K-5J COPYRIGHTED /1100 T*6 COPYRIGHTED. CAMPAIGN OF '84. BIO( I l AI IAIIES ()F S. GROVER CLEVELAND, THE DE cUt TJ( (A7' NJIDA TE JFOR PRESIDEN T, AN I) THOM AS A. HEN-DRICKS, THE D TI CRA TJ Y CA NDIDA TE FOL IICE-1J'EI)EX 1, WITH Ak DESCRIPTION OF THE LEADING ISSUES AND THE PROCEEDINV GS OF THE NATIONAL CONTVENTION, TOGETHER WITH A HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES COMPAlRIS NS(- OF PLXATFO MS ON ALL IM(PORTANT QUESTIONS, AND POLITICAL TABLES FOR READY REFEREt'NCE. BY GEN'L BENJAM1IN LA FEVRE, Member of the House of Representatives from Ohio. CHICAGO aND NEW YORK: BAIRD & DILLON. 1884. Entered according t, Art of Congress, in the year 1884, in the Office of the Libra'ian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. Bound by HENRY ALTEMUS, 4th and Cherry Streeta, Philadelphia. CONTENTS. Biographies, etc. PAGE F3. GROVER 'CLEVELAND......................................................1 THOMAS A. HENDRICKS....................................................50 PROCEEDINGS OF NA-riONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION AT CHICAGO, JuLY 81884.. 71 ISSUES OF PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884 o...............................80 HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES. PAGE. COLONIAL PARTIES-WHIG AND TORtY............................................3 PARTICULARISTS, AND STRONG GOVERNMENT WHIGS.-o...................5 IFEDERALS AND ANTI-FEDERALS.......................................7 REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS...........................................9 DOWNFALL OF TEE FEDERALS...................................................13 DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS.......................................................17 JEFFERSON DEMOCRATS...........................................................19 HARTFORD CONVENTION.........................................................20 TREATY OP GEENT......................................................20 CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS.....................a a21 PROTECTIvE TARIFF............................................................21 MONROE DOCTRINE..............................................................23 MISSOURI COMPROMISE...........................................................24 TARIFF-AMERICAN SYSTEM.o..................................................25 TENURE or OFFICE-ELIGIBILITY........................................27 NULLIFICATION-DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS.............................29 UNITED STATES BANK............................................................31 JACKSON'S SPECIAL MESSAGE ON THE UNITED STATES BANK-........................33 CONCEPTION OF SLAVERY QUESTION.......................................35 DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS........................................................37 TEE HOUR RULE............................................................39 NATIONAL BANK BILL-FIRST.......................................41 41 1 t SECOND............................................43 OREGOiN TRELATY OF 1846........................................47 TREATY OF PEACE WITH MEXICO...............................................49 CLAY'S COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS..............................................51 ABOLITION PARTY-RISE AND PROGRESS OF.................................... 3 ]KANSAS-NEBRASKA. BILL...................................................55 RITUAL OF THE AMERICAN PARTY........................................57 -]KANSAS STRUGGLE.......................................................71 LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATEo........................................73 CHARLESTON CONVENTION-DEMOCRATIC, 1860....... 81 DOUGLAS CONVENTION, 1860, BALTIMORE............................86 BRECKINRIDGE CO#.rNVENTION,1860, ALIOE...................8 CHICGO EPULICA CNVNTON 160.....................-8 viii TABLE OF CONTENTS., PAGE. CESSION-VIRGINIA, CONVENTION, 1861........... 91 46 INTER-STATE COMMISSIONERS...............................96 49 SOUTHERN CONGRESS, PROCEEDINGS OF......................97 As CONFEDERATE CONSTITUTION...................................97 44 CONFEDERATE STATES..................................................98 BUCHANAN'S VIEWS...........................................................99 CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE.....................................................104 PEACE CONVENTION..........................................................106 ACTrUAL SwECssION................................................................109 64 it TRANSFERRING ARMS TO THE SOUTH..........................109 FERNANDO WOOD'S SECESSION MESSAGE...........................................112 CONGRESS ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION...................................113 LINCOLN'S VIEWS....a.......................................................115 JUDGE BLACK'S VIEWS...........................................................115 ALEXANDER H. STEPHIENS' SPEECH ON SECESSION.................................116 LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION.................................................120 CONFEDERLATE MILITARY LEGISLATION.............................................128 GUERRILLAS....................................................................129 TWENTY-NEGRO EXEMPTION LAW....%..................................130 ]DOUGLAS ON THE REBELLION..................................... 0 130 POL~ITICAL LEGISLATION INCIDENT TO THE WAR..................................130 THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS............................................131 COYPENSATED EMANCIPATION...........................................135 LIziCOLN'S APPEAL TO THE BORDER STATES................................137 REPLY OF THE BORDER STATES...........................................138 BORDER STATE SLAVES........................ 0 0 00...139 EMANC'IPATION..............................................................141* &A PRELIMINARY PROCLAMATION or.................................141 64 PROCLAMATION OF..................................................143 LOYAL GOVERN-ORS, TEE ADDRESS OF................................144 FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW, REPEAL OF..........................145 FINANCIAL LEGISLATION...............................149 SEWARD AS SECRETARY OF STATE..............................149 IHTrERNAL TAXES...................................151 CONFEDERATE DEBT.........................................152 CONFEDERATE TAXES.........................................153 VWEST VIRGINIA-ADMISSION OF...........................................158 COLOR IN WAR POLITIC~S......................................................159 THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT -PASSAGE OF.................................167 LjOUISIANA-ADMISSION oF REPRESENTATIVES....................168 RECONSTRUCTION..................................................169 AR&KANSAS-ADMISSION OF.......................................................170 RECONrSTRUCTION MEASURES-TEXT OF......................................171 FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT................................................174 -MCCLELLAN'S POLITICAL LETTERS......a......................................175 LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMIN IST RATION —......................... 177 ANDR&EW J'OHNSON' AND HIS POLICY......................... 0 178 TABLE OF CONTENTS. i PAGE. A&LABA.MA CLAIMS......................................................197 FORCE BILL-....................................................................197 CIVIL SERVICE-ORDER Or PRESIDENT H.AYES............................a..198 AMNESTY......................................................................199 LIBERAL REPUBLICANS..........................................................199 REFORM IN THE CIVIL SERVICE.............................. 0 a. a 0...200 CREDIT MOBILIER...............................................................200 SALARY GRAB........................................................214 RETURNING BOARDS.........................................................217 GRANGERS.................................................................218 -tILLINOIS RAILROAD ACT Or 1873...........................218 CIVIL RIGHTS BILL-SUPPLEMENTARY........................ 221 MORTON AMENDMENT..............a...a.........................................222 WHISKxY RING....................................................................222 BELKNAP IMPEACHED..............................................................2 3 WHITE, LEAGUE................................................................223 WHEELER COMPROMISE-TEXT OF...............................................226 ELECTION or HAYES AND WHEELER......................................228 ELECTORAL COUNT.......................................................229 TITLE OF PRESIDENT HAYES....................233 CIPHER DESPATCHES........................................234 THE HAYES AIDMINISTRATION.................................239 NEGRO EXODUS........................................... 0 240 CAMPAIGN OF 1880......................................242 THREE PER CENT. FUNDING BILL.................................244 HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS............................................245 GARFIELD AND ARTHUR-INAUGURATION OF...................................253 ]REPUBLICAN FACTIONS.........................................................253 THE CAUCUS..................................................................256 ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD..........................................260 ARTHUR, PRESIDENT...................................261 Boss RULE.................................................................261 RE&DJUSTERS.............................................................263 MORMONISM-SUPPRESSION OF.............0 9..264 at TEXT OF THE BILL.....................................265 SO"UTH AMERICANQUESTION................................ a0.....269 STAR ROUTE SCANDAL...............................................277 THE COMING STATES..............................................278 CHINESE QUESTION........................................................281 -SPEECH OF SENATOR MILLER ON.....281 -REPLY OF SENATOR& HOAR...............................285 MERCHANT MARINE...........................................................296 CURRENT POLITICS................................10a0 009000&00000a00a09. 298 POLITICAL CHANGES IN 1882..................... 304 PART I. BIOGRAPHIES OF S. GROVEB CLEYELAND AND THOMAS A ENDLICK,~S. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND New York presents a grand array of no- selection from such a number of distinble names, which have alike shed a lustre guished personages. on the Democratic party and the nation. Delaware presented its Bayard, a timeIts great men have been conspicuous in honored name in that state, and an acthe camps of the soldier in the pulpit, at knowledged leader among men. Conthe bar, and in the legislative halls of servative in his views, deliberate in his the state and nation. The political his- action, profound in thought, and brilliant tory of our country is filled with the names in intellect, he is a statesman who ornaof men from this state who have left ments his high position of United States their imprints upon this age and genera- Senator. tion, and become known and famous Thurman, of Ohio, whose giant intellect throughout the civilized world. and broad-gauge views won him the poMartin Van Buren who succeeded sition of a leading senator-a man whose Andrew Jackson as President, Horatio acute knowledge of jurisprudence eleSeymour, Horace Greeley, General Ic- vated him to the head of the Bar, and Clellan, and Samuel J. Tilden, nominees whose will-power is coequal with his for that elevated position all hailed from judgment, was one of the contestants. that state, while General Hancock, an- Indiana presented McDonald, stalwart other nominee, although not belonging in faith, careful and plodding in details, to it, was and is an actual resident of New whose record in the Senate was without York. The country believes, and it will blot or blemish. Pennsylvania, through go through all time as a matter of history, ex-Senator Wallace, named Mr Randall, that Mr. Tilden failed to become Presi- who in the councils of his native city, in dent, not because he was defeated at the the State Senate, and for nearly a quarter ballot box, but because he was sacrificed of a century in Congress, has been favorby the Electoral Commission at Washing- ably known by the people. As an organton, and that four years of Republican izer, a parliamentarian and legislator he misrule was forced upon the country by is the acknowledged leader of the House that unjust and illegal decision. of Representatives. The present accomThe Democratic National Convention, plished Speaker of the House, Mr, Carwhich convened at Chicago, July 8, to lisle, of Kentucky, one of the intellectual make nominations, after carefully survey- giants of Congress, a Chesterfield in maning the field and digesting the merits of ners, and a Napoleon in strategy-Morthe respective candidates, again selected rison, of Illinois, with true western push, a candidate from the Empire state in the and advanced ideas of political economy, person of Stephen G. Cleveland, the pre- formed a brilliant pair on the nominating sent Governor. When we consider the roster. Any one of these men would have galaxy of grand names before the Con- been a worthy leader of the Democracy vention for its consideration, and the in- to victory, and, therefore, the selection of fluences by which they were presented Stephen G. Cleveland from the number and supported, it cannot fail to impress us was an enviable honor, apart from that with the force and reputation of the man which attains to the Presidential office. who could win amongst such compeers. It is not the purpose of this biographical Probably never before had a National notice to trace with minute exactness an Convention the opportunity of making a ancestry, about which the American peo STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. pie care but little, as under a government which have been presented to this conlike ours the faded pages of ancestral vention than myself; but, gentlemen, the records weigh but little against the living world is moving, and moving rapidly realities of the present. A Government From the North to the South, new men, of the people takes the people as they are, men who have acted but little in politics, and for what they are worth, as compo- are coming to the front [applause], and nent parts thereof, and not from any to-day there are hundreds and thousands heritage from buried generations. It re- of young men in this country, men who cognizes no royalty of birth, no caste be- are to cast their first vote, who are indecause of ancestry, but, actuated by the pendent in politics, and they are looking spirit of our laws, it rates him for his in- to this convention, praying silently that trinsic worth, and no matter how humble there shall be no mistake made here. his origin- They want to drive the Republican party "** he man s a man for a that." from power. They want to cast their vote S e u for a Democrat in whom they believe. I ^ fore entering upon a biographical e e n u a bc [Applause.] These people know from sketch of MIr Cleveland, we will introduce [ the record of the gentleman whose name him to our readers as he was presented to the Chicago (onvcntion yv _Mr. Lock- I shall present that Democracy with him wood. means honest government, pure governCwa ment, and protection to the rights of the Clevelandtl' Name Presented. people of every class and every condition. MR. CHAIRMAN AND (tENTLEMIIN OF A little more than three years ago I had THE CONVENTION: It is with no ordinary the honor, at the city of Buffalo, to present feeling of responsibility, that I appear be- the name of this same gentleman for the lore this Convention as representative of office of Mayor of that city. It was prethe Democracy of the State of New York sented then for the same reason, for the [applause] for the purpose of placing in same causes that we present now, it was nomination a cgntlcm.n from the State of because the Government of that city had New\ ork as a candidate for the Presidency become corrupt, and had become debased, of the L nited States. This responsibility is and political integrity sat not in high made greater when I remember that the places. The people looked for a man who richest pages,f American history have would represent the contrary, and without been made up from the records of Iemo- any hesitation they named Grover Clevecratic administration. [Applause.] This land as the man [at this point there was a responsibility is made still greater when I wild burst of applause. Some of the New remember that the only blot in the political York delegation, practically the entire history done at Washington, an outrage Wisconsin delegation and some few scatupon the rights of the American people, tering delegates, stood up and made all was in 1876, and that that outrage and the demonstrations possible in Cleveland's that injury to justice is still unavenged favor. As soon as the uproar subsided [applause], and this responsibility is not and comparative order was regained, Mr. lessened when I recall the fact that the Lockwood continued.]. The result of that gentleman whose name I shall present to election and his holding that office was you has been my political associate from that in less than nine months the State of my youth. Side by side have we marched. New York found herself in a position to to the tune of Democratic music, side by want just such a candidate and for such a side have we studied the principles of purpose, and when at the Convention in Jefferson and Jackson, and we love the 1882 his name was placed in nomination faith in which we believe: and during all for the office of Governor of the State of this time he has occupied a position com- New York, the same people, the same paratively as a private citizen, yet always class of people, knew that that meant true and always faithful to Democratic honest government, it meant pure governprinciples. No man has greater respect ment, it meant Democratic government, or admiration for the honored names and it was ratified by the people. [Cheers.] STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 3 And, gentlemen, now, after eighteen months' service there, the Democracy of the State of New York come to you and ask you to give to the country, to give the Independent and Democratic voters of the country, to give the young men of the country the new blood of the country, and present the name of Grover Cleveland as the standard-bearer for the next four years. I shall indulge in no eulogy of IMr Cleveland. I shall not attempt any fur judgment and iron will, but they love him most for the enemies he has made. This broad nation witnessed the disgraceful spectacle of a Senator of the United States trading his proud possession for gain. IMahone and Riddleberger would scarcely be allowed to stand upon this platform to teach you whom you ought to nominate. Go to the Senate of the State of New York since Governor Cleveland has been Governor, and there ther description of his political career. It you find two worthy conferees playing in is known. His Democracy is known. His a small theatre Mahone and Riddleberger statesmanship is known throughout the over again. And why? Because the length and breadth of the land. And all Governor of the State of New York had I ask of this convention is to let no pas- more nerve than the machine. They may sion, no prejudice influence its duty which speak of him, aye, the worst of the speit owes to the people of this country Be cies may defile a splendid statue, but they not deceived. Grover Cleveland can give only disgrace themselves. Wherever the the Democratic party the thirty six elec- thin disguise can be reached, you will find toral votes of the State of New York on election day He can by his purity of character, by his purity of administration, by his fearless and undaunted courage to do right, bring to you more votes than can anybody else. Gentlemen of the Convention, but one word more. Mir. Cleveland's candidacy before this Convention is offered upon the ground of his honor, his integrity, his wisdom, and his Democracy [cheers], upon that ground we ask it, believing that, if ratified by this Convention, he can be elected, and take his seat at Washington as a Democratic President of the United States. General BRAGG spoke as follows: GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: It is with feelings of no ordinary pride that I fill the post that has been assigned to me to-day Grown gray personally fighting the battles of the Democratic party, I stand to-day to voice the sentiment of young men of my State when I speak for Grover Cleveland, of New York. [Cheers.] His name is upon their lips. His name is in their hearts. He is the choice not only of that band of young men, but he is the choice of all those who desire for the first time as young men to cast their vote in November for the candidate nominated by this Convention. They love him, gentlemen, and respect him, not only for himself, for his character, for his integrity, and it covering nothing but personal grievance, disappointed ambition, as a cutting off of access to the flesh-pots to those who desire to fatten upon them. I do not assume here to speak for labor. The child of a man who always earned his daily bread by his daily labor, brought up for more than a quarter of a century, from boyhood to manhood among laborers that have made the great Northwest what it is. I do not assume to speak for labor Labor is not represented in political conventions by the soft hand of the political trickster, no matter where you find him. The men who follow conventions and talk about the rights of labor, are the Swiss contingent who place their tent wherever the prospect of profit is greatest-while honest, intelligent, horny-handed labor will be found following the old Democratic flag, thanking God that its self-styled leaders have gone where they belong. They come here to talk of labor! Yes, their labor has been upon the crank of the machine (immense applause and laughter), and their study has been political chicanery in the midnight conclave. Governor Cleveland's Ancestry. Governor Cleveland's great grand-father was Aaron Cleveland. He was born on the ninth of February, 1744, one hundred and forty years ago, in the town of East Haddam, the principal of the numerous STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Haddams that lie along the Connecticut river a short distance from Middletown. During the greater portion of his life he carried on business in the town of Norwich, where he followed his calling as a hatter. The records of the place make frequent mention of him, not as a hat maker, but as an active participant in the in which he was a deacon for a quarter of a century. In the latter part of his life he retired from business and removed to Buffalo, New York. He died at Black Rock in 1857 Richard Falling Cleveland, the second son of William Cleveland, and the father of Stephen Grover Cleveland, the nomi public affairs of the town, as a versatile nee, was born in Norwich, June 19, 1804. speaker, an able writer, and an active poli- He is described as a pale, intellectual tician. He was one of the early opponents youth, who had a passion for reading and of slavery, and he became notorious by study, and he was entered at Vale College introducing a bill in the Connecticut Legislature, in which he represented the town of \orwich, for its abolition. The bill provoked a prolonged and exciting discussion, in which Aaron Cleveland bore a conspicuous part, and was finally defeated, as he expected; for he presented it without the most remote idea of success, but merely to put himself and the other members on the record. Apart from his business, and his political ventures, he found time to prosecute the study of divinity, and abandoning the hat business, and leaving the politics of state and town in other hands, he removed to Vermont, and became a somewhat noted Congregational minister From thence he returned to his native State, locating at New Haven, where he died in 1815. Throughout his life he had openly opposed the institution of slavery, and was well known as the Anti-Slavery Agitator. His son, Charles Cleveland, was born in Norwich in 1772, and at an early age removed to Massachusetts and settled in Boston. There he became a noted city missionary, and was known throughout the State as " Father Cleveland." A daughter, the youngest of thirteen children, was married to the celebrated Doctor Samuel H. Cox, and his son, the Rev Arthur Cleveland Coxe, is now Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of Western New York. The reader will notice that the third generation has remodelled the name by the addition of a final e. William, the second son of Aaron Cleveland, and the grandfather of the presidential nominee was a silversmith, and plied his vocation at Beacon Hill, adjoining Norwich. Like his father, he belonged to the Congregational Church, in 182o, and graduated with honors in 1824. The graduating class consisted of sixty-seven members, but few of whom are now living. Within a few months after graduating, he located in Baltimore and pursued the calling of a teacher. He appears to have inherited the desire to enter the ministry, and whilst teaching he pursued his studies in that direction. In 1828, four years after he removed to Wilmington, he was ordained a Presbyterian minister and at once took charge of a Church near the homestead in Windham, near Norwich. He left his affections behind him in Baltimore, and in the following year he returned to that city and married the daughter of Abner Neal of that place. He did not return to Windham but preached in sundry places in the South, and afterwards settled at Caldwell, New Jersey From thence he removed to Fayetteville in 1841, and in 1847 he was appointed Secretary of the Home Missionary Society. Six years afterwards he was installed at Holland Patent, where he died, October I, 1853, in his fiftieth year. Mrs. Cleveland, mother of the Governor, died at the same place, July 19, 1882. They had nine children, four boys and five girls, as follows: Anna, (Mrs. Dr. Hastings) missionary to Ceylon; William N., an Alumnus of Hamilton, teacher in the New York City Blind Asylum, now a Presbyterian Minister at Forestport, N. Y., 1832; Mary, (Mrs. W E. Hoyt), 1833, Richard Cecil, 1835, Stephen Grover, (Governor of New York and Presidential nominee), 1837; Margaret, (Mrs. N. B. Bacon), 1838, Lewis Frederick, 1841; Susan, (Mrs. S. Yeomans), 1843; Rose, (unmarried), 1846. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 5 Ilu Birth-Place. ciple of the Blue Stocking faith, one of It was during the stay of the family in those strong, severe characters, which New Jersey that Governor Cleveland was ' would have perished at the stake for born, and the old, dingy, obscure town of tenets he would not forsake." The mother Caldwell is the place of his birth. The is also readily recalled as a positive force little, unpretentious two-and-a-half story in this pious household. The blood of a house, with a dirty white coating and' good, Southern Maryland family runs in clumsy shutters, still stands to mark the her veins, and it was a good strain with place where, in 1837, he first became an which to warm the frigid qualities of the actor on the busy stage of life, and from cold New England stock which was top whence and when he has matured and in the head of the household. Hence advanced until now he is the honored the ten strong children who were born of Governor of the Empire State. Less than the union, were offspring equipped with the a thousand souls live in this quiet hamlet, qualities of body and mind for a stiff which but for the accidents of politics battle with the world. Not brilliant, but would probably never have been heard able, substantial people, were all of them. of outside of the records of oneida county \Whether or not it was the Southern blood It was made famous in a day by the nom- that changed the temper of the children ination of Governor Cleveland for the I cannot say, but I believe that out of the Presidency True it is that neither the five boys none of them turned to the place nor its humble people ever knew ministry as their ancestors in the male much of him, either as boy or man, for line had done for generations before. his life there can be spanned by the circle One or two of the girls married preachers, of a few months. It has held the family but most of them chose to look for hearthstone for many years and that now a better material chance in life than can makes it a place of note. The father died be found in the product of mite societies here, when he had said his long prayers and of donation gatherings. His reand given good old doctrinal sermons to collections of his native town must be his slender flock only three weeks. His very mcaglre and the associations very mother made it her home until her death, vague and shadowy, for he was but three soon after her son was elected Governor years of age when he left there. His of New York. The only maiden sister he father was a Presbyterian preacher whose has, still keeps up the humble cottage, salary was small and whose family was which will now figure in song, story and large, and keenly feeling " the wants that picture as the early and only real home pinch the poor," and desiring a larger field of the Democratic Presidential nominee, of labor, with an increased income, he Recollections. removed, by way of the Hudson river and It is not easy to find out much about Mr the Erie canal, to Fayetteville, which was Cleveland's early life, although he spent most of his boyhood days within a dozen miles of this neat little city Over at Clinton, a secluded village some ten miles across the flat country from here, he went to school some time before his parents moved up to "the Patent." But he is remembered there only as the son of a poor Presbyterian preacher, who wore shabby clothes and was always ready to fight, not only for himself, but for his younger companions, when he or they were nagged by the older or more fortunate boys. There are not many reminiscences of his father to be had there or here. He is remembered as a rigid dis then a thriving straggling country town about six miles from Pompey Hill, the birth-place of ex-Governor Seymour. In those days the means of transportation were slow and limited, and the appearance of this humble family as it slowly floated to a new home, would not have indicated to an observer the probability that one of the urchins composing the party would become the Mayor of an important city, and the Governor of the greatest State. The struggle for life is filled with mutations, but by means of its friction the sparks of latent genius fly upward and onward. " Greatness and fame from no positions rise, Act well thy part, there all the honor lies.' STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Hits Early Education.. