Reviewing the Action of the Federal Administration upon the SUBJEC-T O~SLAETYIN KA:NSAS; DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNIXD STATES, M3.9t13. 4,:. 20t/, 1t3&,,3A late age 2atas 18 I N C I N NNATI: PUBLISHED BY GEO. S. BLANCHARD, 39 WEST FOURTH STREET. 1856. $ Copies sent by mail, on receipt of Six cents in postage stamps. Five Dollars pa 100. I X.I I' f It' play~ .1 y (HeS# 1it ., -,{-X i SPEECH OF HON. CHIIARLES SUMNER. Mr. PRmEsDEnz';T Against this'rerritory, thus fortunate in posi You are now called to redress a great trans- tion and population, a Crime has been committed, gression. Seldom in the history of nations has which is without example in the records of the such a question been presented. Tariffs, army Past. Not in plundered provinces or in the bills, navy bills, land bills, are important, and cruelties of selfish governors will you find its justly occupy your care; but these all belong to parallel; and yet there is an ancient instance, the course of ordinary legislation. As means which may show at least the path of justice. In and instruments only, they are necessarily sub- the terrible impeachment by which the great ordinate to the conservation of Government itself. Roman Orator has blasted through all time the Grant them or deny them, in greater or less name of Verres, amidst, charges of robblery and degree, and you will inflict no shock. The ma- sacrilege, the enormity whichli most aroused the chinery of Govehsmnent will continue to move. indignant voice of his accuser, and which still The State will not cease to exist. Far otherwise stands forth with strongest distinctness, arresting is it with the eminent question now before you, the sympathetic indignation of all who read tlie involving, as it does, Liberty in a broad Terri-, story, is, that away in Sicily he had scourged a tory, and also involving the peace of the whole; citizen of Rome-that the cry "I am a Roman country with our good name in history forever- citizenS'had been interposed in vain against the mne. e'aIsh of the tyrant governor. Other charges wiere, Fike down your map, sir, and you will find that he had carried away productions of art, and that the Territory of Kansas,'more than any other that he had violated the sacred shrines. It was region, occupies the middle spot of North Amer- in the presence of the Roman Senate that this Ica, equally distant from the Atlantic on the east, arraignment proceeded; in a temple of the Foand the Pacific cn the west; from the frozen rum; amidst crowds-such as no orator had waters of Hudson's Bay on the north, and the tepid ever before drawn together-thronging the por — Gulf Stream on the south, constituting the precise ticos and colonnades, even clinging xto the house territorial centre of the whole vast Continent. To tops and neighboring slopes-and under the such advantages of sitluation, on the very high- anxious gaze of witnesses summoned from the way between two oceans, are added a soil of un- scene of crime. But an audience grander farsurpassed richness, and a fascinatingl, undulla-' of higher dignity-of more various people and ot tigl beauty of surface, with a health-giving, wider intelligence-the colntless multitude ot climate, calculated to nurture a powerful and succeeding generations, in every land, where elogenerous people, worthy to be It central pivot of quence has been studiedorwherethe Roman name American Institutions. A few short months only has been recoguised-has listened to the accusahave passed since this spacious mediterranean tion, and throbbed with condemnationof ts erimcountry was open only to the savage, who ran inal. Sir, speaking in an age of'light and in aland wild ia its woods and prairies; and now it has of constitutional'liberty, where the safen,iards of already drawn to its bosom a population of free- elections are justly placed among tile highest: men larger than Athens crowded within her his- triumphs of civilization, I, fearlessly assert that toric gates, when her sons, under 5Iiltiades, won the wrongs of much-abused Sicily, thus memoraLiberty for mankind on the field of Marathon; ble in history, were small by the sid'e of the more than Sparta contained when she ruled wrongs of KansaLs, where the very shrines of pop, Greece, and sent forthi her devoted children, ular institutions,'more sacredl tlhan,any heathen quickened by a mother's benediction, to return altar, have been desecrated; where the ballot-. with their shields or on them; more than Romne box, morec precious than any workl, in ivory or, gathered on her seven hills, when, under her marble, from the cunning hland of art, has beeu kings, she commenced that sovereign sway, plundered; and whore the cry "I am an Ameriwhich afterwards embraced the whole earthl; can citizen" has been interposed in vain against more than London held, vwhen, on the fields of outtrace of every kind, even upon life itself. Are Crecy and Agincourt, the English banner was you a',tinst sacrilege?- I present it for yourexcarried victoriously over the chivalrous hosts of ecration. Are you against robbery? I hold it France. up to your scorn. Are you for the protection of I I I I 4 I. , A I 4 American citizens? I show you how their dear est rig;'ts have been cloven down, while a Tyran nical Usurpation has sought to install itself on their ver y necks! But the wickedness which I now benin to ex pos e is imme asurably aggravate d by the motive whic h prompted it. Not in any common lust for power did tlis uncommon tragedy have its ori gin. It is the rape of a virgin Territory, com pelling i t to the hatelPo embrace of Slavery; and it may be clearly traced to a depraved long ing for a new slave State, the hideous offspring of such a c rime, in the hope of adding to the power o,f Slavery in the National Government. oYes, sir, when th e whoe w world, alike Christian an d Turk, is rising up to co ndemn this wrong, and t o make it a hissing to the nations, h ere in our Reptlhlic, force- aye, sir, FORCE-has been ope nly employed in compelling Kansbs to this polluti on, and all fo r the sake of political power. Ther e is the simple fact, which you will vainly a ttempt to deny, but which in iteb eself presents an essentia l wickedness that makes other public crimes seem like public virtues. But this enormity, vast beyon d comparis on, swells t o d imensions of wickedness which th e imagination toils in vain to grasp, when it is un derstood, t hat for this pu rpos e are hazarded the ho rrors of intestine feud, n ot onl y in this distant T erritory, but everywhere throughout the c ot fn tro. Already the muster has begun. The strife is no lornge r local, but. national. Even now, whie I sp)eak, portents hang on all the arches of the horizon, threatening to darken the broad land, which already'yawnvs with the mutterings of civil war. The fury of the propagandists of Sla very, and the calm determination of their opp9 nents, are now diffused fiom the distant Territo ry over wide-spread communities, and the whole :otintry, in all its extent-marshalling hostile, divisions, and forezladowing a strife, which, un less haplpily averted by the triumph of Freedom, wall become war-tfr;tricidal, parricidal war_ w2Ih -an accumulated wickedness beyond the wi~xedtness of any war in human annals; justly ~prWor. olting the avenging judgment of Providence and ehe,avenging pen of history, and constituting astwe, in the language of the atncient writer, more Gh.an forign, more than social, more than eir/i.;,but something compounded of all these str.'ffo and in itself more than war; -,sd potiut. c~mmtkyx guoddam ex omnibus, et plus quam bellumr, Such is the Crime which you are to judge. But the criminal also must be dragged into day, oat A may see and measure the power by which adl this wrong is sustained. From no tommom sAource could it proceed. In its perpetrat'w was needed a spirit of vaulting ambition wuhith we, ld hesitate at nothing; a hardihood i' pmupose which was insensible to the judgment of ranksad:,:a madness for Slavery which should disregard the Constitution, the laws~ and all the great exa~mples of our history, al-90 a conscioushess of pouter such as comes from the habit of power; a combinqation of enargies found only in a hundred arms directed by a hundred eyes; a control of Public Opinion, through venal pens and a,posti~a%e pross; tn ability to subsiize crowds in every. vocation of lls —the politician with his local importance, the lawyer with his subtle tongue, and, even the authority of the judge on the bench; ancr a familiar use of men in places high and low, so that none, from the President to the lowest border postmaster, should decline to be its tool; all these things and more were needed; and they were found in the Slave Power of our Republic. Theref sir, stands tlhe p crimii)al-all unmasked before you-heartless, grasping, and tyrannical-with an audacity be yond that of Verres, a subtlety beyond that of IMachiavel, a meanness beyond that of Btcon, and an ability beyond that of Hastings. Justice to Kansas can be secured only by the prostra tion of this influence; for this is the Power be hind-greater than any President-which sub cors and sustains the Crime. Nay, the proceedings I now arraign derive their fearful consequence only from this co nn ect ion. In now opening t his gre at matter, I an no t' m sensible to the austere demands of the occasioirn butethe dependence of the crime aga inst Kan sas upon the Slae Power is so peculiar and import ant, tha t I t rust o be pardo ned wh ile I impress it by an illustration, which to some mat seem trivial. It is related in Northern o, h tny theol-y, thft the god o f Force, visiting an enchanted region, was challenged by his royal entertainer to what seeme d a humble feat of strength-imesely, sirb t o lift a euat from the gro u nd. The gyd srrliled at the challenge, and, calmly placing lhis hand under the be ll y of the animal, with superl hLuman strength, strove, while the back of the feline monster arched fa r upwards,, even beyond reech, and one a pl w actually forsook the eartn, until at Ilast the discoiufited divinity desisted; but 1I was little surprised a-t his defeat, wshern he leavr ed that this creature, which seemed to be a cat and nothing more, was not merely a cat, tbut that it belonged to and was a I)tpat of the great Tev restrial Serpent, which, in its innumerable fold,s encircled the whole globe. Even so the r;ieatuize whose paws are now fastened upon Kansas, whsat ever it r..ay stern, to be, constitutes in reality a part of the Slave Power, which, with loathsome folds, is now coiled about the whole land. Thus do I expose the extent of the present contest, where we encounter not merely local resistane. but also the unconquered sustaining arm behind. ut out of the astess of the Crime attevmpted, with all its woe and shame, I derive a well founded assurance of a commensurate vastness of effort against it, by the aroused masses of the country, determined not only to vindicate Right against Wrong, but to redeem the Republic from the thraldom of that Oligarchy, wMhich proma~pt directs, and concentrates, the distant wrocng. Suclh is the Crime, and such the criminal, whbh it is my duty in this debate to expose, and, by the blessing of God, this duty shall be done completely to the end. But this evils not be en~ough. 'The Apologies, which, with strange hardihood~ have been offered for the Crime, must be to~rn .away, so that it shall stand forthy without a sinale rag, or fig-leaf, tQ cover ids vileness. Aml~ finally,, the Tree Remedy must be shownI. Tim ! subjet is complex; ia it~ relations, as it is tAm~ I 0 I sition to the usurpation in Kansas, ne denounces l as "an uncalculating fanaticism." To be sure, these charges lack all grace of originality, and all sentiment ot truth; but the adventurous Sen ator does not hesitate. He is the uncompromi sing, unblushing representative on this floor of a flagrant sectionalismrn, which now domineers over the Republic, and yet with a ludicrous ignorance of his own position-unable to see himself as others see him-or with an effrontery which evenrt his white head ought not to protect from rebuke, he applies to those here who resist his sectionali7;i7. the very epithet which designates himself The men who strive to bring back the Government to its origina;l policy, when Freedom and not Slavery was national, while Slavery and not Freedom was sectional, he arraigns as sectional. This will not ! do. It involves too great a perversion of termn. I [tell that Senator, that it is to himself, and to the "organization" of which he is the " committed advocate," that this epithet belongs. I now fasten it upon them. For myself, I care little for names; but since the question has been raised here, I affirm that the Republican party of the Union is in no just sense sectional, but, more than any other party, national; and that it now goes forth to dislodge fromtn the high places of the Government the tyrannical sectionalism of which the Senator from South Carolina is one of the maddest zealots. To the charge of fanaticism I also reply. Sir, fanaticism is found in an *enthusiasm or exaggeration of opinions, particularly on religious sub- jects; but there may be a faniaticism for evil as well as for good. Now, I wiR not deny, that there are persons among us loving Liberty too well for their personal good, in a selfish generation. Such there may be, and, for the sake of their example, would that there were more! In' calling them " fanatics," you cast contumely upona, the noble army of martyrs, from the earliest day; down to this hour; upon the great tribunes of human rights, by whom life, liberty, and happ/ness, on earth, have been secured; upon the loing line of devoted patriots, who, throughout history, have truly loved their country; and, upon all, evthos in ioble aspirations for the general good and in forgetfulness of self; have stood out before their age, and gthe here d into their generous bosoms the shafts of tyranniy and wrong, in order to make a pathway for Truth. You discredit Luther, whenl alone he nailed his articles' to the door of the church at Wittenberg, and then, to the imperial demand that he should re-! tract, firmly replied, "Here I stand; I canny do otherwise, so help me God!" You discredit Hampden, when alone he refused to pay the few V shillings of ship-mnoniey, and shook the throne { of' Charles I; you discredit Milton, whlen, amidst the corruptions of a heartless Court, he lived! on, thle lofty friend of Liberty, above question ~' or suspidcion; you discredit Rusesell and S~idlney~ \ whlen, for the'sake of their country, their calmlly turned from t'.milvy and friends, to tread the nax- ] row steps of the scaffold; you discredit those early if founders of American inlstitultions, who preferred the hardships of a wildlerness, sulrroundedl bar a savage foe, to injlustice on b,edis of erase; you dis ,ut, before enterin g upon the argumen t, I must sai somethi ng of a general char acter, particu irly in respons e t o wh at he s fallen fiom S enat ors Aswho have raised themselves to eminence on this hloor in championship of human wrongs; I mean the Senator sihom South Carolina, [Mr. BUTLER,] and the S ena tor from Illinois, [,Nr. DOUGLASs,] who, though unlike as Don Quixote a nd S a fnch o Pallaf. yet, ike this c oupled sally forth to gether ili the sa e adventure. I regret t much to isiss tile elder Senator yiola his seat; bu t the caus e. against which he h. run a tilt, with such activ ith of ani mo seuity, demands that the opportunity of ex.osing himi should not be lost; and it is for the cau se that I snpeak. The Senator from South Carolina has read many books of chlivalry. anrd be lieveos l irtselfa chivalrous knight, with sentiments pof hoi,or and cour age. Of course he has chosen et snistress t o whom he has made his vows, and who, thioughl ugly to o the rs, is always lo vely to him; though pollauted inerik h the sight of the world, is chaste ial his si,A stoI Moean the l frlotn Slave,iry. For her, his tongue i w s alway s profuse in words. Let her be i" pacnet in character, o r any proposition matde to sh t her out from t he ex t ension of h ern i b tw7antorniness, and no extraivaganee of aeanner or hardiihood of assertion is then too great for this Senator. The fDenzy of Don Quixote, in behalf $et' his wench Daleinea del Toboso, is all surpassed. Thie asserted rights of Slavery, which shock equality of all kinds, are cloaked by a fantastic clatim of cqultiity. If the slave States cannot enjoy what, in mockery of the great fathers of the Republic, he misinames equality under the C(onstitutisa —in otherwords, the full powerin the National Territories to compel fellow-men to unpaid toil, to separate husband anid wife, and to sell little children at the auction block-then, sir, the chivalric.Senator will conduct the State of South Carolina out of the Union! Heroic kniglht! Exalted Senaw r! A Eccoad Moses come fibr a second exodus! But not content with this poor menace, which we have been twice told was11 "measured," the Senator, in the unrestrained chivalry of his niatitre, has undertaken to rtpply opprobrious words to those who differ from him on this floor. He cat* thetc "'ectwnal and fanatieal; " and op.,e. l tfisk will be divided under three differe"t . heads; fii-,,t, I'HE CRI.MH AGAINST KAN,-As, in its ori,in and extent; $eCO??(Illl, TIIE APOLOG'I'E.S FOR, I TIIE CRIYE; and tire TR'UE REMEDY. I 6 credit our later fathers, who, few in numbers' and weak in resources, yet strong in their cause, did not hesitate to brave the mighty power oft England, already encircling the globe with her, morning drum-beats. Yes, sir, of such are the fanatics of history, according to the Senator. But I tell that Senator, that there are characterst badly eminent, of whose fanaticism there can be nr.o question. Such were the ancient Egyptians, who worshipped divinities in brutish forms; the Druids, who darkened the forests of oak, in which they lived, by sacrifices of blood; the Mexi cans, who surrendered countless victims to the propitiation of their obscene idols; the Span iards, who, under Alva, sought to force the Inquisition upon Holland, by a tyranny kindred to that now employed to force Slavery upon Kansas; and sauch were the Algerines, when in solemn conclave. after listening to a speech not unlike that of the Senator firom South Carolina, they resolved to continue the slavery of white Christians, and to extend it to the countrymen of Washington! Aye, sir, extend it! And in this same dreary catalogue faithful history must record all who now, in an enlightened age and in a land of. b oas ted F reed se, s tan d up, in perversion of the Constitution and in d enial of immo rtal truth, to fasten a new shackle upon their fellow-man. If the Senator wishes to sea fanatics, let him look round among his own associates; let him look at himself. But 1 have not done with the Senator. There is another matter, regarded by him of such conse.iuence, that he interpolated it into tle speech of the Senator from New Ilamlpshire, [.Alr. HALE,] and also announced that he had prepared himself with it, to take in his pocket all the way to Boston, wvhfen he expected to address the people of that community. On this account, and for the sake of truth, I stop for one moment, and tread it to the earth. The North, according to tile Senator, was en-aged in the slave trade, and helped to introduce slaves into the Southern States; and this undeniable fact he proposed to establish by statistics, in stating which his errors surpassed his sentences in number. But I let these pass for the present, that I may deal with his argument. Pray, sir, is the acklnowledg,ed tuirpitude of- a departed generation to become an example for us? And yet the suggestion of the Senator, if entitled to any consideration in this discussion, must have this extent. I join E-a friend from New Hampshire in thanking the Senator from South Carolilna for adduicing this instance; for it gives me an opportunity to say, that thie Nortlhern merchants, with homes in Bostor, Bristol, Newport, New York, and Pt,iladelplfia, who catered for Slavery during the years of the slave trade, are the lineal progenitors of the Northern men, with houmos in these places, who lend themselves to Slavery in our day; ante especially that all, whether Northl or South, whlo take part, directly or indirectly, in the conspilracy against Kansas, do but continue the wrork of' tae sh~lve-trasders, whichl you condemn. It is true, too true, alas! that our fathers were enlgaged in this traffic; but that is no apology for it. And in repelling the authority of this ex ample, I repel also the trite argume n t founde d Qn the earlier example of England. It is true that our mother country, at the peace of Ut re cht, extorted from Spain the Assiento Contract, se curing the monopoly of the slave trade with the Spanish Colonies, as the whole price of all the blood of great -victories; that she hitgled at Aix-la-Chapelle f or another lease of this ex clusive traffic; and again, at the treaty of MsId rid, clung to the wretched piracy. It is true, that in this spirit the power of the moth er coun.try was prostituted to the same bas e ends in he r Amnerican Colonies, aga;nst indignant protosts from our fathers. All the se things now rise up in ju dgment a g ainst her. Let us not follow the Senator fiom South CTNr olina to do the very evil to-day, which in another generat ion we con demn. As the Senator from South Carolina is th e Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois [,lr. DOUGLAS] is the squire of Slavery, its very Sanicho Panza, ready t o do a ll it s humiliatinf offices. This Senator, in his labor ed address, vindicating, his labored report-piling one m ass o f e laborate er ror upon another mass-constrained himsel f, as you will remember, to unfan miliar decen cies of speech. Of tha t address I h ave S nothing to say at this moment, thloiugh betire I sit down I shall s how something of its fallswoies. But I go back no w t o an earlier occasion, whe n, t rue t o his n,a tive impu lses, hie threw into this discussion, "for a cthatm of powerful trouble, p', ersonalities mnost discreditable to this body. I htill not stop to repel tlec imputationsiaisch he cast upon mys elf; but I mention them to remind you of t he opsw e ltered vetoeU sleepinigi got," which, wit h oth er poisoned ingiredients, he cast into the cauldron of this debate. Of other tleings I'speak. Standing on this floor, the Senator issuted his restrit, requiring submission to the Usurped Power o f Ka.nsa.s; and this.was accompanied by a manner ad his owIn-such as befits the tyrannical threat. Very well. Let the Senator tin. I tell him iicn, that he cannot enforce any such submission. The Senator, with the Slave Power at his back. is strong; but he is not strong enough for this purpose. He is bold. Itc shrinks from nothing. Like Dainton, he may cry.' "l'au d icek /'audae! to~eiours l't:.udace!" but eso,fn his audacity car.iotcomipaiss this work. Th'le Senator colpies the- British officer, who, with boastful sw;ag'5er, said that with the hilt of his sword he would cram the " stamps " down the throats of the A:.aerictan people, and he will meet a similar failure. He may convulse this country with civil feud. Like the ancient madman, he mafly set fire to this iemple of Constitutional Lil)ertv, grander than Ep)esian dome; but he cannot enforce obedience to tint tyrannicalUrpa tio. The Senator dreams,hat he can subdue the North. He disclaims the open tllretat, bit his !condluct still intrplies it.. How little that Senator Iknlow-s hifmscl~f] or the strengrth of the csause which he persecutes[ t ie is but a mortal muan; aga:inst him is as immzortal principle. W~ithl finite power he wrecstles with the infinlite, and he must fill. Ag~ainlst him are stronger battalions thean any marshlalled by mortal arm —the inborn: ineradi: 11 7 by their concurring votes upon a reluctant North. At the time it was hailed by slaveholders as a victory. