river. arid is some 25 miles square.'The Delaware, Shawnee, and Kickapoo reservations, are 60, 70, or 80 miles long, buit not of a'great width. Then some small tribes, and just south of the mouth of the Platte, there are unassigned lands. Perhaps the Indian reservations will cover one.eighth of the Territory. Their reserva tions embrace the most desirable land, i. e., being hunters, they es. pecially desired the timber, and, for this reason, we'find their reser"' vations running west upon the Arkansas, and the Kanzas, while on thei divides they -cting to the Misouii- river, and State bounda'y. More anon. Yours truly, LYNicEus. 'W LETTERS FOR TVE PEOPLE, LETTER V. Disposition of Indian Claims-Indians growing poorer-Shall they be removed-G-G vernment by Chiefs-Indians defrauded-Allot Lands to Indians-Sell to AQuall Settlers-Maine Liquor Law-Payments not to be in Money-Ca0 Settlers entes the Territory now? Saint Louis, July 13th, 1S53. MY DEAR FRIEND: How should the Indian claims in Nebraska be' disposed of?-This is a question of great perplexity, and of the deepest importance to our government and to the Indians. Foryears the Government has been sustaining the Indians upon that ground, — hbas provided that country for them, and given them to understand that it was their last remove, and that they need go no flirther. A large part of their annuities have been paid in money.'rhe result of this has been that the Indian yotndulged in habits of laziness and carelessness, while their money lasted, making no provision for the future; and when it was gone, they took themselves to their savage mnode of life-hunting, fishing, and living on the spontaneous productions of nature. The lands once possessed by them were larger, or more valuable, than those they-now possess; and they'have been using up the difference between their old and new- homes in money, stock, ammunition, blankets, and food, which the Government from year to year is paying them. So that to-day they are in reality just as muich poorer than they were then, as all the annuities amount to which they have received from the United States, to the present time. Would it be right for the United States to encourage these poor Indians to make another remove? Shall they be induced to sell these lands, to take. a smaller portion, still further in the west, for a new home; and there devour, ten yvears to co,ne, the difference between their pre. sent and new home, and at last find themselves more wretched, more abject, more despised, and vastly poorer than they are to. day. Besides this, where shall they go? Where is the country for them to live in? The United States have not yet extinguishd( the titles of the original tribes further west. They must first prepare another new place to transplant them. When that is done, then must the hearts, once made to bleed, as they were torn from their fathers' graves to come west of the Mississippi, be lacerated again, as they take up their mournful mnarch towards the setting sun. Then maust all the teaching, for which they have paid so much, be throwyn away; all the advance made toward civilization be lost, and they thrust back into barbarism; then must the few intelligent and industrious among them either leave their nation, and become single citizens.of the United States, or sacrifice the toil of years, to go with their frienids into the wilderness, there to be pointed at, as monuments, that it is in vain for the Indian to attempt to live or amass wealth like the white malln. The Indians also are reoQding from the shores of the Pacifio, and 24, ON THE PRESENT C,RlISTS$ are being crowded eastward; and the two approaching tides of aivil. ization can as easily, and humanely sweep around these Indians, and permit them to remain in their present homes, as to bear them oon. stantly tossed upon their outmost waves, at last to be dashed to pieces, and go down in the mad confluence of the waters. There must be a stop made somewhere. P From Maine to Louisiana, scarce an Indian remains east of the Mississippi. The middle meridian of the United States runs about 20 mniles west of Fort Leavenworth, and passes through more than half of,e, tribes of which we have been speaking. Why crowvd them further,? Will an hiur arrive whent rest can be more easily obtained for thenm?-when they will be nore numerous or influential? No! now is the hour, atnd their own country is the place for their salvation, at the hands of a great, powerful, and noble nation. About the year 1800, there were drawn up hypothetical statistical tables, of the future population of'the United Stabtes. Thea lastsoensus verified these estimates; the census of 1850 exceeding lhe estimate just 110,000. That table, so correct for the past fifty years, estimates the population of the United States in the year 1901 at 101,553,377. In 1877 it will be 50,000,000. Thu in 24 years, there will be twice as dense a population as,,her,r -is now,. Asnew places always furnish great opportunities, to the young! and enterpri.sing, to obtain wealth and influence. The next 24 years will see the whole country settled from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; and where will the lndian's foot find a resting.place if he is again removed? Let him remain;-restrain every influence which wouild degrade or destroy him where he is;-surrotund him with every incentive to bodily and intellectual labor and advancement, and if he must f4all, let hiind fall an honored relic of a noble race, amid the love and sorrow of his greater and more blest white brethren. There are at present, two things, which operate against the advancementof the Indians. 1. The government by Chiefs.-The chiefs are generally such by birth, or distinguished subtlety, or physical power and bravery; not by intelligence, or superior integrity. To maintain their own influence, they oppose instruction, and the adoption of the habits of white men. Their position affords them opportunities of great gain. In all bargains with the tribe, the chief, by virtue of his office, musthave the largest share. They are the veriest petty tyrants over their own subjects, and there is scarce one whom money will not buy, to be. traythe interests of his tribe. This evil greatly facilitates the other. 2. Defrcruding the Indians at the Government payments.-It is notorious throughout the West, that the IndiansS),art with much of their money for scarcely the shadow of an equivalent. They are per, mitted to run up accounts before the annual payments; the perezn to whom they become indebted oft en present the'mselves with ticir books, in which the prices charged are exorbitant;: the owing Ind.ian comes up for his money, the account is presented; uni to tell P-5 LE'TTERS FO IK iiE'PEOPLE, whether it is correct or not,:th'e Indialn ackn6wledges his indebtedness, the'money is counted to the creditor, the Ii'dian taking the remainder, ~:ihere is any. But there is- another and a wors'e way than this. An aecountl is run up indiscriminately with a nation; then the' chiefs are induced-to persuade the people to call it a national debt, and to execute a note for the total amount, together with'a bonus for waiting for the payment. This note is to be paid in a lump out of the national annuity, before it is individually parcelled. It. is generally.elieved that, in these trans actions, there has been the greatest'dishonesty. It was currently reported in this city laist wirnter, that, at the last payment, one firm in Western Missouri brought in an orderton one tribe, for $60,000 which was cashed, although it left a part of the tribe, in alrnmost a starving condition; and yet, you can not persuade business men here, that they were entitled to more than One-third that amount. But what is the.pecuniary aspect of their removal? The Indians have made some-advance, and' while the chiefs have maintained their influence over a majority, of almost every tribes, there a're some, who have attended to education, and agriculture. The wild, reckless,. improvident part, as their annuities are drawing to an end, unu'sed' to labor, unlearned to business, would sell out again, and retreat to the wilderness. Bu't'the better portion, who have built houtises, and own farms, some of them worth $25. per acre, wish to remain. The tribes are begining to learn the value of improvemrnents, and to esti. mate the value of land by that in Missouri. The eagerness, also, manifested by the whites to obtain their country, has aroused themt to consider its value: The result is, that'some of the tribes would prefer not to sell'their lands to the Government' at all, but themselves divide themn into. farms, and sell them toasctual settlers, at the best rates. Other tribes would be glad to sell a; portion of their land, and retain the re. mainde.r. The average price which Government has paid for Indian lands, is about 26 cents per acre. Some of these Indian reservations wou Id iot pay the Government any thing for buying. But it is probable that the Government can not get an acre less than 50 cents in any tribe. In case Government should attempt the purclhase of'the whole of the land, the improvements, and the unwvillingness of the Indians in soke cases to remove, would bring their lands above the govern. ment pricefor its own lands, and it could not buy. The United States will either be obliged to pay the Indians their price, or do without it. It will be economy, on the part of the Government, never to attempt their removal. The true policy of our government would be this: To act only as guardian for the Indians, in their disposal of their own lands. To accomplish this, purchase their land at a fair valuation, reservilng to each' male, in each nation, a quarter-section of land; & if they choose to buy more let them buy it, at the same price they' sell it to the ibite'd States. di# t ON TrfE PREENT I:IcSRS. i -Each Indian should be made tb select his own quartersection; atd in cases of extreme minority, let the parent or natural guardian, se'leot for the child. This,gives to each Indian the opportunity to retain, or buy in, all his individual improvemients, a-id retains to each nation all ifs buildings;, dand the advance it has rnmade in civilization; and by thus leaving the unoccupied lan-ds, bring them at a reason able price to the Governrment, to be sold at governtnent pricestfo white settlers... The tracts of land thus reserved to each individual, should be made inalienable and untransferablefor him and his heirs for the period of 15 years and in case any family should become extinct, let the land be sold and the proceeds go into the moneys held for the benefit of the tribe. This is necessary, that the Indian should not, through his own laziness, disaffection, or ignorance, or by the chicanery or injustice of others, dispose of his lands;, and hIis fami'ily be left with. out a home. A patent should be issued for each particular quartersection, to the person to whom it properly belongs, and whether he occupies it or not, should be reserved for him and his heirs until the 15 years have passed, when he can retain or dispose of it as he pleases. Let the remainder of the co'untry be sold, n'ot to speculators, but to actual settlers. The whites would, inna few months, vastly outnumber the Indians. An Indian can and will work for money, as well as a white man; there will be among thenew comers, a great demand for laborers; so that no Indian need, or can starve among them; and they will learn how to labor, and become acquainted with practical agriculture. The Indians, also, will be stimulated to cul.tivate their own lands, by the onward progress of those around them, and the natural preference to labor for one's sel'f, rather than for another. The proceeds of the lands, riot contained in the above.mentioned reservations, should not be paid to the Indians-in money; it should all be funded, and the annual interest should be exp)ended in such a manner as to advance their civilization and interests, and in such a way, that they can not squander it. Let a certainnumber of houses be erected on their lands annually, worth from two to four hundred dollars each; furnish them plows and implements of labor; admit them as citizens of the United States. Especially give their children the advantage of common-school system, which should be projected for all the State, upon a basis so broad, that they shall be absolutely free; and furnish them particular facilities for attendance upon these schools. There is one,point further, of absolute necessity. Let Congress pass theMaineLiquor Law,as aneternal ordinance upon its admission. The Maine Liquor Law has carried away imuch glory ind