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate for At Fayettcville, Grover Cleveland, as he president, was to become far more widely was calld,_,~ commenced his education in known than any of his preaching and a n old-ra~~hion(!d country school, where he rhyninc-writing ancestors. Stephen Grover, very probabl\- fell into the ways of the vii- for whom the boy was named was a PresLiyre boys, and exhibited the usual cor- byterian minister, who preceded preacher pound ()f good and evil that distinguish Cleveland as the occupant of the Presbythe average- school-boy. That he availed, terian pulpit at Caidwell. Perhaps the himself of the poor opportunities then"bcst known Cleveland, after Grover, is his offercd in ai comrnn school is evidenced' couzin Arthur Cleveland Coxe, Episcopal by- the fact tha&t before he had rc.iched bishop of Western New York. A grand fourten years of aTe he had mastcred.1ll, uncle, Charles, city missionary of Boston, thc _tud*,N that the schlm(4naster taiught, w, I was better known as '*Father" CleveAnd feceling that a longer continuant e there i land, lived to be one hundred years old, "a.Is uscle~s, he urge1,ntly entreated his lacking seventeen days. fatheir to send him to an acadenmy ncit far;vcr, as he was always called for sake from there. i ut the elder Cle.!veland of euphonl[y, was the fifth of nine brothers though: that ina smh as his Si l andl sisters. His brothers Frederic and manstered the curriculum of the school, he Cccil were lost at sea in the burning steamdid iinee id an a~cademic finish~ing w~hic~h sip Mliissouri, October 22, 1872, off Abaco, Woul(n sume time and money that 11the chief of the Bahamas. Frederic was 1. igh be m'a)re vcrohblv invested. So' the lessee of the Royal Victoria Hotel, at thle son's aspirations \v~ci-e nipped in the Nassau, New Providence. bud, a~nd the acarcmv yproject was Than- The Rev C. T Barry, the pastor of the done('..Ilrc~:bytcrian Church, lives in the old par(I, rk in1 a Country Store. sonage, in good old fashioned style, and The fathcr s income was small, and he in unostentatious simplicity- The house sets int,,-nded that the son should support him-) back from the road about a hundred feet scJ1: w~ithout delay~ So he was placed in and twvo noble ash trees stand like senticountry ~tre 1 deal out the thousand nels before it. Thegrounds which contain and one a i cics contained in such an in- about two acres are well kept, and the st~tution, folr wh~ich he wa~cs toi rceive one whole place has an air of neatness and dih-ir- per weekr for the first!~car, and if~ respectability The house itself is a twohe prone act ive and honst his wages to ustorely and a-half, with a front porch and be dllubled r:or the fuhlow\ing yecar Here low window\s. The front door opens into in this u laowc center he deastout molasses a i spawcious hall and the rooms on each h rn1 maci-vel, soap and sugar, and cx- sidel of it are cosy and comfortable. The J itia'ued on the c — 1ton prints to the vil-lcolings are low The doors are very wide lage girl, proving~ himself a valuable as- and the whole place savors of antiquity. s-tint unt c the tepiration of the second T i he Church ecord. v ear. In the old church baptismal record we Oriapndu find the record of the birth and baptizing (;ovcernrr Clevecland is of Yankee origin of the Democratic nominee,'' and Mr. and hails originally from "the land ofa Barry pointed to an entry which read as stgeadx, haboits." His father graduated atsfollows: " Stephen Grover Cleveland, Yaln if 18och4, taugmht in Baltimore afterlbaptzed July, 1837,born March IS, the custom of Jared Sparks and other col- a83bi7 lege graduates of an early day, married a gDuring his six years' pastorate," said daughilter of Abner Neal, of that city, after Mr Barry, " Mr. Cleveland's father had a h2 had become a Presbyterian muinister child baptized every year. ovhren Grover and was pastor of the church at Caldwell, Cleveland was elected Governor of New N. J. March 18, 1837, the day when therYork I wrote and told him tohat cthild ws born,owhichdwas named Stephen I had these interesting facts, and he Grover Cleveland, and who as Grover sent a in a very graceful r'ply Here is STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 7 the room in which Governor Cleveland Reminiscences of Him. was born, and Mr Barry pushed open A person well acquainted with the Instithe door and led the visitor into a room tution gives the following information asto now used as a library The room was Crover Cleveland's tutorship there. When about fifteen feet square, with two windows asked at what time he taught in the and a low ceiling. An excellent steel en- Institution, he said: "About thirty years graving of James G. Blaine stood upon a but there is not a single personal recollectable looking in the direction of the spot tion of him in the institution. It seems where his opponent was born. that he and a brother were both teachers Cleveland's Boyhood. here about one year each and at the same The removal of the elder Cleveland to time." " Have you looked the archives Clinton gave Grover the long-wished-for up? " Yes and there I find the names of opportunity to attend a high school and he both the Clevelands. But there have been pursued his studies industriously and laid so many teachers in the institution that no the foundation of his future success so far record is left of these, but I suspect from as school knowledge and discipline sup- a Mr. Allen having been the secretary of ply the material, until the family moved this institution and that being the name of up on the Black River to what was then Grover Cleveland's uncle, that they got known as the Holland Patent-a village their places through the influence of this of five or six hundred people-fifteen uncle. It was from the blind asylum that miles north of Utica. The elder Cleve- Grover went to Buffalo and settled there." land preached but three Sundays in this Its History. place, when he suddenly died. Grover The institution at which Cleveland first heard of his father's death while taught in New York was begun by Dr walking with his sister in the streets of John Russ, who came from Massachusetts Utica. But he went no farther than the and began to practice medicine in New academy, his father's death forcing him York. Dr. Howe, of BIston, sent him in out into the world to do something for his a ship to tatke supplies to the Greeks, who family and himself. This event produced were fighting the Turks, as at that day the the usual break-up of the family, and we American people were not afraid to extend next hear of Grover Cleveland setting out their help not only to South America but for New York City to accept at a small to Europe in the arms of tyranny After salary the position of under teacher in an spending three years in Greece, where he asylum for the blind, where at the time the establisi-ed a hospital, Dr Russ returned since well-known Gus. Schell was executive to New York and began to educate blind officer. vhr, T-TP rP-,,co t,- 1I,,,q -1;,r.-,-t ftld A Teacher of the Blind. In the city of New York stands an imposing structure of Sing Sing granite, fronting about two hundred feet, with buttresses and turrets approaching the Elizabethan style, in which has been expended more than two millions of dollars for the education of the blind. New York took the first steps on this continent to educate the blind, and this society was organized more than fifty years ago. The building has been standing probably forty years, though the Mansard roof upon it has been added recently. When it was built it stood far outside of New York proper. The Ninth Avenue Elevated Railroad runs right before it and has a station at the corner on Thirty-fourth street. UJ. J0. 1 LU1 LU vU V 1 gkLV L IVC4L L 1ZIU for a blind institution which was afterward organized in Boston, and he introduced the trades here of making baskets, mats and carpets. Dr. Russ had scarcely left the New York Blind Institution when young Cleveland came in to teach. It seems that Boston and New York started their blind institutions the same year, 1832, while Pennsylvania began the following year Noted School Teachers. Our Presidents present very peculiar contrasts in education and a very large percentage of our statesmen began at school teaching. Teaching school was in the first half of this century what writing for the newspapers is now-a method of 8 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. tiding over the early years of one's life until a more substantial opportunity can be presented. William H. Seward and Lyman Trumbull went South to be tutors. John Adams studied law under cover of teaching school at Worcester, Mass. Jefferson had all the instincts of a school teacher though he was led into public life. I found the last of the kin of James Madison, his nephew's daughters, teaching school in Virginia a few years ago. Aaron 1'urr was the son of the first schoolmaster of Princctn. John ( uincv Adams taught at Harvard College. I think Andrew Jackson made a feeble effort at school teaching tfr a little while in Western North Carolina, though there is some doubt about this. Millard Fillmore, I believe, had a little spell of school teaching in \\ etern New York. Fillmore s only son, by the way, is alive in Buffalo, without any I posterity, and Mr Bissel, law partner of Governor Cleveland, told me during the convention that the name of Fillmore would expire with him. When Grover Cleveland went to Buffalo Fillmore had just ceased to be President and had returned to the city, where he established the practice of law. Breaks Away from Tutorship. He stayed there two years, and it has been found possible to discover the same indelible record of hard work, faithfully performed and well remembered by those who were cognizant of it, and who are still alive. From tending country store to teaching the blind is a long way on the road of self-discipline. But to teach he did not believe was his mission, and consequently at the expiration of two years he abandoned it and literally started out to seek his fortune in the Far West-only reversing the usual order, and instead of coming to the great city, he left it. His first idea was to go to Cleveland. On his way, he stopped at Buffalo, N. Y., where young Cleveland paid his respects to his uncle Lewis F Allen, a noted stockbreeder, who was favorably impressed with the young man, whom he saw for the first time, and he asked him for his advice and guidance. As he has since said, the Wants to be a Lawyer. The uncle did not speak enthusiastically. "What is it you want to do my boy?" he asked, " Well sir, I want to study law." "Good gracious," remarked the old gentleman. "Do you indeed? What ever put that in your head? How much money have you got?" To tell the truth he hadn't got any " See here," said the uncle, after a long consultation. " I want somebody to get up my herd-book this year. You come and stay with me and help me and I'll give you $.0 for the year's work and you can look around." The offer was a tempting one, for employment was what he was in search of, but he replied:-" I have agreed to go to Cleveland with my companion and I cannot desert him now in the midst of the journey " It was finally agreed that Grover should interview his friend upon this subject, and if possible gain his consent. Mr. Cleveland, much to his gratification, found that his comrade was willing to release him from his agreement to go to Ohio, and Grover Cleveland became a resident of Buffalo. A Mixed Calling. Here it is that we find the American boy now annotating short horns out at Black Rock, quite two miles from Buffalo. But he kept his eye out for a chance to enter a law office while he was editing the stock book, and one day he walked boldly into the room of Messrs, Rogers, Bowen & Rogers, and told them what he wanted. There were a number of young men in the place already- But young Cleveland's persistency won, and he was finally permitted to come as an office boy and have the use of the law library For this he received the nominal sum of $3 or 4 a week, out of which he had to pay his board and washing. The walk to and from his uncle's was along and at that time a rugged one. The first winter was a memorably severe one, and his shoes were broken, and he had no overcoat. But he never intermitted a day It began to be noticed that he was the most punctual and name seemed a good omen. regular of the lads in the office. Often at STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 9 night he was compelled to stand by the warm chimney in the loft where he slept and dry his feet after tramping the two miles through the snow His senior employer had taken a copy of Blackstone on the first day of the boy's office experience and, planting it before him with a bang that made the dust fly, said: " That's where they allbegin." There was a titter ran round the little circle of clerks, for it was a foreboding thing to begin with to the average lad. It appears, however, that he stuck to the Blackstone so well that he r- tPcr it. nl e a\ cr1n \Va; heI in In those days boys had to demonstrate what was in them before they received many favors. "You just go right over there to the tailor's and get the stoutest overcoat he's got. D'ye hear." Very likely Grover had begun to demonstrate what was in him, but whether to the mind of the uncle it was a capacity for compiling herd books or the capacity to contain Blackstone cannot now be learned. His Old Uncle. it one night that they locked him in and all The old uncle, L. F Allen, who gave went off. He spent that night with the him good advice, but very little else, when book and never forgot it. he reached here some thirty years ago on His political preference at this time led his way to Cleveland, Ohio, still lives there him to join the Democratic party, to which and is now past four-score years. He he has ever since persistently adhered. persuaded his nephew to stop at this point and helped him to get a chance to study The Discipline of Hardship. law by working mighty hard for it. He is This uneventful period of Grover Cleve- an eccentric man, of strict business habits, land's life, so devoid of adventure and and doesn't seem to take much interest in barren of romance, was the period at politics. He really knows less of the life which all the forces of his later life were of his relative than almost any man of regestating. The privations and miseries of pute you meet. a penniless novitiate gave way slowly before his determined assiduity and pluck. A Financial Move. He tells in his own way with a beaming, It must have been about this time, or reminiscent humor of the first honor that just as he was to set out fro home on his came to him when his uncle, in getting out journey West, that he borrowed from the the second volume of his " Breed Book," Hon. Ingham Townsend, of Floyd,Oneida announced to him that he intended to ac-County, a certain sum of money, to which knowledge in it his valuable assistance. following letter, written many years But these privations and miseries, it may afterward, (it was on Jan. 21, 1867,) readily be seen by the temperament of refers: the man, were only so many stimuli. His was not the hypersensitive nature that I am now in condition to pay my note winced and wore under physical discom- which you hold, given for money borrowed forts. some years ago. I suppose I might have paid " See here," said his uncle to him one it long before, but I have never thought bitter December night when the lad had you were in need of it, and I had other walked out to Black Rock through the purposes for my money I have forgotten sleet and snow: " this is pretty cold weather for you to be traveling without an overcoat." " Oh," says the young man, " I'm going to buy one when I earn the money ") " Why, look at your feet, they must be sopping, eh!" " Oh, that's nothing. I'm getting some copying to do now and I'll have a pair of boots by and by " the date of the note. If you will send me it I will mail you the principal and interest, The loan you made me was my start in life, and I shall always preserve the note as an interesting reminder of your kindness. Let me hear from you soon. With many kind wishes to Mrs. Townsend and your family, I am yours, very respectfully. GROVER CLEVELAND. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. His Banker. was full of fun, and, I tell you, we had Mr. Townsend died in the town of lots of fun together " Floyd in March, 1883, so that he had Captain H. S. Pratt, another old resident lived long enough to see the recipient of was found in bed, but said, " Grove was his bounty elected Governor of the State one of the finest boys I everknew. Everyof New ork. His a:e was then eighty- body respected him, even the ' old folks' one, and he had in his time assisted many and you never heard of a practical joke young men with money to make their first on him, he was chuck full of fun and I start in the world. When he gave the recollect he had a weakness for ringing money to young Cleveland he told him the school bell when he got a chance. he need never return it, but that, should He and his brother ' Will' used to have he ever meet a young man in need as he a long rope attached to the hammer of himself has been, he might turn the money the bell and the way they used to make over to him should he have it to spare. that bell ring after dark was a caution." Grover Cleveland had nnt been long in There is a warm feeling towards the this law office at Buffalo when the firm en- Cleveland family on the part of all who gaged him at a fixed, liberal salary and remember them. found that he was entirely capable of As a Lawyer. earning it. It was about the year 1858 a L r. that tb, young student secured admission Four years in the office of Rogers, to the Bar. iHe had been four vears with Bowen & Rogers as a student equipped tle Rogers firm, and after his admission him with sufficient elementary knowledge e Rand experience to become managing clerk he remained with them four years longer, ad e to eme mn n thus securin a thorouh trainin at the end of that time. And so fouryears thus securing a thorough training and equipment for his professionmore pass. It is interesting to know exactly what kind of character he had ^' hat they say at Syracuse.. What thesy at Syracus. now made for himself and how he was reThis qu, t little village of twelve hun- garded by his associates. It is not difficult dr,1 inhabitants was once the home of to ascertain this with reasonable accuracy, Grovcr Cleveland, the nominee of the seeing that most of those associates are Democratic party for the Irsidency. Dr alive and accessible and speak with D. P Hutchins, an old resident, who had noticeable candor and unanimity an office in Ieacon McViccar s store when Said one of them to the writer: " Grover Grover was a clerk there, when asked for won our admiration by his three traits of some reminiscences of the Governor s indomitable industry, unpretentious courboyhood, said that" Grove," as they used age and unswerving honesty. I never to call him, was always considered a good saw a more thorough man at anything he boy, courteous and digniKi-d in his man- undertook. Whatever the subject was, he ners and was exceedingly popular. He wa reticent until he had mastered all its held his position in the store about one bearings and made up his own mindvear. He made an efficient clerk and was d then nothing could swerve him from a and then nothing could swerve him from highly recommended by Mr MlcViccar his conviction. It was this quality of inwhen he left the latter's employ tellectual integrity more than anything H. Howard Edwards, also a long resi- else perhaps that made him afterwards dent, and a playmate of the Governor's, listened to and respected when more brilwhen questioned concerning his recollec- liant men who were opposed to him were tions of Cleveland's boyhood, said there applauded and forgotten. was nothing during the time he lived here to indicate his future distinction. " Why," Admission to the Bar. said MIr Edwards, " we used to be to- In 1859, when he was in his twentygether constantly, go a-fishing together, second year, he had completed his legal sleep together, and I cannot recall any- studies, passed the necessary examinathing that impressed me with his future tion, and was admitted to the bar greatness. He was very slim when he was After being admitted to the bar he ena boy, short and had small features. He gaged in practice, and despite the many STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 11 obstacles that confront a young lawyer, his shoulders, and then it was that his and the almost certain vexatious delay in enormous vital strength and tireless inwaiting for clients, he soon obtained con- dustry made themselves felt. One may siderable practice. He had no influential say now that it is well perhaps that the family name to entice clients to the oftice, IDistrict-Attorney him,lf wa' rather disno powerful relatives to give him substan- posed to let youth and vigor shoulder the tial support, and every lawyer who reads great part of the responsibility It was this will appreciate the position of the just the training that young Cleveland young man of humble name, without needed, and he went into it with all the means, and unknown to the general pub- zeal of youthful aspirations. lic, first entering upon his professional (Invland Drafted. career. Old and established names and It was during the pcrformance of the firms, whose reputations are well known duties of this offie, and at a time when a to the public, are generally sought by those lrge number of important cases with desiring legal advice and assistance to which he alone was thoroughly familiar the exclusion of those just entering the were demanding his attention, that he was profession. And so (Jrover Cleveland found drafted. There was no question at all of it, as day after day he tendered his ser- what his duty was. lie promptly supplied vices to a people almost without recogni- a substitute. So well and faithfully had tion. But he did not become discouraged, he conducted the affairs of the county that and succumb to what some would con- at the end of three years he was nomisider adverse fate, but stuck persistently to nated by the Democrats for the Districthis calling, serving the few who came Attornevship. Here, again, it is an unwith devotion and ability until his reputa- disputable fact that he did not solicit the tion as a lawyer widened, bringing with nomination, hesitated to accept it, and did it an increase of patronage. Fortu-,, it an increase of patrona Fort not turn his hand over to secure his elecnately for him he was entrusted with some tion. It is said in Buffalo that on the day important cases, which he conducted so of election he was trying a case in court, successfully that his fellow members of the while his fiends were electioneering for. while his friends were electioneering for bar recognized him as one destined to rise him on the street, and the Judge on the 1_5,.him on the street, and the Judge on the in the legal profession. At the end of Bench, ho was presumably an admirer Z>,,..Bench, who was presumably an admirer three years he had acquired a fair practice of his, peremptorily adjourned the case and a good standing at the bar and he. S. and told Cleveland to go and attend to his was looked upon with marked favor by his fellow citizens. intereDefeated. The First Step into Public Life. In the canvass that followed he was In 1863 the question of who should be beaten by the Republican candidate, Lyappointed Assistant District-Attorney for man K. Bass, one of his very near perthe county of Erie was warmly discussed sonal friends with whom he afterwards by the young lawyers in Messrs. Rogers & formed a law partnership. This was in Bowen's office. There were several that 1865. In 1866, the year following his dewere both eligible and anxious, but it does feat, Mr Cleveland formed a partnership not appear that young Cleveland ad- in the law with the late Mayor I. K. Vanvanced his own claims. Indeed, it is a derpoel, which lasted till 1869, but on fact that after the matter had been pretty the election of Mr Vanderpocl as Police well canvassed, they all agreed that he Justice soon afterward he became a memwas the person who ought to have it, and ber of the firm of Laning, Cleveland & they urged him to accept it. This simple Folsom, of which the head was the late incident speaks volumes for the already Senator A. P Laning. developed character of the young man. The latter association, however, ended He was appointed, and from that moment at the expiration of two years, owing to Mr. his public record began. During the three Cleveland having been nominated and years that he was in the District-Attorney's elected in 1869 to be Sheriff of Erie office, the great bulk of its duties fell upon County STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. As Slherifr. The friends of Governor Cleveland brought out his name in connection with the office of Sheriff of Erie county, and without any effort on his part he was nominated by the Democratic Convention, and elected for three years. In that important position he fully sustained his chiracter for integrity and ability, and whilst performing the duties of the office, he earned an additional meed of public respect for hi- cournagcllus disregard of old Dutchman outside with strict orders to keep reporters off the premises. This outside guard was used to relieve the guard inside Gaffney's cell, so that he was well posted on what was going on inside. One of the reporters, who now, by the way, is a city editor of that city, conceived the idea of" working" the grim German sentinel outside. How it Worked. He did not try to do it all at once, but by a skilful working of his points he be partisan interests and his conscientious came acquainted with him as the young regard for the public welfare. A corres- man who attended the spiritual adviser. 1pondent,fd the New \ ork lrld/ gives By degrees he became aware that the the follo ing intersting items relating to grim sentinel had a weakness for beer. It his official actions as Sheriff: was easy work after that, for he contrived to meet him every night after he was reTo Exeions. lieved and together the two talked over It was aS Sheriff of Irie county that the the events of the day in the jail over their (Governor became known in a political or beverage. The German was full of inforofficial way and many interesting anec- mation in just the proportion that he was d)tes are toll by those who remember full of beer, and the facts that filled many th,se d ivs. During his term of office as a breezy column of his paper were costing Sheriff, the;overnor swung two men into the enterprising news gatherer dear. eternity The first one was the notorious Sheriff Cleveland was wild. He quesJack Gaffney a reckless young Irishman, tioned every one about the jail, but could who kept a saloon at the corner of Was' - get no satisfaction. At last his eye fell ingon and Carroll stree-ts, almost opposite upon the sentinel and he was spotted. It the Courier office. (;affn-,ev was seated in was the night before the execution the two a low dive on _ anal street-" Ted " Swee- were seen together That settled it, for in nc\ s-plaving cards with a kindred spirit the morning the sentinel was gone and in named P.R:-,ck Faleiy The two quar- his place was another. Gaffney swung on the relled over the stakes, and;affncv shot morning of the 14th of February, 1872. anli killed Fahey in cool blood. He was Many citizens of the city remember the sentenced by the General Term in De- execution and the quickness with which cember to hang February 7 following. the Governor disappeared after he had cut Durino these two months there was the the cord. great,:st effurt made on the part of the reporters to find out how the condemned man spent his time, but the Sheriff turned a deaf ear to them, and not a few times gave them to understand that they wanted to know too much. He kept them out of the jail entirely after a while, and they were in sore straits. The interest in the case was intensified at the last from the fact that Governor Hoffman respited the condemned man for a week, and that the most strenuous efforts were made to get a commutation of sentence for the doomed man. Meanwhile the vigilant Sheriff was more rigid in his discipline than ever, and he even went so far as to station an The Second Execution. The second execution performed by the Governor while Sheriff was five months later. The murderer was one of the most despicable wretches that ever deserved a shameful death-Patrick Morrissey. He lived with his poor old mother in the vicinity of the old " Packet " dock, in the rear of what was known as the Alhambra Theatre. He was a thoroughly heartless man andwas given to frequent and continued debauches, during which he submitted his dependent mother to the most shameful cruelty While on one of these sprees he sought out his mother's hovel and demanded from her the few pence she STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 13 had earned by her own exertions to buy then regarded as a good lawyer, with a I - I bread. She refused him, when he struck her to the floor. At the time she was cutting a loaf of bread for his supper As she struggled to her feet she said to him, "You had better kill your mother and be done with it." As she uttered the words he grasped the knife from her hands and with the words, " I will kill you then," buried it in her breast. The horror of the matricide made people of the city shudder, and the jury by which he was tried lost no time in bringing in a verdict of murder in the first degree. Morrissey was sentenced to good practice, but he became the candidate and not only helped Williams, but by a hundred votes he defeated his opponent, to the surprise of both parties. Iis Financial Start. The fees of the Sheriff's office were large and the incone from it gave him his first financial start. He then made money at the law and saved something. His reputation is not that of a money-getter and money-saver Had he been ambitious in this direction he could and would L- - - *i - -:, hang on the 6th day of September Promi- nave ueen a rcni nan. nent among the witnesses on that famous Ills Return to the Bar. trial was Albert Haight, now a Supreme At the expiration of his official term as Court Judge. The execution took place Sheriff in 1873, he became a member of on the day named in the warrant, and the the firm of Messrs. Bass, Cleveland & present Governor was the executioner " Bissell, with Lyman K. Bass and Wilson His Habits as Sieriff. S. Bissell as associates. This was a strong and popular firm, and commanded a large hilst holding this important office, and lucrative practice. At the close of Grover Cleveland's habits of life seem to have been as simple as the general conduct of the man has been-unassuming. He dwelt in a quiet boarding house, and when its mistress got a well-to-do son-inlaw and quit business he used to take his Sunday morning breakfast at the Terrapin Lunch, a plain restaurant, where probably a terrapin was never seen. Old Major Randall, of the Lake Shore Railroad, was his intimate friend and companion. He died soon after Cleveland was made Governor. It was his oft-expressed ambition to live to see "Grove," as he called him, President. He was made Sheriff of this county by an accident. In fact, he never had an office that he was not forced into. In 1869 David Williams, superintendent of the Lake Shore Railroad, wanted to run for Congress. This district was close and he wouldn't make the effort with any of the aspirants for the Sheriffalty It was the most important office to be filled and there was a bitter contest for it. The leaders got together and decided that Cleveland must run to help Williams. There wasn't much chance of an election, and to all appearances his defeat seemed a foregone conclusion, but they insisted that he must make the sacrifice for the party He was.