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in an oft-quoted letter, written at three o'clock on the night of its passage, says, "It is considered here by the slaveholding States as a great triumph." At the North it was accepted as a defeat, and the friends of Freedom everywhere throughout the country bowed their heads with mortification. But little did they know the completeness of their disaster. Little did they dream that the prohibition of Slavery in the Territory, which was stip ulated as the price of their fatal capitulation, would also at the very moment of Its maturity be wrested from them. Time passed, and it became necessary to pro vide for this Territory an organized Government. Suddenly, without notice in the public press, or the prayer of a single petition, or one word of open recommendation from the President-after an acquiescence of thirty-three years, and the irreclaimnable possession by the South of its special share under this compromise-in violation of every obligation of honor, compact, and good neighborhood-and in contemptuous disregard of the out-guishing sentiments of an aroused North, this time-honored prohibition, in itself a Landmark of Freedom, was overturned, and the vast region now known as Kansas and Nebraska was opened to Slavery. It was natural that a measure thus repugnant in character should be pressed by arguments mutually repugnant. It was urged on two principal reasons, so opposite and inconsistent as to slap each other in the face-one being that, by the repeal of the prohibition, the Territory would he left open to the entry of slaveholders with their slaves, without hindrance; and the other being, that the people would be left absolutely free to determine the question for themselves, and to prohibit the entry of slaveholders with their slaves, if they should think best. With some, the apology was the alleged rights of slaveholders; with others, it was the alleged rights of the people. With some, it was openly the extension of Slavery; and with others, it was openly the establishment of Freedom, under the guise of Popular Sovereignty. Of court, the measure, thus upheld in defiance of reason, was carried through Congress in defiance of all the securities of legislation; and I mention these things that you may see in what foulne" the present Crime was engendered. It was carried, first, by wahypting in to its support, through Executive influence and patronage, men who acted against their own declared judgment and the known will of their constitnents. &ofdly, by foisti~n out of place, both in the Senate and House of Representatives. important business, long pending, and usurping itg room. Thirdly, by trampling underfoot the rules of the House of Representatives, always before the safeguard of the minority. And fourt/k~, by d-imng it to a else during the very session in which it originated, so that it might not be arrested by the indignant voice of the People. Such are some of the means ly which this snap judgment was obtained. If une clear will of thie People had not been disregarded, it could not I. It belon.s to me now, in the first place, to expose the CRIME AG.AINST KANSAS, in its origin and extent, Logically, this is the beginning of the argument I say Crime, and deliberately adopt this strongest term, as better than any other denoting the consummate transgression. I would go further, if language could further go. Iat is the Cr ine of Crimheurpassing far the old', crimen majestatis, pursued with vengeance by the laws of Rome, and containing all other crimes, as the greater contains the less. I do not go too for, when I call it the Clrime agalotw Nature, from which the soul recoils, and which language refuses to describe. To lay bare this enormity, I now proceed. The whole subject has already become a twice-told tale, and its renewed recital will be X renewal of its sorrow and shame; but I shall not hesitate to enter upon it. The occasion requires it from the beginning. It has been well remarked by a distinguished historian of our country, that, at the Ithuriel touch of the M-[issouri discussion, the slave interest, hitherto hardly recognised as a distinct element in our system, started up portentous and dilated,X with threats and assumptions, which are the origin of our existing national politics. This was in 1820. The discussion ended with the admission of A/issouri as a slaveholding State, and the prohibition of Slavery in all the remaining, territory west of the Mississippi, and north of 36 30S', leaving the condition of other territory sonth of this line, or subsequently acquired, untouched by the arrangement. Here was a solemn act of legislation, called at the time a compromise, a covenant, a compact, first brought forward in this body by a slaveholdervindicated by slaveholders in debate-finally sanctioned by slaveholding votes-also upheld at the ~mza by the essential approbation of a slaveholditg President, James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself; and this compromise was made the condition of the admission of Missouri, without which that State could not have been reoeived into the Union. The bargain was simple, ad was applicable, of course, only to the territory named. Leaving all other territory to await the judgment of another generation, the South said to the North, Conquer your prejudices so far as to admit Missouri as a slave State, and, ionsideration of this much-coveted boon, Slavery shall be prohibited forever inl all the remaining Louisiana Territory above 36~ 30/; and the .toth yielded. In total disregard of history, the President, in h annual message, has told us that thi coml-romise "was reluctantly acquiesced in by the Southern States." Just the contrary is true. It was the work of stlveholders, and was crowded calae, invincible sentiments of the hnman heart; against him is nature in all her subtle forces; against him is God. Let him try to subdue these. But I pass from these things, which, though belonging to th'e very heart of the discussion, are yet preliminary in character, and press at once to the main question. I 8 ha.ve passed. If the Governmnent hal not neft- I to this conclusion you must yet comne, unless riouslyvinterposed its influenrce, it could not hive dteaf' not only to the tdm(Iouitions of p)litical p)ased. If it had been left to its natur.ll pl:ace justice, but also to the geniuis of our own Con in the order of business, it could not have pass- stitution, iiiinler whi( hIi. when properly inter e,l. If the rules of the House and the rights p)retei, no valid claiti for S',cvery can be set lip of' the mi-oritvy had not been violated, it could anywlhere in the N-itional territory. The Senator not have fpasel. If it had been allowed to go firom 5Iichigan [.Mr. CAss] m,v say, in response over to another Congress, when the People might to the Senattor from MIississippi, [-Ir. Baow,] be heard, it would have been ended; and then that Sbltvery cannot go into the Territory under the Crime we nowv deplore, would have beeni'the Constitution, without leislative introtnic w tthout its'ret 2eminal life. otin, arnd permit me to add, in response to both, MIr. President, I mean to keep absolutely within that Slavery cainnot g,o there at all. Nothiiny ce,n the limits of parliaiiientary propriety. I make no comne ont of nothlin; antd there is absolutely notli nersonal irnputations; but only with fi'ankness, ing in the Constitution out of which Slavery can such as be'io,irs to the occasion and my own char- be derived, while there are provisions, which, acter, descril)e a reat historical act, which is now when properly interpreted, make its existence enrolled in the Capitol. Sir, the Nebraska Bill lnywhere -within the exclusive Nationa.l jurisdic w:ts in every respect a swindle. It was a swin- tion impossible. dle by the Southl of the North. It was, on the TiTe offensive provision in the bill was in its part of those who had already completely en- form a legislative anomafly, utterly wanting the joved their share of the Mlissoutri Compromise, a niituri.l directness auid simnlicity of an honest svwindle of those whose share was yet absolutely transaction. It did not unde rtake openly to re untouched;,A(md the ple. of unconstitutionality peal the old Prohit)ition of Sl,tvery, but seemed set up-like the plea of usury after the borrowed to mince the matter, as it conscio'.s of thle swin nmoney hts been eijoyed-did not make it less a dle. It said th.it tl!is Piohibition, "being incon swindle. Urged as a Bill of Peace, it was a iistent with the principle of non-intervention by swindle of the whole country. Urged as opel- Congress with Slavery in the States an Terri i, the doors to slave-ra isters with thei. sl.-ves, toliis, as recognised bv the legislation of 1850, i, wvas a swinile of tlre asserted doctrine of Popu- commonly c'tlled the Compronise erantsures, is :l'i Sovereignty. Urged aes sa,nctionting Popultr hlereby declared inoplerative arid void." Thus, Soveeiei,itv, it was a swindle of the asserted with insidious ostentation, was it pietended that r;ihts of lase-masters. tt was a swindle of i anact,violatingttliegreatestconiproinimseofourle b. o0d territory, th as (che,ated of protection~ ag'dnst rislative history, and a nting loose the foundations Slatvery. It w-is a swindle of a great cause, tarly of -ll comp)rnmise, was derived out of a coimpio espoused by \Wa.ihin-,ton, F'ranklin, and Jefte- misc. Tlhenr fi)llowved ii the ]'ill the firtlihr decla sorn, surrounded by the best fathers of the Re- ration, which is entirely without precedent, a,nd puii)lic. Si', it was,t swindle of God-given in- which has been aptly ca lled " a stump speech ia a.ienable Ri,,-hts. Turn it over; look at it on its belly," namely: "it being the true intent and ai sides, and it is everywhere a swindle; and, if meaning of this act, not to legislate Si.ivery into the word I now employ lI.as not the authority of -ny Territory or State, nor to exclide it there classical usage it hlas, on this occtsion, the in- from. but to leave the people thereof perfectly dihitable authorit)y of fitness. No other word free to form and regulate their domestic iustitu will adeqairtelv express the minled me anness tions in their own way, subject only tp the Coln a.i1 wickedness of te cheat. stitution of the United Sta,tes." Here were Its character was still further apt,,rent in the snoothi words, such as beloug to a cinnili)g general strictrure of the trill. Amidst overflow- tongue enlisted in a bad cause. But whatever ing professions or' reitrd for the sovereignrty of may h.ave been their various bidden mineanin's tile fpeople in the Territory, they were despoiled this at least wvas evident, that, by their effect, the of every essntial privilege of sovereignty. They Congressiouil PIroh;.)ibtion of Slavery which Ihad were not allowed to choose their Governor, Sec- talways been regarded as a seven-fold shield, co-% retary; ChiefJ astice, Associate Justices, Attorney, ering the whole Louisiaiii Territory north of 36~ or'5tirshal-all of whom are sent from Wishing- 30', was nowv removed, while a prin'iple was deton nor were they allovcdl to regiilato the sqali- clared, which would rendler the supplementary ries of anv of thes tunctiornarieq, or the daily Prohibition of Slivery in MNinnesota, Oregoq stud allowance of the legislative body. or even lie Washington, "inoperative and voil," and tlls p)av of the clerks and doorkeepers; but'' — e o(per to Slavery all these vas.t regions, now the lef: free to adopt Slav ery. And this w' rude cradles of mighty States. Here you see the Pop'ilar Sovereignty! Time does not allo. magnitude of the mischief contemplated. But dioes the occasion require, that I should s,.'nv purpose now is with the Crime against Ianto dwell on this transparent device to cover a sas, and I shall not stop to expose the conspiracy trt.iscen'lent wrong. SuLffice it to say, that bi)eyotd. Slaves i3 in itself an arrogant denial o' Jlu- Ar. Presedeut, men are wisely presumed to inm en Rigohta and lby no human reason can the t(mul tire nttural consequenutes of their conduct, p),'er to establish such a wrong be pl'ced and to seek what their actq seem to promote. ainong the attribute' of any ust sovereign- Iow, the Nebr;aska Bill, on its very face, openly ty. in rofusing it such a place, I do not deny cleared the way for Slavery, and it is not wrong ip~oplar rights, lIult uphold then; I do not re- to presueme thrit its origin:tors intended the flatstrain popul-ar rights, but extend them. And, sir1 ural consequences of such an act, and solgit in 9 this way to extend Slavery. Of course, they did.! pushed full-grown into the Territory. Al] efforts And this is the first stage in the Crime against were now given to the dismal work of forcing Kan-sas. Slavery on Free Soil. In flagrant derogation of But this was speedily followed by other de- the very Popular Sovereignty, whose name help velopmeets. The bare-flaced scheme was soon ed to impose this Bill upon the country, tlhe whispered, that Kansas must be a slave State. atrocious object was now di.lincLly avowed. In c,)nfotinrr.ity with this idea was the Government And the avowal has been followed by the act. of this unhappy Territoly orgatnized in all its de- Slavery has been forcibly introduced into Kana.s, partments; and thus did the President, by whose and plaqed under the formal safeguards of pre complicity the Prohibition of'Sl:tvery bad been tended law. How this was done, belongs to overthrown, lend himself to a new complicity- the argumrent. gi%ving to the conspirators,a lease of conni- In depicting this consummation, the simplest va.n(e, amounting even to copartnership. Th'e outline, without one word of color, will be best. Governor, Secretary, Chief Justice, Associate WVhether regarded inii its mass or its details, in its Justices, Attorney, and Marshal, with a whole origin or its result, it is all blackness, illumined caucus of other stipendiaries, nominated by the by nothing from itself, but onlv by the heroism President and confirmed by the Senate, were of the undaunted men and women, whom it envi all commended as friend'y to Slavery. No man, roned. A plain statement of fa(ts will be a pic with the sentiments of Washington, or Jeffer- ture of fearful truth, which faithful history will son, or Fraaklin, found any tfvor; nor is it too preserve in its darkest gallery. In the foreground mlc(h to say, th;at, had these great patriots all will recognise a familiar character, in himself once more come namong us, not oe.e of them, with a connecting link between the President and the his recorded unretracted opinions on Slavery, border ruffian-less conspicuous for ability than coul,l have been nominated by the President or for the exalted place he has occupied-who once confirmed by the Senate for anyv post in that sat in the seat where you now sit, sir; where Territory'. With such auspices the conspiracy once sat John Adams and Tihomas Jetferson; also, proceeded. Even in advance of the Nebraskt where once sat Aaron Burr. I need not add the Bill, secret societies wvere organized in AMissouri, name of David R. Atchison. You have not forgot ostensibly to protect her institutions, and after- ten that, at the session of Coagr-ess immediattely wards, uinder the name of "1 Selt'-Defiensive Asso- succeeding the Nebraska -Bill, he caine tardily ciations," and of " Bl ueLodges," these were mul- to his duty here, and then, after a short tine, tiplied throughout the western counties of that disappeared. The secret has been long since disState, before any cocunter-niote)ent fiomn the closed. Like Catiline, he stalked into this ChaniNo;'th. It was confidentlv anticipated, that, by ber, reeking with conspiracy -immno its Seozatoi)t tihe activityof these societies, and the interest of venoit-and then like Catiline he skulked awavslavehol(lers everywhere, with the advantage (de- abit, e.cessit, evasit, crupit-to join and provoke rivi(d from the neighborhood of Mlissouri, and the the conspirators, who at a dist-ince awaited their influence of the Territoial Government, Slavery congenial (hief. Under the influence of his malign nmight be introduced into IKansas, quietly but presence the Crime ripened to its fatal 1ruits, surely, without arousing a cotnflict-th:tt the while the similitude with Catiline was again recrocodile eveg might be stealthily dropped in the newed in the sympathy, not even concealed, sun-burnt soil, there to be hatched unobserved which he found iii the very Senate itself, where, until it sent forth its reptile monster. beyond even the Roman example, a Senator has But the conspiracy was unexpectedly balked. not hesitated to appear as his open compurgaThe debate, which convulsed Congress, had tor. stirred the whole country. Attention from all And now, as I proceed to show the way in sides was directed upon Kansas, mwhich at once which this Territory was overrun and finally became the t.avorite goal of emigration. The Isubjugated to Slavery, I desire to remove in at.Bill had loudly declared, that its object was vaiace all question with regardto the authority,on a to leave the people perfectly free to form which I rely. The evidence is secondary; but it and regulate their domestic institutions in their is the best which, in the nature of the case, can own way;" and its supporters everywhere chal- be had, and it is not less clear, direct, and perem)lenged the determination of the question between tory, than any by which we are assured of the Freedom arnd Slavery by a competition of emi- campaigns in the Crimea or the fall of Sevastopol. gration. Thus, while opening the Territory to In its manifold mass, I confidently assert, that Slavery. the bill a'so opened it to emigrants from it is such a body of evidence aqs the human mind every qutirter,-who might by their votes redress is not able to resist. It is found in the coincuirring the wrong. The populous North, stung by a reports of the public press; in the letters of corsharp sense of outrage, and inspired by a noble respondents; in the testimony of travellers; arnd cause, poured into the debatable land, and prom- in the unaffected story to which I have listened ised soon to establish a supremacy of numbers froi leading citizens, who, duringthis winter, have there, involving, of course, a just supremacy of " come flockiug"g here from that distant Territory. Freedom. It breaks forth in the irrepressible outcry, reaching Then wits conceived the consummation of the us from Kansas, in truthful tones, which leave no Crine against Kansas. What could not be ac- ground of mistake. It addresses us in formal comcomplished peacealily, was to be accomplished plhnts, instinct with the indignation of a people forcibly. The reptile monster, that could not be determined to be free, and unimpeachable as the quietly and securely hatched there, was to be declarations of a murdered man on his dying bed 10 against his murderer. And let me add, that ail this testimony finds an echo in the very statute book of the conspirators, and also in language dropped from the President of the United States. I begin with an admission from the President himself, in whose sight the people of Ka:nsas have little favor. And yet, after arraigning the innocent emigrants from the North, he was con strained to declare that their conduct was "far from justifying the illegal and reprehenwible coun ter-movement which ensued." Then, by the re luctant admission of the Chief Magistrate, there was a counter-movement, at once illegal and rep rehenibk. I thank thee, President, for teaching me these words; and I now put them in the front of this exposition, as in t hemselves a confession. Sir, this " i llegal and reprehensible counter-' movement" is none other than the dreadful Crime und e r an apologetic alias- by which, through successive invasions, Slavery has been forcibly plant ed in this Territory. Next to this Presidential admission must be placed the details of the invasions, which I now present as not only " illegal and repreh ensible," bu t also unquest ionable evidence of the result ing Crime. , The violence, for some time threatened, broke Forth on the 29th November, 1854, at the first election of a Delegate to Congress, when com panies from Missouf, amounting to upwards of one thousand, crossed into Kansas, and, with force and arms, proceeded to vote for Mr. Whit field, the candidate of Sery. An eye-witness, General Pomeroy, of superior intelligence and perfect integrity, thus describes this scene: / -" The first ball,o.