praises, which does not rightfully belong to it. The NebrasIka law, whiph: has been in rigorous operation for many years, makes the selling,9:~ liquor to the Indians a punishable offence, and confiscation of liqotrQ follows the act. Tbe fire,'water must be kept from the,Indiaan or bhe! 4 2t - ILETTERS FOR THIE PEOPLE, is ruined; and unless congress passes a law for the whole territory, it will be impossible to discrimtninate between the Indian and any other person in the traffic. Congress has for years exercised th power to forbid any one to sell to the Indians in,t9xicating drinks She is sworn to protect- and bless them, and if it is the only life for these nations, that i be kept away, Congress has the right, and every, thing just and humane demrands, that it be an eternal statute of the Territory and State; and whoever moves in there will do so under the provision, and subject to it; and it never can be anything r but a blessing to the State. Utider'these circumstances, if a few of the savage or dissolute Indians shall forsake their houses, to wander away and perish, or be. comne incorporated with the wil d tribes, let them go! it is fari better thus, than to endanger the existence and prosperity of the wlhole tribe. Our govetlment is not to blanme for the great growth ilnd prosperity of our nation, nor for her enterprise and love of progress; but it will be to blarme, if it permits the avarice or cupidity of any set of men to produce measures, which shall end in the total degradation and ruin of the red men of America. The Indians should remain where they are,-should have the full rights of citizenship,-should be protected from the presence and temnl)tations of "fire-.water,"-shlould have inalienable homeosleads,should be surroundte( by the whijsas, to feel the impulse of the energy, of the encircling Saxon spirit, —to see its modes of agricultural action; to have especial access to its sources of intellectual elevation. Such external pressure will always make free men bestir themselves. Our nation has long acted on the belief, "they seem destined to a slow but sure extinction "- that they could not live near, or with the whites. And repeatedly, when they were just giving the lie to all such theories and forebodings, they have been seized and re. moved least they might show themnselves noble men, and capable of refinement, intelligence, and piety. Should these Indians refuse, both to remove and sell, the United States, by her treaties is bound, by military force, to preserve their present territory in its full extent, intact from the white man, so long as one representation in each tribe shall remain to demand it. When, then, their right is so clear, their title so firm, let us seek to continue to them so much as they can personally use; and surrounding them with joined hands, seek to make them rise, and prosper, as our country rises higher and higher in honor, wealth, and stability. Their blood beats proudly to-day, in the veins of some of America's noblest sons, and we must not be ashamed of their companionship and friendship. But can not settlers enter that Territory now? That they can not go into the sections owned by the Indians, who have been localed there by the Government, there can be no doubt. White men, by the treaties, have the right of passing through these districts; but the United States warrants to the Indians that they will remove by force every white man who shall attempt to settle there, otherwise than according to the acts whicb regulate the intercourse of citizens with the lndians. 0 29 ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. In reference, however, to the remainder of the territory, not assigned to particular tribes, the question is totally different. In other portions of the United States the precedent has been, to let settlers enter any lands under the jurisdiction of the U.S., where there were no treaties containing definitive grants to particular tribes. Sucht has been the case in California, in Utah, in New Mexico, in Minnesota, in Oregon, and in every State in the Union, since Daniel Boone entered the wilds of Kentucky. If the original Indians would tolerate the pioneer, the United States would perinit him to go where he pleased, arnd afterwards would, as the coutry settled, purchase of the [udians, have them surveyed,, and then have the occupants take out their regular land patents. In the Territory of Nebraska, the United States have purchased the ground, first of France, then from the Pawnees, Kanzas, and other original tribes. The title is all clear, and rests in the United States. Thley have, as we have seen, given warrantee deeds or titles to certain portions of this territory, to particular ln(lian tibes. The remainder evidently belongs to the Government., because, in the various treaties with the Indian tribes, it is especially stipulated by the United States that tihe grounds n)t assigned to particular tribes4 "slhit be a lhunting-ground, ctfnamon to the friendly Indians," "during t-e-.,leas, ure of the President of the United States!" Thus the word of the President, cati remove from the unassigned part of the Tertitory the last incumbrance or bar to white settlers; which is but a sufferance of comrn. mon occupation, for purposes of hunting. How, without a speciak acl t of Congress, can citizens of the United States be excluded tfrom tiis Territory? Should white settlers occupy those unassigned lands, the law regulating intercourse with the Indians will apply to them, as much as they now do to the inhabitants of Missouri. Are not the individuals composing the United States, the actual owners of the land to which the nation has an unincumbered title. But wuat are the absolute facts respecting it? Thtie army thlreatens the forcible expulsion of any settler on the Territory. Whether the offilers deem this the teachingof their general Indian instructions, or have special orders therefor, from the Governrmnt, is unknown. The opinion of but two distinguished tnen have been made public upon this subject. Col.-'Benton has just published a letter, in reply to a letter of some gentlemen of Jefferson City, who ask this question. Can we go there to settle now? Col. Benton sttys any one now has an absolute right, to enter and settle in that portion of the Territory which has not been assigned to the Indians. He advises men to go, and asserts that he has closely examined the action of the Government in reference to this Territory, and that there is nothing in the statutes to bar their entrance, On the other hand Senator Atchison, a man of far less erudition, acceitacy, and ability, insists that settlers have no right to enter the Territbiy, and should be expelled by military force if thley attempt it. Under the circumstances, it seems to tne, that it would be unwise for the settlers to enter, before permission is granted by the general Government, as it might embarrass the action of the Administration, in preparingthe Territory for occupation, and hinder the healthy growth of the couintry rather than aid it. At the same time, I believe it the duty of the President to notify the Indians, that the whites, from henceforth, have a right to settle any where on the common hunting-grounds, and are not to be molested, nor in turn are to molest the Indians. Also to notify white settlers, that the portionaof' ebraska which belongs to the United States is open for occupation, and 29 Ll RS SF.,OPR THEE PEOV-", that as soon as possible, the Indian reservations shouIld,e surveyed, portior.ns secured to;the Indians, and the remainder purchased by the Govern aent atnd resold to settlers. More aoont. Yours truly, LY,cEUs. -o t LETTER VI. Reasons for Speedy Organization of Nebraska Territory-Protection to Life and Property-Economy in Army Expenses —New, Post-New Military Road-Six Routes proposed for Pacific Railroad-Bridger's Pass-Middl e Line of Population -Estimate of Time to build the Roa d. : - -a ~~Saint Louis, July o7th, 1853. MY DEAR FRIEND: T1here are many and weighty reasons why Nebras ka: Territoryshould be instantly organized.: The too rapid settlement of a country is deleterious to the educational and mroral interests of a people; it is well that population should not be too long pent up, and then permitted to burst suddenly upon a new country; it is better that it should be somewhat slowly settled, and that the found(lationsof society should become fixed and sobered, in order that the superstructure may be solid and beautiftfl.: Already has the tide in that direction been held back too long; it is rising higher and higher, and the miore impetuous will be the flood, the longer it is restrained. The United States, should furnish protection' for the property and lit .of her citizens. within ier own borders.: T-there is yearly an inmense immigration from the older States to those on the Pacific Ocean. This imnmigration passes throughl Nebraska Territorv, some years amounting to more than 80,000 persons. Once beyond the Missouri river, they can obtain no provisiorns, shelter, Air care in sickness, until they reach the Salt Lake, a distance of 1,/20 miiies. If this country was once thrown operan, the route would be immediately settled to the Salt Lake; thus afflording ample protection against the recurrence of the scenesof 1850, and saving thousands from the most distressing deaths, from exposure and starvation. The Governmentshould advance, and not retard th/e p?osperity of the people. \Were this Territory organized, not only would the emigrant receive protection and benefit fiom the settlers. but the settlers would receve a liberal reward tfor their services; and the journey being stripped of more than half its: dangers, the. immigration would far tore than be doubled. 'Economy in the support of the Army requires it.-At the last session of Congress. an appropriation of $60,000 was made for the building of a new o,st in the Territory; a post capable of accommodating about 1,000 officers and soldiers. This new post is situated 140 miles west of Fort Lea,venworth, among the branches of the Kanzas. [See map.] As it is built to a greatextetit by the labor of soldiers; and as all the materials belong to the government, the appropriation is considered as equivalent to about $150,000 worth of buildings,.and will probably be the best and most coim oodio)us post in tlhe United States. $11,000 were also appropriated for the new military road from Fort Leavenworth tothe new post. The building of this road and post is. being pressed with i'thie utmost energy,.arid the post is exp)ected( to be in order o receive a'part of the garrisonthis coming fall. Now all the grain and provisions for the army, unless raised in the. Territory, must be brought from Missouri to Leavenworth, and from Leavenworth to thie new po8t. 30 . i 41 ON THE PRESENT CR S.S The opening of Nebraska would instantly line this pew,'oad, and a eeilonh around the new post, with go6d industrious farmers, and every miile oftransportation which can be saved'upon: such vast quantities of domestic supplies, will be a great saving in our armny expenses. It will especially facilittate the buildingof the great Pacific Railvay. Trhe fact that a railway is to be built connecting the Atlantic:and Pacific States, is not a matter of question; the only inquiry now agitated is, Where shall the line run? As might be expected, there are extremes'to.this question as well asevery other. One route proposed is in a region of alnmst perpetual snow another one from New Orleans, or a point on the Gulf of Mexico, located where four months in the year yellow fever is rampant against life, especially the life of men of colder climates; and where the miasmatic malarias forbid nmen out after sundown. Another route is proposed from council Bluffs through the Soulh Pass. Another from Memphis to Santa Fe, and thence to San Francisco. Another from St.Joseph, by the South Pass. Another from Kanzas, through Fremont's undiscovered pass, and New Mexico. Thus there are sixroads proposed,.. three north and three south. Or three that go by the South Pass, and three that go by New Mexico. Now the extrenie north and south routes are so impracticable on account of the poverty of the countries through which they pass, a poverty not only of inhabitants but.even of fertility; they are so far removed from the places and the lines which demand the erection of the road, that it is useless to talk of them as routes for a national road. They are but local, sectional enterprises, begging for the national adoption. San Francisco is in Lat. N. 38 deg. The South Pass is 42deg. 20min. N.L. Santa Fe is 35deg. N.L. So that the differenceberween the