& Mr. Bass's Congressional career his failing health induced him to seek a residence in Colorado, resulting in a dissolution of the copartnership and the formation of another under the name of Cleveland & Bissell. In December, I881, Mr. (,corge J. Sicard was admitted as a partner in the firm, which was then styled Cleveland, Bissell & Sicard, and thus continues to the present time. Legal Distinction. It was while thus associated that Grover Cleveland achieved his distinction as a lawyer second to few in the western part of the State for legal acumen and intellectual honesty His jury and bench trials were distinguished by clear views, direct, simple logic and a thorough mastery of all the intricacies of the cases, and his invariable avoidance of extrinsic issues and purely technical devices secured for him the respect of his own profession and the admiration of the public. These qualities, combined with the fidelity and independence of his official action while in office, brought him prominently before the public of Buffalo when that city, unable to extricate itself from a municipal octopus, was casting about for a stanch reform leader. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. M.r Cleveland has had four or five law he had yet been an actor There was a partnerships with the strong men of this popular revolt against the administration city and all say he was a valuable busi- of the municipal affairs of the city of Bufness companion. His career as a lawyer falo, and in the disquieted condition of is wecll defined in this region and his re- affairs the old party lines were somewhat putation well established. It seems queer broken. It had been badly ruled by a that the general agreement has not re- combination or ring of Republican manaflected itself outside of Western New gers, and many of its voters rebelled \'ork. Mlr Milburn a bright young man, against an extension of this fraud and now a partner in the law firm where the mismanagement. Buffalo was not a great present Governor studied, writes as follows: city, but in the matter of municipal cor" It amuses me to hear this talk about ruption and combinations it could have Mr Cleveland's lack of ability. He is the given points to others with many times strongest character I ever knew without a its number of people. It was ring-ridden. national reputatin,. lHe is a fine lawyer. Its revenues were stolen or wasted and no He is incapable of wilful wrong and no- Mayor had been found for many years thing on earth could sweep him from his who had at once the ability and the boldconviction of duty That he is thorougwhly ness necessary to attack these abuses. honest cannot be questioned and without They Found their Man. being what might be called a brilliant man he has always been regarded as an able To find such an individual was no easy and safe one in every relation of life." task. There were many who were profuse in their promises, but such pledges His Standing at Home. had been so often broken, that the people This terse summing up of the nominee's intended that no one should be promoted position at home is simply duplicated by to the place, who could not give good the Judges and lawyers with whom he has security by means of an unsullied reputamingled. Among the laymen he seems tion, and a good record. They selected to stand equally high. Republicans and Grover Cleveland, and seeing their opporDemn crats alike speak of him as a man tunity, called him out from his retirement of the strongest character and highest at- from politics to be their candidate for tainments. Mr James N Matthews who Mayor of the city Buffalo is usually Reedits the Express, the leading Republican publican by from 2,000 to 5,000 majority, paper of the City by the Lake, speaks forth and Mr. Cleveland's election on the this sentiment as follows: Democratic ticket by a majority of 5,000 " I know of no Democrat better equipped was simply a tribute to his personal infor the position for which he has been tegrity named than Grover Cleveland. He is an As in the Sheriffs Office, here again the able, honest and incorruptible man. He office sought the man, and the man they is self-reliant and has excellent judgment, selected proved worthy of the confidence I shall do all I can honestly and honor- they reposed in him. ably to defeat his election, for I am earn- Grover Cleveland's election on a Demoestly for Mr Blaine. But when people cratic and reform ticket in November, speak of him as an obscure man it is but 1881, suddenly lifted him from local into fair to say that he has long stood in the national prominence. The incidents of front rank with the very leaders of thought that election and subsequent administraand action in this part of New York." tion are familiar throughout the country. As Mayor. The election itself was an almost unparalWhile in private life he gave his whole leled triumph, seeing that it was secured attention to the practice of his profession, by the largest majority ever known, thus and kept out of the political arena until demonstrating the unbounded confidence I88 I At that period circumstances were which the people had in the special fitness shaping themselves so as to draw Mr. of their candidate to carry out the reform Cleveland into a wider sphere of life than and in his unassailable integrity STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 15 His Mother's Advice. Grovcr Cleveland was avowedly and After Grover was elected Mayor of Buf- defiantly the gage of battle thrown down falo the mother wrote him rather disap- by reform. There were only two points proving his entering public life. After to be determined-did the people want resaying what her ambitions were for him form? that is did they wish their business and expressing a natural tinge of gratifi- conducted honestly, and would the man cation at his election, she concluded her they had selected for the experiment so epistle by saying: " But now that you conduct it? So vitally important were have taken upon yourself the burthens of these two questions that vaster and inpublic office do right, act honestly, impar- tenser themes were for the moment forgottially and fearlessly " The injunction was ten by the country, and it turned aside obeyed and his courage has won him a momentarily to watch this contest in phenomenal success. Buffalo. The people answered one qucsItwould appear from aclose study of this tion and Grover Cleveland answered the _T__I _r l_ - ~ rha r di~; i nA r rirri u ~nc uth mans conduct and general traits of character from boyhood up, right here, where his early days were spent, and in ButTitlo' where his latter l k oULer-. i Ce repl y I m llC t.,cL3 waO wIIY votes, in the other with acts. An Honest Mayor. to its people, that his hard struggle for a Whatever else ma' have been searched place in the world has ever given him su- for, it is pretty well settled that they had preme self-reliance. He was about seven found an honest man, and, what is of teen when he left Holland Patent and more consequence, the honest man was went to New York to help teach the blind. brave enough to carry his private convicHe had early established the reputa- tions into his public duties with no regard tion of beinz a nervy, manly sort of a to partisanship on the one hand or the U). ~ d - _ young fellow, somewhat diffident, but not afraid to face any emergency which might confront him. He seems to have assumed more than any other member of the family the care of his mother and sisters. The Candidate of Reform. It is strictly true that Mayor Cleveland was swept into office on one of those tidal waves of popular protest against ring rule that are as restless as they are sudden. But it was after all a local contest, and one has yet to account for the national importance which the Buffalo election assumed and the widespread interest that was felt in the new champion. There is only one way in which to explain this. Mr. Cleveland had not yet attracted attention outside of his metropolitan field. But there was one issue that in a sense was the issue of the hour everywhere, and that was whether it was any longer possible to secure by a popular election that kind of integrity and sagacity that would administer the people's affairs with the honesty and discretion that was necessary to good government. The Buffalo canvass for the Mayoralty defined that issue in the sharpest manner. The nomination of influence and threats of political scoundrels on the other. There was no uncertain sound in his inaugural message. It rang clear and simple. " \e hold," said he, "the money of the people in our hands, to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as members of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that, when any part of the funds which the taxpayers have thus intrusted us are diverted to other purposes, or when, by design or neglect, we allow a greater sum to be applied to any municipal purpose that is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our duty There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations, whether a person is intrusted with the money of one man or manyAnd yet it sometimes appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the taxpayers than that which should regulate his conduct when, as an individual, he holds the money of his neighbor." The First Move. He passed the first few weeks of his term of office in attentively studying the details of every department of the city STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. administration. His previous experiences ever formed in the council and rebuked as Assistant District Attorney and as the conspirators in terms that brought the Sheriff taught him what to look for and blush of shame to the most brazen of Alwhere to look for it. He found the ordi- dermen. His veto messages have become nary municipal abuses, sanctioned by long municipal classics. habit and immunity, flourishing as usual. Opposed to All Jobs. Opposed to All Jobs. One morning he surprised the city by issuing an order that all the officials should His veto of the street-cleaning job is rekeep strict business hours, like the em- garded as the real beginning of his public ploycs of private firms. Before the office- career. holders had recovered from this shock, An Example of His Work. he began a series of vetoes which equally When Mr. Cleveland entered upon the astonished the Common Council. This office of Mayor the Common Council had Board had a Republican majority, and determined to build an intercepting sewer attempted to override the vetoes, but and had advertised for proposals. The Mayor Cleveland's terse, logial, business- lowest bid for the work was $1,568,000. like messages were published, and public MIr Cleveland thought the sewer could be opinion was too strong fur the opposition built cheaper if a committee of citizens had Councilmen. They attempted to entrap charge of its construction. Through his him by passing a resolution apportioning efforts, though opposed in the Council, a for the celebration of IDecoration Day a law was passed allowing a commission to sum of money reserved by the charter be appointed. This commission, comfor other purposes. believing that Mayor posed of representative citizens, conferred Cleveland would not dare to interfere with the most eminent sewer engineers of with Decoration Day, or that he would the country, and on their advice have become unpopular if he did. Down came adopted a plan that will meet all requirethe veto as promptly as ever, and in his ments at an estimated cost of $764,370. me-sage the Mayor 1,, thoroughly exposed The plan has been accepted by the Council the trick, that his popularity, instead of and the sewer will be constructed accorddiminishing, rap.,li\ increased. ingly The saving to the city on this item alone is $803,630. H1. Popularity. (I June 19 the Council voted to award the His administration of the office fullyjus- street-cleaning contract for five years, to tified the partiality of the friends who in- George Talbot at his bid of $422,500. There sisted upon nominating him, and vindi- were several lower bids, by thoroughly recated the good judgment of the people sponsible men. Mayor Clevelandvetoedthe who so powerfully insisted upon electing award, severely condemning the attempted him. It is not too much to say that in the waste of the people's money The confirst half of the first year he almost revolu- tract was subsequently awarded to the tionized Buffalo's municipal government, lowest bidder-Capt. Thomas MaythamWith no more power than his predecessors at $313,500. The saving to the city by had, he inaugurated reforms before only this veto was $109,000. The amount hoped for, and corrected abuses which had saved on these two items during the first becom,e almost venerable. Accounts against six months of Mayor Cleveland's administhe city were thoroughly audited, since he tration was nearly $1,000,000. In many pointed out what is required of an officer other cases Mayor Cleveland had interwhose duty is to audit. The wholesome posed the veto power to prevent misuse of rule of competition was adopted for im- public funds. He has refused to permit portant work that used to be given out in expenditure for livery for the Street Cornthe form of a political patronage. So far as missioner and other city officials, and has one man can see, he saw to it that the city brought about order and economy in all got the full value for its money He knew departments of the city government. his power and was not afraid to use it. He Many thousands of dollars have been conquered the most corrupt combinations saved in this way STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 17 " This," said the veto, "is a time for plain speech, and my objection to your action shall be plainly stated. I regard it as the culmination of a most barefaced, impudent and shameless scheme to betray the interests of the people and to worse than squander the public money. We are fast gaining positions in the grades of public stewardship. There is no middle ground. Those who are not for the people, either in or out of your honorable body, are against them and should be treated accordingly " It would take a good many columns to reproduce here all those simple and straightforward messages of his which, coming from Buffalo and dealing only with local matters, have nevertheless been reproduced all over the country by the press and made the political text and the new hope of the party of reform. His Name Grew with the People. These acts brought him into prominence and started him towards his present place. It was on account of his fearless fight in spite of large odds against public plunderers that he was pushed and elected Governor by these people. It is because they know him to be perfectly honest and incorruptible that to-day all men, regardless of differing political affiliations, are rejoicing over his successes. Though his law office and his bachelor quarters over there are silent, both are saluted as the abode of a man who has done well on a small beginning. If the record of his life is soon told, his own people point to it with pride and give bond to the country that he will do even better in the future. This is the tenor of all the speeches and the talk of the people. Grover Cleveland, elevated to this position by a majority of 5,ooo, entered cheerfully and earnestly upon his work. He had not sought the position. He had not been an active political worker in the accepted sense of that word. He knew nothing about the manipulation of caucuses and conventions. He was connected with no halls or other organizations for extorting public plunder from the officers chosen by the popular voice, and his portant office of Sheriff of the county eleven years before. The Secret of His Success. But he succeeded where other men had faltered or failed. And what was the secret of this success? It was simply due to the fact that the day he became Mayor of Buffalo in name he became also Mayor in fact. He did not enter upon its duties to register the edicts of a party caucus or to obey the orders of party bosses. Hie looked upon the office of Mayor as the business agency of the people of his city He attacked corrupt combinations in a manner which soon convinced the trading members of a City Council that he understood each item of a bill and that he had determined to reject all corrupt or unnecessary expenditure and administer the city business as faithfully as if it were his own. He used the veto power with intelligent persistence. Schemes conferring special privileges or making unwise, extravagant or sentimental appropriations or for unnecessarily increasing offices were relentlessly slaughtered. The people of Buffalo, accustomed to the waste and profligacy incident to municipal government, discovered that they had at last found a man who looked upon office as something more than a mere play-spell or an opportunity to reward his friends, and they noised his fame abroad. His Retirement from the Office. He went out of the office with more friends and stronger friends than he had when he went in, and he had also made some enemies, but they were of that kind which are more to a man's honor than to his discredit. In the fifteen years that he had been practicing law he had come to have a mind thoroughly disciplined and thoroughly well-adapted to the exigencies that might arise in the administration of the affairs of a large city He was his own city counsellor What he said he had a reason for in his own mind, thus giving it an individuality, concreteness and strength, whether in the shape of veto, message, or simple opinion, that may not always be found in those who hold like positions. Here j Gov Cleveland first showed the real metal there was in him. political experience had been confined to a single term in the comparatively unim2 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Here he met the first trials of an administrative office, and first came in contact with the temptations that arise from party leanings and party appeals. He never flinched, never faltered once-never said an ambiguous word or performed an ambiguous ac', but kept straight along in the path of strict and conscientious dutyX 1 1 ' I i...l.-,-;, I;,-..,.. -,I,-,, A O-T- l fer to be called, no one can consider such principles and sentiments as these declared by Mr. Cleveland without feeling that such a public officer is worthy of the confidence and support of the whole people, and that the interests of the Empire State will be entirely safe in his hands." As Governor. n\ lil 11L AUll IL lUli lld.U L1U5tIcU, m. L,. NN lele oi Baio sidL, "eli d onLi iU, tou The year 1882, brought with it the Gupeople of Buffalo said, "'Well done, thou ood and faithful scrant.i " Next came bernatorial Campaign in New York. The good and faithful servant. Next came the people of the whole State of New York Republican Party in order to give prestige and said, "Come up higher" There had, to its ticket placed Mr. Folger, President n ndiy. a.t h h e Arthur s Secretary of the Treasury, in been no display about his holding thenomination ir Folger was personally office of Mayor of Buffalo. There had nomination. Mr Folger was personally been no letionerng ju ng about hs a good and strong man,but as he had been nd n lc n, ei g- gi i selected by the machine ring of his party, candidacy for it, and.iftcr he received it,. and in case of his election would have to no one could point to a single act of self- and in case of his election would have to -. T obey its behests and carry out its mangl,rification or self-advancement. He was obey its behests and carry out its manthe plain, honest, faithful, industrious man dates, his nomination did not give unithat he had been for fifteen years before versal satisfaction within the party The in Bualoa good and true man put in a cry of reform that had cleared the Augean Sf t a o ndt uestables at Buffalo, rang out through the place of trust and found genuine. Through all his term of office he watched State, and very naturally the Democratic the interests of the people with ceaseless party thought that he who had worked vigilance, promptly approving what he such healthful changes in a city, was a th, ught was right, and disapproving what proper and safe man to put at the head he believeI t, be wrong; and it is a fact of the great Commonwealth. His supworthy of re,-,rd, that while Mayor of porters made such a showing and so sucBuffalo, not an enactment was passed over cessfully convinced the Democrats of the his veto. State of their earnestness and the worth A Voice from thPressof their man that Mr. Cleveland was nomA Voice from tlit Press.,. inated for Governor over well-known and The New ork Sun, speaking of him. active competitors. Hisreputation, merely editorially, said local as it had been, was still found quite " Grover Cleveland, now Mayor of Buf"rover Cleveland, now ayor of Bu- large enough to spread out over a State. falo and the Democratic candidate for Governor of New Y ork, is a man worthy A Remarkable Campaign. of the highest public confidence. No one The campaign was remarkable even for can study the record of his career since he New York, with its astonishing and kaleidhas held office in Buffalo without being oscopic changes in politics. Many of the convinced that he posesses those highest leading Republicans of the State ranged qualities of a public man, sound principles themselves on the side of Cleveland's of administrative duty, luminous intelli- candidacy The independent element of gence and courage to do what is right no all parties came to his support, factions matter who may be pleased or displeased, in his own party disappeared, and the rethereby" sulting majority of one hundred and (Here follow extracts from Mayor ninety-two thousand, the largest evergiven Cleveland's inaugural.) a candidate for Governor in any State in " We wish," said the Sun, "that the ut- the Union carried Mr. Cleveland into the terance we have now quoted might be Governorship. Thus the plain, plodding read and pondered by every citizen of the citizen of Buffalo, whose capacity was State. No matter what political faith a neither generally known nor suspected outman may have been educated in, no mat- side the limits of his community, became ter by what party name he may now pre- one of the leading men of the country in STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 19 less than a year after he had emerged later in the session. In naming Mr Shanafrom his hiding place, han as Superintendent of Public Works, How the Nomination was Received. Mr Perry as Commissioner to the new Capitol, and Mr. Andrews as SuperintenOn the morning after the nomination of Cpt, 111. A as SuperintenOn the morning after the nomination f dent to the Capitol Buildings he disregardGrovcr Cleveland the Buffalo Express, Grover Cleveland the Buffalo Etress ced political influence and looked to hitthe leading Republican newspaper in the ness alone. In advancing Assistant uZ> vness alone. In advancing Assistant Suinterior of the State, announced that it would perintendent cCall to the hd of the support him insteadof the Republican can- Insurance Department he exemplified the Insurance Department he exemplified the didate. Within a week many other leading didate. ithin a week manyotherleadin principle of civil service reform to which Republican organs and politicians took the he ws flly co ie In his ltter of same bold grod Rs he was fully committed. In his letter of same bold ground. Republicans-so divided acceptance he had said acceptance he had said: upon almost every other subject, as District Attorney Woodford and George Wil- An Exposition of Facts. liam Curtis-agreed in repudiating the Fol- "Subordinates in public place should ger and forgery ticket. Thousands of Re- be selected and retained for their efficiency publicans, led by the Young Men's Club and not because they may be used to acof Brooklyn, voted for Grover Cleveland, complish partisan ends. The people have and thousands more refrained from voting a right to demand here, as in cases of prifor any Governor. He swept the State vate employment, that their money be like a tidal wave, carrying all before him. paid to those who will render the best serIt was not his party alone that had vice in return, and that the appointment placed him in the Executive Chair, but to and tenure of such places should dethe people of the Commonwealth had pend upon ability and merit. If the clerks joined hands with the Democracy to pu- and assistants in public departments were rify the government. So the reform May- paid the same compensation and required or of Buffalo became the reform Governor to do the same amount of work as those of New York. He was taken because of employed in prudently conducted private his record. He had been judged by his establishments, the anxiety to hold these works. He promised nothing except to public places would be much diminished do his whole duty in the work of reform. and the cause of civil service reform materially aided. The expenditure of money He is Inaugurated Governor. to influence the action of the people at the Mr. Cleveland went to Albany just be- polls or to secure legislation is calculated fore the beginning of 1883 to assume the to excite the gravest concern. When this office of Governor in the most quiet and pernicious agency is successfully employed unostentatious manner, un the lay ot his inauguration he walked to the Capitol and avoided all appearance of parade. His address evinced a deep sense of the responsibility which had come upon him, and a distrust of his ability to meet it fully, coupled with an evident determination to do his best. He was obliged at once to address the Legislature and to face the requirements of its action. One of his first acts was to appoint the Railroad Commissioners provided for by the law passed the year before. The admirable character of his selections showed his judgment of men and their fitness for special duties. The same characteristic was displayed as well as a conscientious disregard of mere partisans considerations in the important appointments which came a representative torm ot government becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public Treasury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is willful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations when they are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the purification of politics that the people, at times fully roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods should be STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. something more than a means used to an- the motives of the opposition. This drew swer the purposes of those who profit by from Grady a bitter tirade against the political occupation." Governor, and the Legislature adjourned A Synopsis of lis Policy. without a confirmation of the appointHe not only acted in conformity with ments. As the political canvass of last these sentiments in making appointments year came on Gov Cleveland wrote a but promptly approved the civil service personal letter to John Kelly conveying to reform bills which public sentiment and the Tammany "boss" hiswish thatGrady the persistency of an earnest minority should not be sent again to the Senate, compelled the Legislature to pass, follow- recognizing the unquestionable fact that ing it at once with a most admirable ap- Kelly was the dispenser of nominations in pointment of Commissioners. He has Tammany Hall, and placing his objection aided and sustained the commissinn at not only on the ground of his own comfort all points in a most unreserved and hon- but of the public interest. These incidents cst manner. In dealing with the acts of sufficiently indicate the occasion of Tamthl LIegislature cn'orillv Governor Cleve- many's hostility to the Governor and of land ei;ly develpcd his peculiarity of Grady's special opposition to him. studying carefully every measure laid be- The following is a copy of his letter to fore him, not only with a view to judging Mr Kelly: of its effect and bearing upon public in- EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, terests, but to ascertain that it was con- ALBANY, Oct 20, 1883. sistent with the existing laws and free in Hon. JOHN KELLY its form from such defects as would pro- My DEAR SIR-It is not without hesiduce trouble in its operation. He adopted tation that I write this. I have determined a practice quite unusual of sending back to do so, however, because I see no reameasures whose purpose he approved but son why I should not be entirely frank which were defective in form, to have them with you. I am anxious that Mr. Grady corrected. In his vetoes, which were should not be returned to the Senate. I 4 'ite numerou, he displayed the utmost do not wish to conceal the fact that my candor and a complete disregard of the personal comfort and satisfaction are inquestion whether certain persons or in- volved in this matter. But I know that terests wouldl not be aggrieved by the good legislation, based upon a pure defailure of measures which he believed were to promote the interests of the people I.; sire to promote the interests of the people, not demanded by mte wider interests ot the public. It was during this session of IS83 that Mr Cleveland made his conscientious and courageous veto of the Five Cent Fare bill in the face of a very strong public sentiment, but in accordance with what he was convinced was his duty as an interpreter of the obligations of the State. At the close of the session he came for the first time in direct collision with the power of Tammany He had made a number of appointments chiefly affecting New York City, among them Commissioners of Emigration, Quarantine