-4ox that was opened Uponl our virgin ,oil was closed to us lby overpowering numbers and(I im penidinig force. So ),old and] reckless were our invader. taat they (a;red not to conceal their attack. They cale upon us not in the guise of voters, to steal away our frost chise, tut boltily and openily, to snatch it with a stronl land. They came directly from their own homes. and in compa t and organized bands, with arms in hand and pro visionts for the expe(lition), marched to our polls, and], when their work was done, returned whence they came.' Here was an outrage at which the coolest blood of patriotism boils. Though, for various reasons unnecessary to develop, the busy settlers allowed the election to pass uncontested, still the means employed were none the less " illegal and reprehensible." This infliction was a significant prelude to the grand invasion of the 30th March, 1855, at the election of the first Territorial Legislature un der the organic law, when an armed multitude from Missouri entered the Territory, in larger numbers than General Taylor commanded at Buena Vista, or than General Jackson had with in his lines at New Orleans-larger far than our fathers rallied on Bunker Hill. On they came as an "army with banners," organized in compa nies, with officers, munitions, tents, and provis ions, as though marching upon a foreign foe and breathing loud-mouthed threats that they w sould carry their purpose, if need be, by the bowie-knife and revolver. Among them, accord ing to his own confession, was David R. Atchi son, belted with the vulgar arms of his vulgar comrades. Arrived at their several destinations on the night befbre the election, the invader; pitched their tent s, place d their senwtries, and waite d for the coming day. The same tr ust worthy eye-witness, whom I have already quo ted, says, of one locality: t v Baggage-wagoins were there with arms a r, d ammrmiun tioI eiougth for a plrotracted fight. ate among them two brass field pieces. ready charg ed T hey caone with drums beatinigio and flags i their leaders wer e of the moSt prominient and conispicuous mp e of their Sti Of another locality he says: meThei isvders came totgether il one earteid an d ortit ized body, with trinsis o f fifty wagov ws, beside.s horaempne Nied. the ttight be for e election. pilebed their camp in the viei'nity ot" the polls; arid, having:ppointed their owin ejudges ih place o th ose wh o, from intianidation n or other iee, failent ato attend, they voted without aly proof a residllene." Wi tith s oe t ere this force they were able, on the s ceeding day, in some places, to intimidate the judges of elections; in others, to s ubstitu te judges of their own appointment; in others, to wrest th e baillot-boxes from thei r rightful posses sors, and everywhere to exercise a complete control of the election, and thus, by a preter natural audacity of usurpation, impose a Le gis l ature upon the free people of Kansas. Thus was conquered the Sevastopol of that Territory! But it was not enough to secure the Legisla:ture. The ele ction of a member of Con gr ess re curred on the 2d October, 1855, and the same foreigners, who had learned their strength, again manif este d it. Ano the r in vasion, in controlling numbers, came from Missouri, a nd one more forcibly exercised the elect oral fran c hise in lKan sals. At l ast,.-ia the latts days of Novembe, 185-, a storm, long brewing, bu rst upon the head s of the d evoted people. The ballot-boxes had been . violated, and a Legis lature installed, which h ad proceeded to carry out the conspiracy o f the in vaders; but the go od people of th e Territory, born to Freedom, and educated as Americ an citi zens, showed no. signs of submission. Slavery, though recognisreteed by pretended law, was in many plamces pra ctically an o utla w. To the law less borderers, this was hard to bear; and, like t he Heathen of old, they raled, pa ltirularly against fthe town of Law rence, a lre ady know n, by the firmness of its principles a nd the characte r of its citizens, a s the c itadel of the goo d cause. O this account they threate ned, in their peculial wlanguage, to puwipe it out." Soon the hosti le pow er was gat here d for this purpose. The wick edness of this invasion wasD en hanc ed by the way ~ in which it began. A citizen of Kansas, by the sname of Dow, was murdered by one of the par tisans of Slavery, under the name of " law and order." Such an outrage nat u rally a ro used inr dignation and provok ed t hreats. The professors of "law and order" allowed the murderer to escape; and, still further to illustrate the irony of the name they assumed, seized the friend of the , murdered man, whose tew neighbors soon rallied for his rescue..sThis transaction, though totally e'disregarded in its chief front of wickedness, be- came the excuse for unprecedented excitement. - The weak Governor, with no faculity higher than r servility to Slave~ly-whom the President, in his~ s > official delinquency, had appointed to a trust s,! worthy only er a well-balanlcedl character —was 11 adoption —only a few days after the Treaty of Peace between th9 Governor on the one side and the town of Lawrence on the other-another and fifth irruption was made. But I leave all this untold. Enough of these details has been given. Five several times and more have these invaders entered Kansas in armed array, and thus five sev era l times and more have they trampled upon the organic law of the Territory. But these extra ordinary expeditions age simply the extraordinary witnesses' to successive uninterrupted violence. They stand out conspicuous, but not alone. The spirit of evil, in which they had their origin, was wakeful and incessant. From the beginning, it hung upon the skirts of this interesting Territory, harrowing its peace, disturbing its prosperity, and keeping its inhabitants under the painful alarms of war. Thus was,all Security of person, of property, and of labor, overthrown; and when I urge this incontrovertible fact, I set forth a wrong which is small only by the side of the giant wrong, for the consummation of which all this was done. Sir, what is man-what is governmen-without security; in the absence of which, nor man nor government can proceed in development or enjoy the fruits of existence? Without security, civilization is cramped and dwarfed. Without security, there can be no true Freedom. Nor shall I say too much, when I declare that security, guarded of course by its offspring, Freedom, is the true end and aim of government. Of this indispensable boon the people of Kansas have thus far been despoiled-absolutely, totally. All this is aggravated by the nature of their pursuits, rendering therp peculiarly sensitive to interruption, and at the same time attesting their innocence. They are for the most part engaged in the cultivation of the soil, which from time immemorial has been the sweet employment of undisturbed industry. Contented in the returns of bounteous nature and the shade of his own trees, the husbandmanis not aggressive; accustomed to produce, and not to destroy, he is essentially peaceful, unless his home is invaded, when his arm derives vigor from the soil he treads, and his soul inspiration from the heavens beneath whose canopy he daily toils. And such are the people of Kansas, whose Security has been overthrown. Scenes from which civilization averts her countenance have been a part of their daily life. The border incursions, which, in barbarous ages or barbarous land-si have fretted and "harried " an exposed people, have been here renewed, with this peculiarity, that our border robbers do not simply levy black mail and drive off a few cattle, like those who acted under the inspiration of the Douglas of other days; th at the y do n ot seize a few persons, and sweep them away into captivity, like the African slave-traders whom we brand as pirates; but that they commit a succession of acts, in which all,border sorrows and all African wrongs are revrived together on American soil, and which for the time being annuls all protection of all kinds, and enslaves the whole Territory. Private griefs mingle their poignancy with public wrongs. I do not dwell on the anxieties which families have undergone, exposed ~o sad frightened f rom his pae t i propriety By prclamation he invoked t he Ter ritory. By telegraph he in voked tle Presi dent. The Territory would not r espond to his senseless appeal. The Pre sident was dumb; but the proclama tion was circula ted througilout th e border cou nties of Missouri; and Plaitte, Clay, Carl isle, Sabine, Howard, and Jef ferson, each of them, contributed a volunteer lompany, recruite d fr om the roa d sides, and armed wit h weapons which chance afforded known as the " shot-gun militia "- with a Mis souri officer as commissary general, dispensing rations and another Missouri of ficer as general in-chief; t t o with two wagon loads of rifles, b elong ing to Missouri, drawn by six mules, from its arsena aat Jefferson City; with seven pieces of cannon, belonging to-the United States, from its arsenal at Liberty; a nd this formidable force, amounting to at least 1,800 men, terrible with threats, with oaths, and with whisky, crossed the borders, and encamped in larger part at Waafhe rasa, over against the doomed town of Lawrence, which wias now threatened with destruction. With these invad ers was th e Governor, who by this act levied war upon the pe ople he was sent to pro toct. In camp with him was the original Cati line of the conspiracy, while by his side was the docile Chief Justice and the docile Judges. But this is not the first instance in which an unjust Governor has found tools where he ought to have found justice. In the great impeachment of Warren Hastings, the British orator, by whom it was conducted, exclaims, in words strictly ap plicable to the misdeed I now.arraign, " Had he not the Chief Justice, the tamed and domestica ted Chief Justice, who waited on him like a fa miliar spirit?" Thus was this invasion counte nanced by those who should have stood in the breach against it. For more than a week it contiuued, while deadly conflict seemed imminent. I (to not dwell on the heroism by which it was encountered, or the mean retreat to which it was compelled; for that is not necessary to exhibit the Crime which you are to judge. But I cannot forbear to add other additional features, furnished in the letter of a clergyman, written at the time, who saw and was a part of what he de ribes - "fair citizens have be-n shot at. and in two iasM4nees m'~nred, our hlus"s invaded. hay-ricks buirnit. corn and I ,xhar Provigio',s plutidered, catile driveni ofF,;ll cotmml nicationi cut otf)-.twveeni us and the States, wa:,ons on the way to us with provision.,stoppe,d and plundered, and the drivers taken )risoniers. and we in hourly expectation of :-,t attack N arly enery nsa, hta beerl it- arw -s i the rilla4,e. eortifications hotv,e been thrown up, Iy rticessaiit labhor night and day. The suol,d of the drum aid(i the tra-n, of Grin I men re.sounided throu-rh our streets, famniie fleeing with their h,&,,ehold goods f(,r saf ty. D'ty b)eforn yelterdt;ay, the re-,oft of X'-,i11o0 was hea,rd at our house. from the- direction of be'Atol. I,aast Tlhur4,,y. One of our ueilizi)or —o,te of t' st peaceable ntd ex'ant ofine-,, fromn O'lio —-n home. wets s,'t upon, l!y a anger of twelve men on ok, and rhot down. O.,er eight hu,tdred menl are sg der acrms at Law renee. As fret, noe act of violence nlo> been perpetralted{ by those oni our side. N~ blood of retaliatliou Obtains ousr Use~s. Itre..tor~*J ton4alre realy to act purely s,&tyh defense of ox~ hones and Busts' Balt the catalogue is not yet complete. On the 15lth of December, when the people assembled to vote oa the Constitution then submitted for 12 In the ottrage uponi the ballot-box, even without the illicit fruits whlich I sh1ill soon exhibit, there is a peculiar crime of the deepest dye, though suibor:dinate to the final Crime, which should be promptly avenged. In countries where roy atlty is upheld, it is a special otfence to rob the crown jewels, which are the emblems of that sovereignty before which the loyal subject bows, and it is treason to be found in adultery . with the Queen, for in this way may a false heir be imposed upon the State; but in our Republic the ballot-box is the single priceless jewel of that sovereignty which we respect, and the elec toral franchise, out of which are born the rulers of a free people, is the Queen whom we are to guard against pollution. Id this plain present ment, whether as regards Security, or as regards Elections, there is enough, surely, without pro ceeding further, to justify the intervention of Congress, most promptly and completely, to throw over this oppressed people the impenetra ble shield of the Constitution and laws. But the half is not yet told. As every point in a wide-spread horizon radi ates from a common celitre, so eveitlithing said or done in this vast circle of Crime radiates from the One I(eat, that Kansas, at all hazards, must be made a slave State. In all the matifold wick ednesses that have occurred, and in every suc cessive invasion, this One Idea has been ever present, as the Satanic tempter-the motive power-the caulking cause. To accomplish this result, three things were attempted: first, by onkas of all kinds to drive the friends of Freedom already there out of the Territory; secolidly, to deter others from coming, and, thirdly, to obtain the complete control of the Government. The process of driving out, and also of deterring, h:.s failed. On the contrary, the friends of Freedom there becanme more fixed in their resolves to stay and fight the battle, which i they had never sought, but from which they disdained to retreat; while the friends of Fr eedom elsewhere were more arou.ed to the duty of timely succors, by men and munitions of just self-defence. ,aBtit, while defeated in the first two processes propose,], the conspirators succeeded in the last. By the violence already portrayed at the election of the 30th Ma,rch, when the polls were occupied )by the armed hordes from Mlissouri, they imposed ta Legislature tUpon the Territory, and thus, utin der the iron matsk of' law, established a Usurpa tion not less complete than any in history. That this was done, I proceed to prove. Here is the evidence: 1. Only in this way can this extraordinary expedition be adequately explained. In the words of Moliere, once employed by John Quincy Adams in the other House, Que ditable allaient-il8 fatire th dns- cette galere? What did they go into the Territory for? If their purposes were peaceful, as has been suggested, why cannons, artifs, flags, numbers, and all this violence? As simple citizens, proceeding to the honest exercise of the electoral franchise, they might have gone with nothing more than a pilgrim's staff. Philosophy alssays seeks a s3iacient cause, and only in the den assault, and obliged to lie down to rest with the al;-rms of war ringing in their ears, not knowing that another day might be spared to them. Throughout this bitter winter, with the thermometer at 30 degrees below zero, the cit izens of Lawrence have been constrained to sleep under a rms, with sentinels t reading their constant watch against surprise. But our souls are wrung bv individual instances. In vain do we condemn te cruelties of anothe r agthe A refinements of torture to which men have been dooeed-the rack and thumb-screw of the Inquisition, the last agonies of the regicide Ravaillac-"Luke's iron crowns and Damien's bed of steel" —for kindred outrages have disgraced these borders. Murder has stalked-assassination has skulked in the tall grass of the prairie, and the vindictiveness of man has assumed unwonted forms. A preacher of the Gospel of the Saviour has been ridden on a rail, and then thrown into the Missouri, fasten ed to a log, and left to drift down its mudcly, tortuous current. And lately we have had the tidings of that enormity without precedent —a deed without a name-where a candidate for the Legislature was most brutally gashed with knives and hatchets, and then, after weltering i'i blood on the snow-clad earth, was trundled along with gaping wounds, to fall dead in the face of his wife. It is common to drop a tear of s)ympathy over the trembling solicitudes of our early fathers, exposed to the stealthy assault of the savage foe; and an eminent American artist has pictured this scene in a marble group of rare beauty, on the front of the N:,tional Capitol, -%here the uplifted tomakawk is arrested by the strong arm and generous countenance of the pioneer, wbile his wife and children find shelter at his feet; but now..the tear must be dropped onver the trembling solicitudes of fellow-citizens, seeking to build a new State in Kansas, and exposed to the perpetual assault of murderous robbers fiom MAissouri. Hirelings, picked from the drunken spew and vomit of an uneasy civilization-in the form of men Aye. in the ea alo.,-ue ye go for men; As hotii i.s and tray routy is motii r, lq.,an'r l:-. jur s d ,4hoti,,hs wa+ter-ru,s. and demrii-,-olyes:. are culledt All by the name o dogm: leashe d tog eth er by s ec ret signs and lodaes, ha ve r ene wed the incredible atrocities of the Assassins and of the Thugs; showing the blind submission e of' the Assassins to the Old Maan of the Mountain, in robbing Christians on the roaTo t o Jerusalem, and showing the heartlessness of the Thugs, who, avowing that murder was their religion, waylaid travellers on the great road from Agra to Delhi; with the more deadly bowie-knife for the dagger of the Assassin, and the more deadly revolver for the noose of the Thug. -n these invasions, attended by the entire subrersion of all Security in this Territory, with the plunder of the ballot-box, and the pollution of' the electoral franchise, I show simply the process in unprecedented Crime. If that be the best Goveriiment, where an injury to a singl,,e citizen is resented as an injury to the whole State, then must our Government forfeit all claim to any such eminence, while it leaves its citizens thus exposed. I -1" I -i I Missouri, dated as late as 25th March, 1856, in which the efforts of Missouriants are openly confessed: " The Vestern coueties of Missouri uave for the leas t two years lbeei heavily taxe(l, both ii money atlid time, isi fi,.hti.glthe b,rtlties o,f te,uth. Lafayette ounty alne est expen[ded more than 8 1 00,(a0M li7 money,' aid as much or orens in tiwit. Up to this time, the hborda cotntries of tMissotri harve u-pheld an,d maintained t/e rights a~ti initere,sts of the Soud ] i his stru-glet Knassiated, ani not unsucc sf hlly. But tbe &!t,olitio,.ists, stakin,g their all uponI tne'Kansas issuie. and hesitatiu,i at no meaans, fa-ir or fotbl, are moving heavevn ] aid earth to rende r that beao liful Territory a Free State." 8. Here, also, is complet e admission of the Usurpation, by the Inteigocer, a lead ing paper .of St. Louis, Missouri, made in the ensuing summer: "Atehis6n an, Sirinigfellow, with their Misouri followers. overwhelmedi the settlers in Kanzas. browbeat and bu!liedt tvem. andi took- the Governmaunt from their han(Lv. Nii.-ouri voies elected the present body of yneni who i-..sult public hltellit.eiice and(l popular rights by syliiigf thrrsilves ' the Ie,.islature of Kanisas.: Thii 1o, ly of ITme-n are hoilpix t'~e,nselves to iat slpeculationis by locating ihe' seat ot'(overnmlrienlte and eeuii,,,- towni lo's for their votes. They are pas~iil' laws flisitri'lhising all the citizenis of Kanskas who (I. iio: believe Nee-ro' Slavery to be n Cbhistian instituqt an,i a na-ioiual blT'ssin. They are proposillnz io puidsh with i:,prison-,,,ent the ut eralice of views inlconlis' en with their owii. Aid ihey are trying to perpetuate their prepostero. ani(i inlfernial lyrani~ by appoilin.zr for a termn of yoa crtatur..s of tlheir own, as commissioners ini every county, to lay andl collect taxef, anid see that th.laws tlley at pass&-ii, are ioithfully executed. Has this age aythag ,o comripare with these acts in awlareit y*9 9. In harmony with all these is the Authoritative declaration of Governor Reeder, in a speech addressed to his nel6hbors, at Easton, Pennsylvania, at the end of April, 1855, and immediately afterwards published in the Washington Uia/o. Here it i3: hWell wlhait nlext? Why a!l elgetion -for m-mbers of the Leisl;re to organize the Territory inust be held What did I advise you to do theni? VhIy, imleet them on tlheirowi,roaind. a,(d'eat themn at their own game agairn; and cold atid inlelment as thi weather was, 1 weilt over with a company of men. ly object in going was )ot to vote. I hlid iio right to vote, ut less I had disfratlchlised tayselfin 3Itssor;. I was not within two miles of a vo- e. till place. My object in oin was not to vote. but to settle a di,ficulty between two of our catdidilates: itid the A:'olitio)Tilst of ttt- North said, iand pthlie,ed i ahroad, tihat Altchiso,t was th,,r with bowie.kaife and r6to.er, acad by God'tevm true. I nerer did,,o iito that Territory-I[ nerer intnti t o into that 7erritory-twithout binr,g prepared for all such kind of catt'e. %Vell, we bea.t themn, attil Goveror Reeder gave certifieates to a majority of all thie inrohlers of toth Hlonses. atdl then, after they xvere orga'slized.;s everybody will adlnit, they were the only coinpetent p,erioils to say wiao were, alid -who wer, it, mei nlimers of the samne." 