two points is about 375 miles. The Salt Lake City is in Lat. N. 40deg. 1-5m. and is the great restingg-place on the journey to California and Oregon. If the railroad shlall run through the South Pass, as it beads south again to- wards California, it will run through,the capital of Utah; but this route through the South Pass bends far north:of:the line of 38deg. N.L.; Bridgir's Pass is about 40 deg.;. Leavenworth, 39deg. 30min. [See map.] There has been, within the past year, published by authority of Congress, a report of Captain Stansbury, U. S. Engineer, deputed to survey the Great Salt Lake Basin, in which he describes,a new pass through the Rocky Mountains. through which he returned with his party. This pass is upon the direct line from Fort Leavenworth to San Francisco. The pass is called " Bridger's Pass." This line would r.n, through the -most fertile, level, aud beautiful country,: that exists between the Western States and California. The Memphis road lies too far south, and the Council Bluffs road too far north. In this great, question, as the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico furnish to the country, within 5Q00 miles of them, great facilities to dispose of their productions, and to reap the advantages of commerce; therefore, if any, portion of the country should have the benefiteof the road, it should be that remote from the sea-board, where the difficulties of disposing of produce are great, as regards expense of transportation, time, and danger. The older States have already supplied themselves with railroads, to such an extent, that this has been in a measure overcome; but the growth of the north-western part of our country is so rapid and tremendous, that it must have new outlets for its products. Produce now passes by danrgerous navigation, 2,000 miles, to reach the Atlantic, or the Gulfof Mexico; while, were the railroad built, fairly w here it belongs, in a centrnl:positio, tl L tTElRS' FOR THE PEOPLE, they cotiuldby the same distance reach the,Pacific Ocean. All the importation9s from China, California,'and the'Est Indies, of which they make use, make circuits'of from 5 to 20 thousand miles to reach themn, when by the Pacific railroad, they could comein from 2 to 8 thousand'miles. 'Now, the true linefor the road is that which will give accommodation to the greatest number of citizens, andfacilitate the purposes of conmmerce for the greatest amount-of territory and productions. Let us divide the United States into three portions, as follows: Let Maine, -New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachiusetts. Rhode Island, Con*necticut,;New York, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, coustitute the North. Let New Jersey, Pennsylvania. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, constitute the Middle. [See map.] L-et 5Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgiai Alabarnma Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and the District of Columbia, the South, and we arrive at the following total result,-that:there are in the .6,734,215 7,146,515 13,880,730 6,752,061 free pefsons. Now, we can only count free persons, when we talk of a railroad, as-a means of travel. Slades have no uge-for-the cars; railroads, having free -ternini are bad'things forblack; countries. The slaves are needed at -mevon the plantations, and we must leave them out of the calculation of.passengers needing a road. From this view4 there are two persons in the -North toonein the Souh, who would have occasion to travel on the road, and who are personally interested in it; and wd, see that, were the line from the Atlantic to the Pacific to divide the peeple of the United- States into two equal parts, it should run through the center of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indianl, Illinois, and cross,tissouri, noath of the Missouri river. But this is not the exact stale of th"e case, as it in reality exists. A'tabutale view of the increase of free population shtows to us, that what we have denominated in ouridivision as thIe North has outstripped' the South, in population. Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, are yet but infants among the sisterhood of States; but are destined,- every year, to become more populous and important. T'he. Middle also: of the Union is growing faster than the South, so that the line is every hour being drawn to the north of the Center of Pennsylvania. DDECADE. North. Middle. South. 1800 385,565 231,914 478,276 1810 600,151 461,853 524,365 1820 595,581 825,741 822,343 1830 863,331 1,068,000 616,130 1840 1,045,077 1,915,667 796,135 1850 /1,784,148 2,061,380 1,362,931 5,273,853 6,570,562 4,600,180 t. - $. V2,01,801,629: Trhe above table shows the increase of free population, in each decade immediately preceding the year written. That the line we have in 32 Southi ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. dicated, or one north of it, is the great railroad district of the United States, is evident from the chains of road which are running parallel from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. There is a line which starts from Boston, runs through Albany, crosses Niagara Falls; on Jan. 16th, 1864, to be finished to Detroit; frorn Detroit, it now runs through Miclhigan, Northerr Indiana, Chicago, Aurora, Galesburgh, Quincy; crossing the Mississippi, it unites withl the Hannribal and Si. Joseph railroad, which is to be finished to Nebraska, in 1835. A branch from Galesburgh will also cross the Mississippi at Burlington, to unite with the Southern Iowa Railroad, to the Missouri river. Another road starts from New York city, passes through Dunkirk, Cleveland(l, Toledo, Chicago, Lasalle, Rock Island, to cross the Mississippi at Davenport, and connect with the Iowa Central Railroad, from Davenport to Council Bluffs. [See map.] From Chicago, connecting with'the two roads already mentioned, another runs to R,ockford and (xalena, and crosses the Mississippi at Dubuque, to join the Iowa Northern Railroad. A splendid road is being run, from St. Louis to Cleveland direct; from Cleveland to Columbus, one is in operation. From Columbus, one is building to Indianopolis; from there, to Springfield; from there, one is completed to Alton, to connect with the Missouri River Railroad. There is also a road firom Springfield to Quincy, to meet the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad. From Baltimore and Philadelphia, roads run to Pittsburgh, to Columbus, to Cincinnati From Cincinnati, one is building to St. Louis; anod from St. Louis, 50 miles are finished on the line to Kanzas. The first road thiat will reach the Missouri river will be the Hannibal and St. Joseph road. It is the shortest in miles, the most even in grade, the most fertile in soil, and the one which, considering its eastern connections, will probably pay the best. [ have no fear for this city, but that she will grow to be e,lual to any island city in the nation, in size and wealth, but we mnay not get the road atfter all. The North and Middle of the Union can not be made to go down to Tennessee, to ride or send freight, to California; aind, perhaps, we may not get it even here. Let it go where right demands it should go. It can not go so far north but that, by our North Western roads. we can turn down to us all that will properlyv belong to us, and cart sead west all we desire. Fort Leavenworth lies just upon the Great Railroad line, through the Middle!States. If thle Government would make Leavenworth the eastern terninaus of the road, and run it due west, on the beautiful divide between the waters of the Kanzas and Platte, which stretches west for 500 miles, with the greatest evenness and beauty; thence through Bridger's Pass to the Salt Lake, then to San Fralcisco, or the borders of California-were L,avenworth the terminus, it could cross the Missouri, to unite with the projected road, on the north side of the Missouri river through the river counties. Fort Leavenworth is situated, to a [nile,just half way between Kanzas and St. Josepht —the termrnini of the two roads, which will first reach the Nebraska Territory. R'oads could b, run, from each of these points to a place some fifty mfniles back from Leavenworth; here would spring up a large city, and these roads could have an equal chance for the business of the main road. Let the roads, from the west side of Arkansas and the one from Council Bluffs, thlen, be run so as to meet the trunk, 250 or 300 iriles west of Leavenworth; and here let another large city spring up, and give tile North and the South an equal chance at the business. This plan also would develope Nebraska to the greatest possible extent, and C a.. 33 LETTERS FOR TlTHE PEOPLE, would. instantly produce a heavy way-travel, on these roads. This road can be built cheaper and better than any other. It is from one t'o two hundred miles shorter than either of the other routes, and lies through a more beautiful and fertile country than any other; and what if it does cost more! A road built where it is needed, is in reality chleapl)er, tIhan one built at less expense where it will not be used as tiuch. Two bids have been offered to Congress, to build the road front the Missouri to San Francisco infive years, giving penal bonds for its completion at the specified time. We argue, that Neb)raska should be speedily admitted, to facilitate this wvork. Let us briefly make a calculation, showing with what rapidity this work must be pushled forward, in order to accomrplislt it, accordtng to the contracts. It must be built il this rapid manner, for the amount invested can not be permitted to lie idle, tand the only thing, which should limit the number of hands and the pressing of the work, should be that the capacity of the road to bring materials was fully exhausted. In each year are 365 days; deduct 65 d(lays for Sabbaths and hollidays, and 300 remain. For storims, wipter, sickness, perhaps a sickly season, deduct 100, and 200'remain; and that is a large average for eac. h of the five years. In five years, there ill be 1000 working days; and there are from 1800 to 2000 miles of road to be built, i. e., two miles must.be c,ommenced and finished each day, between sunrise and sunset. But when we remember some of this road is to be bridged, miles of it to be tunnelled, and all the timber and iron to be carried over the road itself, as fast as it is built, as well as the carrying of fuel'to then various engine stations, and food for the workmen, and anitnals; we can see that, at the eastern endait Leavenworth-on those level and beautiful prairies-it must be built with vastly greater rapidity, than at a thoutsand(i miles further west. So, that when it starts from the Llissouri river, it mnst proceed with a movezient equal to more than five nmiles of completed road every day thie hands work. The country knows nothingi of the cost of transportation, on the western,plains. It costs the Urtted States' Government, as high as 1 cents per pound to carry white beans, or flour to tire army in New Mexico.Labor is high, animtals are high, the country is wild, and such services cost money. Now, for two or three hundred miles ahead of tihe finished railroad, must all food, and utensils, and timbers, and iron, and the very corn for the horses, be carried by teams, unless the settlement of tite Territory is granted immnediately. Now, the whole nation has a dee!) interest pi the building of this road(l, and in its immediate construction. The body politic, if it is located through its center, nust feel the stimulus to its remotest corner. California needs, and demands the road, while itsopening would equalize. to a great extent, the prices of mercbandize6mrining itself could be conducted at so much less expense, that more persons would engage in it, and the armount of actual gold vould be greatly increased. The legitimate commterce, which would follow from being connected with the center of the Uliotl, would ten timtes counterbalance the depreciation of fictitious prices of real estate and properly. The trade of China, Japan, and the East Indies, which would pass across our continent, would naturally seek our own ships, altd our marine influelce, both upon the Atlantic and Pacific, would be greatly increased. The settlement and stocking of Oregon and California would go forward with surprising strides. This year, the population of the United States will increase 758,505; in 1854, 781,f260; s) that every two years, we can furnish nearly a million to open aad possess these countries, and yet gain half a mrnilliol at home 34 ON T'HE PRESENT CRISIS. WVe Abave seen the position, occupied by