Commissioners, and Harbor Masters. These were not pleasing to Tammany, and were attacked especially by Senator GradyThe Governor sent a communication to the Senate urging the importance of disposing of these appointments before the session closed, and reflecting indirectly on and the improvement of legislative methods are also deeply involved. I forbear to write in detail of the other considerations having relation to the welfare of the party and the approval to be secured by a change for the better in the character of its representatives. These things will occur to you without suggestion from me. Yours very truly, GROVER CLEVELAND. This letter will explain Mr. Grady's antagonism to Governor Cleveland since that period. His Unswerving Policy. All through his career as Governor of the principal State of the Union there is observable at every turn the same simple, cardinal principles that preserved and honored his youth and that gave him a firm foothold among his fellow citizens while STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 21 yet but a humble attorney Bill after bill The Five-Cent Car Pare Bill. sent him by the Legislature was vetoed, His veto of the Five-Cent bill has been but each veto had with it a reason, and widely complained of, but no one has every reason was so convincing that not intimated that he was not governed by a one rejected bill passed over his protest. strict sense of justice to all the interests He made a conscientious examination of involved. every bill-an examination accompanied The following letter from President by a sharp legal insight-and as he had White, of Cornell University, is one of been his own city counsellor while Mayor several that speak of that veto with comof Buffalo, so he is his own Attorney- mendation: General while Governor of the State. In ITHACA, N Y., April 20, 1883. all his work he has gone straight ahead Returning to Ithaca after an absence of regardless of the bearing his conduct ten days I find your kind letter and inmight have on his own political fortunes, closure. I will say to you frankly that I apparently bound only to the discharge of am coming to have a very great respect a duty he owes to the whole people. He and admiration for our new Governor vetoed the Five-Cent-Fare Bill, about His course on the Elevated Railroad bill which there has been such an outcry, first commended him to me. Personally, when he must have known that his act I should have been glad to have seen would be used against him in any future that company receive a slap. But the political undertaking. He did it for con- method of administering it seemed to me stitutional reasons. He stated them very insidious and even dangerous, and plainly, and thus saved the State the glad was I to see that the Governor rose expense of going to the courts with the above all the noise and clap-trap which prospect of being defeated in the end. was raised about the question, went to Nobody has ever attacked him on the the fundamental point of the matter and ground that the position he took was vetoed the bill. I think his course at unsound, nor that he failed to do a sworn that time gained the respect of every duty. He vetoed a general street railroad thinking man in the State. As to his veto bill because it was not drawn with suffi- of the Buffalo Fire Department bill, that, cient care, but when it had been corrected I think, begins to lift him into national he signed it. He vetoed a bill removing prominence, and when you add such a some of the restrictions against investing significant sign as his reported dealing in certain lines of dangerous securities on with the Palmyra statesmen, he really the part of savings banks because he be- begins to " loom up." It is refreshing to lieved the deposits of innocent people find that a spark of the old Jeffersonian might be endangered. He disapproved statesmanship is really alive among us. of three of the New York City Reform bills Party allegiance in this State and elseand gave satisfactory reasons therefor. where among thinking men is, I think, The remainder of these bills he signed, growing decidedly loose. Great numbers but did not sign some of them till they of men are quietly on the lookout for had been returned and properly drawn, men who can grapple, not with the old In these reform bills which he signed abolition question or the civil war question, there are provisions that will save to New but with the question of a real reform in York City not less than $150,ooo per an- our civil service-the question of the num. Thus his friends point to actual present and future. No man and no results when they call him the reform party can be built up or kept up on clapGovernor. Whether in signing bills or in trap, but on real determination and power rejecting them, he has shown a diligence, to move in this new line parties and men a patience and competent inquiry which can alone be brought to supremacy have elicited the warmest esteem of the Thus far every party which has arrived fair-minded people of the State. They at power and kept it for any length of time look upon him as a strong, determined has represented some real principle, man in whom there is full security. something which commended itself if not STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. to a majority at least to an aggressive But on comparison with the records of body of voters, even though that body be previous Governors for the same periods it small. The present time is no exception was found that he had released fewer to this rule. convicts than any of his recent predecesCon ratulating you on the record of the sors, Governor thus far, and, in common with Muncipal Reform. vast numbers of our fellow-citizens, long- In his prompt approval of the bills for ing that he may be the man whom we are reforming and reorganizing the city service all looking for, I remain, very truly yours, in New York he has shown his compreAND. D. WHITE. hension of the needs of municipal governHenry A. Richmond, I:,q., Buffalo, N Y ment and made himself effectively the. leader of the movement. The moral effect /' S.-I ought to have included in the Sh i i of his prompt action on the one bill taking Governors titles to respect his recent from the despotic and trading Board of appointment to the Capitol Commission,.poin t te C l, Aldermen the confirming power and throwwhich, from.ll accounts is exceedingly. which fi,, 1.11 1C(,ns is CX-Cdingly ing the responsibility entirely upon the honorable to him, not only as regards the i orenable the refy eireley upon the,,layor enabled the reform element in the man he dil appoint, but the man he did notppoint, and,lso, since riti the Legislature to continue their work with not appoint, and, also, since writing the t the assurance that every necessary and.bovc, his appointment to the Insurance oDepsartment.t A. D. V reasonable aid would be given them by the Department. A.-D. WV.Executive. As (>)vernorhe has carried out the simr e hs c e o t s During the late session of the Legislature pie business policy he had inaugurated and D t l s dhere t as ar His first message the Governor's attitude throughout was ad he red to as Iavor His first message wa rather halting. It was evident that he one of sympathy and support for the effort c t sure of his ground. T in- to reform the methods of municipal adscarcely telt sure of his ground. The ineres o the Se o r ministration in this city, and to extend the terests of the State of New York were larre and extensive, and as he had never operation of the State civil service laws. It was known from the start that he was >'eln calll d upon to make a special study,n callAd upon to make a special study in sympathy with the work in which Sen(rt them the ct.- and nonchalant dogmaGub l m s ators G(ibbs and Robb and Assemblymen tism so common to Gubernatorial messages - ism so co n Roosevelt and others took a leading part, was lacking. though the opposition to it was chiefly in Ilis Executive Ability. But when it came to action he made no his own party He made valuable suggesserious misstp. He watched the course tions, met every one with frankness, and of the Legislature closely and pruned its gave his approval without hesitation to all ork ercilessly He exercised the veto the reform bills that were placed before wth wise dcrtion and was espe- him in reasonably perfect shape or in powerth vise dition and as espe- time to have defects remedied. He concially intelligent and watchful in all legisla- time to have defects remedied. He contion relating to municipal affairs. Before tinued the practice of studying every measthe session was half over he had secured ure carefully and disapproving, without the ill-will of the New ork city managers thinking of personal or political effect, in his own party but had won in return those which in his judgment ought not to the support of the independent and reform become laws. He scrutinized appropriaelement, regardless of political opinion, tions with special care, and his excision of Every detail of government has been items from the supply bill showed his disclosely studied and watched. His nomi- criminating economy and his relentless nations have been quite uniformly credita- keeness in scenting out jobs. ble, because he has rejected the services His Industry. of insignificant politicians. He has dealt Mr. Cleveland's character as Governor openly and above board. has been one of unremitting hard work In the matter of pardons his policy of and faithful devotion to public duty He publishing a detailed statement of his rea- has shirked nothing, proved unequal to sons made the impression that he was ex- no requirement, and never lost sight of ercising this power in an unusual degree, the rule of action which he laid down as STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 23 Mayor of Buffalo in a communication to to contribute in some way to the cause of the Common Council " It seems to me," the Union. A sort of family council was he said, "that a successful and faithful held. Grover had just been admitted to ministration of the Government of a city the bar at Buffalo and was beginning to may be accomplished by constantly bear- have some practice. Two younger brothing in mind that we are the trustees and ers volunteered to go to the army and leave agents of our fellow-citizens, holding their Grover at home to support their mother funds in sacred trust to be expended for and sisters. This was agreed to all their benefit, that we should at all times around, and the two brothers went to the be prepared to render an honest account front and served with honor till the war to them touching the manner of its expen- closed. When peace was4 declared they diture, and that the affairs of the city returned home, but were soon afterward should be conducted as far as possible up- lost at sea. Grover Cleveland was the first on the same principles as a good business man drafted in Buffalo. * He promptly man manages his private concerns." supplied a substitute, who made a faithful What His Administration Shows. (-oldier. Gov Cleveland has always been a friend of the soldiers, and was what was The administration of Grover Cleveland called a \r Democrat. hile Mayr as Governor has been highly satisfactory r Democrat. Wile Mayor of S r.. Buffalo there was an attempt to make capand fully in accordance with his views ital out of the fact that he had vetoed.. ital out of the fact that he had vetoed a expressed in his letter accepting the nomexpressed in his letter accepting the no bill appropriating public money for a solination. All the appointments to office diers' monument in the city- When the diers' monument in the city- When the which he has made bear the stamp of that which he has made ear the stamp of that facts came out it proved to be true that he high, conscientious spirit which has always.;,1;........,a,-. ( actuated him. His industry is beyond all question. Never has there been a man less approachable by politicians in quest of fat offices. His moral courage is great, as witness his veto of the Five Cent Fare bill, which he treated regardless of the shower of abuse which he knew to be coming. Many of his other vetoes have been singularly objectionable to New York ward politicians. Many of the bills he has signed. have had a like effect. For instance, those curtailing the emoluments of the County Clerk, of the Register and of the Sheriff. If he is elected President he may be expected to follow in the path of political rectitude which has always distinguished him, and he will be opposed by none but the schemers and tricksters of his party Why itwas he didn't " Go for a Soldier." There is nothing discreditable about Gov. Cleveland's war record. At the opening of the war it was a question whether he should go to the army or not. He was entirely ready and willing to do so, but his father had died some time before and left a widowed mother, poor and with a large family, several of whom were daughters. Provision had to be made for their support, and yet the family felt obliged UIU IL 111 Lilt UUIII LldL Llt k..ILV L U UIloun l had no right to appropriate public funds for a purpose of that kind, but he suggested that the result might be reached by a public subscription. The hint was adopted, a subscription paper was taken around and the first and largest subscriber was Mayor Cleveland. Since he has been Governor of New York he has approved a bill providing that the heads of the various State departments shall, when making appointInents, give preference to honorably discharged soldiers and sailors of the United States. Some irritation was created last winter because of his vetoing a bill in reference to Grand Army badges. In the bill was a provision making the wearing of such a badge by any person not entitled to do so by reason of membership of some post a crime, punishable by imprisonment. The Governor thought the penalty unnecessarily severe. It was also logically observed that the child of a veteran might be imprisoned for wearing his father's badge. The Governor's Veto of the Five Cent Fare Bill. One of the charges against the administration of Governor Cleveland is his veto of the above bill, and the facts in the case have been so perverted in order to excite the prejudices of the poor working men against 24 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. him, as a friend arid protector of grasping Court of Appeals, referring to the law, monopolies as against labor, that a plain said: statement of the case is here presented. " The effect of this act was to secure to When those outside of the corporations in- the Elevated Railroad Company all the terested, shall have read this, and become rights, privileges and franchises of the possessed of the true merits of the case, West Side and Yonkers Patent Railway there can be little doubt that he will be Company under the purchase by and sustained by every unprejudiced and transfer to it." honorable voter By another section of this act the New The act is commonly known as the York Elevated Railroad was empowered "Five Cent Fare bill," and forbade the to receive from each passenger a sum not collection or charge of more than five exceeding io cents a mile for five miles or cents on any railroad in New York City for conveying a person any distance between the Battcry and Harlem. At the time of its presentation the Governor was so impressed with its importance and the public interest which it excited that he exercised the greatest care and most diligent inquiry into the measure before rendering his decision. His Reason. less. The Rapid Transit Act. In 1875 another act was passed, commonly known as the Rapid Transit Act, providing for the appointment of a Board of Commissioners, whose office embraced authority to fix and determine the time within which the new elevated roads should be completed, and to formulate a scale of maximum rates to be charged as fare on "I am convinced," he said, "that in all such roads, and regulate the hours during cases the share which falls upon the Ex- which special trains should be run at reecutive regarding the legislation of the duced rates of fare. In accordance with State should be in no manner evaded, but the act the Mayor of this city appointed a fairly met by the expression of his care- Board of Commissioners, who expended a fully guarded and unbiassed judgment. great deal of time and labor in the conIn his conclusion he may err, but if he has sideration of the proposed roads. They fairly and honestly acted, he has performed even fixed and determined specifically the his duty and given to the people of the route of the new New York Elevated RailState his best endeavor " road, and prescribed with the utmost parThe Governor goes on to explain in ticularity the manner and form of its conjustification of his veto that the Elevated struction and operation. A deliberate Roads of the city are now under the sole and specific agreement was made with the operation of the Manhattan Elevated Rail- company that it should charge as fares road as lessee of the New York Elevated upon its cars, at such hours as were not Railroad and the Metropolitan. He cites embraced within the time specified for the the provisions laid down in the act of running of " commission" trains, at a rate April 20, i866, authorizing the construction " for all distances under five miles not to of the West Side road, which specified exceed io cents, and not to:exceed two that no more than five cents per mile cents for each mile or fraction of a mile might be charged for fare of one person. over five miles, until the fare should That road has since gone into the hands amount to not exceeding I5 cents for a of the New York Elevated Railroad Corn through passenger from and between the pany, and a law was passed on June 17 Battery and intersection of Third avenue 1875, transferring the rights of the road to and One Hundred and Twenty-ninth the new company, and further providing street, and from and between the Battery that it be " hereby confirmed in the pos- and High Bridge not to exceed 17 cents session and enjoyments of said rights, for a through passenger, and that for the powers, privileges and franchises as fully entire distance from and between the Batand at large as they were so granted in tery and Fifty-ninth street the fare shall and by the acts to the West Side and not exceed io cents per passenger." Yonkers Patent Railway Company The A further agreement] was made that STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 25 commission trains should be run during by that clause of the Constitution of the certain hours of the morning and evening, United States which prohibits the passage upon which-for the benefit of working- of a law by any State impairing the oblimen and the laboring classes-the fare gation of contracts." should not exceed five cents for convey- He went on to say that section 33 of the ance between the Battery and Fifty-ninth General Railroads act provided that the street, nor should exceed seven cents for Legislature may, when any railroad shall a through passenger from the Battery to be opened for use, from time to time alter Harlem during those hours. The railroad or reduce the rates of freight, fare or other company further agreed that when the net profits upon said road, but the sum shall income of the proposed road, after all ex- not without the consent of the company penditures, taxes and charges are paid, be so reduced as to bring down the profits should amount to a sum sufficient to pay on the invested capital to less than o1 per exceeding to per cent. per annum on the cent. per annum. In his communication capital stock of the company that in such to the Legislature vetoing the proposed bill case and within six months thereafter, and modifying the rates of fare the Governor so long as said net earnings amount to a said that even if the State had the power sum sufficient to pay more than io per to reduce the rates of fare on the elevated cent., the said company would run com- roads, it promised in its agreement not to mission trains on its road at all hours dur- do so except under certain circumstances ing which it should be operated, at the and after a certain specified examination. rates of fare mentioned. Constitutional Objections. These agreements were at the time of "I am not satisfied," he said, "that their formulation highly satisfactory to the these circumstances exist. It is conceded Commissioners, who accordingly trans- that no such examination has been made. mitted them to the Mayor, accompanied The constitutional objections which I have by a highly congratulatory report, upon suggested to the bill under consideration the receipt of which the Mayor submitted are not, I think, removed by the claim the papers to the Board of Aldermen, who that the proposed legislation is in the approved the act. This was in the fall of nature of an alteration of the charters of 1875. The New York Elevated Railroad these companies, and that this is permitted Company thereupon constructed its road by the State Constitution and by the profrom the Battery to Harlem, a distance of visions of some of the laws to which I ten miles. have referred. I suppose that while the The New Bill Ignored the Old Contract. charters of corporations may be altered or The new bill, however, which was pre- repealed, it must be done in subordination sented to the Governor for signature last to the Constitution of the United States, year, provided that, notwithstanding all the supreme law of the land. This leads the laws which had been passed and to the conclusion that the alteration of a rigidly complied with on the part of the charter cannot be made the pretext for the railroad company, a.new scale of rates passage of a law which impairs the obligashould be forced upon it, insisting that tion of a contract. If I am mistaken in passengers should be carried the whole supposing that there are legal objections length of the road for five cents, a sum to this bill, there is another consideration about half that which was specified in the which furnishes to my mind a sufficient agreement. In his consideration of the reason why I should not give it my bill Governor Cleveland was compelled, approval. out of a single spirit of honesty, to say: A Breach of Faith. " I am of the opinion that in the legis- " It seems to me that to arbitrarily reduce lation and proceedings which I have de- these fares at this time under existing cirtailed, and in the fact that pursuant thereto cumstances involves a breach of faith on the road of the company was constructed the part of the State and a betrayal of and finished, there exists a contract in confidence which the State has invited. favor of this company which is protected The fact was notorious that for many years STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. rapid transit was the great need of the inhabitants of the city'of New York, and was of direct importance to the citizens of the State. Projects which promised to answer the people s wants in this' direction failed and were abandoned. The Legislature, appreciating the situation, willingly passed statute a:fter statute calculated to aid and encourage a solution of the problem. Capital was timid and hesitated to and back takes 3 hours and 20 minutes. Five round a trips day occupy 16 hours and 40 minutes, or, say, 17 hours. These five round trips average 40 cents per trip. If the Governor had signed that unsatisfactory and unjust bill-unjust to the employed and not to the employerthe company would have divided up the pay into trips, and have paid 40 cents per round trip. Three and a half round trips enter a new field full of risks and dangers. would consume the 12 hours to which a l'v the promise nf liberal fares, as will be driver's work would have been limited, seen in all the acts pas.sdc on the subject, and for this service hewould have received and through (ther concessions gladly only r1.40. made, capitalists were induced to invest To make his full $2 he would have had their money in the enterprise, and rapid to work over-hours and must still have transit,ut lately became an accomplished made his five trips per day occupying 16 fact. But much of the risk, expense and hours and 40 minutes. burden attending the maintenance of these More than that. In the winter, during roads is vet unknown and threatening. the delay consequent to a severe snow" In the meantime the people of the city storm, when the round trip instead of takof New \ ork are receiving the full benefit of ing 3 hours and 20 minutes, frequently their construction, a great enhancement of occupies 5 hours, the drivers would have the value of the taxable property of the received no more than the 40 cents, and city has resulted, and in addition to taxes, would have earned in 12 hours, for two more than 1 20,000, being 5 per cent. in and a half trips, only $i Or if in ordiincrease, pursuant to the law of 1868, has nary times, through a large fire or any bcen paid by the companies into the city other cause, a driver who worked the old treasury on the faith that the rate of fare 17 hours in order to get as much as he agreecd upon w.as secured to them. I am now gets, should miss a trip, the amount not aware that the corporations have, by for that trip would have been deducted any default, forfeited any of their rights, from his pay and if they have, the remedy is at hand The drivers and conductors ought to under existing laws" hold a mass-meeting to thank Gov " It is manifestly important that invested CLEVELAND for vetoing a bill so absurd capital should be protected, and that its and so adverse to their interests. Demanecessity and usefulness in the develop- gogues may bluster and promise, but no ment of enterprises valuable to the people legislative enactment has ever yet been should be recognized by conservative con- invented that will secure a man fifteen duct on the part of the State government, hours' pay for eight hours' labor." We have especially in our keeping," continued Mr Cleveland, "the honor and good faith of a great State, and we should see to it that no suspicion attaches, through any act of ours, to the fair fame of the commonwealth." How the New York World puts it. The New York World in speaking of this veto gives the following illustration of how the bill, had it become a law, would have affected car drivers. "The pay of a driver on a Harlem Railroad line is, say, $2 per day The round trip from the bridge to the City Hall Personal Appearance. He is a tall, stoutly built gentleman, weighing over two hundred and fifty pounds, aged forty-seven years and a bachelor. He is vigorous, robust, of a nervous temperament, light complexion, thin brown hair, rapidly tending to baldness, and is a prepossessing-looking bachelor. He has good executive ability. He shuns society, and chiefly delights in association with his own sex. He has dark, penetrating eyes and heavy eyebrows. His movements are deliberate STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 27 and dignified, but devoid of the heaviness which sometimes accompanies men of his type. His manner is so curt and brusque, his 'yea' ' yea,' and his 'nay '' nay,' that he often offends those who speak with him for the first time, but the longer he is known the more warmly he is esteemed, respected and admired. He does not wear his heart upon his sleeve for daws to peck at, but under his stern demeanor he conceals a kindly, generous and charitable nature. One of his oldest and most intimate friends characteristically defined him as "an up and up man." Everybody A Visitor's Description. A visitor at the Executive Mansion thus describes an interview with the (overnor "" The moment he found that I did not want to ask him about the future and was quite content to listen to the past, he talked freely and familiarly There was nothing in his humble origin and struigling career that he was ashamed of. I fancied he was rather proud of his early struggles. And it was not impossible in;n hour s conversation to make some kind of measurement of the man's mind and character I said to myself, this is the executive who has ever had any dealings with him nnot the reflective man. I don't suppose is aware that he means precisely what he he is ever perplexed with questions of says and says exactly what he means. In ethics. Such men have a steady poise of appearance, no less than in character, he judgment that saves a world of words, is one of the old Continental school of po- The right pathway is never obscured or liticians, and seems to have come down to hidden. With them the doctrinaire has a us from a former generation to teach us what strong, brave, honest, resolute men our forefathers were who founded this Republic. Mr Cleveland is a member of the large social clubs of Buffalo. In September, 1882, he was elected vice president of the State Bar Association from the Eighth Judicial district. His face, no less than his figure and actions, indicates strenuous vital force and that admirable co-ordination of faculties which is best expressed in the phrase, " a cool head." Those traits which are in part the result of early and constant selftraining have given him the air of conscious and quiet power which belongs only to the triumphant antagonist in the world's fight. His figure betokens herculean strength-massiveness is the best word for it-and there is in the smoothly shaven face, the same token of equal solidity of character, with the suggestion of physical vigor in the soft brown mustache that strongly contrasts with the scantiness of hair on his head. There is a decided tendency to corpulency-as is usually the case in vital temperaments-and a double chin is beginning to hang down over the simple white necktie. There is nothing phlegmatic in the man's manner. His face lights up with a sympathetic smile and without becoming animated or brilliant he is at once interesting, unaffected and intensely real. hard time of it, for instead of chasing a principle through all the mazes of possibilities for the sake of the hunt, they hold the dogs of dialectics in leash and, with unerringly clear sight and constant good nature, whip them all back to the true scent. I was always struck with a single sentence in the second volume of Carlyle's ' French Revolution," which, after those two volumes of bloody chaos, announce the arrival of Napoleon. The purport of that sentence, as I now recall it, is that ' a man having now come upon the scene events began to straighten themselves out.' And I suppose that whatever events become chaotic and life gets into confusion that it is absolutely necessary to have a man at the helm. And history shows that it is the executive man, equipped with convictions and endowed with courage who assumes the chieftainship in moments of public doubt. Distracted on everything else, the people are willing to rest their issues on indubitable strength of character, capable of both representing and leading. He may not bring any new truth with him, or a more brilliant method, but the trust is that he will with clear eye, pure heart and strong hand