4. It is confirrmed by the contemporaneous admission of the Squalter Sovereign, a paper published at Atchison, and at once the organ of the President and of these Borderers, which, under dte of lst April, thus recounts the victory: " I?.DgPENDIVNCR, [M1lsSOUaRI].March:11,1, S55. uS,veral hlunil.lred emiigranits 3fron K.anisa, have just enber,d our c,ty.'Ph,y were preceded by the Westport and Ilidepetidettree braLss bals.'They ctrme iii at the whest side of tie.'abtic square, and proceeded entirely arou,id it, the b s eeri, us will fitin mns.ic, and tiae emigr,'tlts with good 1ew.s. Immediately following tie hand, were asbout tvo lihundred horsemen iui regular or(icer; fol lowing these were one ltunidred anid fifty wagois, carriages, &c. They gave relpeate,i cheers for Kan-sas and MI isitutri. They report that iot at i Ati-Sllvery mat will bxe in, -he Legislature of Kanisas. W%e have Tnade a cdeant 5. It is also confirmed by the contemporaneous testimony of another paper, always faithful to Slavery, the New York IIerald, in the letter of a correspondent from Brunswick, ill M3issouri, under dite of 20th April, 1855: a Fromn fi'e to seven thousanid men started from Missouri to atten,d the election,.oine to remove, but th,e most to returni to their families, with ani initenitioni, if they like(d thle Territory. to make it their,erm anelt aoide at the eirliest mnorneit practicable. But they initentded to vote. Tite.lissouria,ts were, maty of them, Douglas minen. Triere Nwere o)ne hlun,dred and fifty voier., from this counity. one huntlredl a(nd seventy-five fron Howar(ld. one ihun-dredl frtm Cooper. Indeed every count)y furuished its quota; "l It was indleed too true that Kansas had been invaded, eorh(iqurred, ubjugated, by an arined torce fromr beyond ler borders, leti ott by a faita'ical spirit, tratprin under foot the principles of the Kansas bill and the right of suf,rar." I 10. And in similar harmony is th e complnt of the people of Kansas, in a public meeting at Big Springs, on the 5th September, 1855, embodied in these words; i iI I t I 14 manv changes of lang,lage, against the heinons offence, described in forty-eight different ways, of interfering with what does not exist in that Territory-and under the Constitution cannot exist there-I mean property in human flesh. Thus is Liberty sacrified to Slavery, and Dea'th summoned to sit at the gates as guardian of the Wrong. But the work of Usurpation was not perfected even yet. It had already cost too much to be left at any hazard. " R,.,ol.ed, TlM -t th e body of rne,n who for tlh e last two mo,t!Las la.,c been passinig laws for the people of our Terriaory, in,ved. counselled, a ed dictate:, lo by the den,ago.-ues of Mlissouri. are 1o us a.oreign-i body, representing orgy the law,less invaders who elected the,m, and not the poole of t,te Territory —that we r-pudiate their action. as t.e nons;rous cotsuuJma ion of anii act of iol nce. usUirpation: ail frau.. unparalleled it thle history oft} e Uliion and wxorx y otly of men unitted oibr the duties and regardless o' the respondibili ies of Re pub.ict ars." 11. And finally, by the official minutes, which have been laid on our table by the President, the invasion, which ended in the Usurpation, is clearly established; but the effect of this testimony has been so amply exposed by the Senator from Vermont, [Mr. COLLAMER,] in his able and indefatigable argument, that I content myself with simply referring to it. " To be thus' was nothlin,g; But to be safely thus! "' Such was the object. And this could not be, except by the entire prostration of all the safe guards of Human Rights. The liberty of speech, which is the very brea.th of a Republic; the press, which is the terror of wrong-doers; the bar, through which the oppressed beards the arrogat.ce of law; the jury, by which right is vindicated; all these must be struck down, while officers are provided, in all places, ready to be the tools of this tyranny; and then, to obtain final assurance that their crime was secure, the whole Usurpa tion, stretching over the Territory, niust be fasttened and riveted by legislative bolts, spikes, and screws, so as to defy all eltort at change through the ordinamy forms of lat. To this work, in its various parts,'were bent the subtlest energies; and never, from Tubal Cain to this hour, was any fabric forged with more desperate skill and completeness. Mark, sir, three different legislative enactments, which constitute part of th work. First, according to one act, all who deny, by spoken or written word, "the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory," are denounced as felons, to be punished/by imprisonment at hard labor, for a term not less than two years; it may be for life. And to show the extravagance of this injustice, it has been well put by the Senator from Vermont, [Mdr. COLLAMER,] that should the Senator from Michigan, [Mr. CASS,] who believes that Slavery cannot exist in a Territory, unless introduced by express legislative acts, venture there with his moderate opinions, his doom must be that of a felon I To this extent are the great liberties of speech and of the press subverted. Secondly, by another act, entitled "An Act concerning Attorneysat-Law," no person can practice as an attorney, unless he shall obtain a license from the Territorial courts, which, of course, it tyrannical Discretion will be fre e to deny; a nd after ob taining such license, he is constrained o to take an oath, not onlv " to support " the Constitution of the United States, bet also "to support and sustaia "-mark here the reduplication-the Territorial act, and the Fugitive Slave Bill, thus erecting a test for the function of the bar, calculated to exclude citizens who honestly regard that latter legislative onormity as unfit to be obeyed. And, tlairdly, by another act, entitled "An Act concerning Jurors,'" all persons "1 conscientiously opposed to holding slaves," or "not admitting the right to hold slaves in the Territory," are excluded from the jury on every question, civil or criminal, arising out of asserted slave property; while, in all cases; the sumrponing of the jury is left with. O n thi s cumul ativ e, irresistible evidence, in c oncurrenc e with the antecedent history, I rest. And yet Senators here h ave argued t hat this can not be so- I) reisely as the conspiracy of Cati l in e w as doub ted in t h e Rom,an Senate. Non wod' suant in hoc ordine a qui aut'v a, quce cnminent, n on videant; aut ea, qb aident, dissipttalent; q" waem Catilinice mnollibus sententiis aluerunt, coljura tionemqle nsscentem non credendo corroboraverun-t. As I l ist ened to the Senator fiom Illinois, while he painfull y strov e to show that there was no oFsurpa tion. I was remi nded of the effort by a distinguished l ogicians, in a much-admired ar gument, to prove that Napoleon Bonaparte never existed. And permit me to say, that the fact of his existench is not placed more completely above doubt than the fact of this jUsnrpation. This 1 awsert on t he pro ofs alr eady presen ted. But con firmation comes almost while I speak. The col umns of the public press are now daily filled with testimony, solemnly taken before the Committee of Congress in Kansas, which shows, in awful li,ht, the violence ending in the Usurpation. Of this I may,peak on some other occasion. Mean while, I proceed with the development of the Crime. The usurping Legislature assembled at the ap pointed place in the interior, and then at once, in opposition to the veto of the Governor~ by a majority of two-thirds, removed to the Shawnee Mlission, a place in most convenient proximity to the Missouri borderers, by whom it had been con stituted, and whose tyrannical agent it was. The statutes of Missouri, in all their text, with their divisions and. subdivisions, were adopted bodily, and with such little local adaptation that the word "1 State," in the original is not even changed to " Territory," but is left to.be corrected by an explanatory act. But, all this general legislation was entirely subordinate to the special act, en titled'1 An Act to punish offences aga inst Slave Property," in which the One Ilea] that provoked this whole conspiracy, is at lastembodied in legist lative form, and Human Slavery openly recognised ( on Free Soil, under the sanction of pretended law. This act of thirteen sections rs in itself a Dance of Death. But'its complex completeness of wicked new, without a parallel, may be partially con\ceived, when it is understood that in three sec tions only.,f it is the penalty of death denounced iao less than lorty-eight different times, by as ~ ' I I i I" 15 out oe word of restraint to "the marshal, sher- n iff, or other officer," who are thus free to pack it according to their tyrannical discretion. For the ready enforcement of all statutes against Human Freedom, the President had already furnished a powerful quota of officers, in the Governor, Chief Justice, Judges, Secretary, Attorney, and Marshal. The Legislature completed this part of the work, by constituting, in each county, a Board of Commissioners, composed of two per-' sons, associated with the Probate Judge, whosed duty it is "t to appoint a county treasurer, coroA ner, justices of the peace, constables, and all' other officers provided for by law," and then proceeded to the choice of this very Board; thus delegating and diffusing their usurped power, and tyrannically imposing upon the Territory a crowd of officers, in whose appointment the people havef had no voice, directly or indirectly. And still the final inexorable work remained. A Legislature, renovated in both branches, could not assemble until 1858, so that, during this long intermediate period, this whole system mast con tinue in the likeness of law, unless overturned by the Federal Government, or, in default of such interposition, by a generous uprising of an op pressed people. But it was necessary to guard against t he possibility of change, even tardily, at a fiiture election; and this was done by two different acts; under the first of which, all who will not take the oath to support the Fugitive Slave Bill are excluded from the elective franchise; and t under the second of which, all others are entitled to vote who shall tender a tax of one dollar to the ;Sheriff on the daty of election: thus, by provisio n tof Territorial law, disfranchising all opposed to Slavery, and at thelsame time opening the door to I the votes of the invaders; by an unconstitutional ]shibboleth, excluding from the polls the mass of actual settlers, and by making the franchise de pend upon a petty tax only, admitting to the polls Ithe mass of borderers from Missouri. Thus, by tyrannical forethought, the Usurpation not only fortified all that it did, but assumed a self-perpet,uing energy. Thus was the Crime consummated. Slavery now stands erect, clanking its chains on the Ter ritory of Kansas, surrounded by a code of death, and trampling upon all cherished liberties, whether of speech, the press, the bar, the trial by jury, or the electoral franchise. And, sir, all this has been done, not merely to introduce a wrong which in itself is a denial of all rights, and in dread of which a mother has lately taken the life of her offspring; not merely, as has been sometimes said, to protect Slavery in Missouri, since itis futile for this State to complain of Freedom on the side of Kansas, when Freedom exists without complaint on the side of Iowa and also on the side of Illinois; but it has been done for the sake of political powver, in order to bring twvo nesv slaxve holding Senators upon this floor, and thus to for tif, in the National Government the desperate chances of a waning Oligarchy. As the ship, voyaging on pleasant summer seas, is assailed by a pirate crew, and robbed for the sake of its doubloons and dollars —so is this beautiful Ter ritory now assailed in its peace and prosperity, and robbed, in order to wrest its political. power to the side of Slavery. Even now the black flag of the land pirates from Missouri waves at the mast head; in their laws you hear the pirate yell, and see the flash of the pir ate knife; while, incredible to relate! the President, gathering the Slave Power at his back, testifies a pirate sympathy. Sir, all this was done in the name of Popular Sover ei gnt y. And this s e ise the close of the tragedy. Popular Sovereignty, which, when truly understood, is a fountain of just power, has ended in Popular Slavery; not merely in the subjection of the unhappy African race, but of this proud Caucasian blood, which you boast. The prodession with which you began, of All by the People, has been lost in the wretched reality of Nrothisy for the People. Popular Sovereignty, in whose deceitful name plighted faith was broken, and an ancient Landmark of Freedom was overtuoo, now lifts itself before us, like Sin, in the terri'e picture of Milton, "That seemed a woman to the waist, and fair, Bat ended foul In many a sc aly fold Volumineus aOd vast, a serpent arwed With morlal sting; about her mi(idle round A cry of hell-hounds never ceasing barked With wide Cerb)ereaii mouths full loud. anid rang A hideous peal; yet, when they list, would croep, If aught disturbed their noise, into ler womb, And kennel there, yet there still barked and howled Within, unseeni."" II. Emerging from all the blackne s s of this pCrime, in which we seem to have been lost, as in a savage wood, and turning our backs upon it, as upo n deso latio n and d eath, from which, while others have suffere d, we ha ve escaped, I come now to Tpa APOLOGIESp which the Crime has found. Sir, well may you start at the ,suggestion that such a series of wrongs, so clearly proved by various testimony, so openly confessed by the wrong-doers, and so widely recognised throughout the country, should find Apologies. But the partisan spirit, now, as in other days, hesitates at nothing. The great Crinmes of history have never been without Apologies. The massacre of St. Bartholomew, which you now instinctively condemn, was, ait the time, applauded in high quarters, and evem commemorated by a Papal medal, which may still be procured at Rome; as the Crime against Kansas, which is hardly less conspicuous in dreadful. eminence, has been shielded on this floor by extenuating words, and even by a Presi dential message, which, like the Papal medal, can never be forgotten in considering the mad ness and perversity of men. Sir, the Crime cannot be denied. The Prei dent himself has admitted "illegal and reprehensible" conduct. To such conclusion he was compelled by irresistible evidence; but what he mildly describes I openly arraign. Senators may affect to put it aside by a sneer; or to reason it away by figures; or to explain it by a theory, such as desperate invention has produced on this floor, that the Assassins and Thugs of Missouri il k I . The image. is complete at 911 points; and, with this ex ogure, I take my leave of the Crime against Kans" 4 0 16 efforts since to expose the utter illegaIity of that body, which he now repudiates entirely. It was said of certain Roman Emperors, who did infinite mischief in their beginnings, and.infinite good towards their ends, that they should never have been born, or never died; and I would apply the same to the official life of this Kansas Governor. At all events, I dismiss the Apology founded on his acts, as the utterance of tyranny by the voice of law, transcending the declaration of the lpedantic judge, in the British Parliament, on the eve of our Revolution, that our fathers, notwithstanding their complaints, were in reality represented in Parliament, inasmuch as their lands, under the original charters, were held "in comnmon socage, as of the manor of Greenwich in ]ent," which, being duly represented, carried with it all the Colonies. Thus in other ages has tyranny assumed the voice of law. were in reality citizens of Kansas; but all these efforts, so far as made, are only tokens of the weakness of the cause, while to the original Crime they add another offence of false testimony against innocent and suffering men. But the Apologi es tor the Crime are worse than the efforts at denial. In cruelty and heartlessness they identify their authors with the great trangression. The Apology tyrannical is founded on the mis lken act of Governor Reeder, in authenticating the Usurping Legislature, by which it is asserted that, whatever may have been the actual force or fraud in its election, the people of Kansas are effectually concluded, and the whole proceeding is placed under the formal sanction of law. Ac cording to this assumption, complaint is now in vain, and it only remains that Congress should sit and hearken to it, without correcting the wrong, as the ancienttyrantlistened and granted no redress to the human moans that issued from the heated brazen bull, which subtle cruelty had devised. This I call the Apology of technicality inspired by tyranny. The facte on this head are few and plain. Gov ernor Reeder, after allowing only five days for objections to the returns-a- space of time unresonably brief in that extensive Territory-declared a majority of the members of the Council and of thje House of Representatives "duly elected,' withheld certificates from certain others, becaus3e of satisfactory proof that they were not drily elected, and appointed a day for new elections to supply these vacancies. Afterwards, by formal message, he recognised the Legislature as a legal body, and when he vetoed their act of aljourutnent to the neighborhood of Missouri, he did it simply on the ground of the illegality of such an adjournment under the organic law. Now, to every assumption founded on these facts, there are two satisfactory replies; first, that no certificate of the Governor can do more than authenticate a subsisting legal act, without of itself infusing legality where the essence of legality is not already; and secondly, that violence or fraud, wherever disclosed, vitiates completely every proceeding. In.denying these principles, you place the certificate above the thing certified, and give a perpetual lease to violence and fraud, merely because at an ephemeral moment they were uinquestioned. This will not do. Sir, I am no apologist for Governor Reeder. There is sad reason to believe that he went to Kansas originally as the tool of the President; but his simple nature, nurtured in the atmosphere of Pennsylvania, revolted at the service required, and he turned from his patron to duty. Grievously did he err in yielding to the Legislature any act~ofauthentication; but he has in some measure answered for this error by determined Next comes the Apology imbecile, which is founded on the alleged want of power in the President to arrest this Crime. It is openly as serted, that, under t he existing laiws of the Uni ted States, the Chief Magistrate had no authority to interfere in Kansas for this purpose. Such i$ the broad statement, which, even if correct, fur nishes n.o Apology for any proposed ratification of the Crime, but which is in reality untrue; and this, I call the Apology of imbecility. In other matters, no such ostentatious imbe cility appears. Only lately, a vessel of war in the Pacific has chastised the cannibals of the Fejee Islands, for alleged outrages on American citizens. But no person odrYordinary intelligence will pretend that American citizens in the Pacific have receiv-ed wrongs from these cannibals comparable in atrocity to those received by American citizens in Kansas. Ah, sir, the interests of Slavery are not touched by any chasisement of the Fejees I Constantly we are informed of efforts at Neew York, through the agency of the Government, and sometimes only on the breath of suspicion, to arrest vessels about to sail on foreign voyages in violation of oar neutrality laws or treaty stipulations. Now, no man familiar with the cases will presume to suggest that the urgency for these arrests was equal to the urgency for interposition against these successive invasions from MNis.souri. But the Slave Power is not disturbed by such arrests at New York I At this moment, the President exults in the vigilance with which he has prevented the enlistment of a few soldiers, to be carried off to Halifax, in violation of our territorial sovereignty, and England is bravely threatened, even to the extent of a rupture of dip?omatic relations, for her endeavor, though unsuccessful, and at once abandoned. Surely, no man in his senses will urge that this act was anything but trivial by the side of the Crime against Kansas. But the Slave Power is not concerned in this controversy. Thus, where the Slave Power is indifferent, the Presi(lent will see that the laws are faithfully executed; but, in other cases, where the interests of Slavery are at stake, he is controlled absolutely by this tyranny, ready at all times to do, They are four in number, and four-fold in character. The first is the Apology tyrannical; the second, the Apology imbecile; the third, the Apolo,,,,y absurd; and the fo4rth, the Apology iitfainou,s. This is all. Tyranny, imbecility, absurdity, and infurny, all unite to dance, like the we4rd sisters, abo-.it thi.1 Crime. 