ttie population east of Nebras ka Territory. Let us, for a little, examinethe c,untrywest of it. While Texas s i on the sotuth, thiere is a fiie terrilorial country to counterbalance it,on th e north of Nebraska, and adjoiningMinnesota. Going further west, we come to New Mexico on the south.; north of this lies the Terri tory of Utah, whose north bou.ndary is the line of 42deg. N. L.,-the line we ask for Nebraska. North of' Utah, to balance off New Mexico, lies the vast fertile basin of the Yellow Stone. Next west, comes California; North California, west of Utah; South California, west, of New Mexico; and Oregon, west of the Yellow Stone Territory. Now, the lines of ter ritory, and population, and equitable location, demand that this road shall not go through.New Mexico, but through Utah. Any intelligent man, who will sit down and take his map, and study the increase of population, and the directions in which energy and en terpl)rise are flowing, will find that, in less than ten years, there will be a population, north of Bridger's Pass, equal to three times that below it. The facts at present are these. New Mexico has a population.of some 60,000 persons,-Indians, Half-Breeds, Spaniards, and Americans. The Territory north of Utah is full of original American Indians, amounting to probably 40,000, who are as well quialified fot citizenship, ias three fourths of the New Mexicans. Between these two countries lies Utah, whose north boundary, (42deg,) runs through the South Pass, and which also has within its center, Bridger's Pass. This country has a population of some 25,000, almost all fiom the United States, working people, having arnongthem fine mechanics and artists. When we come to the western roost tier, we reach the State of California. Here, the great bull; of the population lies in the northi-tihe gold region- lying entirery to tbenorth of San Francisco. The southern part is less desirable, is thinly peopled. The dividing line between Califoirnia and Oregon is the line of42deg, N. L.,-the same with Utah and Nebraska. Oregon is rapidly settling, and already niust have a population of from 50,000 to 60,000. Where, then, ought the Pacific Railroad to run, as regards the future west? Yes, even the present west of our country. LYNCEUS. LETTER VII. shall the Pacific Road start from Kanzas?-Belton's Route one-sided-Should have a way-travel of its own-How shall Nebraska be admitted?-Missouri Compromise -Its Nature,Violation-Platte Purchase-S ize-Character-Slaves-iThe Missouri Compromise intended as eternal-Is the Platte Purchase Slave, or Free-Soil? Saint Louis, Aug. 10!h, 1853. My DEAR FRI.END: Ought the Pacific Railroad to start, from the mouth of the Kanzas? as Col.Benton urges-a point lower -than thewbole States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, whereit has little population for 400 miles south-east of it, and no country to support it; to run for a while hugging the Kanzas valley, to keep off the divide between the Katizas and the Arkansas, which is not more than half. as fertile as that between the Kansas and the Platte; thence, to bear south-west until you reach the latitude of Metmphis,-a latitude of the south whichi enjoys the fullest blessing of the Yours.truly, LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, vicinage of the Gulf of Mexico; thence, to bear through Southern California to San Francisco. The advocacy of this route, by Col. Benton, is a strange and unlookedfor event, with many thinking men. We all know the determination of some men to carry out, in. spite of argument and'persuasion, their own first preconceived notion, however unwise. We know the vast infuence, which local attadhments and feelings exercise over our efforts and plans. We know how stronglymen work to purchase the good will of ot hers, or to allay the anger of the provoked, or overcome the hatted of enemies. We know also how partial men are to their own, whether human or material, and how all-powerful self is in all things. The course of Col. Benton is so away from advocating a bold national poliey and location, that the causes for his course have been closely questioned, and the opinion is gaining extensive ground, and frotn many points is finding utterance, that,Col. Benton is acting a part not national, but personally duplex,-a half way compromise, seeking by it for the favor of the south, and the forbearance of the north. To start it in free Territory. and let it run so far'south, that it shall benefit almost only the slave States. To win for himself the credit and glory,of being the great mover and father of this particular compromise of routes. Ool. Fremont's influence is waning with the American people. Col. Benton has always been associated with him, and shared his honors. And,now, Mr. Benton would fain magnify Fremont, and through him, himself, by running the road through Frernont's attempted pass. Col. Fremont, also, has large landed estates in California, which, so far as public information goes, are situated south-east of San FranciSco, so that the new route will pass near, or directly through them. Well may wvebelieve; that were there in Congress a [nan of Col. Benton's abilities and personal influence, with a son-in law in the same body, with the same in(ivizdual inducements for action, in this matter, that he could put forth, a far clearer, stronger, more truthful, and more national appeal and argument for the road, either through Bridgers' Pass, or the South Pass, than Col. Benton either has, or can, for the New Mexican road. The route recommended by Col. Benton, is a one-sided affair. It runs to the center of our newest acquisitions, leaving Oregon without the least hope of connection with the United States; neglecting Utah, slighting Nebraska, and bearing away 1,500 miles from the central portions of the) .Missouri and Yellotw Stone Ter'ritories,-a policy to have this road built by national expense,-presently to have an application to Congress, to build a branch of three or fourhundred miles, to the western side of Arkansas. The whole south, then, to take stock in a road, from- Memphis across Arkansas, that State being too poor to build, or to support it. Thus, the south would have two termini,-St. Louis and Memphis, —'and every thing that went north, or came from California, would be obliged( to go from or come to those cities, almost at right angles, instead of coming to the north from the west direct, as they ought, since she is the builder and actual supporter of the road. It does seem evident that the road ought to start from Fort Leavenworth. Fort Leavenworth has been a government establish ment for some 30 years, and is the great central depot for supplying all the.United States' forts, in the west, witth provisions, ammunition, and men. It holds constant coimmunication with Fort Kearney, Iaramie, Hall, Atkinson, and Gibson, and also with the Salt Lake and Santa Fe. It is on the west side 3,6 ON THE FPRESENT 0RISIS. of the- Missouri river, in the Nebraskas Terrtory, 30 mniles' above the mouth of the Kanzas, and 32 miles below St. Joseph. There is the finest levee on the vh-ole Missouri river. It is a bauitiful'Site for a large and m-goificent city. TheMtisS'ouri iver boats ecould bring iron, and timber, anad tools, from St. Louis, aid the H-nnibal and St. Joseph Railroad cuti keep two steamers busy, dropping down with loads, fromn St. Jose)bh to Fort tea'venWorth. The'Governin'nt owb' there nine square miles, upon which to- tote iron, or timber, as'it ti ay be received. Hundreds of tbousands of dollars have been already invested there, atid a the troops shall 'be'drawn off to the new post, the large ironand twoodhos, already theie, and lthe buildings which would be vacated, could firnish shops for the atcommodatian of more than a thousand workers in iron and wood, wh6 eoild frame buildings, tanks, bridges, &;c., and send theireon to the workmen a thousand miles west. This route will *ot, as does Col. Benton's, run through a- narrow bottom land, thus defeating the settlement Of broad prairie lands. But it gb runs, that, commencing in the prairie, men will put up temporary wi re fenceS, and start theit hedges immediately, and overcome the Want of timber by (tie application of science to its production. The railroad should run so that it shall have a heavy way-travel of its own, through a country capableofdense settlement. It should run sothat branches canr pass off in each direction, to accommodate.[he,hole territory of ourcountry. This is the true'theory.' Settle the first o:ad in the cente.r, and' let branches, at nearly right angles, go off to diferent districtS. At the nfD8 of these branches, wealth, influence, and population, will culmninate, and, in time, these points will desire roads to connect them; and thus will arise otherparallel rodds, rtlunning across this country to the Pacific. This road, having received the Cou~ncil Bluffs' and Memphis' branches, should pass on sosme two bun,dred miles, when a branch should turn di'rectly north, into the basin of the Yellow Stone. In that country, is a climate unsurpassed for evenness of temnperature, purity of air, and general healthfulness, by any country in the world; while its richness and great beauty will make it the choice of the whole western half of the Republic. Passing tihrougbh the Rocky mountains, a road should turn directly south to Santa Fe. Two hundred miles beyond the Spalt Lake, a brarch should turn directly north-west into Oregon; while the road should either pass through the north of the Sierra Nevada mountains, or around them, to San Francisco on the south-west. In closing this subject. I would again refer to the portion of Nebraska between the Platte and Kanzas, coinriencing at Fort Leavenworth. — When we leave the Allegany mountains, and descend into Ohio, we strike a mnost fertile strip of country, embracing the Miami valley. It crosses thie center of the State of Indiana, containing the Shawnee Prairie. In Illiijois, it takes the center of the State; embracing Sangamon county, and a lhundred miles of country north, and the whole of the Great Prairie. This strip has, in the same latitude, a corresponding strip west of the Mississippi river. That strip embraces ad Missouri north of the river, and a strip across southern Iowa. Beyontd thle Missouri river, this same fertile belt continues, Kying between the Platte and Kanzas, and extending to their headv-waters, gradually, however,. after 300 miles, becoming inferior a it approaches the Rocky mountains. This natural strip of rich fertile soil ils indicative by nature. as the line, and the only proper line, for the Grtl Railway to hle Paci/c 37 LE —,T q.THE fiFPP.,LE, ~B how shall this Nebraska' be 4a,4niLtd,,as rTg awds Slav4ry Withi-n"her timits?.:. r a _''i' Perhaps ~~au jns4notly reply,.,', There is no needto ask thatqestion The matter is settled already,by the Missoui Gompromise!" t,deed? [t were truly a: happy thing, if it were, thus settled., Btwhat. said the Miisso,ri Compromise? "SSEC..&XAd be it further enacted,'that ini all"that territory, ceded by Franc tothe I.Jaited States, under thy name.of Louisiana, which li' north of 36deg. 0tn. north latitude, not included within the litmits of te State contemplaled by this, act, eqvery and involuntary servitude, other-' wise than in the punishment of crimes, w.here of the parties shall liave been duly convicted sahll be and hereby is.,s foreoer prohibited.. " "Provided always, tha,,any pes otn o.ecaping jrto the samne, frrwn-whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any State.,or Territory of the,Unite.d States, such fugitive.may be: lawfully reclaimed, and,conveyed to the person, claiming his or her labq or service, as aforesaid.". "Approved. March 6th, 1820."'. \Vell, is not Nebraska, as we, have deftined its bounds, a part of,that Territory, ceded by France.trnder the name of Louisina? Is it not ort of 36deg. 30m., N. L.? Is it not without the lirnit f e State of Missouri? We answer, Yes, to alt these inquiries.? Why, thei',when the enactmnent is' SO plain, and Nebraska is so evidently the country described in the act, why do we need any thing further? 