keep the columns in close order along the approved path of safety and advance." A True American Citizen. Grover Cleveland, both in his record and in his person, impresses one as pecu 28 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. liarly the outcome and result of what is viction that he was a man to depend upon. best and most enduring in American life. As one rough fellow said to me in the As we have already seen, he started like hotel saloon: " Well, I don't know about the typical American boy to hew his own his learnin' or how he stands on a lot of way The almost insuperable difficulties questions that we don't understand, and of his youth, the hardships of poverty, don't want to, but he's a safe man, and pangs of hunger, the frosts of winter never he's pretty sure to understand them better deterred him. They were in fact, as they than we do, and he'll do the right thing." always are to the true metal, only the Solidity of Character. blows that compacted and shaped the I suppose that this kind of faith in charman. We hear a great deal nowadays acter is one of the most inestimable discoabout men being all American. Obvi- veries that a man can make, and I was ously there are some American things interested to find that the element of popwhich a man had better be without. It is ularity did not grow out of the subject not pleasant to contemplate a man whose good-fellowship, or mere manners. I character rce.cts the heterogeneous and failed to hear any one say that Grover discordant elements of our complex life. Cleveland had any magnetism, or that he "Nor is it safe to trust with heavy respon- fascinated a crowd, or that he drew people sibilities that man whose chief element of after him with a personal glamour. On Americanism is impatience of restraint, the contrary, I formed a very distinct nodisrespect for the past and an unswerving tion that there was a class of men that he desire to be smart rather than right. The repelled, and that disliked him as easily, best elements of our American life have as naturally and as sincerely as a thief always come up from the hardy, vigorous hates a magistrate or a smuggler hates a stratum that was nearest to the soil and in dead calm Indeed it was impossible to some way dependent on it. The abiding discover either in the man's record or in glory of the country has been in its defiant the reputation that had grown up about boys with God-fearing ancestors, boys him anything dramatic. The resultant who had organized in them by a race of heroism of his life is that common heroism humble but devout pioneers the patience of the "common" work-a-day world which and industry to achieve and the reverence does its duty, not for effect, but for a printo respect. It is to men of this fibre that ciple and a purpose, and which, if it does the republic has always gone in its emer- not so easily catch the eye and the ear, is gencies-turning in extremity from its after all the enduring force that the people politicians, its doctrinaries and its workers come to look for and rely upon when there of statecraft, back to the elemental, vital, is great work to be done. I looked into honest forces that underlie all its achieve- his law offices on Main street-this later ments and that are oftenest found in the laboratory where were evolved the legal sturdy, modest, indomitable workers who functions that came into the public service have not sought the political race. of his own community They were curi At his Home. A writer who visited Buffalo for the purpose of learning facts concerning the Governor, says: I had an opportunity to converse with several persons who had known their Mayor long and well. I found a sterling regard for the man everywhere, and it was a regard uninfluenced by political bias. Among those best able to form independent opinions, this regard was obviously founded on character. Among the people themselves there was a well-defined con ously solid and unpretentious, and upstairs were the bachelor rooms where for years Grover Cleveland had slept and worked. I examined them minutely, for one often obtains a glimpse of character by such entourage. And they were instantly indicative of the simple tastes, methodical habits and studious life of the occupant. Two or three pictures, evidently selected not for decoration, but because the owner prized the subject and admired the treatment, hung on the walls. But there was elsewhere not a superfluous article in the room. Elegance had been STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 29 forgotten in the successful attempt to secure comfort and convenience and seclu' sion. Cleveland on Citizenship. Views expressed when Mayor of Biq[tilo on the Rcl/asi: of the Iri.sh Suspects. When it became known in this country that Mr. Lowell had abandoned the Americans imprisoned in Ireland without formal accusation, trial or conviction, the public indignation found expression in mass meetings to protest against his course, and about the time that the controversy culminated such a meeting was called in Buffalo. It was held April 9th, i882, in St. James' Hall, and the Governor, who had been then three months Mayor of Buffalo, presided. On taking the chair he delivered the following address, which is certainly as frank and outspoken an utterance in regard to the duties of the American Government to its citizens abroad as anyone need ask for: His Foreign Policy. "Fellow citizens: This is the formal mode of address on occasions of this kind, citizen enjoys his birthrights. But when, in the westward march of empire, this nation was founded and took root, we beckoned to the Old World and invited hither its immigration and provided a mode by which those who sought a home among us might become our fellowcitizens. They came by thousands and hundreds of thousands, they came and ' Hewed the dark old woods away. And gave the virgin fields to-day;' they came with strong sinews and brawny arms to aid in the growth and prgress of a new country, they came and upon our altars laid their fealty and submission, they came to our temples of justice and under the solemnity of an oath renounced all allegiance to every other State, potentate and sovereignty and surrendered to us all the duty pertaining to such allegiance. \Ve have accepted their fealty and invited them to surrender the protection of their native land. "And what should be given them in return? Manifestly, good faith and every dictate of honor demands that we give but I think we seldom realize fully its them the same liberty and protection here meaning or how valuable a thing it is to be and elsewhere which we vouchsafe to our a citizen. From the earliest civilization to native-born citizens. And that this has be a citizen has been to be a free man, been accorded to them is the crowning endowed with certain privileges and ad- glory of American institutions. It needed vantages and entitled to the full protection of the State. The defence and protection of the personal rights of its citizens has always been the paramount and most important duty of a free, enlightened government. And perhaps no government has this sacred trust more in its keeping than this-the best and freest of them all-for here the people who are to be protected are the source of those powers which they delegate upon the express compact that the citizen shall be protected. For this purpose we choose those who for the time being shall manage the machinery which we have set up for our defence and safety, The True Doctrine of Protection. " And this protection adheres to us in all lands and places as an incident of citizenship. Let but the weight of a sacrilegious hand be put upon this sacred thing and a great, strong government springs to its feet to avenge the wrong. Thus it is that the native-born American not the statute which is now the law of the land, declaring that 'all naturalized citizens while in foreign lands are entitled to and shall receive from this government the same protection of person and property which is accorded to native-born citizens,' to voice the policy of our nation. The Rights of Our Citizens. " In all lands where the semblance of liberty is preserved, the right of a person arrested to a speedy accusation and trial is, or ought to be, a fundamental law as it is a rule of civilization. At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is one of the rights which we undertake to guarantee to any native-born or naturalized citizen of ours, whether he be imprisoned by order of the Czar of Russia or under the pretext of a law administered for the benefit of the landed aristocracy of England. We do not claim to make laws for other countries, but we do insist that whatsoever those laws may be, they shall, in the interests of STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. human freedom and the rights of mankind so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speedly administered. We have a right to say and do say, that mere suspicion without examination on trial is not sufficient to justify the long imprisonment of a citizen of America. Other nations may permit their citizens to be thus imprisoned. Ours will not. And this in effect has been solemnly declared by statute. "V We have met here to-night to consider this subject and inquire into the cause and the reasons and thejustice of the imprisonment of certain of our fellow citizens now held in British prisons without the semblance of a trial or legal examination. Our law declares that the government shall act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the government. The undaunted apostle of the Christian religion, imprisoned and persecuted, appealing centuries ago to the Roman law and the rights of Roman citizenship, boldly demanded 'Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned?' So, too, might we ask, appealing to the law of our land and the laws of civilization: 'Is it lawful that these, our fellows, be imprisoned, who are American citizens and uncondemned?' I deem it an honor to be called upon to preside at such a meeting and I thank you for it. What is your further pleasure? " Grover Cleveland's Romance. Grover Cleveland came of a somewhat singular and peculiar family. All his ancestors were strong people, but turning to the church for a living they were always poor. The city is full of reminiscences of his fight for a place in the city of his adoption, but the story of his boyhood days have to be gathered from another locality But very few persons know why he never married, perhaps none do. The mishap that left him to tread the wine-press of life alone was a painful one, but it left the sting before he came to Buffalo. Ever since his residence in Buffalo he has lived with his law books and his profession. Although he is reputed to be a good, genial companion, fond of life and the world, he has shunned society and lived for his mother and sisters, who needed his help. Probably more preachers were reared out of his family than any other in the country They all taught the doctrines of the Presbyterian Church for a small price and died poor. Mr. Cleveland's father left some ten children, which were about his only available assets when he died. Hence it went out that he was too poor to marry until so well grounded in his bachelor ways that he could not be tempted:from them by the comeliest girl in the land. There are no traditions that he ever courted a lass. Yet it is true that he did and that the picture of that one still remains by his side. It is true that he was and, as the world goes, still he is poor. As is already stated in this narrative it was not until a few years ago that he felt able to pay back the money be borrowed to bring him West in 1855. He only got his legal education by a pretty tough fight with adversity and it took him four years of drudgery in the office of Rogers & Bowen before he was admitted to practice. Governor Cleveland's Fortune. It has been generally supposed by a majority of people in Buffalo that Grover Cleveland was a wealthy man. He has always lived in style, boarding at the Tifft House when here, and the centre of a group of bachelor friends, all of whom are possessed of independent tortunes. Since his election as Governor, but especially since he has been mentioned as a candidate of the Democratic party for President, this rumor has assumed more than its former proportions. It has for a few days been harped upon by prominent anti-monopolists and labor leaders that the Governor was possessed of a fortune of more than $1oo,ooo, upon a greater part of which he paid no taxes. To gain some information upon this vexed subject an inquirer after the truth visited the Assessor's office and made a thorough investigation. It was found that the books there make the Governor's fortune far smaller than do his enemies. The sum total against him is a tax upon $5,000 worth of personal property. No mention of any real or landed estate is made and it is safe to say he owns none inside the corporate limits of the city. It cannot be truthfully said that Governor STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 31 Cleveland is possessed of a hurtful amount of property A Love Story. When Governor Cleveland was just able to support himself he became enamored of a young woman who was a relative of the late Judge Verplanck. The girl was not disposed to look favorably on his suit and this made him love her the more. She delighted in tantalizing him by permitting other young men to escort her home from the old Eagle Street Theatre, which was then the only place of amusement of any account in the city The girl was comparatively wealthy and looked down on Grover, who was a poor lawyer. After awhile she got to thinking fondly of him, and it is said that they were engaged to be married when she was taken ill with a fever and died. Cleveland did not recover from the shock for several months, and though he has a bachelor s liking for pretty ladies his friends say that he will never marry One lady became so infatuated with him that she proposed to him. He rejected her advances and it is said that she became crazy and is now confined in an asylum. A friend of the Governor told a reporter a romantic story of how a lady living near Poughkeepsie engaged in correspondence with the Governor since he was elected Mayor, and that a tender feeling had sprung up between them. They have met but four times, once when Cleveland was Sheriff, a few years later at Saratoga, after Cleveland was elected Mayor and once since he has been Governor. This friend said that it was quite likely that the lady would be married by Cleveland if elected President, and that she would grace the White House parlors at his reception. The lady is described as being a charming brunette, about thirty-five years old, with pleasing manners and considerable property. This incident is given for what it is worth as one of the rumors of the day Personal Peculiarities. All the traits of assiduous industry, unostentatious dignity, thoroughness and, simplicity, noted in Grover Cleveland's early career are observable in his present, life at Albany On the day before his in- - 1 1 I auguration as Governor he came down from Buffalo quietly with his law partner, Mr. Bissell, went to the Executive Mansion and spent the night. On the morrow the city was excited with the approaching ceremonies. The streets were crowded, but there was to be no military parade, no procession. The Governor-elect walked from the Executive Mansion in company with his friend to the Capitol, which is a mile distant, joining the throngs that were going that way He entered the building unrecognized, but quite at his ease, sauntered up the Executive Chamber and was there met by Gov Cornell. The moment the inaugural ceremony was over he passed into the spacious Executive Chamber which is set apart for his use, ordered that the doors should be opened to admit anybody, and went immediately to work. Pristine Democracy, Never was any important public event so completely stripped of its fuss and feathers. Never was a more radical change effected in the official routine of the Executive Department. Hitherto there were all sorts of delays and impediments in the path to the Governor Cards had to be sent in, ushers conducted citizens into anterooms and left them to cool their heels on the State's tessellated floor But the moment Grover Cleveland took possession he issued on order to admit anybody at once who wished to see him. And up to the present time he has been quite able himself to prevent this return to republican simplicity from being abused. His habits are indicative of his dislike of ostentation and official parade and of his methodical and industrious training. He walks from the Executive Mansion every morning at 9 o'clock to the Capitol and goes straight to work. At I 30 he walks back to his lunch, which takes an hour. He then returns on foot to work again and remains until 6, when he goes to dinner. He is back at 8 and generally stays until II or 12. He keeps no horses or extra servants and has not been known to ride since he has been in Albany except for an occasional pleasure jaunt. The amount of work thus accomplished-as his private secretary, Mr. Daniel S. Lamont, testifies -is something enormous. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. He is not a rich man, in spite of his frugal bachelor habits. He does much free legal work for poor clients and has a way of assisting them which, though most creditable to his conscience, does not put money in his purse. He is also a liberal benefactor of all the charities of Buffalo, a city peculiarly active in this work. His Strength as a Candidate. Mr. Cleveland's strength as a candidate is due to his strong conservatism, his unsullied character, his sympathy with straightforward, business methods in politics, his exceptional standing with the independent reform element the country over and his ability to inspire people with the belief that he may be trusted to do nothing for purely partisan purposes. Few men unite in themselves so many considerations of fitness and expediency If elected he may be trusted to expose jobs turn out and keep out thieves and give the country a manly, conservative administration of his own. As a Lawyer and a Ian. Mr. Cleveland's rank at the bar is a high one. He is careful and methodical as a business man, which, united to his faculty of going to the bottom of all questions, gives him the principal elements essential to success in his profession. He presents his case well and closely, whether the argument is made before a court or a jury, but does not indulge in any exhibition of pyrotechnics. His vocabulary is ample but not overwhelming or exhaustive, as is so often the case with professional legal talkers. He is a hard worker, and a large, reliable and commanding practice is his reward. In the presentation of Grover Cleveland's record to the readers of this biography, it has been the object to reflect him as he is apart from any bias or one-sided statements, and hence the following extract is published. It will be remembered that George William Curtis is a leader in the Republican Party, and was a delegate from New York in the Chicago Convention that nominated James G. Blaine. The following appears as his leading editorial in Harpers' Weekly: What Mr. Curtis Says. " The nomination of Governor Cleveland defines sharply the actual issue of the presidential election of this year He is a man whose absolute official integrity has never been quesponed, who has no laborious and doubtful explanations to undertake, and who is universally known as the Governor of New York elected by an unprecedented majority which was not partisan, and represented both the votes and the consent of an enormous body of Republicans, and who as the Chief Executive of the State has steadily withstood the blandishments and the threats of the worst elements of his party, and has justly earned the reputation of a courageous, independent and efficient friend and promoter of administrative reform. His name has become that of the especial representative among our public men of the integrity, purity and economy of administration which are the objects of the most intelligent and patriotic citizens. The bitter and furious hostility of Tammany Hall and of General Butler to Governor Cleveland is his passport to the confidence of good men, and the general conviction that Tammany will do all that it can to defeat him, will be an additional incentive to the voters who cannot support Mr. Blaine, and who are unwilling not to vote at all, to secure the election of a candidate whom the political rings and the party traders instinctively hate and unitedly oppose." Public Interests Before Party. So firm and " clean " and independent in his high office has Gov Cleveland shown himself to be, that he is denounced as not being a Democrat by his Democratic opponents. This denunciation springs from the fact that he has not hesitated to prefer the public welfare to the mere interest of his party. Last autumn, when the Democratic District-Attorney of Queen County was charged with misconduct, the Governor heard the accusation and the defense, and decided that it was his duty to remove the officer. He was asked by his party friends to defer the removal until after the election, as otherwise the party would lose the district by the opposition of the Attorney's friends. The Governor understood his duty and STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 33 removed the officer some days before the election, and the party did lose the district. This kind of courage and devotion to public duty in the teeth of the most virulent opposition of traders of his own party is unusal in any public man, and it shows precisely the executive quality which is demanded at a time when every form of speculation and fraud presses upon the public treasury under the specious plea of party advantage. The argument that in an election it is not a man but a party that is supported, and that the Democratic party is less to be trusted than the Republican, is futile at a time when the Republican party has nominated a candidate whom a great body of the most conscientious Republicans cannot support, and the Democratic party has nominated a candidate whom a great body of the most venal Democrats practical bolt. Distrust of the Democratic party springs from the conduct of the very Democrats who madly oppose Governor Cleveland because they know that they cannot use him. The mere party argument is vain also, because no honorable man will be whipped in to vote for a candidate whom he believes to be personally disqualified for the Presidency on the ground that a party ought to be sustained. The nomination of Gov Cleveland is due not so much to the preference of his party as to the general demand of the country for a candidacy which stands for precisely the qualities and services which are associated with his name." What the Evening Telegraph Says. We also give a portion of an editorial which appeared in the Evening Telegraph of Philadelphia, a staunch Republican paper, and a supporter of the Republican nominees: The Democrats have nominated a very strong ticket-probably the strongest ticket that it was possible for them to nominate; and if it is to be beaten, it will be necessary for the Republicans to give some positive assurances that the party as a party, and despite the efforts of time-servers and tricksters to use it for improper personal and grossly unpatriotic ends, intends that the very best of its past shall indicate with unmistakable clearness its 3 future. It is sheer folly to underrate the merit of the deliverances of the Iemocratic Convention yesterday, or to attempt to misinterpret their plain meaning or the plain peril which they represent. For the first time since the Democratic Party went out of power in 1861, it comes before the country with its baser elements forced into the background, if not into subjection, with men of clean, strong and patriotic records as their candidates, and with a challenge to thinking and patriotic men to regard what is good in it instead of obtruding upon them the unsavory features of its history and the most evil of its desires. It may be said, and with entire truth, that Cleveland is an expediency nomination, but there are expediencies and expediencies. It was expediency that dictated the nomination of General' Hancock four years ago. It was hoped that Hancocks splendid record as a soldier would win votes that might not be winable by a demonstration in the line of true statesmanship. It is no disparagement to General Hancock to say that his nomination was a trick, and that those who were most actively instrumental in procuring it hoped to turn it to an evil account should it be ratified at the polls. The nomination of Grover Cleveland was made on quite other grounds. This man was selected because it is believed he has a public and private record that is unimpeachable, and particularly because, since he has been Governor of the great State of New York, he has shown himself to be a careful and zealous guardian of the true interests of the public, even at the cost of the friendship of men in his own party who have the power to wield a multitude of votes. Incidents —Leading the Blind. The following incident of recent occurrence is related of the Governor: The crier in one of the courts of Albany is a blind man, who lives in the same part of the city as the Governor. He is somewhat aged and has become so familiar with the road from his home over to the court-house that he generally goes alone. But one morning, some months ago, he missed his way, and the Governor coming along took him by the arm and brought STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. him along with him as far as the Capitol building. As they were about to separate, the old gentleman asked the name of his considerate guide. " MIv name is Cleveland," said the Governor " Are you in business in the city?" " Yes, I have an office up here in the Capitol." " Oh, you are not the Governor?' " Yes. I am the Governor " The poor old fellow was almost beside himself and went on his way with a story to tell as long as he lived. "Which milght be the Governor!" The (.Overnor is full of the milk of human kindness and his heart is big enough to take in all mankind. Though a bachelor he has a most benignant face and can talk to you like a father, The pictures of him do not give his face as it is generally seen. He sometimes looks seriois, but never cross or even austere. As soon as you see him you feel that you looks as though it would take a very considerable shock to knock him off his balance. When asked the other day if he read the papers that abused him. " Sometimes," said he, with a smile that broke out all over his face. "Do you ever get disturbed over any thing they say? " " Not much. Every man has a right to enjoy his own mind. I remember an old fellow who was a neighbor of my father, and we would sometimes try to get him to come over to our church. He was a strong Baptist, and he would always say: 'No, you folks are Presbyterians, and if I go over to your church I couldn't enjoy my mind.' Of course that was the end of the argument." Regarding Newspaper Slanders. In reply as to the slanders published about him, the Governor recently said:" Well, I have been more surprised at the way I have been misrepresented as to the laboring men than anything else. I need not have any trepidation in speaking don't see how the idea ever got out in the to him. When he sits down there is not first place that I have been opposed to much room left between the arms of a the interests of laboring men. I cannot pretty wide chair, and he looks wonderfully remember one single act in my life that corrfortable and homelike. The other could be reasonably construed into any day when there were three or four gentle- thing inimical to their best interests. It men callers sitting or walking about in the has been just the other way with me. I Executive office, a bunch of country women dropped in on their sight-seeing tour. After gazing about in some perplexity, as if they were looking for something they could not find to their entire satisfaction, the eldest and the supposable head of the party, ventured up to the Governor as the m)n-t approachable man she saw, and ventured to ask -" Which might be the (Governor?' " Right here," said he, as he thumped himself on the bosom and went on with the business in hand. " Oh!" the lad\ ejaculated, and retired amid her blushes to the expectant group in the corner, and then they all looked over and said " oh '" in chorus. Never Disturbed. When the Governor gets well settled in his chair, takes a good long breath, and adjusts his glasses on the lower part of his nose, he looks as wise, as mellow, and as sunshiny as Benjamin Franklin. He i have always taken particular pains, whenever it was in my power, to see their interests well guarded. But I have no fear as to the outcome. I have observed that laboring men have minds of their own as well as political principles, and when there has been a full investigation of my official life the facts will be made known, and I am not uneasy as to the result. They talk about the workingmen as if they were a lot of sheep to be corralled or scattered by this man or that. Most workingmen are natural Democrats. Democracy means the rule of the people, and the Democratic party has always been the natural friend of the workingmen. I do not think any great number of those who are in my party will fail to vote for me, first, because they are naturally disposed to go with their party, and second, because they will learn long before election day that my attitude towards them has been misrepresented." STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 35 Opinions on Public Questtons. Because Governor Cleveland took no active part in politics until recently, it must not be inferred that he became invested with important offices without any knowledge or experience of public men and measures. Ever since he attained his majority he had been an ardent supporter of the Democratic party, and kept himself fully posted on all state and national matters. He was little accustomed to making speeches and writing letters on public questions, but when he began it was with some purpose. Appreciation of the business side of office and politics has been a marked feature of his utterances. In his inaugural address as Mayor of Buffalo, he saidThe People's Money. We hold the money of the people in our hands to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as members of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that when any part of the funds which the taxpayers have entrusted to us are diverted to other purposes or when by design or neglect we allow a greater sum to be applied to any municipal purpose than is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our duty There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations whether a person is entrusted with the money of one man or of many, and yet it sometimes appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the tax-payer than that which should regulate his conduct when, as an individual, he holds the money of his neighbors. It seems to me that a successful and faithful ministration of the government of our city may be accomplished by constantly bearing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust to be expended for their benefit, that we should at all times be prepared to render an honest account to them touching the manner of its expenditure, and that the affairs of the city should be conducted, as far as possible, upon the same principles as a good business man manages his private concerns. His Civil Service Views. In his letter, accepting the nomination for Governor of New York, he gave his views on Civil Service, and on an efficient and honest administration of public officers, showing most conclusively that he had given the subject careful thought, and had formed a decided opinion in its favor: Subordinates in public places should be selected and retained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in return, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation, and required to do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished, and the cause of civil service reform materially aided. His Opposition to Corruption at the Polls. The expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls, or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern. When this pernicious agency is successfully employed a representative form of government becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rightsof the people are sacrificed and the public treasury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is wilful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations, when they are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the purification of politics that the people, at times fully roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods should be something more than a means used to answer the purposes ot those who profit by political occupation. Col. Frank H. Burr, one of the best descriptive writers of the day, gives the following relating to Governor Cleveland: STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Sliunning Society. This style of living was not kept up after he became well-to-do to be saving, for he has the reputation of being a rather open-handed man and not given to hoarding money It is apparent, from the talk of all his friends, that he loves congenial companionship and is a most pleasant conversationalist, thoroughly capable of entertaining a company of any character I found it current talk in Buffalo that he had always been much courted in society, but that he could rarely be induced to enter the charmed circle. There is a good deal of interesting chat ahout the plans that have been set to capture this bachelor and their univcrsal failure. One story runs that only recently some friends had two charmincg ladies visiting them from the Eatcrn States, and that the lady of the house gave an evening party especially f,r the puripose of bringing the Governor within the influence of these attractive girls. lie shunned the temptation, as he has done many of the kind, and did not ttend. lie said to a lady who chaffed him about his bachelor life, that if she could find a girl whom she would certify was just right he would enter into bonds to marry her if slhe would have him. This good-natui:d raillery has given rise to the rumor that he is thinking of making a change in his domestic relations. It is singular to find a man who has led a b.achelor life so well thought of by all classes as Mr Cleveland is in Buffalo. He has the confidence and respect of everybody except a few ward politicians whom he has disappointed. His political methods, as you find them developed at his home, are not calculated to commend him to the average politician. His selfreliance, candid faith in his own judgment and unflinching honesty have earned him the reputation among this class of being ungrateful to those who have helped to make him a power. A Pen Portrait. After gathering the home impressions of to find from his experiences, training, birth and general habits of life. He is a large and powerfully built, well proportioned and rather good-looking man. The picture printed as a frontispiece gives a very fair idea of his general appearance, although his expression of countenance is entirely free from the stern, bull-dog look that the wood-cuts give him. He has a pleasant cast of countenance and is rather a winning talker. He has not the quality of magnetism about him, but impresses you with his candor and openness. He is an attractive man, without being too familiar, and is the most democratic official I ever saw. No Ceremony. The humblest man or woman is admitted to his presence as readily as the highest. He impressed me as a person having the judicial quality of mind developed to a very high degree-one of those strongheaded men with a good opinion of his own understanding of anything he considered. There is not the least characteristic of a politician about him. This is of course the natural result of a life that has been busy and entirely devoted of late years to the enjoyment of the fruits of professional labor and to dealing with men upon the basis of perfect fairness. He is a singular man and has led a peculiar life. If the majority of his years have been tending up hill, his latter days certainly have not, and he seems to be shaping himself to take solid comfort among the rewards of his toil. His Inauguration as Governor. Governor Cleveland was inaugurated at the Capitol in Albany Jan. I, 1883, in the presence of a vast concourse of his fellow citizens. After being escorted to the platform by Governor Cornell, the incoming executive was presented by his predecessor to the people in the following neat address: FELLOW CITIZENS:-The people of the State are its sovereign Rulers. Those whom they elect to perform official trusts, I the man and the features of his early life to make laws or execute them, are but the in this locality, I spent a half day at exponents of their views, the custodians Albany with the man who has so recently of their interests, and the instruments of filled the public eye plumb full. He is a their supreme will. He is wise, therefore, good deal such a man as you would expect who in any representative capacity, re STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 37 cognizes and obeys the influence or expression of that will in these ceremonial forms to do as presented the fitting illustration of the maxim, that the just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed. All successful places emanate from enlightened public sentiment, and whatever motive attends the choice of official servants, that will only succeed, which has for its real and ultimate object the maintenance and promotion of good and honest government. By the operation of the Constitution, the limit of an executive term has again been reached, and we stand to-day in the,presence of rightful authority, expressed in lawful manner to witness the transfer of the high office of Chief Magistrate of the State to one who has been chosen to execute the responsible and trying duties that belong to it. Three years ago, the place now passed to my constitutional successor, was accepted with a due sense of the responsibility involved. My pledge was then given to faithfully and impartially discharge the obligations assumed. There was no reservation of purpose, to redeem that pledge with vigilance and fidelity, and it has been my constant aim, to meet every requirement of just and economical administration to the service of the state. Neither private interest nor personal favor has been permitted to stand in the way of public duty, In taking leave now, of the scenes and labors that have occupied the last three years, it affords me profound satisfaction, to congratulate the people of this majestic commonwealth on the high degree of prosperity and peace that prevail within these borders. Our public debt is nearly extinguished, the rate of taxation has been materially reduced, and new sources of public revenue have been developed. The public works have been conducted with the utmost economy, consistent with safety and efficiency,encroachments on private rights have been stayed, and important steps have been taken to secure just accountabilities in the management of corporations. In other essential respects, also, the public welfare has been fostered and fru gality in public expenditures secured. These and like results have been accomplished and sustained by the aid of advanced public sentiment. And they will be derelict who, in the direction of affairs, fail to respect the demands of enlightened public opinion. To you, Governor Cleveland, God-speed in every endeavor to secure to this people the richest blessings of beneficent government. It is your good fortune to come to these important duties by an expression of the public will almost unprecedented in the history of the State. The emphasis thus given to your election is clearly indicative of public expectation in the discharge of your official functions. May the Infinite Ruler endow you with wisdom and strength equal to the great responsibilities which now devolve upon you. The faithful discharge of conscious duty will be ample satisfaction and reward, and whatever circumstances or events occur, the public, whose servant you are, will not be unmindful or turn away Governor Cleveland's Inauigural Address. Placing his right hand in the breast of his close-fitting black coat, and directly facing Mr Cornell, Governor Cleveland spoke as follows: Governor Cornell: I am profoundly grateful for your pleasant words and kind wishes for my success. You speak in full view of the labors that are past and duty well performed, and no doubt you generously suppose that what you have safely encountered and overcome, another may not fear to meet. But I cannot be unmindful of the difficulties that beset the path upon which I enter, and I shall be quite content, if when the end is reached, I may like you, look back upon an official career, honorable to myself, and useful to the people of the States. I cannot forbear at this time to also express my appreciation of the hearty kindness and consideration with which you have at other times sought to make easier my performance of official duties. Then turning to the deeply interested audience, Mr. Cleveland continued. Fellow Citizens: You have assembled to-day to witness the retirement of an officer tried and trusted, from the highest place in the state, and the assumption of STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. these duties by one yet to be tried. This ceremony, simple and unostentatious as becomes the spirit of your institution, is yet of vast importance to you and to the people of this great commonwealth. The interests now transfetred to new hands are yours, and the duties newly assumed should be performed for your benefit and for your good, hence, you have the right to demand and enforce, by the means placed in your hands, which our quota of members of the House of Representatives. It is to be hoped that this work will be speedily undertaken. To make an apportionment of the population of a state into 34 districts, having due regard to geographical situation, and contiguity of territory, requires but little time, and no great amount of ingenuity, if attempted with fair and honest intention. It is submitted, that the appointment of subordinates in the several state Depart you well know how to use. And if the ments, and their tenure ofoffice oremploypublic servant shnuld ilw;vs know that ment should be based upon fitness and he is jc.lously watched by the people, he efficiency, and that this principle should surely wuld be none the less faithful to be embedded in Legislative enactment to his trusts, the end that the State may conform to the This vigilance on the part,if the citizen, reasonable public demand on that subject. and an active interest and participation in Municipal Government. practical concerns, are the safeguards of The formation and administration of its rights. But sluggish interference with the Government of cities are subjects of practical privileges, invite the machina- public interest and of great importions of those who wait to betray the tance to many of the inhabitants of the people s interests. Thus when the conduct state. The formation of such Governof public affa:rs receives your attention, ments is proper matter for most careful do not omit to perform your duties as legislation. They should be so organized citicens. but protect your own best inter- as to be simple in their details and to cast ests. While this is true, and while those upon the people affected thereby, the full wholm you put in place should be held to responsibility of their administration. The strict account, their opportunities for use- different Departments should be in such fulness should not be impaired, nor their accord as in their operations to lead efforts for good thwarted by unfounded toward the same results. and querulous complaint and cavil. Divided councils, and divided responLct us together. but in our different sibilities of the people, on the part of mupla,-cs, take part in the regulation and nicipal officers, it is believed, gives rise to demonstration of the Government of our much that is objectionable in the governstate, and thus become, not only the ment of cities. If to remedy this evil, the keepers of our own interests, but contrib- chief executive should be made answerutors to the progress and prosperity which able to the people for the proper conduct will await us. of the city's affairs, it is quite clear, that I enter upon the discharge of the duties his power in selecting those who manage of the office to which my fellow citizens the different departments should be greatly have called me, with a profound sense of enlarged. The protection of the people gratitude to the kind Providence which I in their primaries will, it is hoped, be sebelieve will aid an honest design, and the cured by the early passage of the law for forbearance of the just people, which I that purpose, which will rid the present trust will recognize a patriotic endeavor. system from the evils which surround it, EXTRACTS FROM GOVERNOR CLEVE- tending to defraud the people of rights LAND'S MESSAGE JAN. 7, 1883. closely connected with their privileges as Apportionments. citizens. The last Legislature neglected its plain Special Legislation. duty in failing to re-apportion the State It is confidently expected that those into Congressional districts according to who represent the people in the present the United States census of 1880 and Legislature address themselves to the pursuant of the allottment of Congress to enactment of such laws as are for the STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 39 benefit of all the citizens of the State, to the exclusion of special legislation and interference with affairs which should be managed by the localities to which they 1 pertain. It is not only the right of the people s to administer their local government, but t it should be made their duty to do so. r Any departure from this doctrine is an abandonment of the principles upon which t our institutions are founded, and a con- i cession to the infirmity and partial failure t of the theory of a representative form of t government. If the aid of the Legislature is invoked to further projects which should be subject to local control and management, suspicion should at once be aroused, and interference should be promptly and sternly refused. If local rule is in any instance bad, i weak or inefficient, those who suffer from ( mal-administration have the remedy within their own control. If through their neglect or inattention it falls into unworthy hands, or if bad methods and practices gain a place in its administration, it is neither harsh nor unjust to remit those who are responsible for those conditions to their self-invited fate, until their interest, if no better motive, prompts them to an earnest and active discharge of the duties of good citizenship. His Appeal to Legislators. Let us enter upon the discharge of our duties, fully appreciating our relations to the people, and determined to serve them faithfully and well. This involves a jealous watch of the public funds, and a refusal to sanction their appropriation, except for public needs. To this end, all unnecessary offices should be abolished, and all employment of doubtful benefit discontinued. If to this we add the enactment of such wise and well-considered laws as will meet the varied wants of our fellow-citizens and increase their prosperity, we shall merit and receive the approval of those whese representatives they are, and with the conscientiousness of duty well performed, shall leave our impression for good on the Legislation of the State. t i 1 I i His Wide Popularity. The admiration and support of Governor Cleveland reaches far beyond the limits of his party, and the indciations are that his success in the present campaign will be as riumphant as when he was chosen (rovernor of New York. The Independent Republican Convention which met at New York on July 72d, in its address to the people of the country recognizes the importance of the issue, and:he value ot the Democratic nominee. The following is an extract from said address: Their Exposition of the Case. As there is no destructive issue upon public policy presented for the consideration of the country, the character of the candidates becomes of the highest importance with all citizens who do not hold that party victory should be secured at any cost. While the Republican nomination presents a candidate whom we cannot support, the Democratic party presents one whose name is the synonym of political courage and honesty and of administrative reform. He has discharged every official trust with sole regard to the public welfare and with just disregard of mere partisan and personal advantage, which with the appearance and confidence of both parties have raised him from the chief executive administration of a great city to that of a great State. His unreserved, intelligent and sincere support of reform in the civil service has firmly established that reform in the State and cities of New York, and his personal convictions, proved by his official acts more decisive than any possible platform declaration, are the guarantee that in its spirit and in its letter the reform would be enforced in the national administration His high sense of duty, his absolute and unchallenged official integrity, his inflexible courage in resisting party pressure and public outcry, his great experience in the details of administration and his commanding executive ability and independence are precisely the qualities which the political situation demands in the chief executive officer of the Government to resist I corporate monopoly on the one hand and 40 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. demagogue commission on the other, and at home and abroad, without menace or fear, to protect every right of American citizens and to respect every right of friendly states by making political moral-.ty and private honesty the basis of constitutional administration. pendent voters who for any reason cannot sustain the Republican nomination desire to take the course which, under the necessary conditions and constitutional methods of a Presidential election, will most readily and surely secure the result at which they aim, respectfully recom He is a Democrat who is, happily free mends to all such citizens to support the from all association with the fierce party electors who will vote for Grover Clevedifferences of the slavery contest, and land in' order most effectually to enforce whose fin.incial views are in harmonv their conviction that nothing could more with those of the best men in both parties; deeply stain the American name and and coming into public prominence at a prove more disastrous to the public time when official purity, courage and welfare than the deliberate indifference of character are of chief importance, he pre- the people of the United States to increassents the qualities and the promise which ing public corruption and to the want of independent voters desire and when a official integrity in the highest trusts of the.7reat body of Republicans, believing those Government. qualities to be absolutely indispensable in the administ.,tion of the (overnment at What They Say Abroad. this time, do not find in the candidate of To those who may imagine that because their own partv Governor Cleveland's public life has been Such independent voters do not propose entirely confined to his native State, he to ally themselves inextricably with any is unknown to the people generally outparty such Republicans do not propose side of that Commonwealth, we publish to abandon the Republican party, nor to the following extracts showing that his mer;e thomselves in any other party, but good name and reputation not only are they do propose to aid in defeating a Re- as broad as his native land, but extend to p'iblican nomination which, not for rea- other nations, where he is regarded as sons (if e\xcd;incy only, but for high one possessing wonderful executive abili-:.,, ral and patriotic considerations with a ties, and is, in the true sense of the word, due regard for the Republican name and a Reformer. for th, American character, was unfit to be made. They desire not to evade the [From the Pall Mall Gazette. proper responsibility of American citizens Unless all observers are mistaken and by declining to vote, and they desire also all the signs misleading, Governor Cleveto make their votes as effective as possible land, who was nominated as the Demofor hr'nest and pure and wise administra- cratic candidate by the party convention tion. at Chicago, will be elected President of How can such voters who at this election cannot conscientiously support the Republican candidate, promote the objects the American Republic in November. The Republicans have split their party by selecting Mr Blaine, and the attempt to which they desire to accomplish more curry favor with the Irish by printing as surely than by supporting the candidate Republican campaign documents every who represents the qualities, the spirit and expression of English opinion adverse to the purpose which they all agree in the great American Jingo, has been so believing to be of controlling importance barefaced as to provoke a reaction. The in the election? No citizen can rightfully Americans do not want to have a Presiavoid the issue or refuse to cast his vote. dent sent to Washington by the men who The ballot is a trust. Every voter is a send dynamite to London. It may be trustee for good government, bound to noted, however, for the confusion of those answer to his private conscience for his who are constantly assuring us that an public acts. This Conference, therefore, industrial democracy is free from all craassuming that Republicans and Inde- ving for territorial extension, that the STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 41 policy of contraction is energetically repudiated by both the great American parties. Mr. Blaine is the Beaconsfield of the States, and as for Governor Cleveland, this is what the platform of his party has to say about the foreign policy of the Democrats: " As the result of this policy we recall the acquisition of Louisiana, Florida, California, and of the adjacent Mexican territory by purchase alone. Contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic statesmanship with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century " And yet, in face of this eager competition of American parties on the eye of a Presidential election as to which has annexed the most territory, there are those who imagine that the English democracy when once it is fully enfranchised will be enthusiastic for the contraction of England! Another Tribute. The London Globe, one of the leading British papers, whose criticisms of American matters are always read with interest on this side of the ocean, in commenting on the nomination of Governor Cleveland says: " The Democrats may be congratulated on having made a wise choice, and there seems every probability at present of their carrying the Presidency From an outside point of view, Governor Cleveland is somewhat to be preferred to Mr Blaine. The latter has Irish and filibustering leanings, and is a much stronger Protectionist than his rival. It is also possible that Governor Cleveland will, if elected, really set his hand in earnest to civil service reform-a crusade not to be expected of Mr. Blaine. The latter, indeed, now stands as the champion of vested interests in corruption, while Governor Cleveland has been forced by circumstances to place dependence on the purity ticket." The reader will note that his reputation as a reformer has reached beyond his own country, and those who have carefully watched his public career in distant lands are convinced that in whatever position he may be placed, he will be an avowed enemy to public plunder and corruption both within and outside of his partyStill Another Tribute. [From the London Stanlard]. The Chicago Democratic Convention have ended their task by nominating Governor Cleveland as their candidate for the Presidency A more satisfactory result could hardly have been desired. Mr. Cleveland is little known out of his own State, but he bears the charactcr of being a man of ability, and his "record" is unstained. The fight will, in reality, be one between "clean" and "unclean"-that is to say, old-fashioned politics. The last eight years of Republican rule have not been popular Indian frauds, sutler frauds, mail frauds, whiskey frauds, have been prominent, the whole being crowned with a Presidential election fraud, which was the worst of all. The struggle, however, as it was in 1828, lies between men, rather than between parties, and if the country prefers Mr Blaine, with his unpleasant record and evil possibilities, to Mr. Cleveland, with his unblemished reputation, it will be because they fear that a party which for twenty-four years has been out of office will be too greedy for "the spoils" to practice within the White House the virtues they profess. The above paragraph shows very clearly that England has little or no interest in the platforms or principles of the different political parties, and that she does not expect to be benefited as a nation by the success of a particular party So far as industries are at stake, our British cousins simply attend to their own interests and do not expect other nations to assist them. Hence the idea that either free trade or protection in this country is of momentous importance to them is simply " a wind of words." The Standard compares the men as men fitted for the position. THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. Iyv constitutional provision, upon the that could not be demonstrated. Always death or disqualification of the l'rsident, true to his party allegiance, at the same the Vice-President assumes the office, time his broad and progressive ideas made.vetedt with all the powers as though he him a national statesman. In the halls had bw1ci directly chosien for that position, of legislation he served his constituents Four times in the history of the nation has with unwavering devotion, and watched this officer become the Chief lxecutive, their interests with unceasing vigilance. and four times have the people been Yet at the same time on all questions of taught the necessity of nominating a man national import he was for his country as for the second place competent to fill the a whole. Representing a government of first. Lould the future h.ave been known the people, he stood closely by the people, th its results, it is doubtful if either of in defence of their legal rights and for the mni selected as candidates for the such measures as enlarged their freedom, Vice-Presidency would have received the elevated their manhood, and promoted nomin.tion. their general welfare. As a Senator, he The Democratic Party, by its action in made for himself a national reputation the National Convention at Chicago, ap- which will endure for all time. pears to have been impressed with the He was ever active and aggressive, and importance of the second place on the his career was characterized by frankness t.cket. and governed its ac:tions accord- and boldness. He was active in opposiinglv in the selection of one eminently tion to the measures overturning the old fitted bv devotion to party and country, State Governments, the imposition of test by broad statesmanship, ripe experience oaths, the Civil Rightsbill, theFreedman's as a Ie islator, and thoroughly conversant Bureau bill and kindred legislation. He with the affairs of state. A life-long ex- shaped his political conduct upon the perience with governmental affairs, a tho- theory that the prosperity of the white ri.uh knowledge of our government, its people of the South, even though they nceds and its aspirations, a legislative ca- had been rebels, was a matter of more reer reaching over thirty years, a portion importance than the prosperity of the of which is the mot eventful in our his- negroes. If either race was to go to tory and an extended acquaintance with the wall he thought it should be the public men, make him eminently fitted black race, but he held that the natural for the highest honors that can be be- supremacy of the white race was a guarstowed by our countrymen. antee for all. His arguments on the great questions of the day have been adopted S we Known as the authoritative statement of DemoThomas A. Hendricks is well known to cratic opinion in the summaries of Conall men and to all parties, as his partici- gressional debate. For many years he pation in public affairs and his opinions has been the leader of his party in his on all important questions of public policy state, and his fellow citizens have shown form a part of our historic records. In their appreciation of his valuable services private as well as in public life he has by giving him repeated positions of trust been a man of strong convictions, never and honor. There is probably no man in entertaining an idea that he could not Indiana who has a stronger personal foldefend, and never accepting a proposition lowing than Mr. Hendricks, or whose 42 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 43 opinions exert a greater influence. Eight years ago his fellow citizens placed him on the ticket with Samuel J. Tilden, and those who best know the inward workings of that campaign, and its termination before the Electoral Commission, feel assured that the ticket elected by the people was sacrificed by that arbitration. It is not our purpose to discuss that matter in this brief notice, but the law of retributive justice would seem to have demanded his presentation again for the position to which he, and millions of his people, believe