10 17 power to interfere. Why, sir, to make this cont-ession is to confess our Govertnmenlt to be a practical failure-which I will never do, except, indeed, as it is administered new, No, sir; the inmbecility of the Chief Magistrate shll not be charged upon our American Institutions. Where there is a will, there is a way; and in his case, had' the will existed, there would have been a nway, easy and triumphant, to guardi against the Crime we now deplore. His powers were in every respect ample; and this I will prove by the statute book. By the Act of Comgress of 28th February, 1795, it is enacted, " that whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in any State, by'corabinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals," the President " may call forth the militia." By the supplementary Act of 3d March, 1807, in all cases where he is authorized to call forth the militia "for the purpose of causing the l:ws to 1)e duly executed," the Presidentis further empowered, in any State or Territory, "to employ for the same purposes such part of the land or neuval force of the United States as shall be judged necessary." There is the letter of the law; and you will please to mark the power conferred. In no case where the laws of the Uni,cd States ire opposed, or their execution obstructed, is the President constrained to wait for the requisition of a Governor, or even the petition of a citizen. Just so soon as lie learns the fact, no mnatter b)y what channel, hlie is invested by law with full power to counteract it. -True it is, that when the laws of a State are obstructed, he can interfere only on the applicatior of the Legislature of such State, or of the Executive, when the Legislature cannot be convened; but when the Federal laws are ob structoed, no such preliminary application is ne cessary. It is his high duty, under his oath of office, to see that they are executed, and, if need be, by the Federal forces. And, sir, this is the precise exigency that has arisen in Katnsas-precisely this; nor more, nor less. The Act of Congress, constituting the very orgaric law of the Territory, which, in peculiar phrase, as if to avoid ambiguity, declares, as "its true intent and meaning," that the people thereof "shall be left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way,." has been from the beginning opposed and ob structed in its execution. If the President had power to employ the Federal forces in Boston, when he supposed the Fugitive Slave Bill was obstructed, and merely in anticipation of such obstruction, it is absurd to say that he had not power in Kansas, when, in the face of the whole country, the very organic law of the Territory was trampled under foot by successive invasions, and the freedom of the people there overthrown. To assert ignorance of this obstruction-premedita ted, long-continued, and stretching through months-attributes to him not merely imbecility, but idiocy. And thus do I dispose of this Apology. Boston, Ilay 27, 154. 7 the Pre.iden t of the U,nited Setup: II Con$eqeleq,'.e of an a,lack i,po:i the Court-house. la,t lirht, for tile purpose of r,,.scuil,~ a fuvilive s!avc. u,.dier arr'st. anid, ill whi-hinl o'te of my owni guards,Its killed. I )hat e a it iced myself of lhe resources of the Utite., States.,.l, ed ,tller,zy control by letter? from the lirzr a,,d %acvu Depart i,,t,L les, ail no, haveitwo co,npa,,ies of'rop, fron For nepeete, stlio:el i'n tile C rA -housN Everytt in;, is low quiet. The attack x,,as repulsed by uly guaird. WAT'SON FIt. EE1i AN. United States 13Iarshal, Bostont, ~Iass. NVASHI.GTON, M~ay 27, 1IS. lb Wats,on Freeman. United States Marshal. Bosto,t..lass.: Your coniduet is approve.l. The!aR must be executed. FR,Ak,NKLIN P1'11,RCE'. WVadHIl-TOx, May 30, 184. To lnr. B. F. H-allet. Bk Vsto? as..: WVhat i the staie of tie cas-e of Msur.:? SI L)N ~, W F. BgTFR. [Prt.ate S$cretary of the Pre.sident.] __Asfll-GoTo'.K May 31,1,54. To -B. FH,.lt, Unaite,d Stats Attorney, Boawnz Jifa.s.: Incur a,ly expe,se (teemed uee.e;sry by the Mlarshal a,M yo..rse!f.'or Ci'y Nli!i.ary, or o.hr.rwise. so insur,. the execuilo;i oftile lav. FRANKLIN Pl iECE. But the President was not content with such forces as were then on hand in the neighborhood. Ot her p osts also were put under requisition. Two companies of National troops, stationed at New York, were kept under arms, ready at any moment to proceed to Boston; and the Adjutant General of the Army was directed to repair to the scene, there to superintend the execution of th e statute. All this was done for the sake of Slavery; but during long months of menace suspended over the Free Soil of Kansas, breaking forth in successive invasions, the President has folded his hands in complete listlessness, or, if he has moved at all, it has been only to encxvarage the robber Propagandists. And now the intelligence of the country is insulted by the Apology, that the President hid no Next comes the Apology absurd, which is, indeed, in the nature of a pretext. It is alleged or not to do, precisely as it diet-.ites. Theref'ore it is, that K.-tilsas is left a prey to the Propagandists of Slavery, while the whole Treasury, the Army and Navy of the United States, are lavished to bunt a single slave throuh the streets of Boston. You have not forgotten the latter instance; but I choose to refresh it in your minds. As long ago as 1851, tbewar Department and Navy Department.conciirred in placing the force, of the United States, near Boston, at the conimkind of the marshal, if needed, for the enforcement of an Act of Con,,ress, which had no support in the public conscience, as I believe it liis no support in the Constitution; and thus these forces were degraded to the loathsome work of slave-hunters. Afore than three years afterwards, an occasion arose for their intervention. A fugitive from Virginia, wto for some daysthad trod the streets of Boston as a freeman, was seized as a slave. The whole community was aroused, while Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall quaked with responsive indignation. Then,. sir, the Prsi(lent, anxious that no tittle of Slavery slioald suffer, was curiously eager in the enforcement of the statute. The despatches between him aDAl his agents in Boston attest his zeal. Here are some of them: I Iv. 18 that a small printed pamphlet, containing the " Constitution and Ritual of the Grand Encampment and Regiments of the Kansas Legion," was taken from the person of one George F. Warren, who attempted to avoid detection by chewing it. The oaths and grandiose titles of the pretended Legion have all been set forth, and this poor mummery of a secret society, which existed only on paper, has been gravely introduced on this floor, in order to extenuate the Crime against Kansas. It has been paraded in more than one speech, and even stuffed into the report of the cammittee. A part of the obligations assumed by the members of this Legion shows why it has been thus' pursued, and also attests its innocence. It is as fallows: " I will never knowingly propose a person for memberskip in this order who is not in. fator of making Kansas a fee State, and whom I feel saisfied will exert his entire is'flue,lte to bring about this roeult. I will support. maiiitaiti, and! abide by any honorablle movement made by the orzatiZatioII to secure this great end. which will not confl;t with the laws of te coutntry and thX Constitatwn of the UWitnd States,," who seek to do the m is si on o f the Saviopr are scourged and crucified, while the munrderer, B rabbas, with the sympathy of the chief prie.t, goes at'large. Were I to take counsel of my own feelith, I should dismiss this whole Apology to the ineffr ble contempt which it deserves; but it has been made to play such a part in this consp iracy, that I feel it a duty to expose it completely. Sir, from the earliest times, men hav e nised the advantages of organization, as an ef fective a g en cy in p romoting w orks of peae or war. Especially at this mome nt, there is nm o interest, bl o public or private, h igh or low, of cha rity or trade, of luxury or convenience, which does not se ek i t s a id. Me n o rgan ize t o rear churches and to sell thread; to build schools and to sail ships; to construct roads and to manufacture toys; to spin cotton and to print books; to weave cloths and to quicken harvests; to provide food and to distribute light; to influence Public Opin ion and to secure votes; to guard infancy in its weakness, old age in its decrepitude, and womanhood in its wretchedness; and now, in all large towns, when death has come, they are buried by organized societies, and, e mi gra nts to another world, they lie down in pleasant placed, adorned by organized skill. To complain that this prevailing principle has been applied to living emigration is to complain of Providence and the irresistible tendencies implanted in man. But this application of the principle is no - cent invention, brought forth for an existing em gency. It has the best stamp of Antiquity. It showed itsel- the brightest days of Greet% where colonists moved in organized bands. 14 became a part of the mature policy of Rome, wherr bodies of men were constituted expressly for this purpose, triumviri ad colones deducendos.-(Livy, xxxvii, { 46.) Naturally it has been accepted i modern times by every civilized State. With the sanction of Spain,.an association of Genoese mechants first introduced slaves to this continent With the sanction of France, the Society of Jesuits stretched their labors over Canada and th, Great Lakes to the Mississippi. It was under the auspices of Emigrant Aid Companies, that our country was originally settled, by the Pilgrim Fathers of Plymouth, by the adventurers of Virginia, and by the philanthropic Oglethorpe, whose " benevolence of soul," commemorated by Pope, sought to plant a Free State in Georgia. At this day, such associations, of a humbler character, are found in Europe, with offices in the great capitals: through whose activity emigrants are here. For a long time, emigration to the from the Northern and Middle States, but pa ticularly from New England, has been of marked significance- In quest of better homes, annually it has pressed to the unsettled lands, in numbers to be counted by tens of thousands; but this hans been done heretofore with little know]~edge, and without guide or counsel. Finally, when, by thbe establishment of a Government in~ Kansas, the tempting fieldstf that central region were opened to the competition of peaceful col6nization, and especially when it wads deaed Kansas is to be made a free State, by an honorable movement, which will not conflict with the laws and the Constitution. That is the object of the organization, declared in the very words of the initiatory obligation. Where is the wrong in this? What is there here, which can cast reproach, or even suspicion, upon the people of Kansas? Grant that the Legion was constituted, Yan you extract from it any Apology for the original Crime, or for its present ratificati~n? Secret societies, with their extravagant oaths, are justly offensive; but who can find, in this mistaken machinery, any excuse for the denial of all rights to the people of Kansas? All this, I say, on the supposition that the society was a reality, which it was not. Existing in the fantastic brains of a frew persons only, it never had any practical life: It was never organized. The whole tale, with the mode of obtaining the copy of the Constitution, is at once a cock-and-bull story and a mare's nest; trivial as the former; absurd as the latter; and to be dismissed, with the Apologia founded upon it, to the d'rision which triviality and absurdity justly receive. It only remains, under this head, that I should speak of the Apology i,nfamozs; founded on false testilnony against the Emigrant Aid Company, and assuml)tions of duty more false than the testimony. Defying Truth and mocking Decency, this Apology excels all others in futility and audacity, while, from its utter hollowness, it proves the utter impotence of the conspirators to defend their Crime. Falsehood, always infamot fs, in this case arouses peculiar scorn. An association of sincere benevolence, faithful to the Gonstitution and laws, whose only fortifications are hotels, school-houses, and churches; whose only weapons are saw-mills, tools, and books; whose mission is peace and good will, has been falsely assailed on this floor, and an errand of blameless virtue has been made the pretext for an unpardonable Crime. Nay, morethe innocent are sacrificed, and the guilty set at liberty. They I I I L 19 that the question of Freedom or Slavery there Sir, this Company has violated in no respect was to be determined by the votes of actual set- the Constitution or laws of the land; not in the i tiers. then at.once was organization enlisted as severest letter or the slightest spirit. But every an effective agency in quickening and conduct- other imputation is equally baseless. It is not true, in the emigration impelled thither, and, more as the Senator firom Illinois has alleged, in order than all, in providing homes for it on arrival in some way to compromise the Company, that it there. was informed before the public of the date fixed The Company was first constituted under an for the election of the Legislature. This statead of the Legislature of Massachusetts, 4th of ment is pronounced by the Secretary, in a letter May, 1854, some weeks prior to the passage of now before me, "an unqualified falsehood, not the Nebraska bill. The original act of incorpo- having even the shadow of a shade of truth for its ration was subsequently abandoned, and a new basis." It is not true that men have been hired charter received in February, 1855, in which the by the Company to go to Kansas; for every emiobjects of the Society are thus declared: grant, who has gone under its direction, has him For the pur-,oFe~ of di,eciie emigratiol, WVe-t-a,d. selfprovided the means for his journey. Of course, a idi,, ifn proiding accommodations for the emigrant sir, it is not true, as has been complained by the a,g~ aresring~,, at their places ofde,.~tin~atinr.' a rinr at teir places of tle~tta.".Senator from South Carolina, with that proclivity At any other moment, an association for these to error which marks all his utterances, that men purposes would have taken its place, by general have been sent by the Company " with one uniconsent, among the philanthropic experiments of form gun, Sharpe's rifle;" fpr it has supplied no the age; but Crime is always suspicious, and arms of any kind to anybody. It is not true thlat shakes, like a sick man, merely at the pointing the Company has encouraged any fanatical agof a finger. The conspirators against Freedom gression upon the peoplie of Missouri; for it has in Kansas now shook with tremor, real or af- counselled order, peace, forbearance. It is not focted. Their wicked plot was about to fail. To true that the Company has chosen its emigrants help themselves, they denounced the Emigrant on account of their political opinions; for it has Aid Company; and their denunciations, after asked no questions with regard to the opinions finding an echo in the President, have been re- of any whom it aids, and at this moment stands peated, with much particularity, on this floor, in ready to forward those from the South as well the formal report of your committee. as the North, while, in the Territory, all, from The falsehood of the whole accusation will ap- whatever quarter, are admitted to an equal enpeer in illustrative specimens. joyment of its tempting advantages. It is not A charter is set out, section by section, which, true that the Company has sent persons merely thrl ighoriginallygranted,wassiibsequentlyaba. to control elections, and not to remain in the Tcdoned, and is not in reality the charter of the ritory; for its whole action, and all its anticipaGompany, but is materially unlike it. tion of pecuniary profits, are founded on the hope The Company is represented as - a powerful to stock the country with permanent settlers, by corpation, with a capital of five millions;" whose labor thelcapital of the Company shall be when, by its actual charter, it is not allowed to made to yield its increase, and by whose fixed hold property above one million, and, in point interest in the soil the welfare of all shall be pioof fact, its capital has not exceeded $100,000. moted. Then, again, it is suggested, if not alleged, that Sir, it has not the h6nor of being an Abolition this enormous capital, which I have already said Society, or of numbering among its officers Abodoes not exist, is invested in "1 cannon and rifles, litionists. Its President is a retired citizen, of in powder and lead, and implements of war"- ample means and charitable life, who has taken all of which, whether alleged or suggested, is no part in the conflicts on Slavery, and has never absolutely false. The officers of the Company allowed his sympathies to be felt by Abolitionauthorize me to give to this whole pretension a ists. One of its Vice Presidents is a gentleman point-blank denial. from Virginia, with family and friends there, All these allegations are of small importance, who has always opposed the Abolitionists. Its an I mention them only because they show the generous Treasurer, who is now justly absorbed character of the report, and also something of the by the objects of the Company, has always been quicksand on which the Senator from Illinois has understood as ranging with his extensive connex tilosen to plant himself. But these are-all capped ions, by blood and marriage, on the sde of that by the unblushing assertion that the proceedings quietism which submits to all the tyranny of the ofthe Company were "in perversion of the plain Slave Power. Its Directors are more conspie provisions of an Act of Congress;" and also, an- uous for wealth and science, than for any activ other unblushing assertion, as "certain and un- ity against Slavery. Among these is an emi deniable," that the Company was formed to pro- nent lawyer of Massachusetts, Mr. Chapmar mote certain objects, "regardless of the rights personally known, doubtless, to some who hear and wishes of the people, as guarantied by the m-who has distinguished himself by an austere Constitution of the United States, and secured conservatism, too natural to the atmosphere or by their organic law;" when it is certain and courts, which does not flinch even from the sup undeniable that the Company has done nothing port of the Fugitive Slave Bill. In a recent in perversion of any Act of Congress, while to address at a public meeting in Springfield, this the extent of its power it has sought to pro- gentleman thus speaks for himself and his asko tect the rights and wishes of the actual people elates: ill the Territory. _': I 20 Such is the simple talc of the Emigrmt Aid Company. Sir, not even suspicion can justly touch it. But it must be matde a scapegoat. This is the decree which has gone forth. I was hardly surprised at this outrage, when it pro ceeded from the President, for, like M[acbeth, he is stepped so far in, that returning were as tedious as go on; but I did not expect it from the Sew tor from Missouri, [iIr. GEYg~t,] whom I had learned to respect for the general moderation of his views, and the name he has won in an bon orable profession. Listening to him, I was sad denied by the spectacle of the extent to whith Slavery will sway a candid mind to do injus tice. Itad any other interest been in qnestim, that Senator would have scorned to join in im peachment of su ch an association. His instincts as a lawyer, as a man of honor, and as a Senator, wo ul d haove forbidden; but the Slave Power, in enforcing its behests, allowa s no hesitation, d the Senator surrendered. In this vindication, I content myself with a statemen t of facts, rather than an argument. it might be urge d that Missour i h ad orgtanized a propagandist emigration long before any from dlassechusetts, and you might be re minded of tho wolf in the elyle, which co rplained of the pllamb for disturbing the waters, when in fact the al leged offender was lower down on the stream. It might be urged, also, that South Car olioa h as l ately entere d up on a similar system-while one of her chieftains, in rallying recruits,.has3 unon sciously attested to the cause in which he was en,,,,Aged, by exoWaiin —r-in the words of Satan, addressed to his wicked forces, " Awake I arisel or be forever fatllen I " * But the occasion needs no such defences. I put them aside. Not on the example of M~issouri or the example of South Carolina, but on inherent rights, which no man, whether Senator or President, can justly assail, do I plant this impregnable justification. It will not do, in specious phrases, to allege the rig,ht of every State to be free in its domestic policy from foreign interference, and then to assume such wrongful interference by this Company. By the law arid Constitution, we stand or fall; and than !avw and Constitution we have in no reopect of fended. To cloak the overthrow of all law in I~an.ta, an assumption is now set up, which utterly de nies one of the plainest rights of the people every where; Sir, I be, Senators to understand that this is a Govertnlment of laws; and that, under these laws, the people have an incontestable riglA to settle any portion of our broad territory, and, if they choose, to propagate any opinions there, not openly forbidden by the laws. If this. were not so, pray, sir, by what title is the Senator from Illinois, who is an emigrant from Vermont, propagating his disastrous opinions in another State? Surely he has no monopoly of this right. Others may do what he is doing, nor cf~a thes right be in any aver restrained. It is as broad as the people;i and it matters not whether they go in number:~ smuall or great, with assistance or *' bur. Faunxs, of Sa-uth Carolina. ha,re i terrupted W.. Sv~:S'ER to Rsy lbs he did lnot kilos of anys such andreas3. ,kr. S. repllied, that it was takm al fom So0uthernl papetg. "I have b)eei a. Dir-etor of the 9ceirty fromn the first. an1 have kept mysilf well in'brimed ill re,arl to i's pr see-d. il-s. I ann int iwar, that aly onle izl this i tn,nu,ii'y ever su'peeted me of b-il ani A)ol i i.it: but I i t.ive b-.el aeci.sed of beiti Pro -Slavery; aid I belie,e itmty i o-)i people think I tin quit-e ton eoservative on that sub Sc t. [ take this ocasi,n to sav that all tile plttns aitt roeedii,!s fof the toi- -Ty have miet my'ppr 1)b,io!0; aiil I as.;ert that it has ieiver tt)one a si,,gle set;viil whiich Antey po'i ioal party or til peopl'e of fiy e.tion of the oitry (t,t iu.ly' find faiu!t.'I'he nalie of its Presi 0oet lit r. Brocil. of Pr'videieice, anid ufi s Trasurer Ir. Lawrnt e., of id, tol. are a.urficilit "uetrai:y iii tlie estitn;atioli ofii.l ~;lir. nt mlenl arai,s~ its tReilly og;tged il ataiv tealic-I eos~erparise. rts.soeklholdler{ are comnposed, ot"i-n,, of all poli i(tet par-ies exce,pt Abo)i.io:lists. a;,i ni,ot aware that it lias r-cei,edl the p)alroaaae of that elss of our toell on oitizes. ai, llI am i.tforined that so:ne of them di.approre a imits proce,edings." The