1 answer,, Ie~ause it is a question, (ortth the thought of every American,) whether thie Missouri Compromise Leaf ns, anyth aid, if it does, it is again a questio'n, w helh+rit-can be preserv,d fromn the violation oflawlesss and'wicked men and"hMe question comes up, whether the State of Missouri has not vitiated her constitution, by'her action in reference to this subjewt. This whole subject will readily be understood, when we remark, that the boundary of Missouri, when she was admitted to the Union-the boundary conterrplated when the'Missouri Conmpromise was passed,-was a straight line from the south-west corner'f the S-tate, rnunning through the mnouth of the Kanzas,-and extending north to the- present line betwveen Iowa and Missouri.' The Missouri river. bearing fromi the Kanzas to the west of north, left a strip of land on the east of Missouri river; and between said river and the western boundary of the State, it is 104 miles, from north to south; and, at the northern end, 60 miles wide, at thesouth, it came to a point. This large triangle is now divided into the six folIlowing counties, and is a part of the State of Missouri. COUNTIES. Atchison,' Nodaway, Holt, - Andrew, - Bacehannan, - Platte, 30'70 661 902 - 2,798, 4,583 - Fromn this table, it will be seen that, in 1850, there were living'on the Platte Purchtase:, 47,090 inhabitants; of these 45588 were slaves. Snee 1850, the population has increased, and the number of slaves now must be as' many as 5,000. How comes it that there iS m single slave there.that an inch of that territory has been polluted? Are these 4,588:mea I I 38 Fr,,oe. Slave. Total., I 1,648 2,048 1 3,$28, 8,773 12,074 42,502. 1 11678 -- : 2;1 18 3',95.5 - A 1 9,434. 12,,976 16,929i 47,090 ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. really slaves, or are they free men illegally held to service' How comes all this? V- What -means it all? Was, or was not, that triangle a portion of Nebraska? Does-it, to-day, belong to Nebraska, or Missouri? Is i, to-day, slave or free territory Let us closely examine this matter. Before the admission of Missouri, there had arisen a fierce altercation between the north and south, because free blacks of the north', whatever their character or business, were imprisoned on entering the slave States. The dissatisfaction ran high, and the north declared, that if citizens of the United States were to be shutt out of slave States, or imprisoned within them, that no more slave territory should be admittedto the Union. Slavery ad been, by authority, forever abolished in the Territory, north of the Ohio river, and east of the Mississippi; but nothing had been done concerning the country west of the Mississippi. Tile State of Louisiana had been erected as a slave State; the Territories of Arklansas and- Missouri had started in the same manner. Missouri applied for admission as a State at this particular crisis. Strong and continued opposition arose, an(I it w;ts determined that she should come in free, or not at all. The dissolution of the Union was threatened by the south, and was not an unwelcome thought to the north. The great men, however, stood firm, and the people fobllowed them. Henry Clay prepared and submitted the Missouri Compromise, as it is generally called. That Co- promise gives the State of Missouri the privilege of: erecting a State government, &C., &C.; but upon this condition, that all the-remain(ler ofthe ld- Louisiana Territory, above 36(leg.30m., should never have a slave upon it. It also added a restriction to the Constitution of the State, whien it should be formed, which was, that any citizen of the United States, recognizes as a citizen in any State, was free to come and go through Missouri, as he might please, withlout hindrance, indignity, or imprisonment. The Compromise was sire ply this: The nation had risen, and declared there shall be no tnore slave States in the Union. Hetiry Clay came forward, and in reality said, " The people of Missouri are already there, and they own slaves, and they wish itto be a slave State. Grant them their wish, but compel them to admit citizens of othler States, whatever their opinions or color. Give to them and to the south this one piece of the Louisiana Territory for slavery, and we ask no more; we will agree that forever in the future, tile remainder of it shall be free. Let us take a large State, almost 300 miles square, and jut it up into free territory, and north and west of it, we will not ask for more." Such was the nature of the Missouri Compromise, The consideration in the bargain was the preservation of the Union. The reiinquishment, on the part of the north, was the State of Missouri, devoted to slavery and the south. The relinquishment, on the part of the south, was the dedication of all the remainder of Old Louisiana Territory to eternal freedom. And this bargain, FOR'VER, itnplied, that the north, through the medium of Congress. would not disturb the institution of s!avery in Missouri'; ani the declaration of the enactment, not only impliedl, but it avowed, ua thile part of the south as well as northl, that they would forever prevent its violation, nor permit'a single slave to be hetd in all that Territory. I say, the &south, with the north, pledged themselvesforever, to preventit it, and a prohibition of the United States is a preventive, if wickedtriess does riot come in to nullify it. low. then, camne slavery to exist in the Great Triangle above described? Whien Missouri was first admitted, tils land remained in the pos~sessiot of the Indians and half-breeds. After Missouri had been in the Union 16 39 -1 4 LETrTE,ES FOX THE PEOPLE, years, seeing how much it would add to tha wealth, power, and commerce of the State, to possess the right of one-halif of the Missouri river. from Xanzas up to the line between Iowa and Missouri, the State of Missouri made application to Congress to add itis triangle to her territory. A double question presents itself here. Had Congress a right to it crease the territory of Missouri, under thecircumstances. The Missouri Compromise described the land particularly, and made special provision for the settlement of the north line, and for the division of the islands in the Mississippi river. Buitt no one, in that day, asked, hoped, or expected, that the territory of Missouri could ever be enlarged. Thus, was the State admitted into the Union on certain conditions, which conditions were to continueforever. How could that State be enlarged, without violating the rinciples upon which it was admitted? The enlargement not only vio ated the act itself, but also the proviso respecting fu'gitives. From the circumstances under which Missouri was admitted, it does seem to me, that the addition of the Platte Purchase was beyond the actual province of the power of Congress, and it is, therefore, of right, a portion of Nebraska Territory still. But passing that point, let us ask, Is this triangle, when added to Mis souri, free or slave territory? That there are slaves there, and that it is now an ally of slave interests, are indisputable facts. But the question is, Did the addition of this triangle to Missouri change its free character? Can one casual aet of Congress, couched in general terms, control and take precedence of an especial enactment, drawn with the most stringent precision? Can- the careless atd hasty action of Congress undo that which was established with the deepest thought and anxiety, and declared irrevocable? While an absolute, specific enactment is in force, does it not modify, in that particular respect which it regards, any general act, which does not directlyv or indirectly indicate its abrogation? But, can Congress pass any act that shall be perpetual 7 Men, in this world, make bequests, endowments, and deeds. which are never to be changed-whiech express the will of the donor, or conveyer. There are times in government, when the same stably kind of action is desirahle, when great principles are to be established, and deeds perbformed which will forever result in good. Circumstances change; opinions alter; and this is so common, in a world where the future is all hidden, that it is a rare thing, that such language as that of the Missouri Compromise is introduced. In our Indian treaties, in reference to land titles, the same construction of language is used. A time catmle in the affairs of our country, when every thing demanded, that a permanent, enduring enactment should be passed, and it was done. What was that enactment'? That Missouri, with certain boundaries, should be admitted as a slave State. Mark it well! Government did not proinise to add territory to that State, nor to maintain the supremacy of slavery there. No; it only said to Missouri, " You may brand the curse upon your own forehead, and we will yet receive you to the Union; hut west and north of you, there shall forever be no slavery." Can the United States make ai pertmanent enactment? Is its word good for even 20 years? I do not know or remember any United States' et)actment, except this, which was designed to be a perpetual statute, beyond the possibility of change. And yet, this has been trampled upon, in the grossest manner. Is our government desirable? Is it any blessing to live under it? If it is, why not maintain its integrity? Why make it a liar, in the one thing of all others, in which it has given out its word, and declared it will not recall it? Sbae to the southb, burning and eteir .40 ON THE PRESENT C:RISTS1 nal shamtne, that, for a few acres of ground, —-for a slight,advantage,-they should quietly and stealthily attempt to violate the Missouri Comlpitomise, -a compromise fratmed by themselves, and p sed for themselves. and that for their own benefit! Oh, fatse and traitorous north, that could join hands to sell the liberties of men, and extend the reign of sorrow and injustice, to disgrace the honor of your nation, and make her promises a jest More anon. Yours truly. LT rcEUls. LETTER VIII. Is thePlatte Purchase free or slave?-Origin of Platte Addition-Missouri Compromise and Platte Purchase Act compared-Position of Platte Purchase Slaves legally-Ne cessity for Wilmot Proviso-Nebraska free- lnluence upon Missouri- Nebraska slave influence on Missouri - Nebraska certainly free -Insecnrity of carrying Ne' groes there. Saint Louis, Aug. 24th,,I53, MY DEAR FRiENrD: One of two things is true, eitherthisis slave Territorv, in its absolute sense, and the second act of Congress supercedes the Missouri Compromise, or it is free to-day. Now in legal enactments, when any new statute is erected, an exception, or prevision, is commonly made respecting other previous enactments, which may have any bearinrg or the case, and where nothing is said regardtng it, the new act comes under the restriction of previous acts, etbher than overrules them. Congress is authorized to pass laws, not conflicting with the constitution of the United States. Other Legislatures are permitted to pass laws, not contrary to the constitutions of their respective States, or of the United States. Each State, and the Unite,l States, in their statutes, always read that this statute shall in no manner be construed( so as to conflict with other previous statutes, specifically narnmed, or just the contrary-after a certain date this statute shall take fuil & immediate effect, all other existing enactmnents, or statutes, to the gtrairy notwithstanding. Now the act, adding the Platte purchase, waswiginated either in ex.treme folly. or excessive subtlety. It'does not define whet effect was teo be produced on the triangular addition, as regarded slavery. It does not tell what authority Missouri was to exercise, whether only the rights of comnwn law, such as her.free citizens enjoyed, who did not hold slaves, or whether it enforced the special enactments of a slave State, which were granted by the Missouri Compromise. It is probable that subtlety, was the cause of this ambiguity. The countrv was in 1836 little known. The Missouri Crompromise had lost some itnterest, in the changing scenes of pofitical warfare, and the billwas introduced, as a careless request, to add a small piece of ground to Missouri, and it probably passed, because it had not sufficient point, an&distinctness, to challenge investigation, or opposition. It was, I think, the design to have it pass without opposition, in this ambiguous forrm, and then thlro,t it open to the slaveholding masses, assuming they had the right to enater' it, (which they had not,) and let them roll in, and locate theeurse there; wvell knowing it takes a pound to cure what an ounce could have prevent. ed. But let us see this curious document-it speaks for itself: "June 7th, 1836.-Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Co'ngress:assemblet, That when the Indian title to all, the lemds -lying between? tile State of Misouri 41 14 I. LETTERS FOX-RTHE.PEOPLE, and the Missouri River, shall be extingttished, the jurisdiction e.ver said lads Mallti be,hea, by ceded.to. the,State —o Missouri, and the western boundlary of said State shll be then extended to' the lMissouri river, re. serving to the United States the original right of soil in said lands, a(nd of disposing.of the same: Prf.vide(ld that this act shall' not take effect until the Presid.ent shall by proelamation declare that the Indian title to said lands has been extinguished, nor shall it take effect, until the state of Mis souri, shall have assented to the provisions of this act." Such is its language. Thie only twvo word<, upon which the point can at all turn, are jurisdictioh and boundary. Tihe jurisdiction of this coun try hadt been in the United States, and was as in the whole Indian coun try, military instead of civil,. The vafio-S9 u'inanings of the word, will per reit us to place variousinterpretations upon the statute, not one of them hi)tever, necessitates the absolute righlt, for Missouri to plant slavery th~er,e. IKnowing- the IMissouri Comp'romise to be in full force, it could be more properly construed, elthait the statute grants such authority only, over this newv addition, asfree States exercise over their own Territory. Thile Western boundtary shall then be extended to the Missouri river." This seems to tme to)gain nothing for slavery.. Missouri asked for a free tertitory — free forever, by solemn"agreement of the Union; -and Congress gave it to them without at all removing the restriction, and it passed' into M[issouri's private hands with this public, national mortgage for f-eedonrifor ever resting on it. I believe the Pitea Purchase free territory, and a part of Nebraska; that so long as the Mfissoluri Compromtise stands on the statute, it takes precedence, antI entire control, of any other or even an opposite enactmea; that when the United States have made a solemn contract, and mrillious have acted in. goodl faith in it, for sixteen years, and one party have reaped all the benefits, and the other party nonre, it is impossible, with truth, equity, or justice, for the United States to annul that compact. The part freeforever was as much a part of the agreement, as was the erection of Missouri into a slave State. But when tlthe United States declares a thing,ll be forever prohibited, and designs to have that prohibition an im7ntble eternal statute, that act must be absolutely repealed, (is not that an impossibility?) or it stands in full strength forever; and violations of it, however they may seek refuge under ambiguous.enactments, should be with rigor souLght out, exp)osed, and punished. From the above we insist, that there are now held in anl illegal manner, 4,588 slaves.'; persons who did not'escap2e there, but were brought there voluntarily by their masters, persons doomed to " involuntary servitude," not "for crimes whereof they have been lawfully convicted," save it be that so admirably described by Cowper, " He finds his brother guilty of a skin not colored like his oowi; and having power to enforce the wrong, for such a worthy cause, dooms him, and tasks him, and exacts his sweat," &c. If these 4,588 slaves could bring suit in a court of justice for freedom and services, while they have been oni thie Platte Purchase, and it shoulder be appealed to the United:States' Supreme Court,-for the question would ultimately come there,- the decision would be in favor of the slaves.The Missouri Compromise makes every sl'ave carried into the Platte Purchase a free man. And no maii, having;them there, can carry them v'way, for they are free.-E; V. s.; Let us now return tA,the inquiry, HI- shall Nebraska be admitted - .Let $'ustice write the -Wilmot 2roviso,-no, the Missouri Comrpromise, 4-1 -.unon her fair brow., After our.e!ami aaion of the history of the Platte, P'rchase, all can understand the manner in which the Missouri Comprromise has been treated, It has been.violated. Slaves are, to day, held in involuntary servitude, on thousands of miles, where our nation h declared there should forever be no slave. If that solemn compact has be,e violated in one part, it will be violated in another, if an opportunity s,hall ir. any' wise be granted, Let the nation throw out tier banner, and t,ell all men what she has before told them that Ne,braska is free, an(l that,there slavery shall find no hold for the sole of her foot, for even a single llour. It becomes the nation to bestir itselfi There is nodoubt but that, irn a few years, this question will rectify itself in Nebraska, wliatever Congress, or the nation, may do.,But Congress owes it to the nation, the nation owes it to herself, to pass, in connection with the opening of the Territory. the 8th section of the act, authorizing the people of Missouri to fi)rm a State government. We have already quoted it, and it is, the Missouri Corlmpromise. This is due to the north and souith; it will peaefultyy.facilitate what will come after, perhaps ten years of fierce bickerings and internal wars, over this unhappy question., It will immediate ly permit the.,full settlement of the line, from the Missouri river to the Pacific oc e an iseal of keeping settlers away by the idea that it isa State distracted in its social relations. No southerner will then suffer the vexation, disappointment, and loss of a stay of one to five years in a new country, which he must, then, perchance leave, without raking hisnegroeswith him. or reniai,n there to do (With his own hands the labor hee brought them along to pe;form. This is the only true way,-the only honest or honorahble way.to dispose of it. But where will the settlers'come from. Ark-ansas is calling f(or settlers slave settlers. Texas, in danger of being divided, and making a new free State, is calling and imploring slave-owninig and sllavery-loving men, to come there and settle. New Mexico, whose character is soon:to be decided by a popular vote is trembling, as she anticipates the question, and begs for slavehliolders to come to her. Utah, also, to have the question settled by popular vote, is calling, and calling in vain for slavehlolders, and ha(l but 30 slaves, and 15,000,inhabitants. These are called slave countries, and there slaveholders, as far as they dare, are going to settle. While this is so, Missouri, bent beneath her little load4 of slavery, has beenr toiling on for 60 years, to get her present position. In one-third of that time, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, have grownr up, and outstripped:Missouri. They have a large population to keep at home, but their i.nereasing surplus is seeking new homes further west, an'd Nebraska is the point which fixes their gaze. There are vast numbers of men, who are intending to go there, the first nioment the Territory is opened for entrance. In two counties in Ohio, there are 3,000 persons in one company, who intend to go, as a colony for freedom, and little bands exist every where in those Sates, who will go together. Hundreds of men have been sent outd-to see that country, in order to carry back reports of thie good land. It is also calculated that, at least 50,000 persons will enter Nebraska in eighteen months from Missouri alone, and that population will be free. The slave-owners of Missouri own farms and houses of such value that, in the temporary and pressed sale of lands, by persons leaving, they can' not'afford to sell; and they will not lare.to mnake a change, that promises only loss angd,,is appoi'itment.,.. Btit let tps suppose that the south, trampling uponliberty, aind the-north, betraying freedotm, should again' violate"'the eiMsoni iC6mpml, and -G RFSEN X,T,,HE P T AQR,1818 43, 4 LE'TTRS'F T;tE;PEO'PFE, should declare that when it sihsoldcome ifit the Union,it sh'oud be Slaye or free, as the popular:vote migihtdec' ere.:Secl an ariangeemeiit wbld perhaps take 5,000 slaves fr'itm'Missouri, and 1000 fiom othe. tii;Ve Stats. And what is the result of this' It weakens slavery in Missouri, where it is now insecere. Every s'ai. removed from Missouri, reduces the proportion of slaves t6 thle free;'r there is no slave intnigration into Missouri to replace thenm, while the places of the free wth leave will, in:a few months, be entirely-filled from the east. This would hasten the freedom of Mlissouri. A few slaves in Nebtaska, and a divided sentiment on the subject, and decided opposition to the institution, would not strengthein it at all in Missouri. S'fhe very tfact thiat, in Nebraska, a war was going on which would end in thie total expulsion of slavery from its borders, would keep the State of Missouri in tihe most constant alarnii. And, when the catastrophe should actually come, aidtl Nebraska assert her freedom,'then would the blow come upon Missouri with tenfold the effect, that would follow the settlement ofNebras ka upon free principles; for there would then be an adjoining State, where slavery had been defeated: and a precedent would be given f)r the action of herown inasses,and an undying enthusiasm awakened in themi to do likewise. Settle Nebraska free, under the' Missouri Cornpromise, and she will look with pity upon Missouri, groaniing and laboring under her curse; but atet'npt to chain slavery upon her, and when once she has broken the fewter from her pure -neck, she will burn with hatred toward the/oppressor, who attempted to despoil:her of her richlies and glory. But, for the sake of arfbment, let us assune,:that many slaves should roll in froim Missouri and the south, and it should become a slave State. T[hat, evern'"could not hinder the progress of freedom in Missouri, and we have the spectacle of a new State, standing again surrounded with three free States or Territories, and scarcely touching a slave State. That would be a worse position than Mlissouri. -Surely, ifa nian is afool to go at this late hour into Missouri with his negroes, he is a madman to go with them into Nebraska. - But it isa vain supposition,,to ass,ume'that it can be a stave State. New Mexico and Utah have been admitted as TerritorieSupon the condition that the voters shtall settle the question when they come in as States. It is a question whether New Mexico will not come in as a free State. l4er population are mostly M[exican, and are accuslomed to her la.ws, which forbid slavery. And Utah also, out ef her 15,000 population, had only :30 slaves. The proxiimity of Missouri to Nebrask.a does not, by Any means, make it-certain, that slavery must and will go into the tew Territory, Missouri, instead of b)eing able to propagate slavery, can not even retain it for herself. The men who live on the'frontier tell us, they feel the utmost anxiety and alarmn. for it must be a free State; and, if it is, slavery dies in Missouri, pierced through the heart. More anon. Yours truly. LcEUS. T Tr- trEm. O LycEvs. LETTER, IX. The Nature of Com promises-Missouri Compromise and Fugitive Slave Compromise compared-North and South contrasted-Southern Attempt tomake Fugitive DO promise irrevocable-Compromises on Slavery contrary to national Policy ofitie Constitution-Publ ie Mleetings-New Policy for North-Instrutictions to Represei tatives., Saint,Louis, S~ept, 7th.b, 3 MY D)EARP. sEABD: I wish,to say a few woords inore about compa orises, and I amn done. When one party fails to fulfii his part of a con 4-4 ON THE PRESENT.CRISIS.' tract, then the other party may demand, and compel them to do so,. or depart from the previous engagement. WVhat is fair for one side, is fair for the other. As it would have been a breach of the Missouri Compromise. for the north io have demanded a triangle 104 miles long and 60 wide, and exclude slavery from it, and take it away from Misso,ri, just so much a breach of the Compromise was committed, whenso much of thefree, foreverfree, territory was given to Missouri and slavery. This crime has been wrought by the south, and that very violation tlas given to the north the right to demand, that Missouri shall be a free State Upon certain conditions, the United States declared,Missouri a slave State; the conditions violated, it instantly makes the question the same as before the Compro0'se, in which tho north demanded it should be a free State. As it was made a slave. State solely on these conditions, it would, if the north insisted upon it, become'a free State, upon the holding of a single .slave upon the forbidden preml-ises.'Phe fact that the north l!;t rebelied against this encroachment, that it has not demanded thatte constitution of Missouri should )e changed and exclude slavery, does not relieve the, south one particle for what they have done; for if the north was recreantin not guarding the interests of freedorn, it is no excuse why the south, who form a part of the Union, should not come utip arid protect it. But the south not only did not protect her owvn -issouri Compromise, but sought its violation, and accomplished it. But, if time and all the solemnities