he was rightfully elected. Thomas A. Hendricks is more than an ordinary statesman. His ability to grasp the issues of the hour and to predict their effects upon the future, is attested by the Congressional records giving his services in the House and in the Senate. Never in the history of our country did political excitement run more high than when he took his place in the upper House of Congress. With a disrupted nation and a bloody war, which had existed for two years, with the North and South arrayed against each other, with millions of men in the field-with a demoniac howl against the Democracy throughout the free states because they strove to be national instead of sectional,-with the bayonets of the Federal army as a support of the Republican party, and with the soldiers as a detective police, to throw into prisons without warrant or indictment any who might refuse to sanction the policy of the dominant party-in such a time, and under such circumstances, the Democracy of Indiana chose Mr. Hendricks to represent their State in the Senate. But then as now, there, as in his own state, he stood true to his convictions, and acted as the Senator of a nation, instead of the champion of a faction. His Nomination as Vice-President. After Mr. Cleveland had been chosen for the first place on the National ticket, the question as to who was the best man for the second place became the topic of the moment. That the delegations had deliberated as to a Vice-President, prior to the selection of Mr. Cleveland, there can be no doubt from the fact that no delay was had in completing the ticket. There were many in that convention who were for " the old ticket " of 1876, and had Mr Tilden consented to be a candidate, there is little doubt that it would have been nominated. But when that could not be had, there seemed to be a general feeling that the honored name of Hendricks which graced the old ticket, should again he placed upon the Democratic banner The recess that was taken only tended to solidify this sentiment and when the convention again met, it was a foregone conclusion that Thomas A. Hendricks would be the nomin e. Ex-Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania said that he nominated as a candidate for Vice-President a man conversant with public affairs throughout his whole life, an honored statesman, a pure and upright citizen, a victim of the grossest fraud ever perpetrated on the American peopleThomas A. Hendricks. Governor Waller seconded the nomination of Hendricks, and said that the Democratic party would, in defiance of fraud and in accordance with law, place him in the chair of Vice-President. The presentation of Mr. Hendricks' name was greeted with enthusiastic cheers, the Convention repeating, in a lesser degree, the scene which took place at the morning session in honor of the same gentleman. The announcement that Mr. Hendricks might not accept"the second place, only increased the enthusiasm, and one by one, all the names of the other candidates were withdrawn, leaving him the sole nominee. Mr. Waller continued his eulogy, and said that neither Connecticut's Governor nor Connecticut had a desire to force on Indiana a candidate against her will, but this was not an Indiana convention [laughter and applause], but one of the Democracy of the country, and the Democrats had the right to take any man that they saw fit for their ticket. If there was any Democrat who said he wonld not, under the circumstances here presented, take the nomination, he would of course withdraw his name, but Mr. Hendricks deserved it for the wrong that had been done in 1876. [Applause.] The party 44 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. would have selected the same statesman from the East that it had eight years ago but for his lack of health. Mr Hendricks was, thank God, in good health, and his selection was demanded by the party now% Somebody asked that the rule be enforced requiring the call of States to proceed, and ex-Senator Wallace, declaring that Mr Hlendricks had once been elected Vice-Prcsident, and it was the party's de been fully demonstrated by the facts, show that he was in advance of all others in his belief that our bonds could be placed at a lower rate of interest than was then paid. That the reader may fully understand his position on the financial question, and his faith in government securities more than one year before the war had closed, we make the following extract from the Congressional records: March 3, 1864, when a bill " To provide mandl now that he occupy his rightful seat ways and means to support the governagain, moved that the rule be suspended ment" was before the Senate, Mr. Henand that the nomination be made by ac- dricks said: " It has been expected in the clamation. country that a five per cent. loan would be Hle was an Al.bamian who now mildly provided for, and I was surprised when suggested th.t a roll-call be taken on the the report came from the Committee on honorable names that had been presented. Finance providing for a six per cent. loan. The convention, however was set on hav- The six per cent. bonds are worth in the ing Htendricks. and no attention was paid market above par, which indicates very to him. Jud(e John T Harris, of Vir- clearly that the Government could negoginia, second(:,i Mr Wallace s motion. tiate a loan at less than that rate of interThe w -hdrawal of all names save that of est. It seems to me that the Government Hendricks now began, amid the applause should negotiate its loans at the very lowof the audience. Searles withdrew the est rate of interest possible. As compared name of Rosecrans, and Colorado that of with the debts of other Governments our McDonald. 1Ex-C;overnor Hubbard of debt is being contracted at a very high Texas, scronded Hendricks's nomination rate of interest, and it thus imposes a very in a vigorous speech from the platform, great burden on the people. If we can in which he declared th.it the old ticket secure a loan at five per cent. instead of had bhecn the desire of the Texas delega- six we ought to do it. It seems to me, if tion when elected, and it still had a long- the public credit is maintained as it has ing for it ",ov. Hendricks will surely been for the last few months, that a loan carry Indiana," said he, and again there can be secured at five per cent. With the w. n h l,, 1 T. A........;t AL;,t;t. i fn nr nt r1en ii-t-n n f t thp riirirne r five "w d~ al!~I~U l. Vic UL!!U,1: IL giv i t LO I PICZ)VL* vA^^->* aV< 1 U1 1y f* Lui Ij "** him, for (od's sake," Black's name was per cent. payable in coin, as this bill prowithdrawn, and Smith M. Weed begged vides, would be equal to nearly eight per the convention not to give the nomination cent. in currency. to Mr Hendricks with a hurrah, but let My proposition is to issue these bonds the roll be called. Wallace withdrew his at a rate of interest not to exceed five per motion and substituted one that the nomi- cent. If the chairman of the Committee nations be closed, which was adopted with on Finance will say that he is satisfied a hurrah, and State after State recorded such a loan cannot be negotiated, of course in his favor, giving him the entire vote of that would influence my judgment very the convention, much on this proposition but until he says Before proceeding to his biography in so, I am satisfied that such a loan can be detail we propose to give the reader an in- negotiated, and if so it ought to be done. telligent idea of the man as the represen- We ought not to continue to increase our tative of the party which has just nomi- debt at the enormons rate of interest we nated him, by quoting from his public now pay unless it be absolutely necessary. record. If we can secure a five per cent. loan inHis Record. stead of six per cent. or a higher rate, we Mr.'Hendricks's broad and sound finan- should do it. I should like to know from the cial views, the correctness of which has chairman of the Committee on Finance THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 45 whether, in his judgment, on an examination of almost all the cities money can be readily had on an interest of six per cent per annum payable in paper As I said before, at the time the answer was made to the Senator by Mr. Hunter, that was not the case; but loans were negotiated at from seven to nine or ten per cent. Now, sir, the difference between paper and gold is quite thirty-three per cent.; one dollar in gold being worth $1.59 in the paper currency of the country, and the ordinary commercial rate of interest being six per cent. payable in paper. Under these circumstances, I want to know why it is that the Secretary of the Treasury cannot negotiate this loan payable in gold at less than six per cent. If the banks of the country can use their capital at six per cent. and no greater rate of interest payable in paper, which is worth so much less than gold, why is it that the Secretary of the Treasury must pay in gold what is equal to more than nine per cent. in paper? If the Secretary of the Treasury were to say to the Senate that he could not negotiate a loan for less than nine per cent., when the ordinary interest of the country is but six per cent., payable in depreciated currency, I would say the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury was not entitled to the respect of the Senate. That would be my response to that proposition. But I want to ask the chairman of the Committee on Finance if the Secretary of the Treasury were to say to us that in view of the present state of the rate of interest in the country he could not probably negotiate for less than nine per cent., whether he would insert in this bill " nine" instead of " six per cent.," contrary to his own convictions. Mr President, I have not designed to discuss this question as a party man, nor do I intend to be led off into a party discussion. We are now considering a question that goes to the pockets of the taxpayers of the country. If we can negotiate a loan at five per cent., instead of six per cent., it is our duty to do it. Our debt is being contracted at a higher rate of interest than perhaps the debt of any country in the world. I do not intend that it shall be considered a sufficient answer to me that any former Administration was compelled to negotiate a loan at a very high rate of interest. In reply to the Senator from Michigan, I do not recollect the circumstance to which he refers. I will not dispute it, but my reply is, that I have no knowledge of the circumstance to which he refers. The chairman of the Committee on Finance has called attention again to the fact that this is but a limitation, it fixes the maximum of interest, and the Secretary of the Treasury may possibly negotiate it at a less rate. I will ask the Senator if he knows of any case in which a loan has been negotiated at a less rate of interest than the maximum fixed in the bill allowing the loan? Mr. FESSENDEN. No, I do not. Mr. HENDRICKS. The senator says he does not. Of course he does not. I knew that would be his reply As soon as it is fixed in the bill, it becomes the opinion of the country, and the rule in the Department, too, that that shall be the rate, and when we say that it shall not exceed six per cent. it is the same as saying that the loan shall be negotiated at six per cent. That becomes both the maximum and the minimum. There has been a desire to obtain the Government securities within the last few months. We have an illustration of it here in this bill. A six per cent. loan was sought after with such avidity that $11,ooo,ooo were subscribed' for beyond the amount allowed by law, and this bill provides for that excess. There was an earnest desire to secure the loan, and that Government security is now worth in the market three or four per cent. above par. With this prominent, striking fact before us, it seems to me remarkable that the chairman of the Committee on Finance should say to us we cannot negotiate a loan at less than six per cent. This loan is now worth at six per cent., payable in coin, nine per cent. in currency. Money is loaned in the banks and in all commercial transactions at six per cent., but the Government pays what is equivalent to nine per cent. I say we ought not to do it. If we make a loan at five per cent., THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. payable in coin, it is equal to seven or the Government securities went up, very eight per cent. in the ordinary currency of naturally. And now as the Senator claims the country that the rebellion is upon its last legs, I have made this proposition in good why is it that he says the confidence in faith, not as a party man. I disclaim party the public securities is not greater to-day considerations and influence upon a ques- than it was even at that hour? As the tion like this. Our debt is going up to an hour approaches, in the opinion of the enormous amount, and we should consider Senator, at which the rebellion will well at every step where we add one hun- cease to have power to resist the authority dred or two hundred or three hundred of the Government, the confidence in the millin dollars to our already enormous Government securities is to go down, at debt, whther we can serure the loan at a least not to increase. Sir, the success of less rate than that heretofore provided our armies has given this confidence, and for no efforts of political parties in the country. I believe if we put a six per cent. loan I am very sorry that upon a question in this bill, the Secretav of the Treasury that affects only the tax-payers of the cannot negotiate it at less than six per cent., country, the Senator should have deemed because th it then become the r.itc in the it necessary to go into any political dispublic opinion, and the men who have cussion. I do not intend to be led into it mon.v to loan will say to the Secretary, even by the chairman of the Committee " \\e will let vou have it at the amount of on Finance. irn.cr-t which the bill allows, but we will HI- Early Hi-tory. r t It' you have it at less." If the bill wvre to sv ifi-e pr cent., I believe the Thomas Andrews Hendricks, was born Sec-r ary could secure it at that rate. on a little farm in the vicinity of ZanesI should not have indulged in another ville, Muskingum County, Ohio, on the word n- this debate, for I have expressed 9th of September, 1819, so that he is now my views on the amendment which I have approaching his sixty-sixth year, His offered in good faith, were it not for father, the late Major John Hendricks, was the last suggestion of the Snn:ator from a native of Pennsylvania, and was Main:. He has said to the Senate that the amongst the first settlers of Ligonier Vallast loan was taken and public confidence ley, in the county of Westmoreland. He grew up in rspect to it notwithstanding was an enterprising, thrifty man, and a the ctIrt.s,f the men in the country with fine specimen of those early squatters who who-m I act politically to beat down public filled the primeval forests and tilled the confidence in rcrd, to that loan. Sir, I virgin soil. His father was noted for his have not sa. anything in this debate to social graces and hospitality, andwas conca.ll for any such suggestion from the spicuous in the Presbyterian Church; and Senator and with great respect to him these circumstances left an impress on the personally, I think that part of his argu- young man's character. He took an acment is not worthy the position he holds tive part in public affairs, held several in the Senate. I know of no effort on my positions in the county, and was elected to own part and of no effort on the part of the State Legislature. His wife, the the public men with whom I act as a party mother of the nominee, was Jane Thornman to dstrroy the confidence of the peo- son, of Scotch descent, her grandfather, ple in the Government securities. Public John Thomson, having emigrated to this confidence in those securities depends country before the Revolutionary war, in very much on our military operations, and which he bore an honorable and conspicuthe confidence in that loan was insipred ous part. In 1820, six months after the more by the successes of our army upon birth of his son Thomas, he sold his prothe Mississippi and the Cumberland than perty in Westmoreland county, and reby any political speeches, and the Senator moved to Madison on the Ohio river, in ought to know it. After the victories of the State of Indiana, where his brother, July last, the confidence of the public in William Hendricks, also resided, the sec i -. —z V-j THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 47 ond Governor of Indiana, the first Representative to Congress from that State, and afterwards the predecessor of his nephew Thomas, in the Senate of the United States. Shortly after the father, John, removed to Indiana he was appointed by the government at Washington, Surveyor of Public Lands, a positon which he filled to the satisfaction of the administration. In the year 1822, when Thomas was only three years of age, his father concluded to go further west, and accordingly removed into the interior of the State and purchased a home in Shelby County,near Shelbyville, the present site of the County seat, which was then, and still is, one of the most delightful and productive spots in the State of Indiana. Here John Hendricks built him a substantial brick house, which is still standing, in which his family was reared, amid the best influences that could be enjoyed in those pioneer days. Indianapolis had just been laid out and established as the future capital of the State, and Mr. Hendricks' house was one of the principal centres of education and Christian refinement in the central part of Indiana. He was the father and founder of the Presbyterian Church in Indianapolis, of the good Scotch type, and in that faith the boy Thomas was reared and nurtured. His Early Days. Young Hendricks attended the village school where he exhausted the local educational opportunities, and as soon as he reached the required age he entered the college at South Hanover, near Madison, one of the pioneer educational institutions of the West, from which he graduated in 1841, at the age of twenty-two years. During his collegiate term he was noted amongst his preceptors and students for the ease with which he prepared himself in his several studies, which was due to his analytical mind and retentive memory He always had time to join in games for recreation, as well as to read many books in no way appertaining to his college studies. He excelled in mathematics and logic, and gave promise of high literary talent. The Student and Lawyer. Prior to leaving college he decided to make the law his profession and he at once commenced the study of law with Judge Major, one of the most prominent members of the Bar of Central Indiana, then and still residing at Shelbyville. Here for about a year he diligently pursued his legal studies, giving promise that he had selected a profession for which he was peculiarly fitted, and in 1842, he went to Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, at the request of his uncle, Judge Thomson, of that place, where he completed his studies under his direction and was admitted to practice. Shortly after graduating in the law he left the home of his uncle, returned to Indiana, and hung out his shingle as a lawyer in Shell)byville. But clients came slowly and at long intervals, and the bright and pleasant dreams of the visionary student faded away before the stern realties of actual business. His success was not rapid, and at one time the young lawyer depairing of success, almost resolved to strike out in another field of labor. His friends dissuaded him from so doing, so he continued at his calling, and his close attention to the interests of those who patronized him, his correct habits and his pleasant and engaging address, all conspired to give him popularity, so that gradually his practice increased and his reputation spread, until in the end he had a lucrative practice and a high position in his profession. By hard work at his profession and habits of strict economy, he accumulated a moderate fortune. About the same time he commenced to practice law, he entered the political field and being a good debater and an oratorical speaker, he soon became a prominent factor in the politics of his state. It is quite probable that his political speeches and his commingling with the public men of the day, added very largely to the number of his clients and augmented the receipts from his profession. In Mr. Hendricks' profession-the lawall acknowledge him to be great. This is the vocation to which nature particularly adapted him, and it is his favorite one. He has, since first entering public life, returned to the practice of his profession with facility and zeal immediately upon the termination or intermission of official 48 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. engagements. He thoroughly mastered its elementary principles and the minutiae of its practice. With this foundation and with a natural legal mind he is never at a loss, and is always strong in any cause without special book preparation. Before court or jury he is equally at home. In a trial he is never off his;-uard nor disconcerted by any unlookcd for turn in the irtune of a case. He encounters any such cri is with as much promptness, fortitude and address as if it had been antici "You received the goods according.to agreement," said Mr. Hendricks. "Yes, sir." " And gave your note in good faith?" "Yes, sir," " And you wish me to aid you in defrauding an honest creditor?" "I wish to save my money, as many others do," replied the would-be client, " and I will divide the amount of the note with you for your services." " And what will be my share?" asked pated and prepared for the lawyer lie enter. Public Life. " \hy the note is for $600, and your share will be one half that sum." Mr IH.ndricks continued in the practice "See here, young man," said Mr of the L1.%w until 1.S48, during %vhi, h peri, ot the law until s48, during whi h peridl 1 Hendricks rising from his chair and adhe obtained a high reputation as a lawyer, vancing towards his visitor, " I will give and his pi-actic. not only Nvas larrC in his and his,racti,, not only was larc in his you my opinion and advice without any own district, but it had extended throughown district, but it had xtne throuh- fee. My opinion is that you are a rogue t the tate. Probly no ne the and a scoundrel, who richly deserves to profession in Indiana of his age held a be placed behind the bars of a prison more promi iing plckie at the bar than and my advice is that unless you pay that young I icndricks, and his forensic c(bl),t' young Hndrks and hs frensic note when it becomes due, and thus meet were models of eloquene and legal your honest obligations like a man, the knlede. e has always en r ned court will place you where you properly one r: the most pwerful men before a belong. There may be persons who iury in his -tate, and he has carried away would aid you in your rascally scheme, man va case from the cold and log:ical and enable you to cheat your fellow-man, instructions of the court to a spell-bound b y h c a g but you have called at the wrong office. j ury Good night, sir-take my advice and you An Incident. will never regret it." )n one occasion an excited individual During the presidential campaign in called at his office to procure his legal 1844, when Mr. Hendricks was but 24 -e.rices. Mr Hendricks was sitting in a years of age, he took a conspicuous part, ia-y chair reading a volume of State Re- and worked efficiently for the success of ports when he entered, and inviting the the ticket. He took the stump for Polk visitor to a chair, asked him the nature of and Dallas, and made a number of his business. speeches throughout the State. Being an I want you to assist me in resisting the effective speaker, and a ready writer, his payment of a note, and I have been re- services were in great demand, and the cminmended to you as the best lawyer of announcement of his presence at a politithe pl ace." cal meeting was sure to draw a large con" Well," said Mr. Hendricks, "state the course of people. His speeches in those circumstances and facts just as they are." days were models of their kind, and gave The visitor then explained to him, that him a notoriety that hastened his advent he purchased some stock six months since, into public life. He had a decided liking and gave his note for the amount, which for politics, and even at that early day he would fall due in a few weeks. As he lost was one of the best posted men in the money by the transaction he did not pro- State in local and national issues. His pose to pay the note if he could avoid it, activity in this field brought him in conand he wished the attorney to legally tact, and gave him an acquaintance with transfer his property to another party, so the leading men of the State. He then that it could not be seized for the debt. formed friendships which have proven THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 49 most valuable, and which have lasted to | in politics that captivated him, and sacri the present time, and many of his most enthusiastic admirers and ardent supporters are those who met him nearly forty years ago. In the State Legislature. From 1843 to i86o, Mr Hendricks resided at the City of Shelbyville, where as lawyer and politician he was one of the leading citizens. His Democratic convictions were of the most decided character. Its anti-centralization policy, its conservatism so like that which characterized the tried governments of the old world, and its close affiliation with the direct interests of the populace made it his ideal of the party for a government of the people. Indeed his great personal popularity in his district was in a great measure due to the fact that he always stood close by the masses and their rights, and was quick to resent any effort to curtail their powers. He had read all the party lore, he had been a close student in our political history, and had followed the party of his choice throughout all its doings. His admiration of Jefferson led him to study his writings and his character, and hence he has always been a genuine Jeffersonian Democrat. He is no advocate of "isms," no follower of visionary theories, but sticks closely to the old party landmarks. Hence his safe conservatism and strict adherence to the vital issues of his party A Natural Leader. His fellow-citizens, beholding these traits even in his early years, naturally turned towards him as a natural leader, and counsellor, and in 1848 they with great unanimity nominated him for the State legislature before he was 28 years of age. Three years prior to this, September 25, 1845, he was married, near Cincinnati, to Miss Eliza C. Morgan, by whom he had a son, born in 1848, but who lived only three years. This was his only child, and his death left a lasting impression on the bereaved father. The position in the legislature was not sought by him, and he accepted it with reluctance, for he had a lucrative legal practice, which must necessarily suffer in his absence at the State Capital. But withal there was a fascination 4 ficing his financial prospects for political promotion, he, for two years represented his people in the lower house, with the same zeal that he attended to his legal business. But the position proved unsatisfactory to him. He felt himself beyond the position, and resolved to return to his office and books at the close of his term. Whilst in the House he was always at his post, and was watchful of every class of legislation, and he became noted as opposed to all sorts of extravagance and useless expenditure of the public money True to his party, to his State, and to himself, he was one of the leading members whose opinion had much weight in moulding legislation. From his first entry as a public officer he has favored an honest and economical administration of public affairs, and thus is a fitting personage to place on the national ticket with Governor Cleveland. A Member of the Constitutional Convention. But the people did not intend that he should retire to private life, when he declined a re-election to the State legislature in 1850. In the meantime an act had been passed to organize a Constitutional Convention, and his name was at once brought out in connection with that body. The Indianapolis Senatorial district elected him a member of the convention, a position to which his legal knowledge and safe judgment made him a valuable member. Mr. Hendricks was then but thirty years old, and was perhaps the youngest member of that august body. Here with Schuyler Colfax, William S. Holman, and the leading lawyers and statesmen of Indiana, he took a prominent and leading part in the proceedings, and much of the instrument that emanated from that convention bears the impress of his handiwork. It was this convention that framed the present constitution of the State. An examination of the records of that body attests the valuable aid Mr. Hendricks gave his fellow-members, and the close attention he bestowed on every detail of its labors. One conspicuous feature exhibited there, as elsewhere, is his opposition as a general rule to special legislation. 50 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. There were influences bearing on this body, as upon all similar convocations favoring special classes and interests, all tending to the centralization of power into the hands of the few and creating monopolies to give capital an undue influence over labor. They found no friend for such in Mr Hendricks, who opposed every effort in that direction,and the entire absence of such special legislation in the new consti Representatives, no matter what his genius or ability, or standing in state and local politics finds himself in the vocative when he takes his seat in the lower House at Washington. It was a new school in which there is much to study and to learn, ere he can become an active and useful participant, and he who flops up to seek notoriety in his incipiency is as a rule, so completely ignored and squelched, that as tution is as much due to him as to any a result he regrets his impetuosity, and in othcr member Some of his arguments on that occasion are models in eloquence, in purity of style, in close and cogent r asoning, and in devotion to his State. Mr Colfax said that no man in that body.