acts o f the Comp ainy have been such as might be expected from auspices thus severely careful at all points. The secret, through which, with small means, it has been able to accomplish so much, is, that, as an inducement to emnigration, it has gone forward and planted capital in advance of population. According to the old immethodical system, this rule is reversed, and population has been left to grope blindly, without the advan tage of fixed centres, with mills, schools, and churches-all calculated to soften the hardships of pioneer life-such as have, been established beforehand in Kansas. IIere, sir, is the secret of the Emigrant Aid Company. By this single prin ciple, which is now practically applied for the first time in history, and which has the simplicity of genius, a business association at a distance, with out a large capital, has become a beneficent in strument of civilization, exercising the functions of various Societies, and in itself being a t5ission ary Society, a Bible Society, a Tract Society, an Education Society, and a Society for the Diffu sion of the Mechanic Arts. I would not claim too much for this Company; but I doubt if, at this moment, there is any Society, which is so completely philanthropic; and since its lead in, idea, like the light of a candle from which other candles are lighted without number, may be applied itdefinitely, it promises to be an im portant aid to Human Progress. The lesson it teaches cannot be forgotten, and hereafter, wher ever unsettled lands exist, intelligent capitia will lead the way, anticipating the wants of the pi oneer-nay, doing the very work of the original pioneer-while, amidst well-arranged harmonies, a new community will arise, to become, by its examl)le, a more eloquent preacher than any solitary missionary. In subordination to this essential idea, i its is humbler machinery f)r the aid of emigrants on their way, by combining parties, so that friends and neighbors might journey together; by purchasing tickets at wholesale, and furnishing them to individuals at the actual cost; by providing for each party a conductor familiar with the road, and, through these simple means, promoting the economy, safety, and comfort, of' the exp~edition. The number of emaigrants it has directly aided. even thus slightly, in their journley, has been infinitely exaggerated. From the beginning of its operations down to the close of' the last aultumn, all its detachments from Mass~an chulsetts contained only thirteen hundred and twelve persons. I 21 without assistance, under the auspices of socie- ing than ever before-shooting her far-darting ties or not under such allspices. If this were not rays wherever ignorance, wretchedness, or wrong, so, then, by what title are so many foreigners prevail, and flashing light even upon those wtio annually naturalized, under Democratic auspices, travel far to persecute her. Such is Massachuin order to secure their votes for misnamed setts, and I am proud to believe that you may Democratic principles? And if capital as well as as well attempt, with puny arm, to topple down oounbination cannot be employed, by what title do the earth-rooted, heaven-kissing granite which venerable associations exist, of ampler means and crowns the historic sod of Bunker Hill, as to longer duration than any Emigrant Aid Company, change her fixed resolves for Freedom everywhere, around which cluster the regard and confidence and especially now for Freedom in Kansas. I of the country-the Tract Society, a poweriful cor- exult, too, that in this battle, which surpasses poration, which scatters its publications freely in far in moral grandeur the whole war of the every corner of the land-the Bible Society, an Revolution, she is able'to preserve lhar just emiincorporated body, with large resources, which nence. To the first she contributed a larger seeks to carry the Book of Life alike into Terri- number of troops than any other State in the tories and States-the Missionary Society, also Union, and larger than all the Slave States toan incorporated body, with large resources, which gether; and now to the second, which is not of &ends its agents everywhere, at home and in for- contending armies, but' of contending opinions, eigu lands? By what title do all these exist? on whose issue hlangs trembling the advancing Nay, sir, by what title does an Insurauce Compa- civilization of the country, she contributes, ny in New York send itA agent to open an office through the manifold and endless intellectual in New Orleans, and by what title does Massa- activity of her children, more of that divine chuiisetts capital contribute to the Hannibal ano spark by which opinions are quickened into life, St. Joseph Railroad in Missouri, and also to than is contributed by any other State, or by all the copper mines of,lichigan? The Senator the Slave States together, while her annual prioinvei,ghs against the Native American party; but ductivre industry excels in value three times the his own principle is narrower than any attributed whole vaunted cotton crop of the whole South. to them. They object i the. influence of emi- Sir, to men on earth it belongs only to deserve grants from abroad; he objects to the influence success; not to secure it; and I know not how Qf American citizens at home, when exerted in soon the efforts of Massachusetts will wear the States or Territories where they were not born I crown of triumph. But it cannot be that she The whol assumptionis too audaciousforrespect- acts wrong for herself or children, when in this faul argument. But since a great right has been de- cause she thus encounters reproach. No; by the nied, the children of the Free States, over whose generous souls who were exposed at LexihgtQn; cradles has shone the North Star, owe it to them- by those who stood arrayed at Bunker Hill; by selves, to their ancestors, andti to Freedom itself, the many from her bosom who, on all the fields that this right should now be asserted to the fullest of the first great struggle, lent their vigorous extent. By the blessing of God, and under the arms to the cause of all; by the children she has continued protection of the laws, they will go to borne, whose names alone are national trophies, Kansas, there to plant their homes, in the hope of is Massachusetts now vowed irrevocably to this elevatiig this Territory soon into the sisterhood of work. What belongs to the faithful servant she Free Stties; and to such end they will not besi- will do in all things,'and Providence shall detertate, in the employment of all legitimate means, mine the result. whether by companies of men or contributions And here ends what I have to say of the foar of money, to swell a virtuous emigration, and Apologies for the Crime against Kansas. they will justly scout any attempt to question this unquestionable right. Sir, if they failed to 111. From this ample survey, where one obstrucdo this, they would be fit only for slaves them- tion after another has been removed, I now pass, in selves. the third place, to the consideration of the varim God be praised! Massachusetts, honored remedies proposed, ending with the TRaE REMEv)Y Commonwealtlh that gives me the privilege to The Remedy should be co-extensive with the plead for Kansas on this floor, knows her rights, original Wrong; and since, by the passage of the aud will maintain them firmly to the end. This Nebraska Bill, not only Kansas, but also Nebraska, is not the first time in history, that her public Minnesota, Washington, and even t)regon, have acts have been arraigned, and that her public been opened to Slavery, the original Prohibition men have been exposed to contumely. Thus was shoulld be restored to its complete activity through_ it when, in the ol en time, she began the great out these various Territories. By such a happy battle whose fruits you all enjoy. But never yet restoration, made in good faith, the whole coun has she occupied a position so lofty as at this try would be replaced in the condition which it hour. By the intelligence of her population- enjoyed before the introduction of that dishonest by the resources of her industry-by her com- measure. Here is the Alpha and the Omega of merce, cleaving every wave-by her manufactures, our aim in this immediate controversy. But no .:vrious as human skill-by her institutions of ed- such extensive measure is now in question. The ucation, various as human knowledge-by her in- Crime against Kansas has been special, and all _titutions of benevolence, various as human suffer- else is absorbed in the special remedies for it. lug-by the pages of her scholars and historians- Of these I shall now speak. -by the voices of her poets and orators, she is now exerting an influence more subtle and command- | As the Apologies were four-fold, so are the -i II I I i iv 22 proper and effectiual for carrjting into ezec,ition fT low s t ehisch intre p,t,sed. iA tlie Zlait sea.ein of the lxte Parlia,l,nt, tor the prote tioi aid( se.curiT of the Coiniierc e of my subjects..ani for the re,'oritig tand preser ilm peace, o (I r, a id,rood gover..iiietcu. in the Provingce of tht; Ma...v chusttts Bty."-America,, Archives, 4th series, vol. 1; po t165. The King complained of a "daring spirit of resistance and disobedience to the law; " so also does the Presidenit. The King adds, thit it has " broke forth in fresh violences of a very criminal nature;" so also does the President. The King declares that these proceedings have been " coup tenanted and encouraged in other of my Co nies;" even so the President declares that Ktan sas has found sympathy in "remote States." The Kingt inveighs against " unwarrantable measures" and "unlawful combinations;" even so inveighs the President. The King proclaims that he has taken the necessary steps "bfor carrying into e. cution the laws," passed it defiance of the constittutional rights of the Colonies; even so the President proclaims that he shall "exert tlo whole power of the Federal Executive" to support the Usurpation in Kansas. The parallel is complete. The Message, if not copied from the Speech of the King, has been fashioned on tl same original block, and must be dismissed to the same limbo. I dismiss its tyrannical assumptions in favor of the Usirpation. I dismiss also its peti iton for addi tional app ropria tions in te affected desire to maint-,iri order in Kansas. It is not money or troops that you need there; but simply the good will of the President. That is all, absolutely. Let his complicity with the Crime cease, and pcee.will be roto.revd. For myself; I will not consent to wad the National artillery with fresh appropriation bills, when its murk ous hail is to be directed against the conitional rights of my fellow-citizens. Remedies proposed four-fold, and they range themselves in natural order, under designations which so truly disclose their character as even to supersede arg,ument. First, we have the Remedy of Tyranny; next, the Remedy of Folly; next, tile Remedy of Injustice. and Civil War; and fourthly, the Remedy of Justice and Peace. There are the four caskets; and you aire to determine which shall be opened by Senatorial votes. There is the Remedy of Tyranny, which, like its complement, the Apology of Tyranny-though espoused on this floor, especially by the Senator from Illinois-proceeds from the President, and is embodied in aspecial message. Itproposes to enforce obedience to the. existing laws of Kansas, "whether Federal or local," when, in fact, Kansas hiLs no "local" laws except those imposed by the Usurpation from Missouri, and it calls for ad ditional appropriations to complete this work of tyranny. I shall not follow the President in his elaborate erndeavor to prejudge the contested election now pending in the House of Representatives; for this whole m'atter belongs to the privileges of that body, and neither the President nor the Senate has a right to intermeddle therewith. I do not touch it. But now, while dismissing it, I should not pardon myself, if I failed to add, that any per son who founds his claim to a seat in Congress on the pretended votes of hirelings from another State, with no home on the soil of Kansas, plays the part of Anacharsis Clootz, who, at the bar of the French Convention, undertook to reprtesent nations that knew himn not, or, if they knew hind, ,orned him; with this difference, thatin ourAmer ican case, the excessive farce of the transaction cannot cover its tragedy. But all this I put aside to deal only with what is legitimately before the Snate. I expose simply the Teyranny which upholds the existing Usurpation, and asks for additional appropriations. Let it be judged by an example, from which in this country there can be no appeal. Here is the speech of George III, made from thle Throne to Parliament, in response to the complauints of the Province of Massachusetts B.y, which, though smarting under laws passed by usurped power, had yet avoided all armed epposition, while Lexington and Bunker Hill still slumbered in rural solitude, unconscious of the historic kindred which they were soon to claim. Instead of Massachusetts Bay, in the Royal speech, substitute Kansas, and the message of the President will be found fresh on the lips of the British King. Listen now to the words, which, in opening Parliament, 30th November, 1774, his MMajesty, according to the official report, was pleased to speak: Next comes the Remedy of Folbl, which, indeed, is also a Remedy of Tyranny; but its Folly is so surpassing as to eclipse, even its Tj-rannv. I% do e s not proceed from the President. With this proposi tion he is not in any way chargeable. I comes from the Sena tor f rom South Caroli na, who, t t o o a t the close of a long s pee ch, o ffered it as his single contribution to the adjustment of thise question, and w h o thus far stands alone in. ts support. It m ight, therorefore, fitly bea r his name s but that which I now give to it is a more sul - gestive synonym. Thiis proposition, nakedly expressed, is than the people of Kansas should be deprived of their arms. That I may not do the least injustice to the Senator, I quote his precise words: "'The Presi(lenit of the Uliied States, is unidqr the htgaest anid most solemn ob~ligationis to imieroose; al,, ifl web to indicate the ma,limer ill which he shelld i,iterpo(,e Ok Kanisas, I woul d point out the old co,nmoit law iproce.e. I woil(d serve a warranit on Sh1arpe's rifles. a,nd if Sharpe' s rifl,es did not answer the surnmor,i, andy coine into coltlt on a dayo ce-,aii,, or if they resisted the:i,eriff. I woual suimlmxlon lh,i poxse cotitatu.4, uad wouild have Colo-,el Surt ner's regirluv,t to be a part of that posse coinitat,s." Really, sir, has it come to this? The rifle has ever been the companion of the pioneer, and, under God, hip tutelary protector against the red man and the beast of the forest. Never was this efficient weapon more needed in just self-l Atfy Lords a,id Gentlemen.: aIt give: me much concern that I am obliged, at the opt~ili of this Parliament, to inforn you that a most darinz spirit of resi.stanece and disobediene to the ltaw still utihappily prevails ill the Province of tile 2I'tsaehiwsetts Bay, ut,d ha, imi divers part- ofit broke forth iln fe.h violeticee of a very criiniia! niature. Thes-e proceeding.s have bee,& co,nt,inam,ce in olter of myr Colonies, aItd unwarra,vt able a.,&mpts havte beea made to obstruct the Commeree of thki. Kin,,dom, by u,,law'uIl coinbi~tatio'os. I have taken such measures anid gives such orders as I have judgozl imost II L 23 keeping this great question open, to distract andcl irritate the country. Clearl this is not what is required. The country desires peace at once, and is determined to have it. But this objection is slight by the side of the glaring Tyranny, that, in recognising the Legislature, and conferring upon it these new powers, the Bill recognises the existing Usurpation, not only as the ahthentic Government of the Territory for the time being, but also as possessing a creative power to reproduce itself in the new State. Pass this Bill, and you enlist Congress in the conspiracy, not only to keep the people of Kansas in their presenm subjugation, throughout their Territorial exit ence, but also to protract this subjugation into their existence as a State, while you legalize and perpetuate the yeryforce by which Slavery has been already planted there. I know that there is another deceptive clau, which seems to throw certain safeguards around the election of delegates to the Convention, wh/u that Convention shall be ordered by the Legislature but out of this very clause do I draw a condem nation of the Usurpation which the Bill recog nises. It provides that the tests, coupled with the electoral franchise, shall not prevail in the election of delegates, and thus impliedly oam' demus them. But if they are not to prevail oa : this occasion, why are they permitted at the el tion of the Legislature? If they are unjust in the one case, thby are unjust in the other. If annul led at the election of delegates, they shou ld be m nulled at the election of the Legislature; tvhe-rwa the Bill of the Senator leaves aUll these offensive test in fll activity at the election of the very Leidlatt&, aout of which this whole proceeding is to come, and it leaves the polls at both elections in the control of the officers appointed by the Usurpation. Consider well the factq. By Vi existing statute, establishing the Fugitive Slave Bill as a shib boleth, a laitrge portion of the honest citizens are e xcl uded from voting for the Legislature, while, by another statute, all who present themselves with a fee of one dollar, whether from Missouri or not, and who can utter this shibboleth, are entitled to vote. And it is a Legislature thus chosen, under the auspices of officers appointed by the Usurp tion, that you now propose to invest with parental powers to rear the Territory into a State. You recognise and confirm the Usurpation, which you oughut to annul without delay. You put the in fant State, now preparing to take a place in our sisterhood, to suckle with the wolf, which you ought at once to kill. The improbable story of Baron tMiuchausen is verified. The bear, which thrust itself into the harness of the horse it had devoured, and then whirled the sledg, ao cording to mere brutal bent, is recognised by this bill, and kept in its usurped place, when the safety of all requires that it should be shot. In characterizing this Bill as the Remedy of Injustice and Civil Tar, I give it a plain, sell evident title. It is a continuation of the Crime against Kansas, and as such deserves the s.o~n condemnation. It can only be defended by thos aho defend the Crime. Sir, you cannot expect that the people of Kansas will submit to the Usurpation which thi~ bill sets up, and bids them fence, than now in Kansas, a nd at least one article in our National Constitution must be blotted out, before the complete right to'it can in any way be impeached. And yet such is the madness of the hour, that, in defiance of the solemn guaranty, embodied in the Amendments to the Constitution, that "the right of the people to keen and bear arms shall not be infringed," the people of Kansas have been arraigned for keeping and bearing them, and the Senator from Soath Carolina has had the face to say openly, m this floor, that they should be disarmed-of course, that the fanatics of Slavery, his allies ad conlstituelnts, may meet no impediment. Sir, the Senator is venerable with years; he is reputed also to have worn at home, in the State which he represents, judicial honors; and he is placed here at He head of an important Commnittee occupied particularly with questions of law; but neither his years, nor his position, past or present. can give respectability to the demand he has made, or save him from indignant condemna tion, when, to compass the wretched purposes of a wretched cause, he thus proposes to trample on one of the plainest provisions of, constitution al liberty. Next comes the Remedy of Injditice and Civil War-rganized by Act of Congress. This proposition, which is also an offshoot of the original Remedy of Tyranny, proceeds from the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. DOUGLAS,] with the sanction of the Committee on Territories, and is embodied in the PBiil which is now pressed to a vote. By this Bill it is proposed, as follows: "That w,Nhen,ver It shalt.ppear, by a cesus to be taua ug,ler the di-ection of the Governor. b>y tho authority the I,e:,isla,ure, that there shall be 9:3,420 inhabitanits (that!)elle' the cumsier required by the present ratio of &presentatioii for'a member of Congress) within the limils hereafter described as the'I'erritory of Kausqs, the Lce~Ma'ture of said 7rritory sheall be, and is hereby, autoriz,ed to provide by lawo for the election of delegates, by At people of said Territory. to assmetale in CoiIvultioD aid tbrmrr a Conistitutioll and Stake Goverinmentt. prep-raW', to thzeir a.hnissioi inito tihe Uniioni o01 ant t:qal footilla with the olligi.md.l States ill all respects whatsoever, tby the name of the State of Kansas." :oYw, sir, consider these words carefully, and you will see that, however plausible and velvetpawed they may seem, yet in reality they are most unjust and cruel. While affecting to ini'tlate honest proceedings for the formation of a Stte, th ey furn ish t o this Territ ory no redress fo the C rime under which it suffers; nay, they recogrnise the ver y Usurpation, in which th e Crime ended, and proceed to endow it with new prerogatives. It is by the thrty of the odny ouLeg aiate,e that the census is to be taken, which is the first step in t he work. I t is als o by the aCthiority f the Legilature that a Convention is to be call ed for the formation of a Constitution, which is the second step. But the Legislature is not obliged to take either of these steps. To its ab "ulte wilfulness is it left to act or not to act in the premises. And since, in the ordinary course otbusiness, there can be no action of the Legis ture till January of the next year, all these steps,, which are preliminary in their character, are postponed till after that distant day —thus i I 24 within the jurisdiction of another State, nor formed by the junction of two or mnore St.ttes or parts of States, without the consent of the Legis latures of the States. Kansas is not within the legal jurisdiction of another State, although the laws of Afissouiri have been tyranni(cally extend ed over her; nor is Kansas formed by the juno tion of two or more States; and, therefbre, Kan sas mat/ be admitted by Congress into the Union, without regard to population or preliminary formns. You cannot deny the power, withoiA obliterating this clause of the Constitution. Tia Senator from Newv York was right in rejecting all m b ppeal to precedents, as entirely irrelevant; for the power invoked is clear and express in tlw Constitution, which is above all precedent. Bltt, since precedent has been enlisted, let us look at precedent. 