of legis,lation an not make firm and abiding one compromise, neither can they another. Our Congress has again passed a Com,proinise, as it has'Ibeen unjustly called. a the Missouri Compromise, the north were demnandants. In the nigg'er-rendition Compromise, the south were demandants. In the Missouri Comprornise, the south were the promissors. [athe negro-renidition Compromise, the north were promiissors. In thile Missouri Compromise, the south promised to keep its hands off this Nebraska'erritory. In the slave-rendition Compromise, the north promised to chase, hunt, catch, hold, and deliver back to bondage every poor fagitive slave. In the Missouri Compromise. the south promised a huniane, just, and holy thing. In the nigger-catching Cormpromise, the north promised an inhuman, unjust, and unholy thing. In the Missouri Comrnpromnise, the south, by their vote, settled that question. In the black Compromise, the north, by their vote, sustained it. In'the Missouri Compromrnise, the south gave a. promise forever. designing that the act should never be revoked, for- its exeetion would always be salutary. In the slave-catching. Compromise, no time was specified, for the continuance of the act, for.it can breed no good to any one. But how did these Compromises stand in their operation? The Missouri Compromise has never yet had but one chance for trial, and how fared it? Missouri wanted the triangle,-the richest soil within her present borders, in order to extend the curse over it,-and she obtained it. We are on the eve of the question once mnore, and what says the promissor now? Senator Atchison, the acting Vice President of the United States, may be consider,d as the exponent of southern opinion. In speeches he has been miaking, in various portions of the State, he is reported as taking the ground, and. in effect, asserting, that he will fight the admission of Nebraska, unless it cant come in without the Wilmot Proviso; that it shall come in as a slave Territory, or, at least, with the question left open, and all done to foster slavery that is possible There are men in weslter, Mi-. souri, who are tampering with he aIndians, and trying to induc,e the ablest 45 LETTElRS'F'ORP Ti E PEOPLE, of them to beco'te slaveholders. The very'questioni before Coingress, the very rea/ on why Nehraslia is not thrown open already, is, tlat tie south are uniwilling to stand to the lissouri Compromrnise-are utrlWvillng that a free Territory should be erected on the frontier of the down-failing slave State of sMissouri.'I The south originated, presented, and passed, the Mis souri Coinpromnise, but they lhave never respected or preserved it. But how is it with the north and her black Compromis.e? She passed it, and laid it on her owVn shoulders, because ofthe blusterings of the Mem phis Convention of southern disunionists. Aid, again and again, has she come up with the sword of justice, and the arm of law, and a debauched public sentiment, all bearing down upon one poor, trembling victim, and consigned himr to injustice and despair. Oh, glorious, subl'e, transcendant wores! Oh, noble, humane, Christian spirit! What joy swells the boso fthe universal north, as it contemnplates each of its God-like achien,/nts. Well may ye exclaim, - We are the men of principle we sustain the Union; we caught him; we kept the south in good humor; the iigger can't be very smart; we, (14,000,000 of us,) caught hirn,-he c an not help himself, —he must go back!" But, in some very sinful places, where twice or thri,e humanity has triumphed over insensibility, and conscience conquered fear, and the eyes God gave him to guide him, the feet to carry him, and the intellect to counsel him, operated well, and the endangered wretch escaped from you, (14,000,000 freemen;) wlhy, what has been the result? The northern press has denounced it. and the south has rung a tocsin of alarm and horror, at your faithlessness and perversity in opposing and violating the nigger-rendition Compromise. And, to make amends, and show your true love for slavery and your sincere repentance for your neglect, you permit freemen to be kidnapped; and, when in violation of vour own statutes. slaves are brought into your b unds, and are freed by your laws, you annul the statute by paying their fill value, until even Louisiana herself convulses with laughter at your ridiculous sycophancy. And, to add indignity to yQur degradation, to rule you with a heavier rod than they lay on their own slaves, last winter they attempted to add the forever," to this nigger-rendition Compromise, to pass it in such a manner that it could never be revoked-that it should become a permanent statute-which should end only when the last slave in the Union was dead. They failed to obtain it. Thank God, he set a bound to northern infatuation and venality, and they failed to obtain it! Do not misunderstand me. I would see the Constitution of my country honored and upheld, although it contains the rendition of fugitives. But I abominate asycophancy, which, with eagerness,'offers itself' as a tool to accomplish such unhallowed work. Let those who are accustomed to bind, and drive, and consider as property their fellow-men, let them come, an; get, and take away what they can legally prove their own. There is something in passivity in this thing, a thousand times preferable to activity. And while I would thus passively submit to the demands of the Constitution,and lwould have all my fellow-citizens do the same, I would myself, and l' would have them, with intense activity, labor to have that Constitution so modified, as to relieve me of even my passive submission to so'sad an ordinance. No; if it be two years, or five, or fifty, that this clause shall stand in our Constitution, let us honor it, let us sustain it; butl with each year, let us double our efforts to make the Constitution of our counltr what our fathers designed it-a bulwark of humtan happiness and free,!0 im tiont a bulwark of degradation and slavery. 46 ON THE T RESK N CECIS IS My soul burns like as with fire, when I look upon these two Compromnises, their characters, and their. fulfilmeet. The perfidyv of the south, their violation of their soeleirti proinises, their )present llhostility,: and their impious demands that the 5issouri.omprotmise shall;be takenr: ot the,Nebraska Territory, or it shall not come in;-and then their abuse of the north when pooe serf as she is, she has tried to be perfect in their service, andi has fallen but little short of it. - And tl-hat recreant north, thlt, for pIarty power and spoils, has sold, out the interests of lhumrnanity and freedom., atd ihas permitted that fair triangle to become accursed, vwho is even nowv sluiinberiig with this'question impen(ditg, where slavery is again atternpting to carry the bulwarks of freedomn, who is so faithful in fulfilling her bad promises to so false a partner. But the whole system of Compromises, between the north and south, rests upon untenable grounds. Demands are made by the south, and acknowledged by the north, without a particle of evidence.or justice. The Constitution is so construed by the south, as to defeat all legislation which could benefit the north, and yet to pass every enactment which;eati help the south. Nowv this is nol a national policy, and itis far from the,,ourse intended by our fatlhers; and the iorth is as deeply, yes, even more deeply to blame than the south, for the north has had the power, if she had possessed the will, to control this whole thing, and keep it right. When our Constitution was dtafied, slavery was an etisting institution in all the colonial States. It was, however, looked upon as a relic ofbarbarism and cruelty, which would fade away, when brought in contadt witht the glorious principles of equality and freedomn, publisbeil to the world in that document as the sentiments and practice of this nation. But all itien could not be expected to be equally expeditious in washitig their hands of this stain. Circumstances might make it itnposstble to somie; extreme laziness, or avarice, or even corporeal lor(ldship, might lead soine-to retain their slaves, long after thef intelligent, generous, and Christia,n, hatd set their's free. The Constitution was a voluntary obligation, and it did not intend to bring even these avaricious men inito circunistances where itself shouldl make them personal losers. The Constitution, therefore, provided for the rendition of fugitives; but all at that day, and when they adopted tlhe Constitution, all expected the time, when the progress of freedom would annul the statute entirely, and when no mnan could be found, so avaricious or lazy as to continue a practice so contrary to his own boasted theory of human rights.. The Constitution in the samte manner, io providing for the apportionment of districts for representation, would. not treat the slave sectionis, who voluntarily subscribed to it with such rigor, that their slaves should not be counted at all; but it did and.does make a difference between'thO slave and the free black; and by making this difference, insteadafirewarding slavery, or'encouraging it, the Constitution branded lt, and sought to hasten its overthrow. Three free blacks count as much as five slaves, in the representation; so that if the south wo'uld to-day set their sl,aves free, they could gain in the representation in Congress a full itihon of populatinu. This is the true state of the case. The Constitution was, by no mteans, a perfect document; it was a platform upon whicih the States could stand confederated; anti it sought,to do as little to coaunteuance or encourage slavery as possible; it'was intended to increase, and encourage freedom. But how has this Constitution workecd, and what is: it now declared tot teach? I. e * v.', 47 0 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, She south coolly tell us, that the institution of slavery is an inseparable clement in oturgovernmental organization and existence; that our fathers meant to have it continueforever, and provided in the Constitution for the giving up of all fugitives from oppression. We are told, that the south was intended to stand upon an equality of power with the north, and that representation was granted for slaves on that account; and that now, as freedom by the course of nature outstrips slavery, that, therefore, the whole effort of Government, by war, by purchase, by threatening, shall be expended in increasing the territory, and strengthening the claims of the south. Now, this action has had some peculiar nmotive power. It has not sprmng up in a day. The change from the noble and real sentiments and hopes of our fathers to those which their degenerate sons now impute to them, has been gradual. We can, however, date its rise to the time, when cotton first becamne a staple production of the south. The great profit arising from the labor of slaves in its cultivation, and the vast amount of capital invested in human flesh, step by step, led the south to love instead of hate slavery; and then to defend and propagate it; and as, year by year, this profit and investment grew larger, the more powertul became this determination These are the springs which have moved the sentiments and actions of:the-south, that have ntiade her so inmperious and insulting in her demands and threats, and in this has the sp)irit of comn l)romise germinated, and grown up to bear such loathsom-e fruits. The Mi3souri Compromise itself was a )low in the very face of freedom, which has matde her reel to the present hour. Then, the north should have stood firm, and demanded that the princip)les which the Federal, Government and the Constittiion were intended to carry out, should be respected and fulfilled. She should have had no parley with slavery. She ought to have passed a system of gradual emancipation for Missouri, and given her citizens the privilege to remove elsewhere, or, if they chose, remain to abide the action of her laws. But no! the north gave way to the growing plague-spot. The north pet mitted the south to make one conquest, and it is for that reason that the south do not and have riot regarded or respected their own Missouri Coinproinilse. The north quailed and faltered, the south learned the pusillanimity of the north, and-profited by it. She has already minade onset after onset with success, and she will do it in the future; and, if the north will bow her obsequious head a little lower, she will soon be dragged onward, chained to the chariot wheels of the south. When we received lands from Mexico, over which laws prohibitory of slavery had been long in full force, the north should have declared, that the principles of our Republic demanded them to remain free forever. But no; the south demanded that the badlance of power should be kept u'p! What balance of power? What clause of the Constitution provides for legislating one portion of the Republic backwards and thle other portion frwards to keep thetn even? - New Mexico and Utah have also, by northern conprolnmising, been placed as a bait to southerners, to excite them to extend the area of human slavery. - Again, the south demands a new law respecting fugitives, aid the north graats a law, in its spirit ond details, tfar beyond what the framers of the Constitution ever dreamed of. And now, again, the south demands the removal of the Eissoitri Compromise from the beautiful Nebraska Territory.. What will the north do? Has -she got traitors enough in Congress to betray the interests of the north, of the nation, of the world, for the pe"iniary interest of a portion of dtie south? Oh, that the north would, e 48 11.":: * 4 7, ON THIE PRESENT CRII$tS. now she has slept at her post! Our nation is the beacQn of freedom to the world, and the north is the only part of our land. that bas any freedom, either of body or mind, of tongue, action, or press! And the north should brintg every one of its representatives to the ALTAR offreedomn and make them swear uncompromising HIATRED TO SLAVERY, AND ETFRNAL FIDELITY TO itUMAN FREEDOM; and, if he proves recreant,,consign him to obscurity, and his name to oblivion, or rather preserve it with, the eeepration and loathing, which embalm the memory of a traitor to:h'! country! :Those CQmpromises,,as far as the south. is. concerned, arise from avarice, selfishness, and love of power; but what do they arise from on the part of the north? Venality and cowardice! It is a constant bidding for the political influence and friendship of the:south-, or a constant fear of her threateened action.. Do you pretend thatthese Compromises. arefrom l.ove he Unions?,The Union is yaluable only as, it makes our nation and our nation is valuable, only as she fulfils a mission. of, peace,; prosper-, ity, liberty, and Christianity, to her own people and the world.- And. the.; man who truly loves his n.ation must, wish this blot, this stain, this curse, removed from it; for we should be firmer, richer, and better without it. If ever,. a man ought to be brave when,he is in the right,,e shouId not let the bravadoes. or the threats, or the imaginations. of others, turnhim. f,ora his duty; if consequeuyps'pf sQrr w follow, fo, bis-tion, far beth tel that his conduct had been,right than.wrrong. Th'e soutb or 3a years bave been threateners,-a minority denying Hta- majority the rightk,heiler. ofj udgment or legislation......ML.. iA' In everylinstance, the south. ls'hadea point to carry, and'she 8respectfully begins thus.. W' We would be leased -to have, you do thus and thus." Tbe north opposes strongly; the voice of the, south rises; you must do thaus atd,thus,; we say, yon MUST." Still the north objects; The south at last, witfh fierce,gesticulation, screams, "If you don't do it, you'll repent' thy hour, do it now,. or we will do something horrible-we surely will!Don't tempt our spirit #to far-we'lbwithdraw from the Union-yes,we'll dissolve the Union-we'll have a civi war!" And then the chivalrous north comes,in, with'a timid, "' Oh,:,don't-do not be rash.! Let us reflect a. littl,e." The south answers, with indignation,'" Think quick, Or it will, be too late-the exigencies of the times are terrible-act INSTANTLY, or th'e.U~nion goes to pieces!" And the north, with a wry face, replies, .That would be a terrible calamity; we do not like vour demands; but wE, can not take the RESPONSIBILITY of dividing this glorious Union; so, just fix it to suit yourselves, and do be quiet, and not scare us ony more, with suechawful threats." 'What contemptible folly! vWhat a farce is our country playing in the face of the world and of posterity! Who ever-heard of the north threatening the division of the Union? Who ever heard of her doing any thing to injure slavery? Where has sheeever appeared so dreadful a monster, that she must be chained with compromises to restrain her powers?. It is madness, it is the heightof shame, cowardice, and self-contempt, for the. nrtior, t stand, by the half century, and be branded as the disturber of the nation's; peace, and then admit before the world, that SHE 1St,,THE ONE to blame, and make the reparations due by somte one else. Thre is a lie in it,;:.it is perjury against one's fair fame and interests; it is:~courging of righteousness, and a rewarding of sin. An hour will come, when opur childreaxwill stand staupified with amazement, as they read of the recreaney, of the north to her interests, and to every noble principle of national and individual action; and they, the children of the south as well as the D 40 LETTERS FOR TIlE PEOPLE, north, will brand upon all these compromises their true characters, Craven cowardice, and inlhumnan treachery. 13ut what can the north do to retrace her steps? There aretwo'tiings now presented, which demand IMIEDIATE ACTION; and they can be right ly settled, and will ymike a good beginning for a new course of p1olicy.The first is, that the Missouri Compromise shall be inviolate; the other is, that the Pacific Railroad shhll be built where right demands it. as near, the straight line:fromn New York to San Fincisco as.it can be run, andi' that it shall neither swerve to the north or south of that line,'either to please men, nor to save expense. Were there in the north the same local feeling, that there is in the south, the same self-respect, and selfmreliance, our nation would hIave, been a different nation from what it is to-day.'We should then have hail a nationat policy, while now there is no NATIONAL policy, but to' ratify foreigners, and conciliat'e cotton bates. No great or noble work can be undertaken by the Government, because the South deems such things unconstitutional. Our rivers can receive no improvements, the harbors no protection, the" likes no lighthouses. But it is all right,when a Fresident unconstitutionally commences a war to benefit the SdUTt;'it is all right to excite war in CUiba, and - either buy' or conquer it for slavery. It i all right to accept the hospitality of Mexico' and then violate her laws, and'make' her execution of tho,lsws'the excuse for Stealing her territory by force, of arms. It is the policy of the south to' keep so much work before the nation, that she shall spend all her energies upon that, in order that the:-repose of the " divine institution" be not disturbed. This is truly a fine, a de~lightit ful, a worthy policy for a- GREAT nation To be forever legtslatingfor one locality, and that,the poorest and thie meanest, (according to its:ex' tent,) of the whole domaia. That for her all else should stand stillt, thi. shuttles of the north silent, the furnaces of the middle cold; and the ship' ping of the whole unproteeed. -. ,I wish I could ask every freeman of the United States, "Has not this thing gone far enough?7 Is it not time that there was a mighty change? Wlhen canthere be a mnore auspiceious time to'cotumence a national policy" and to adopt the trtiei policy ofl our nation; which should be the developmrent of all our natural resources; and, in reference to slavery, T o LET ST ,ALONE: to legislate al ways against its extension, but'never for its propagation; and thus to'carry out the original intention of the fratners, o our Govern'merit?": -- Nebraska is free, if the south will respect.th Missouri'Comp'romiie; but make te mnatter sure-meet the question mnanfully,'on the spot —and say to slavery, "This;erritory is free, and never shall your blighting foot be set upon,it." But, in reterence to this railroad, what has the United States done for -the south, within the last ten years? She has added to her domain the vast State of Texas, and paid her debts to the amount of nearly 15,I000o;0 dollars. For her also, to defend this new State, or, in better tru:th, L n still newer ooe s,-sh'e has undertaken a war with Mexico, which hib cost more than 30 000,000 of money, and for years has been sustaining, at a ruinous expe"e,:the main body of her army on the frontier of her new pos'se'ssitns; b'- ~' ~",....-i 'Mhore th-an 40,000 lives; the demoralization of more than 1 000,000 of oeur inhabitants.thro(ugh'the influence of the returne d army, the withdiawment o'f'to'iaIny' meaI firtom:; walks of industry and ase fujoess, a"i% about 50 ON T[IE PRESENT CRISIS. 51 325,000,000 dollars have beenhspentfor the south, and the sotith alone, in the last ten years; while the:'torth and west have had small pit'taiance's doled out to them,'for their crying necessities, and that, after begging din'their knees, yearafter year, to obtain them. N-ow, enoughl will be heard from the south about economy, in the new road. They will cause the Government to make a very poorface over this great'national work, but look at it one moment! The contract was offered to Congress, to build the.whole road at about $35,000 per mile. The road from Fort Leavenworth to San Francisco is about 1o00 miles long but add two hundred miles for tunnellirng, bridging, &c., and call it 2,000; and, at $35,000 per mile. it would cost complete'but $70,000,000; and even putting the cqst of the road at $50,000 per mile. then 2000 miles would cost $101,000,000; and the first years business' would pay for all the cars. engines, and houses, needed on the, whole road- What if it can be built cheaper, by 5,00,000, or even 10,. 000,-000, or even 20,000.000 dollars, by any other route than the truoe oe''? Ought not the anorth to have it? Does n(ot her population, her vasf produc'tions, her great necessities, her remoteness in every direction fromn the sea, make it hers in justice and right?. I would n9t wrong the sounth, but I would have the north RIGlO' herself. The south has no need of, that railroad; her domestic commierce is done by northern,.b6ttoms. Shene'e'ds only articles for her own consurnptio'n.. The question in buildig' a rail. r6A'id'is no where, " Wh itere will i co t 1' but "Were wil I'a mo.t.?" And, in this day of straight lines and lightning'speed, it is puerile and silly, thata few millions o ollars should locate this CREAT sROAD; of the wORLD out of the lineof b'usiness, away from its proper course, All South'Anmerica lies open for our commerce the lap of Africa is full oftreasures for us to obtain, and our whole Atlantic commerce, north and south, can find as' profitable and comfortable work in those, as in being mere auxilliaries to the Chinese and Efast India traffic. The line should go north, from ocean to ocean! But what can the north do? LetWhigs and Democrats all feel and think that, howyever they may differ upon political theories and plans, that there should be a national policy,there is a north to be cared for as well as a south, an interior as well as a coast; that as, upon great qluestions,the political distinctions of southrons are subjected to their southerii policy and plans, so, when great questions of vital interest to the whole Union, and especially,to the north, arise, that they as one man sihould come up to their detense, and for the time lay by all party feelings, in order to bless the naiion. Sooner or I'ater, we must come to this. Had this been the- course of this nation for the last 30 years, slavery would to-day have scarcely had a name. It is the true way to help Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, to become free, and join your ranks and strengthen your hands. "But," you ask," how can we commence?" Let public nyleetings'be called. by both the political parties, in every town and hamlet north of the Ohio river. Let them thrust out from their nominations, and purge their places oTrust, of E'VERY TIME-SYERVING, SLAVE-ADORING DOUGHFACEI, and let them demand of their old and new delegates, whether they will vote for the Wilmot prov-so for Nebraska, and for a railroad, to run either through Bridger's, or the South Pass. Let them instruct their representatives that, if the'south'will not pass the Wilmot provisoon Nebraska, and thus re-enact the Missouri Compromise, that they repeal all the particular provisions of thefugitive SLAVYELAW, and let the south catch her own slaves,without either assistance or hindrance, as ': C', 0: --. o.-'~. "-. C —''t:0 ""~':o..'~ "*C~ = ~ ", 0 ~ ~ m CD m:'=.,',,,,,~. ~ m~:' -c~ -. C-'', I C " C D ;, - C, ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~CD uq- CD,~, ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~CD C D C, I~~~~~~~~~~C CD 0 C. 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