11 It is objected that the populatotin of Kansas is not sufficient for a State; and this objection is sustained by under-reckoning the numni-bers there, and ex,agger.-ting the numbers required by prec. d(nt. In the absence of any recent censuis, it is impossible to do more than approximatte to thil aitctual population; but, from careful inquiry of the best sources, I am led to place it now at 50,000, though,l I observe that a prudent a.uthot - ity, the Boston Daily Adve-rtiiser, puts it as higrh as 60,000, and, while I speak, this remarkable population. fed by fresh emigration, is outstrip) ping even these cetlculittions. Nor can there be a doubt, that, before the assent of Congress can be perfected in the ordinary course of legislation, this population will swell to the large number of 93,420, required in the Bill-of thea 6enmvtor from Illinois. Buat, ili makigq this nmember the co)zdition qf the acdmi.ision, of K'ansxs,.you,,et ull San extrtowr dinary standard. There is nothing out of which it can be derived, from the beginning to the end of the precedents. Going back to the days of the Continental Congress, you will find that, in 1784, it ". as declared t hat 20,000 fieenKens i n a Territory might " esttblish a permanent Cooistitu tion and Government for themselves," (Jbo-rnali sof Congre-s3s, Vol. 4, p. 379);) and, though this number wits a-fterwards, in the Ordinance of 1787 for the Northwestern Territory, raised to 60,000, yet the power was left in Congress, andl subse. quently exercised in more than one instance, to constitute a State with a smaller number. Out of all the new States, only AMaine, Wisconsin, and Texas, contained, at the time of their admission, into the Union, so large % population as it is proposed to require in Kansas; while no less than fourteen new States have been admitted with a smaller population; as will appear in the fol lowing list, which is the result of research, show ing the number of "free inhabitants " in the, States at the time of the proceedings which oaL. e(I in their admission: Vermont - - 85,416 Illinois - - - 45,000 Kventricky - - 61,103 Missouri - - 56,58; Tennessee - - 66,649 Arkansas - - 41,000 Ohio- -.-.-50,000 Michigan - - 92,673 Louisiana - - 41,890 Florida - - - 27,09.1 Indiana- - - 60,000 Iowa-..-.- 81,92l 5[ississippi- _ 35,000O California - - 92~597 IAlabama - * 50,000 bow before-as the Austria n tyran t set up his cap in the Swiss market-place. If you madly persevere, Kansas will not be without her William-a Tell, who will refilse at all hazartls to recoguise the tyratnnica,l edict; and this will be the beginning of civil war. Next, and lastly, comes the Remed?y of -Justice arnd P eace, proposed by tile Senator from New Y ork, [Mr. S uW ARD,] and embodied in h is Bill for th e immed iat e adm ission of Kansas is a State of this Union, noNV pending as a substitute for the bill of th e Se nator from Ill inois. This is sus t ai ned by the prayer of the people of the Territo ry, setting forth a Consi,itution forme i f by ca spoo taneors movement, in whichl all there had op portunity to participate, without distinction of party. R-is ely hits an y propositi on, so simple in character, so entire ly pr act icable, so ab3solutely within your power, been presented, which prom ised at once such beneficent results. In i ts a(lo)tion, the Crime against KanCsas' will be all happily absolved, the Usurpat ion which it estab lished will be peacefully suppressed, a nd orde r will be perman ently secured. By a joyful gheta morl)hosis, this tfair Territory may be saved from outrage. ;Oij he'p. sh brirce "ill this extremet need, If you A,o hlear a-e Dei.ies inldeed; G., earth.rly atl a,k,. for,his,!r. ad foe n. tomb ,Or chinr e ny fr, oyhefpeun all my sorMoits Wooze.r In ofsering thi s proposition, the Senator from New York ha s entitle d h imself to the gratitude of the couintic. He has, throud hou t a life of uin surpasse d industry, a nd of eminent al,ility, doie much for Freelom,oin which the world will not let die; but he has done nothing more opportune than this, and hi e h as ut te red n o wordt more effec tive than the speech, so masterly and ingenious, by which he *as vindicated it. Kan sas now presents herself for admission with a Ctonstitution relwublic. in i form. And, independent of the great nec of theof the case, thre e co nsideirdations of fact concur in commending her. First. S he thu s testifies her willingness to relieve th e Federal Govs ernment of the consider able pectniarv responsibil ity t o which it is now e xpo se d on account of the prete nded Terri t orial Gove-rnment. Secondlvy. Sh e has by her recent conduct, particularly in repelling the invasion at WVakarusa, evinced an ability to defend her Government. And, thirdly, by the pecuniary credit, which she now enjoys, she shows an undoubted ability to su)pport it. What now can stand in her w%ay? The power of Congress to admit Kansas at once is explicit. It is found in a sitgle clause of the Constitution, which, standing by itself, without any qualification applicable to the present cme, and without Doubtful words, requires no commentary. Here it is: ~h' New Stlates may by admitted by ro;l,zrO.ss into this Uftion; buit nla new St.ate sha-ll be for,ned or erected withini the jurisdicttoii of any other State, nor ally State be fbrlned 1,y the junction of two or,nore States or part- of wtaios. withoul the cotis,,it of thee T,eg,islatures of the Stal,s conceeried. as well as oftlhe Conigress." Near States MAY be admitted. Out of that little word, may, comes the power, broadly and fillly-without anv limitation founded on population or preliminary forms —provided the State is not I L asgwtin lodence were t omhlete, it wowld o)e im)o.rsible to pressi it iento r bindinyg precedent. Thi e ri le seems re:-zsnable, and, in ordinary cases, wvould rnot be q;uestioned; but it cannot be drkwn or i!nplie( from the Constitutioi. Besides, this ratio is, iin itsef, sliding sele. At irst, it wa s -,00, ad thils continued ti tll 1811,wheta it vcas piit at 35.,):?;). In 1822, it wa,-3 40.000; in 1832, It was 47,7-)'-); in 1842, it wats 70,680; and now. it i 93,.42(!. If,any ra-tio is to be ma(lo tlhe fouindatio)n of a 1-iinidite d rule, it should be that w hich prevailed.t tl,e a(l optio of t he Constt u titution, and which still c,ntinnie(k when Kansa3, as a part of Louisiai;iz w;s a(cquired fromn lFrance, under solenrn stipvt!lation that it shoilu(l'- )e incor-por-ated into the Union of the U'nited States as, ~,oon a,, mn y be {:ansistent with the principles of the Fedleratl C,'nstitittion." But this whole objection is met bv't!,e memorial of the p)eopl, of Flo' iidi, whic'-, it' ~oodl fbr that State, is also good tbor Kan3as. HIere i3 a pass,~go: '; B, lt the -"orle of Flori(da resp,:etfidly ii.ist t} at their Hrtt, be mtrnitt dinto tile Fe',ral U-,,io, a,State i, not d repelute, uponi the t'act os thieir havilk. a po,l)ula[ion eql. [o such ra,tio. Their right to adlriiisio,, it is ~on(;eived. i:, ~,ttarautied )y the exl,re. — plemltre ill the -sixth sN,icie,of h,, Irewv bere quo-ed; ail if a,~v r,ls: niq to tile I)umlic, oi liie pot,,ilatiiio is toi Aoveri,. btieli eti~a iA,isteIICe at tile time ot thle oeszioii. Whieh,a''d thi. y five,oaqac,, T hey sil)m t, however, tihat anly ralio o represenitai'oq. leeezirlal u pon te -i-lative. ael -le,!>asee sol,ely on contven-ierice an id expe(ie'lc. shliiftiti a,, w~t:ilh~tti u, as the *,psi,~iom ot a, city. of Cot, t,!re,,s ri,> nmke il, aow:' - er that. at a previ,,is ~pportionme, t bu,t which a t,atltrlqonIrross rtv presc-rit,, t,, b,-I- l,s. e. lll.ot b,eoe t.f lhe co,titvutio,al'' PRtrfCIPLES" refe:'r,' in the:re ay. consistency with whnich,', y its te,rmns, i Luired It i. in truith. I)ut a mnere re,tglla tion, nlot f,timlr ed on, pri,.,i:le. No spe(cified hunbet of polpulation is requ ired itv,t', recoz-,ised prineil as n)ecessary in th~ eslah)ishrnie~;t at a fr,.e Govteriinmenit. '"It i.~ inl n,1 w;.se' tzmxristent with the prii,#,!les of th Fedleral (n~sti!,ttitm.' that the vop ulation oCa ~:t:-te stiou! b~. leas lhI- tlie ratio of Cofre.s~onal.epresent;mo~ 'The verv ca-e is psroevle,d for in tie C(onislitultioln. V%i such d-fei t poou':aticn, she wouild e entitled to R. e~re.;e~l:~liv.. [fo.zty e'a el t shsould cause a decrease o the pop ul' i~ of ul, oif tlie Stat. s cveni to a nilulnter. r ilw the mia.t'mtt,n raeio of reprc senitaqion) prescril)bed b ,he Co.dnlie. It e would sti,1 remra ini a member o,f th; Conf d.-', a'idi' e eii ile-' to such Rtepreseltative. I ,dcting under tlhe exigeny of the hour.'l'Ist instance may not be identical in all respects witl that of lKansas; but it displaces completely one of the assumptions which Kanisas low encoun ters, and it also shows completely the disposi tion to relax all rule, under the exig,ency of the hour, in order to do substantial justice. But there is a memorable instance, which con ta ins in itself every clement of irregularity whi(,ch you denounce in the proeeedings of Kansas. Mich igan, now cherished with such pride as a sister State, achieved admission into the Union in pe — sistent defiance of all ritle. Do you ask tor pr-e cedents? Here is a precedent for the largest lati tiide, which you, who protess a deference to pre cedent, cannot disown. Mlark now the stages of this case. The first proceedings of Mllchigan wt vere wmithout any previous enabling Act of Con tress; and she p)resented herself,at your door with a Constitution thus formed, aTid witli Sena tors chosen under that Constit,ution-precisely -i as \:tnss now. This was in December, 1835, w tliile Andrew Jackson was PresideTt. Byv tlheo leaders of the Democrac(y at that timtne, all ohjec tion for alleged defects of form was scouted, and langiiage was employed which is strictly t h appliell)lh to Kansas. There is nothing new i tnder the sun; and the very objection of the , President, that the aplplication of Kansas proi ceeds ftiom "persons acting agaginst authoritie, duly constituted by Act of Congress," wa-s hLurled ;.t gainst the aplilication of MAticthi,n i, in debate t on this floor, by Mr. Hendrick, of Indiana. This . wa3 his language: s 3ut the people of MNichig.ii. ini precsetin their seiaite e lilid Houei of R- -,'rse-ta,iv' a.. the leiativ, oer ex istin g there shoiwied thiat ih,,: had tr-,,rnoil ui,ol a.id -ioe lated tie latvs ef tle U,i,,ited States esabs shi/i a territorial Gmsererteut in ilIirhlian. it,hese 1;tw,s were: cr i,g'ii!t t0 !e, i ll tiull fore ihe re but. I)y the el.arest,r t. p ositio n h ssUillei d. they had( set up a Goveretiee aiii.t'*,'0]igi toth;4t of tie [tT,ited ittes.':( o- *gras Deb., i-1. 1'2, I,., 24/t Co,o, 1st hession.) e To thi3 impeachmrent Mlr. Benton replied in these effective wordsi: 26 their sovereign capacity, withont any authority from State or Territorial Legislature; nay, sir. acco rding to th e ltnguage o f the pres ent Presi — dent, " against authorifties duly constitute d by Act of Congrees;" it least as much as the reent Convention in thansas. The irregu1larity of this Conv Conventi on was increased by the circumstany eo that two of the oldeft conties of the eo e State, com prising a population Of some 25,000 souls, r efused to take any part in it, even to the extent of no td opening the polls for the election o f delegates. claiming that it was held without warrtent of law, and in defiance of the legal Convention, This popular Convention, though wanting a popular support co-extensi ve with the State, yet proce ed ed, by formal act, to give the assent of the people of Michih o t o the f ordamental con dite on proposed by Co ngress. The proceedings of the two Conventions were transmitted to President Jackson, who, by mes sage, dated 27th December, 1836, laid them both before Congress, ind ica ting very clearly his de sireer to ascertain the wi ll Of the people, without rega rd t o fo rm. The origi n of the popular Con vention he thus describes: "This Conveition was not held or eleteled )y vtrt ue of any att o fthe'l' erritoril o r Stat e l,egiseayure. It ori.di -a ted from the Peopue theanselve, hn d was chseoti by ti era in pursuance of re.,oluiions aneopted in prima,-ry a.,sen ia heldt im the reetiv e ou _Sie st-Sen. Do., 2dne ss. tAl Cony!,., Tqol. 1.,Ao..36.) And he then declares that, had these proceed ings com e to him during the re cess o f Congress, .he should hav e felt it his duty, on be ing satisfied tIhat they emanate from-& Convention of dele gates elected in poitat of fact by the sleople o f the t State, to issue his proclamation for t he admission of the State. The Coihlnittee on the Ju~liciary In the Seneto, of which Fi:r,ix GRUNDY was Chairman, after in qliry, recognised the competency of the popti lhtr Convention, as t elected by the People of the State of Michigan," and reported a Bill, respon sive to their assent of the proposed condition,.,r the admission of the State without further cond% tion.-(Statutes at Large, Vol. 5, p. 144, Act of 26Ch Jan., 1837.) Then, sir, appeared the very objeo tions which are now directed ag,ainst K,nseos. ~t was complained that the movement for immediate admission was the work of "a minority," and that "a great majority of the State feel otherwise."-(Sen. Doc., 2d sees. 24th Cong., Vol, 1, Vo. 37.) And a leading Senator, of great ability and integrity, Mr. EwixG, of Ohio, broke forth in a catechism which would do for the present hour. He exclaimed: "11Vhal evi(lence had the Senate of the organization of the Conve.,tion? Of the organiza!i,,n of fhe popular as'emnblies who appo,inited their delegates to that Cotnve,ition? Noiie on earth. Who they were that met and vo't we had nio information. Who gave the notice? A,d iOr what di..- the People receive the inolice? To nmeet PtX elect? What eviweace was there that the Convee in aete-d according, to law? Were the delegatess.sworn? And~. if so, they were extra-jl~dicial oaths, and nlot bindit, g ulpon them. TVere the vote~ couxnted? Tn fact, it was not a vroeceeding undler'he ferret ef law, for ~he,v wer to>:a Iv dit,regarded." —Coa~. Globa, VYo. 4, p. 60, ~l ss. 24th Coetg.} And the same able Senator, on another occaeon, after exposing the imperfect evidence with regard to the action of the Oonvention, existing oat~y ia "Conventioni were original actt ofth,e people. Th,&ex de pended upon inherent and inalienahle rights. The people of ally State may at. ny time meet in Gonvention. without a law of their;egtslaLture. antd without any provision. or taitst ally provision! in their Constitution, aid may alter or albolish the whole trame of Goveriiment as they please. The seovereign power to govern tthemselves wa.as ill the majority, ani they colld not be divested if it."-/bid., p. 1036.) Mr. Buchanan vied with Mr. Benton in vindi cating the new State: "T,e precedent in, the case of Tennessee h a- com pittlely sile,ce,d all opposition in regard to the necessit o of a previous acet of Congress to e table thpe people of Miehigani to form a State Constitution. It t1ow seem- to be coiice,!ed that our subseqnaqt altprob,-tion is equiva lent to our previous action. This can no lotnger be doubted.'. ha. tke uquestiot.ale power of uttiutog ac.y 9erverlerities in the nie of franitg the Conttitt,tffo t, h pd such existed'!-(Ibid., p. 1041.) n le did hope thai. by this bill all objection- would b)e temoved; an(t t' at this Slate, so retdy to rush into our arms. woul(i inot be repulsedel, becaus,e.of the absence of some olrmaitie.s which perhaps were very prol,er, but certitLty t u g ikdpeasable."'-(Ibid., p. 1015.) After an animated contest in the Senate, the Hll for the admission of Michigan, on her assent to certain conditions, was passed, by 23 yeas to 8 nays. But you find weight, as well as numbers, on the side of the new State. Among the yels were Thomas H. Benton of Missouri, James Bu chanan of Pennsylvania, Silhts Wright of New York, W. R. King of Alabama.-(Cong. Globe, Vol. 3d, p. 276, 1st sesason 24th Cony.) Subse quently, on motion of Mr. Buchanan, the two gentlemen sent as Senators by the new State received the regular compensation for attetndance throxigliout the very session in which the,-r-etts had been so acrimoniotsly assailed.-(lbid., p. 448.) In the House of Representatives the application was equally successful. The Committee, on the Judiciary, in an elaborate report, reviewed the jections, and, a mong o ther things, said: 'S hai thie people of Michig rn have wilt hout due autho r - ' forrtnh a St,.t.e Government. but net thelesV. that ingress has t,ower to wo ne ay cbjec tionl dch fth presht. m eoat actunt, be etetai-e d ao be rtlification of the Coands i pRI of whioh the y'have al opned, and to aw(mir their ea,a ors anld Repre d ntaoi, tom tike toheir Unt o i o the Co..: oE. the Uniti ed States"-(e. Dc 1st ses. 24isth Con -., VWo. 2, vo 3b0.) The House sustained this view by a vote of 153 yeas to 45 nays. In this large majority, b)y which the title of Michigan was then recognised, will be found the name of Franklin Pierce, at that time a Representative from New Hampshire. But the case was not ended. The fiercest trial sad the greatest irregularity remoined. The Act providing for the admission of the new State eontained a modification of its boundaries, and proceeded to require, as.,fundatmenta condition, that these should "receive the aLssent of a Converition of delegates, elected by the people of the said State, for the sole purpose of giviing the asremt herein required."-(Statutew at Large, Vol. 5, ,. 50, Act of June 5th, 1.836.) Such a Conven~ion,'duly elected under,a cM1l from the Legisis;tare. met in pursuance of law, o.nd, artes consid~,ation, declined to eome into the Union on the condition propoased. But the action of this Convention was not universally satisfacetory3, and in order to effect an admission into the Union, another Conventio wa~ called peel,saucly b, the people, in I k" 57, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C- CD o ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ --;C-.' C- 6 - --- ID- C lz ~ ~ ~ ~ C- C-.. - -- C —-' C —- C —- C —-'~~~~~~~~~c C — — C- 7 —'C-'C-'C- C —- C-C-'- C C —-9' C — C —' I - C —-C —-C —-- - C — C —- C —- C —- -'C —- C —- C —-' 9 _ C —-' ~ D zr -- C- --.. ~ - ~ 9 A 99C-'C- -— C-'9 ti — h9 C- -- -- ~ -9 9C-,' I~9 C -~ 9' — C —- - 9 9 9 C —- C —- -. C —- - C —- C —- -C —- C —--'m — c'C- CD- -- ~0 9 C- C- m~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C- c, CD- a - tzt~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —:4, C —- - ID - - - - —'C-.C —'~ -~C —--— ~C-C-C —-C — - - -- -C —C — c,C- C-~0- - - - C-'C-C —C-C —C — ~ -~-~ - - - C — C — C — C —C — ~ ~ ~ C — C —C — C —C —.C — ~~~ 0 ~ C — c — - IC — C — ~~~' C — ~ ~ C ID - — ~C-C- - - - C —~~~~~~~~~~~~o 4 C — IC —' ~~~~~~~~~ C — C — C — C — C —~~~~~~~~~~l 29 stiant tt your door. Will yon send themn away, or bid them enter? Will you push them back to renew their struggles vith a deadly foe, or will you preserve them in security and peace? Will you cast them again into the den of Tyranny, or will you help their despairing efforts to escape? These questiotns I put with no common solicitude; for I feel that on their just determination depeild all the most precious interests of the I'epublic; and I perceive too clearly the prejudices in the way, and the accumulating bitterness itainst this distant people, now claiming thleir sim)ple birthright, while I am bowed with alorificttion, as I recognise the President of the United ,States, who should have been a staff to the weak find a shield to tlle innocent, at the head of this trange oppression. At every stavge the similitude between the wrongs of Kansas, and those other wrongs afgainist which our fathers rose, becomes more ap ptitrent. Rteaid the Declaration of Indelpendence, trd there is hardly- an accusation which is there directed against the British Mlonatrch, which ma,' not now be directed with increased torce iagainst the Amnerican President. The parallel!ihs a fearful particulairitv. Our fathers complained tliat the King lihd sent hither swtrtus of ofhi cers, to hara,ss our people, and eat out their sub stance;" thitt he "had combined, with others, to sulbject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Con stitution, giving hi,s as.ent to their acts of pretended letista(ion;" that' he had ai)dica:ted govern nieit here, by declaring tli out of his protectit on, and n iva Q ar ag aiiast uz;" that "- he had exci- + doemestic insurrection antonig us, iLrd endecav oci to brilt.7 oil the in,abitants of our frontie- the. m.A'cile,.s savuges; " thl.t " our repe.ted petitio ns have b)een answered only by repeated injury." At2d this wrra igsment wxs aptly followed by tihe &broining w,)rds, that a P'rince, whose ch.irac tr Is tlius ini:rked b)y every act which imay defitnei a tyrailt, is uifit to l)e the ruler of a free people." Aiid sutrelv, a'resid(lent who has done all these tliings, ctnliot be less unfit than a Prince. At eeryT stLte, the respon.'bility is brou,nht directly to Iiliii. Ills offence hats been both (,f colm flitos eion;n,l omission. Ile l;has (lolie tlhat which liehe ought not to h;ive done, trd he lhas left undone Otaiat which lie ou,lht to nave done. By his ac tivity the Prohllibition of Slavery wvas overturned. ly his ftilure to act, the honest emigramnts in Kansas have been left a prey to wioIIg of' all kiuds. iNtlum Jlagyitium extitit, nisi pr tel; nutl z, rn flyitiein sine te. And now he stands forth tle niost conspicuous enemny of thlat unhappy Texritory. -si tire tyr.anny of the British King is all re ewed in the President, so oni this floor have the old indignities been renewed, which eilbitteredt mtd fomented the troubles of our Fathlers. Thec wrly petition of the Ar.erical Conrgress to Par liament, long before any suiggestion of Inde tiendence, was opposed -like the petitions of Kansas - because that body " was tassenibled without aiiy requisition on the part of the Supreme Power." Another petition from New York, presented by Edmund Burke,.was flatly reed~ as claiming rights derogatory to Par liament. And s;ll atnother petition from I{ass,clhusetts Bayv was ditsmissed as "vexoatious and scanlalous," wh ile the patri ot ) hilo ophe who bore it was exposed to peculiar contumely. Throtghouit the det)ttes, or fathers were notmde the butt of so rry jests and superciio a ssltlno )tions. Arid now i these si cns oith t iese precise objections, have been renewed in the American Senate. With re g ret, I come ncgnin upon the Senato r frotm South Citirolina, [Ir. BUTLalR,] who, omiip)resent in this debate, overflowved with rage at the similple sug,gestion that Kansas hadxl atlsl)lied for admission a?,, a State; and, with incoherent pbrases, dischlarged the loose expectoration of his s)eecl, now upon her representattive, and then upon her p3eopsle. There was no extrava-~ gance ot the ancient Pa,trliamenta-ry del-ate which:i he diid not repeat; nor was there an,y pzossible deviation from truth which lie did not mrke, with so muich of passion, 1 am glad to ac]dd, ais to save him from the suspicion of intentional aberrattion. B[t the Senator touches inothing wYhich hbe does not disfiguire-with error, some tinies of princil,,e, sometimes of tfact. l-c shows an incapacity of accuratcy, whether in statting the Constitution or in sttating tlhe law, whethler in the dcetails of statistic-s or the (iversions of sclhol -trship. He cannot opt his mouth, but out there flies:- blunder. Surely he ought to be tfamiliar with the life of Fr;aklin;'red yet he reitrted to this hiotuselhold character, while acting as agent of our fithci(rs in lEnglan(l, as above suspicion ,ttin this wasti (lone theft he miglht give po))itit to a false co, trast with the agent of Kan2sas —not ;iaowing that, however t!hey m.y differ in genius3 f.tiid fi(e, in this experience they,ire alilkc: that Frantklitn, wYhen initruisted Nitlh tlfe petition of Mtassachutsetts Bay, was assaulted by a fotul nmuthed spea?ker, where he could niot bhe heard in defence, andl deniouincecd as t " tlhief,." even as the augent of Ka,nsas itts'beeni awssautlted oln this floor-, and denounced ar, a' forger." Andl let oat ~tie vaniity of the Senator lie inslpired b)y the 1)tlaliel with the B3ritish statesmen of that d.,?!i for it i.s oiily in lhostility to Freedomn that anly .parallel cau be recognised. Ili-t it i. atg:nitist the people of Kansa,s thait the senIsil)ilities of the t or a'C p:irt-icuh;ry,ous — ed. Comingn, as he an.niiounces, " fromn a State"'ye, sir, fiom. South Ca,trolinal-he turns with lordly disgttst fi-om this newly-foriiie(I cominiiiii ty, wNvt.ichl lie will not rccogni-se e'ven as "a:- bdiy p)olitic." Pray, sir, by what title does he indulge il this Cegotisim? tas he read the history of "tthe State" which he reipesente.s'- Ile Icicanot suirelly have ftbgotten its shameful imrt)ecility tfiem S;la. very, confessed tlhrotughout the Revolution, ful [o)ved by its n. ore shstxnefifi assumptions tor Sl,,a vcrysitnce. I-He caenothahvefiorgottcn its wrttchled persi.tenlce ini the sla-ve trade as the very al,ple ot its eye, awnd tlue cond~ition 6'f its particip;ttion in thec Union. tie canlnot hwave fiorgottenl its Conlsti tution, which is republican onily in nam;e, con tirmingr p~ower in thle hasnds of~ thc I_'w, and!u n&ozl ing thle qualificawtions of its legrislastors on "'a set tlcd freehlold estalte and ten n%,roes." Antd y et the Senator~ to whollm thlat'" $ate:' hwas in pawrt rein .iL 4,. o0 miitted the giardiianship of its good name, instead the Fathers and the.sp:rit of the ConstitutIln, of moving, with backward treadting steps, to cover in order to give new spread to Slavery. Let the its nakedness, rushes forward, in the very ecsta- Senator proceed. It will not be the first time trn cy of madness, to-expose it, by provoking a corn- history, that a scaffold erected for punishment parison with Kansas. South Carolina is old; lhas become a pedestal of honor. Out of death Kansas is youn'. South Carolina counts by cen- (oues life, and the "traitor" whom he blindly turies, where Kansas counts by years. But a [executes wili live immortal in the cause. beneficent example may be born in a day; and I -Vor Hurrnatity sweeps onward; where to-day the martyr venture to saty, that ag-ainst. the two cent, ures of,: ~ th~ olde "tate" may be already- set the two 0ii th..e morrow crouches Jucas, with thle silver in his' t,.,,,,ldr. two -,Z., vu h},,(i.,; years of triil, evolving corresponding virtue, in l,Vbile the helniag mob of yelierlay i' -i!eoit awe retu-rn, the yoiinger community. In the one, is the long To gleani up the sca;ieted ashes into 11i ttory'lsgldeu urn. wail of Slavery; in the other, the hymns of Fre Amon, these hostile Senators, there is yet andom. And if we glance at special achievements, it will be difficult to find anything in the history other, with all the prejudices of the Senator d-r of' South Carolina which p resents so much of Sooth Cairolina, butwithout his generousi impulses heofc soirth Coinan wherich presents soppears1iOf heroic s'.)irit in an heroic catuse as app e ars in who, on accoliunt of his character before the cour that repulse of the Misoui iivader~ by the he- try, and the rancor of his opposition, deserves to be th~~~~~~~~~~~ate. mepuseo the [seo' nvatorg by hebe leagtered town of Lawrence, where even' the d mu th women gave their effective eftorts to Freedom. ItAso,\] who, as the author of the Fugitive Slave Bill, has associated himself with a special act'of The- mattrons of Rom-ie, whvlo poured th-eir jewels.n into the treasury for the public defence-the y wie, wt for le has said little in this debate, though wives of ]?cussi o, whwith delicate fing~ers. l, o leI,qs 'h -it little was compressed the bitterness clothIed their defenders agai-nst French invatsion —wtli h the mothers of our own Revontion" who sentI of a life absorbed in the support of Slavery. tsi holds the commission of V~rginia; but he doeo fouti their en)is, covered over with Ipriyet-s and blessings, to conihat for Ilum n Rights, dqd noth- not represent thl,t early Virginia, so (lear to our in~ ofself-s:tcrifice truer than (1did these w o n hearts' wviih gave to us the pen of Jefferson, this occasion. Were the whole history of South i)y which the equality of men was declared, and 'a~o'in the sword of Washiogtoo, by which Independence Carolinit bl)ottedl out of existence. from it:, very I. l Leg inn own to the d } of the oftt lcti o n ff' wts I s r ecured; but he represents thit other Virtheinnii Sedown to the days of the list clei(-tuof th c_i1 gint., fro!it whih(Ii Waisliingtoin and Jefferson now 1 tavert their races, where human beings are bred itiz,-tion i2'~ los-e-I do not sayt h~ow little; aI fs (cittle for tile sianmles, and where at dungeon butt suirely les~ tha-,n it has aledb'~.~'lh in it has al~e ~'-ed rhw: tl aus mTn.o- n wlio teaches ittle chilthe ex-I.m,,!e of Kanisas, in it, v'iaiut st ,Jreui Lo relieve their bondag,,e ~y r-ead~ing the Brin(k a~. inst oppesion, and in tihe development of i ccicrieeterbnageb edn h nt ac,~'iii. o ffczion r nd n tlrcidvemn OF Life. It is proper that socli a Seniator, repnew science of emiraio n. Alrea,-dy in, L:-iwrenece alonei there atre newspapers -and schools, ren~c alcie' p nets mdschoolrerentingcrsuch, a State, slhould rail againqst F~e~ ar;(., Stieool, an throug'iout this in- a Bitt thiis is ilot all. The pireced,ent is still nmore fiittTertitoirv there is more of mature scholiarsihip, ,:clitncl~iing. Tituis fitr I hl.ve rlhewed excliusively i'i pro,,).ortioc to its lihabitants, than in all Soii h dcm itifir iits foid ecci ngrely C i'olin.t Ai ~, sir, I tell the Senator that K~ittus, h iiit o(sa~t ~i h~ ogesm sit, I Stte ll the)'e,,i,-.,tor that KtH illustrrtetd i)y the dcb, es of that body; but wellwvelcomed us.,:t(-i F re~e S t.a te, wvi It I i' s:,nietri i, autlientieat'd flicts, not of recordl her,imake the anzel" to the Republic, when South Cirolinat. if t'i case stronger still. It is som-etimes said that the tlie, cloa,k of' darkness whi;ch shle hiugs, "1lies proceedinigs in Aaotnsas are defective, becautsethev Tfoigino [r a oted ini a party. This is not true, but even Tile S.e froTm Illin-ois E[Th'. Doc7cr.,k~s.] na~t- if it were true, then woold thev still find support iirallv )oins thie Sen,ator from- South (I::~rol)ina i in t e o: l h rth w,,'fi're, and gives to it the superior intensi- in i etciii o,liohi ft of hi p thu e li ~ ~ ~(ethnatlit ed~i'ca cii is,.stretching throug~h successive years, ty of his na.itur-e.'Ile thiinks tha-:t thle -N'.t;oit]on begire'n'ne in?);~. h rposed'State Government has not completely proved ts power, begar I eniled i0 T); y Tie iro Governoieiit was ice:"ed ty the Deniocrats as a as it has nev-er hanged at tra,itor; buLt, if' thie oc-a n odi,oini casion requires, he hiopes there'will he uc li-,r tc...s[' and al who nid tot embark in it wi e re denounced. Of the Leislative Council, ta-tion; ati(t tiffs thirealt is directed at Kansas, aind I' e the icih caillcd the first Constitutional Convention eveni a9t the ti-iendos of Kanisas lhroiighoiit theI eei I lid ih in 1835. all were Demo('rati; and in the Convenoti nitr~ Aiesof onurs thhecs "nd I boriowt lion its elf, composed of eighity-seven members, struggl e s o'orFhers, -and 1 b orwte ]a,n les f,~r F,,,-f, bor-oi th otily seven were Whig,-,. The Convention of guave of Patrick Henry, when, t) the cry from "if18, w igtv gaie the final isent, originated in the Sanaator., of"1 treason," "1treasoij," el, "i a Democratic Contention en the 29th October, thils be treast~on, mai,ike thte most of it." Sir, it is aIeortcCneto nte2tiOt~ in the county of. Wayne, composed of one huneasy to call nanes but I be — to tell tile Sen itor tia''f'h ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ded1"~itr si n yatlc and twinty-feur delegates~ all Democrats, bie to th~ose who refuse suhntission to a tvran-~ rceedt eot nie~~~~fi Usurpa~~ ~ ~~~tin whthriKassoele'.ti,,he deleoet,'s of' the Demotcratic party of ~v,xm. nicel bourpation wh~~~~~~soether in:a)) rc e l'pre~,ed wih lhe sprtet~iihit,-viis and dangers w here, thea must'some new woid~ of deepet' hi(' at r,fiilIog ik~ole Uniuoi haa 1rou:lit ~tpoit itie eelor, be invented, to designate those mad spirits people of Mtiehigai. eariie41y reco. mend teetnglo aimelitel eoivenettc by their fellow-citiizen in veery who would endanger and degrade the Repoblic, cou, iv niftie State. with a view ~o he expret/i~n oftitira while they betray all the cherished sentiments of senttiifeitis int favor of the election atid ca'l of, aitather i i, — 31 Carrtefien, in time to secore our admislion into the Union before the first of January next." machinations of party, and the low level of vulgar strife. It must turn from that Slave Oligarchy which now controls the Republic, and refuse to be its-tool. Let its power be stretched forth to wards this distant Territory, nottto bind, but to unbind; not for the oppression of the weak, but for the subversion of the tyrannical; not for the prop and maintenance of a revolting Usurpation, but for the c o n firmation of Liberty. These are imperia l a rts, apds worthy thee! Let it now tak iits stan d between the living an d dead, and cause this plague to bestayed. All this it can do; and if the i nt erests of Sl av ery did not oppose, all this i o d t would do At o nce, in erverent regard for justice, law, and order, dr iving far away all the alarms of war; nor would it da-ere t o brav the shame and punishment of th is Great Refusal. But the Slave Power dares anything; and it can be'conquered only by the united masse s of the People. From Congress to the People, I appeal. Already Public Opiniinion gathiers unwonted forces to scourge the aggressors. In the press, in d a i ly conversation, wh erever t wo or three are gathered together, there the indignant ut teran ce finds vent. And trade, by unerring indications, attests taie gro wi ng e nergy. Public credit i n Missouri droops. The six per cents of that State, which at par should be 102, have sunk to 84i thus at o nce comp leting the evidence of Crime, and attesting its punishment. Business i&noiv turning from the Assassinds and Thugs, that in - fest the Mlissouri Itiver on the way to Kansas, to seek some safer ovenue. And this, th ough no t unimpor t ant ich itself, is typical of greater changes. The political cr edi t of the nren who t mr)lhold the Usurpation, droops even more, than 'ole daocks; find the People a re turning frym all chose through w ho m the Assassinis and Thuges have derived the i r disgraceful immun ity. It was s ai d of oll, " Cursed be he thl:t re moveth his neighbor's eandmark. And all tlte people whall say, Ainen."-(Deut. xxvii, 17.) Cur sed it is said, in te citys, aind in t he ifield; cursed il basket and store; cursed when thou comtest in, and cursed when thou goest out. These arc terrible imprecations; but if everb an Landmarli were sacred, it was that by which an immense territory was guarded forever against Slavery-; and if ever such imprecations could justly de scend upon any one, they must descend now upon all who, not content with the removal of this se — cred Landmatrk, have since, with criminal com plicity, fostered the incursions of the great Wrong against which it was intended to gu'.,rd. But I utter no imprecations, These are rot my words; nor is it my part to add to or subtract from them. But thanks be to God! they find a response in the hearts of an arotused People, making them turn from every man, whether President, or Senator, or Relpresenta tive, who has been engaged in this Crinme —e pecially trom those who, cradled in free institu tions. are without the apology of eduction or , social prejuldice-until of all such1 those other words of the prophet ~hall be fulfilled — I will set my face against that man, and make tlim sign and a proverb, and I will c~t him him off 'f from the midst of my people." —(XEzk/ xivr) 8.) Shortly afterwards, a committee of five, ap p6inted by this Convention, all leading Demo crats, issued a circular, "under the authority of the delegates of the county of Wayne," recom mending that the voters throughout Mlichigan should meet and elect delegates to a Convention to give the necessary assent to the Act of Con- gress. In pursuance of this call, the Convention met; and, as it originated in an exclusively party recommendation, so it was of an exclusively party character. And it was the action of this Con vention that was submitted to Congress, and, Oer discussion in both bodies, on solemn votes, aproved. I But the precedent of lirbigan has another fea e, which is entitled to the gravest attention, especially at this moment, when citizens engaged fi the effort to establish a State Government in Kansas are openly arrested on the charge of trea son, and we are startled by tidings of the mad dest efforts to press this procedure of preposter ous Tyranny. No such madness prevailed under Andrew Jackson; although, during the long i pendency of the Michigan proceedings, for more than fourteen months, the Territorial Govern mnent was entirely ousted, and the State Govern ment organized in all its departments. One hun dred and thirty different legislative acts were pased, providing for elections, imposing taxes, erefcting corporations, and establishing courts of justice, including a Supreme Court and a Court of Chancery. All process was issued in the name cr" the people of the State of Michigain. And Yet no attempt was made to question the legal valid- 1 itv of these proceedings, whether legislative or' u(licial. Least of all did any menial Governor, dressed in a little brief authority, play the fan tatic trick s which we now witness in Keansas; nor did any person, wearing the robes of justice, shock high Heaven with the mockery of injustice now enacted by emissaries of the President in that Territorv. No, sir; nothing of this kind than ocenrred. Andrew Jackson was President. Senators such as these are the natarM enemies orf'a ns.as, and I introduce them with reluctance, simply that, the country may understand the ,character of the hostility which must bo overcome. Arrayed with them, of course, are all who unite, under any pretext or apolog-y in the propagandism of Human Slavery. To such, indeed, the time-honored safegu;ards of popular rights can be a nine only, and nothing more. What an trial by jury, habeas corpus, the ballot-box, the right of petition, the liberty of Kansas, your liberty, sir, or mine, to one who lends himself, not merely to the support at homer but,tQ the propagandism abroad~ofthat preposterous wrong, which denies even the right of a man to himselfl Such a cause can be maintained only by a practicar subversion of all rights. It is, therefore, merely according to reason that its partisans should uphold the Uaurpation in Kansas. To overthrow this U~surpastion is DoT the special, importunate duty of Congress, admittinlg of no hesitation or postponement. To this end it rms4 lift itself from the cabals of candidates, the ii I I I I ,. A i 32 Turning'thlus from the authors of thli Crime; the, c:tuse itself there is angelic power. Unseen.of Peol)le will unite once more with the Fathers of' men, the great spirits of IHistory comubat by the the Republic, in ajust condemnation ot Slavery- side of the people of Kansas, breathing a divine determined e.pecially that it shall find no home courage. Above all towers the majestic form of in the National Territories-while the Slave Washitigton once more, as on the bloody field, Power, in whic(h the Crime had its beginning, bidding them to remember those rights of Human and by wbich it i4 now sustained, will be swept Nature for which thle War of Independence was into th charnel-house of defunct Tyrannies. waged. Such a cause, thus sustained, is invinci - In this contest, Kansas bravely stands forth- ble. the stripling leader, clad. in the panoply of The cont6st, which, beginning in Kansas], Ism American institutions. In calmly meeting and reached us. will soon be transferred from Con adopting a frime of Government, her people gress to a broader stage, where every citizen will have with intuitive prompltitlide performed the be not only spectator) but actor; and to their duties offreen)en; and when I consider theoitfi- judgment I confidently appeal. To the People, culties by which she was beset, I find dignity in now on the eve of exercising the electoral frant her attitude. I It offering hersef for admission into chise. in choosing a Chllie'f Magistrate of tbA the lrnion as a FitE ST-ATT, she presents a siilq Reptblic, I appeal, to vindicate the electoraf ivsue for the people to decide. And since the Slave franchise in Kansas. Let tht ballot-box of the Pover now stakes on this issue all its ill-gotten Union, with multitudinous might, protect the supremacy, the People, while vindicating Kansas, ba,llot-box in that Territory. Let the voters will at the same time overthrow this Tyratnry. everywhere, while rejoicing in their own rights, Thus does the contest which she now begins in- help to guard. the equal rights of distant fellow volve not only Liberty for herself, but for the citizens; that the shrines of popular institutions, whole country. God be praised, that she did now desecrated, may be sanctified anew; that the not bend ignobly beneath the yoke! Far away ballot-box, now plundered, may be restored; and on the prairies, she is now battling for the Lib- that the cry, "I am an American citizen," may erty of all, against the President, who misrepre- not be sent forth in vain against outrage of every seits all. Everywhere among those who are not kind. In just regard for free labor in that Terri insensible to Right, the generous stiruggle meets tory, which it is sought to bla,st by unwelconme a generous resl,onse. From innumerable throb- association with slave labor; in Christian syn bing hearts go forth the very words of encour- pathy with the slavee, whom it is proposed to task a.iment wli(h, in the sorrowful days of our and to sell there; in stern condemnation of tle Fathers, were sent by Virginia, sp)eaking by tllhe Cime whlich has been consu nmmated on that pen of Richard Henry Lee, to Massachusetts, inl beauitif'il soil_:_n reseoe. of fellow-citizens, now tile person of her popular tribune, Samuel Adams: s,ibjllated to a tyrannical Usurpation; in du -CAr,ATtLLY, V., JT,,e2 3,1774. tiftlil respect for the early Fathers, whose as "It hope the o-,(l people of Boston rill iot 1, se no inoly tvarted; in t s'Iri.s. u,der tjiir )r,-senit heavy oppression, ibr they, ill pations are now ignobly thwarted; in the ertail1v 1)b supported b)y the otlher C o otl1t s, sld the asuse name of the Constitution, which has been out fo,r -.vhic!, 1li.-y li'er is so oriois acd so (t-ep!v ii'esr raged-of the Laws trampled down-of Justice es'i,.g o the preseit cd fuituregeneratios. thatall,mer- b;anished-of Ilumanity degraded-of Peace de ic; wvil' owe, ii a,reat measure, their polltical sa va io, t, e r resitt virtlie- of )I.ss:tihusets Baty.t-(AJnrican stroyed-of Freed9m crushed to earth; and, in A,i,;t'. 4/ serit., Vo,. 1,. 44'1.) the name of the HIleavenly Father, whosq service Iii all +sis sym-ipathy there is strength. 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