\ave more valuable service than he, and Mr. Holman, who is not verbose in laudation spoke of him as an invaluable membcr Elected to Congress. The prominence of Mr Hendricks in the Constitutional Convention gave him additional notoriety and popularity It wvas his first opportunity to demonstrate his worth and abilit\ and the people saw in him one of the rising men of the commonwealth. The State legislature gave no scope lor his ibn.li ideas-it was too narriw and confined for one with such br..1 statesmanship and legal acumen. But this convention brotght him into his proper sphere and enabled his constituents to note the power of him whom they had selkcted. Is friends presented him as a candidate for Congress from that district, which then extended over a vast scope of country, owing to the sparse population. i w.i, the Central Congressional District of that State, reaching from Tipton on the north, to Brown County on the south, and from Marion on the east, to Hendricks on the West. The nominating convention selected him, and in August 1851, he was elected over his competitor, Colonel Rush, of Hancock County, by a majority of nearly 4000 votes, In Congress. On the first Monday in December, 1852, _ the future "makes haste slowly " So Mr. Hendricks quietly performed his several duties during that winter, without rushing into debate, studying his new position and gradually preparing himself for future efforts. In the Committee room he was a steady and careful worker, and on the floor an active member. He never rose to address the house without a specific object, and when he did, he reached his point by the most direct route. His powers of condensation, so noticeable at the present, were shown in his early efforts in the House. Re-elected to Congress. Under the provisions of the new State Constitution the time for electing members of Congress was changed, and a member had to be selected in the following year. The Democratic Convention of his District unanimously nominated him, and in 1852, he was re-elected. A new apportionment had changed the district from its former geographical boundaries, giving him to some extent a new constituency- His opponent in the congressional campaign of 1852 was Mr. Bradley, an able and brilliant Whig. By an agreement between them Messrs. Hendricks and Bradley held joint discussions throughout the district, which was the first of that kind of campaigning in Indiana. The campaign was an exciting one, and this novel manner of conducting it drew large audiences composed of both political parties at the places selected for this joint discus sion. It was predicted by many of the bie took his seat in that great national friends of both gentlemen that the experibody, and commenced a career in states- ment would not succeed-that disorder manship which has given him a reputation and perhaps bloodshed might ensue from as extended as the bounds of the na- bringing men under the pressure of tion. A new member of the House of political excitement into contact. The re THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 51 suit showed that their fears were unfounded. The speakers were courteous to each other and did not permit party feeling to sunder personal friendship,:and the crowds partook of the general good humor. As was expected, Mr. Hendricks was re-elected by a handsome majority The Missouri Compromise. It was during his second term in Congress that the Missouri Compromise came before Congress, and that body as well as the country at large felt the most profound interest in the proceedings. The friends of the Compromise regarded it as the anchor which had prevented the nation from drifting on the rocks of discord and dissolution, whilst others considered it the cause of such constant dissension in the halls of legislation that its repeal was necessary for the security of our government. It is not our purpose to enter into a discussion of the question, as it forms such an important part of the history of that period, and has so often been given in its fullest details that every general reader is conversant with it. Suffice it to say that Henry Clay had almost secured the devotion of the people as the father of that measure, and with that regard which well established principles will obtain, the people were taught to look with suspicion and fear upon any interference with this compact. Opinions on this ques Mr. Hendricks was not misinformed as to public opinion at home, but he well knew that his convictions were in opposition to the views of many of his constituents. The time-serving politician would have had no difficulty in shaping his course under such circumstances. He would have stifled conscience, abandoned what he considered right, and yielded to the clamor of his constituents. Not so with Mr Hendricks. He acted as he thought the present demanded, leaving the future to provide for itself, and however much we may differ as to the propriety and wisdom of his course, all agree that he was honest in his convictions. He sought to explain his vote in favor of its repeal to his constituents, and to convince them that his action was right in the premises, but that vote lost him a large following in his district. He received the nomination for a third term in Congress but was defeated at the election by Lucien Barbour who has died since, and who was the first Republican Congressman from the Central district of Indiana. However much his people may have, differed as to his vote on the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, he was satisfied He (as a majority now do) believed that the original bill was unconstitutional, and apart from any merit it might possess, should be repealed. He considered the Constitution of the United States long tinn dirl nnt fir;f*t-;n ctv-lff LLVII ULU 11UL UrILL IR S3LriCE party clannets,pA~r~tr~~ ~~lrt ~~cf~rrn~\~r but men divided on it as a great question outside of party lines. In its defence, as well as in the opposition, Whig and Democrat worked shoulder to shoulder. It was a new departure, which created a new dividing line between individuals wholly upon this single issue. Its Repeal. The discussions in both Houses of Congress on the question were of an exciting character, and well calculated to inflame the public mind. Mr. Hendricks, as a Representative, took part in the House proceedings and favored its repeal. He advocated his position from a constitutional and legal standpoint, and divesting himself of all personality, and ignoring all local influences, he chose rather to be the advocate of a nation than the attorney of a district, clluug, l A U.kU CIIUL59 Lp aA'. 3LIl gA CIIUA U to govern our people, and that any unconstitutional legislation, however valuable it might prove for the time, was not only a wilful wrong against government, but a direct attack upon the fundamental principles of the Government. On the 4th of March, 1855, his term expired, and he left the nation's capital to return to his homestead, and again feel the sweet and refreshing repose of private life. At Home. Again we find him in Shelbyville, surrounded by his law books and his briefs, the same pleasant, social every-day man as before. It is not every one who can stand political honors. The adulation of sycophants, the importance of duties, the eminence of the position, and the eclat 52 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. that appertains to the office, have a tendency to turn men's heads, and give them false ideas of their greatness. They are too apt to forget that it is the position or office and not the man that brings attention and patronage, and they do not discover their mistake until they are relegated to private life, and find that they are disrobed of all that flattered their vanity. Not so with Mr. Hendricks. In all stations and on all occasions you find him the same, plain, unassuming, companionable gentleman, neither proud nor pedanticthe very beau ideal of an American citizen. At His Profession. A very few months found him with an extensive practice. His former clients returned, and his reputation brought a large influx of new ones. Lawyer Hendricks was as popular as Congressman Hendricks, and to him it was no doubt more pleasant, for it is more easy to serve clients than constituents, more congenial to tender legal advice than to attempt to ride on the deceitful billows of public opinion. And so the spring, with its pale green tints and early flowers, ripened into redolent summer, when at the close of a hot August day he was sitting on the porch of his cozy home, a messenger called and placed in his hand an unpretentious package. That was thirty-five years ago, when many things, both in private and official life, were done differently from what they now are. At the present time appointments are, by means of the telegraph, heralded all over the country, even before they are made, and the fortunate individual is amongst the last to receive the notice. What the President will do is more thoroughly discussed through the newspapers than what he does, and a man is put on trial before his countrymen before the indictment is made out. In those days it was the very opposite, and such matters were " State secrets," which even the omnipresent correspondents could not find out. He opened the packet which bore the seal of the president of the United States, and within it found an autograph letter from President Pierce tendering him the office of Commissioner of the Land Office. The offer of the position was a complete surprise to Mr. Hendricks who had not made application for it or for any other position at the disposal of the Executive. The President knew him personally, and Mr. Hendricks' friends had, unknown to him, endorsed him for the place. Life in Washington had no particular charms for him, he preferred his own quiet home in Indiana, and as this position would not only necessitate his return to that city, but would occupy all of his time there, he was at first disposed to decline the proffered position. He wrote to the President, asking for a few days to decide, and in the meantime consulted his father and a few of his most intimate friends. The father who no doubt felt flattered that his son had been selected for such an honorable and important position, urged him to accept, and his friends argued that inasmuch as he had entered public life, and in all probability would continue in politics, he should take the place as a stepping stone to other and higher positions. Accordingly he wrote his acceptance to the President, was duly appointed and commissioned for the office, and in September he left his office and his home, and took charge of the General Land Office. Robert McClelland, of Michigan, was then Secretary of the Interior, and was his immediate superior officer, and as he knew Mr. Hendricks well, it is more than probable that he used his influence with the President to have him appointed. During the remainder of that administration the most friendly relations existed between them resulting in a friendship that extended through after years. His Administration of the Office. His administration of the affairs of the office showed that he possessed fine executive ability, and never before was the business so promptly executed. He made himself familiar with every department of the business, knew the details of all its branches, and very soon was well posted on the efficiency of all his subordinates. Whilst holding this position he rendered several important decisions relating to our public lands, and gave the office a standing THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 53 and importance it had never before attained. He placed the office on a strict business basis, by which means he was able to accomplish the work at less expense and with greater despatch. The imprint of his worth may still be seen in that office, although it has been a quarter of a century since he retired from its duties. He continued during the remainder of Mr. Pierce s administration, and when Mr, Buchanan was inaugurated, he asked the Commissioner to remain. He did so for over two years of his administration, when he became weary of the increasing duties which for four years had required his undivided attention, and felt that he needed that relaxation and comfort which can only be found at home. He tendered his resignation.to President Buchanan, through Jacob Thompson, then Secretary of the Interior, and in 1859 he again sought the city of Shelbyville, to rest from his labors and eventually to follow his profession. -Nominated for Governor. But he was not permitted to continue at his profession. The campaign of 1860, an eventful one in the history of both party and country, agitated the country to its remotest extremity. The Democratic Convention held at Charleston failed to make a harmonious nomination. Stephen A. Douglas, a prominent leader of the Democracy had taken issue with the policy of President Buchanan, and a segment of the party sustained him in his opinions of public policy. His followers were known as AntiLecompton Democrats, and the delegates favorable to the nomination of Mr. Douglas left the convention and afterwards met and placed him in nomination at Baltimore. Thus the party was hopelessly divided-one branch sustaining Mr. Breckenridge and the other Mr. Douglas. Abraham Lincoln had been suddenly lifted into notoriety by his joint discussions with Mr. Douglas, and the Republicans placed him in nomination. Thus a divided Democracy had to contend with the solid Republican party. On one side a party entirely sectional in its character, endeavored to solidify the north in its favor, whilst the Democracy put forth its greatest efforts to harmonize its discordant elements, and stem the tide of popular clamor. At the same time the State of Indiana had a governor to elect in October, and the importance of a victory at the first election was felt by the contending parties. The party looked over the field and unanimously nominated Mr. Hendricks for Governor. Oliver P Morton was the nominee of the Republicans, and the campaign was one of the most exciting ever held in the State. Sectional prejudices ran so high, that men with broad national conservative views were accused of fealty to the government, and enemies of their own section. The result was that Mr Hendricks was defeated by a large majority, and the government of the State passed into the hands of the Republicans. Even his personal popularity could not stem the rushing tide, and his State yielded to the popular clamor. He had led the forlorn tribe for his State and his country and lost. He Removes to Indianapolls. Shortly after the election, he left Shelbyville and removed to Indianapolis, and opened a law office, where he at once took a leading position at the bar of the State Capital. The reader will note how he alternated between politics and law, and really during all his public life never actually abandoning either Here he immediately secured an extensive practice which increased beyond his ability to transact, and he formed a partnership with Oscar B. Hard, a prominent attorney who subsequently became Attorney-General of the Commonwealth. This firm became widely known, and much of its time was occupied with important cases before the higher courts. At this time, 1862, the legislature of the State was Democratic, and Jesse D. Bright, United States Senator from Indiana, having been expelled from that body, an election was held to choose one to fill his unexpired term of about three weeks, and David H. Turpin was elected to. fill the vacancy Chosen United States Senator. - It devolved on the same legislature to elect a Senator for the ensuing term of six years, from March 4th 'following, and Mr. Hendricks received the unanimous 54 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. vote of his party, and was elected. And Senator Hendricks' Views. thus again as the reader will note, his rele- Senator Hendricks is a sound Constitugation to private life was of short duration. tional lawyer, and his legal views always From the lower house of the State legisla- obtained the attention and respect of his ture he had arisen till he now was selected fellow Senators. The following speech is to fill one of the highest and most honor- given that the reader may judge of his able positions within the gift of his coun- power and ability from this standpoint. trymen. It was at a momentous period The question at issue was whether inof our national history, and the conserva- terest on claims against the United States tive class hailed with delight his advent to should be allowed. the chief council of the nation. He took his seat in the National Senate Mr HENDRICKS said on the 4th of March, 1863, and served Mr President, I am not going to discuss until i86o-four years as the collegue of the question whether the Government, Senator Lane and for two years with Sena- which is presumed always to be ready tor Morton. With Mr Hendricks' Sena- when a claim is properly presented, ought torial services and record the country is to pay interest or not. But our policy familiar He became in great measure with a few exceptional cases, has been not the leader of the small Democratic minor- to pay interest. When the Government ity in that body has owed a private citizen for many years and has delayed him in the application, His. ourse as Senator. and oftentimes allowed him to meet with financial ruin before it complied with its It is not our purpose to follow the career just obligations to him, still it has refused of Mir Hendricks as United States Sena- to pay him interest; and why? Upon the tor It is a matter of history with which the reader is no doubt familiar. Suffice it to say that his course throughout was marked by the same general characteristics which he had shown in his prior public and private life. Although a strict party man, he was not a party menial, and often on,reat national questions he rose above party, and saw only his country and its institutions as a grand whole. He met every question presented for consideration frankly and fairly, giving his views without prevarication, and his votes as his judgment dictated. He never consumed the time of the Senate in useless debatenever discussed a question that he did not fully comprehend, and never courted or succumbed to an excited public opinion. There was nothing dramatic in his manner, and he never did anything for effect. He had nothing of the spread eagle style, but on the contrary always appeared before that body in the character of a broad Statesman and a Constitutional lawyer. That the reader may be his own judge in these matters, we will now reproduced him from his official record giving a few of his opinions as expressed on the floor of the Senate. theory that the Government is always ready to pay its debts when properly presented. But it seems in this case that there was no claim for interest presented, it was not demanded. The Senator says that the slave power was in the way. Why, sir the slave power paid Massachusetts all she asked. Did the Senator from Massachusetts expect that the slave power would go beyond the asking and voluntarily pay more than Massachusetts wanted? Mr. President, I think this claim ought to be put upon the ground that Massachusetts was so earnest in her support of the war of 1812. It does appear that she did not advance anything, according to the argument of the Senator, until the booming of the cannon was heard just beyond the hills that line her coast and until her own soil was invaded, and then it seems she raised a militia for the purpose of protecting her own borders, not to aid in the general cause except so far as the defense of her own borders was connected with the general cause; and I suppose she paid this militia that was called out for the special purpose of protecting her own borders, not like Indiana in the recent THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 85 war, not like Ohio in the recent war, ad- declaration that it is the last payment that vancing funds so as to fill the Army is to be made. But this is a mistake. It immediately to fight the battles of the is not the last. The Senator says he will country upon other than her own soil, not stop at all. Why did he allow that to but Massachusetts, showing her devotion go into the law and into the reports that to the cause and the flag of the country in this is upon the balance, the final paythe war of 1812, did not want her own soil ment? He did not intend it I suppose. invaded, and she took active means, Now, the truth of the business is that in prompt steps to prevent that, and she paid 1820 the State of Massachusetts presented that particular force for that particular her evidence as well as she could, I supservice and then she asked Congress to pose, and she was paid according to the pay it back. It was paid. It was paid a claim then established, in 1836 she added long time before a good many other claims to her evidence, I suppose, and she was arising in that war were paid, very paid according to the claim as then prelong before. Why, sir, as young a man sented. as I am myself I recollect when I was a Mr. President, until four years since member of the House of Representatives there was no claim urged by the State of to have presented a claim for an old gen- Massachusetts for interest but she retleman whose vessel had been taken ceived the money as it was appropriated under such circumstances that Congress had to pay for it, and yet nobody thought to pay him interest. He was a young man in command of by Congress, upon a statement made by the Secretary of War and referred to by the law, that that was the balance of the claim. The one side, that is, the Govern his vessel upon the Delaware when it was ment, in her legislation and by her Departtaken from him, and he was left without ment ascertains that this is the balance; the means of support almost, except his and the State accepting it upon that statehands, and when it was paid he was old ment, in my judgment, is not now in a and gray and blind, and Congress never condition to demand interest. thought of paying him interest, and when But, Mr. President, this law of 1859 it was asked the slave power, as the Sena- shows the fact to have been as I supposed tor says controlling Congress at that time, it to be, that in 1820 the State of Massawould not listen to him. He lived in chusetts was not in a condition to demand Indiana, and it never occurred to him all that was due to her from the Governthat it was the slave power that was ment, in other words, she had not preopposed to the blind, gray-headed old sented her claim to Congress in such form man who did not get interest. Why? as satisfied the conscience of Congress Upon the theory that the Government of the that this payment ought to be made; so United States is always ready to pay when that in 1836 there was a resolution passed a claim is established to the satisfaction authorizing the State of Massachusetts to of its conscience. When did Massachu- present evidence in support of her claim. setts present her claim in such form as Up to that time she had not presented evithat it could not be questioned any longer? dence. I ask the Senator from MassachuWas it before 1820? It seems that in setts if the Government of the United 1820 she presented it in such a shape that States is under any moral obligation to pay there was a partial allowance made. Did interest to a State or any other body or Massachusetts in 1820 present the claim so person until that person or State is in a as that the conscience of the Government condition to demand the money? If the was in default in not paying the whole? accounts of the State when presented are Then in 1836 some additional evidence not supported by such evidence as makes was presented and additional payment was it the duty of the public officers to pay the made; and then in 1859 a final allowance, money is the Government in default? when the State having presented all the This was service rendered peculiarly under evidence she could produce received the the eye of Massachusetts. This military money from the Government upon a service was not under the control and man 56 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. agement of the officers of the United States, but it was her own militia upon her own pay-rolls, as I suppose, and it was for her, if she had a claim against the Government for this irregular service, to present it with such evidence as would justify the representatives of the States and of the people in making the payment from the public Treasury I submit to Senators can interest be demanded upon any principle of conscience and equity from the United States until the claim is supported by such evidence as makes it a duty on the part of the Govcrnment to pay? Then, in 1836. L ongrcss-I suppose at the request of IMassachusetts-provided that Massachusetts might furnish evidence of her claim, Then she prepares her evi<(dnce, and in 185), through the Secretary of War that evidence is brought before Congress and the appropriation is made of the sum of money then found due. I want to know from the Senator from MIassachucstts when was this claim presented in such shape as that it became the duty of Congress to make the appropriation for the $8oo,ooow The Senator says that no written report has been made on this subject, none was necessary Why MIr. President, when a claim is made against the Government for interest what must be c-tablished? Not that the principal was found to be due some time, but it must be shown that the Government was in default in making payment, that it unreasonably delayed the party after the claim was in proper shape, presented against it. Can a citizen, can a State, in conscience demand interest of the Government until the State or person has made the claim so clear by evidence as that the Government in conscience cannot refuse it? The claim for interest is in the nature of damages; and in the nature of damages for what? For delay of payment, for unreasonable and wrongful delay, for default in payment. When does the default occur on the part of the Government? Not when the debt first has its origin, but when the debt is presented against the Government in such shape so established by evidence as that the public officers are in the wrong if they refuse to pay it. In this case the officers appealed to were the members of the legislative body When then, I ask, was this evidence of the claim presented to Congress in such shape as that Congress was in default in this matter? I think that the Senator from Massachusetts cannot say to the Senate that no written report has ever been made upon this subject, because it was not necessary. I want to know of him now when did the State of Massachusetts present her case to Congress supported by such evidence as made it the duty of Congress to appropriate eight hundred and odd thousand dollars? It clearly had not been done up to 1836, because in 1836 a resolution was passed authorizing Massachusetts to present her evidence. Then she prepared her testimony, I suppose in support of her claim, and it came finally to be acted upon in 1859, and payment was then received by Massachusetts as the balance of the claim, urging no interest, thinking of no interest, not regarding that as a part of herclaim until a railroad company becomes interested in it and that corporation urges it as a claim against the Government. The conscience of the Government was not charged with wrong by the State of Massachusetts until her assignment is made to a corporation, and I want to know before the Senator from Massachusetts undertakes to say that we are in fault in this matter when the evidence was completed in support of this claim. But, Mr. President, it is not the policy of the Government to pay interest on claims when allowed. I will not discuss the right or the wrong of that. A State has no better right to interest than the humblest citizen of this country He who furnishes corn to feed the cavalry horses or provisions to feed the soldiers during war is as much entitled to interest upon his advances as a State that makes an advance of money to support the cause, and especially if it be made to defend her own borders. Now, we had better decide the question whether we choose to reverse the whole policy of the Government on this question. I am free to say that I cannot answer very satisfactorily the demand that may be made for interest by any party after a claim has been presented with sufficient evidence to sup THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 57 port it. I do not know why the Government should not pay interest after that time; but we have said during our whole history that we will not pay interest. Shall we reverse it? The citizen comes to Congress and he can scarcely have a hearing. Session after session he attends, he beseeches, he prays, he begs that he may be paid what the Government owes him; it may be for a horse taken, it may be for provisions supplied, whatever it is he importunes, and he stays about the Capitol hoping from day to day that he may receive that which the Government owes him. At the end of years he gets his money upon a claim which was established in the first place by sufficient evidence, but nobody talks of giving him the interest, and by the time he gets the money perhaps he is broken up in the prosecution of the claim. I have thought sometimes that the Government was the worst debtor that the citizen could possibly find, so difficult, so tedious, and so expensive is the prosecution of a claim against the Government, but after all we say to him, " We owe you no interest." Why? Upon the theory that the Government is always ready to pay, but in the case I have referred to it does not pay, has not paid except upon very uureasonable delay Now, if that citizen thus presenting a claim well supported in every respect and commanding the conscience of the Government cannot receive interest why shall a State? The State that I represent is somewhat interested in this question, for during the war she made advances for Army purposes, she sold her bonds, and paid interest upon those bonds, and when a settlement was made in the Departments she was only allowed the amount advanced. Of course if Massachusetts is paid interest this must be returned to Indiana. We cannot see a discrimination of that sort her, then Indiana must have her interest, of course. I should not be doing my duty to my State if I did not most earnestly insist upon it, and do that now. I want it to be understood that if this claim be carried then Indiana must be provided for, and I should say all the States ought to be provided for that have made advances, and ifyou go upon the theory of this proposition that interest is to be allowed before a State has perfected her evidence in support of her claim, then of course Indiana must be paid from the date that she made the advances, not from the day that she demanded the money back again. A Case in Point. Mr President, the circumstances of a case very much change the zeal of gentlemen. A few days ago there was a claim of a girl here whose house was taken that upon the site of the house there might be built a fortification, and the entire property taken for military purposes. No Senator in this body was more earnest in opposition to that claim than the Senator from Massachusetts, and his hostility rested upon the most heartless technicality that it is possible to conceive. If I oppose this claim to-night urged for interest upon the theory that the Government is always to be presumed ready to pay every demand when properly presented, that technicality is not so harsh, so cold, so heartless as the technicality that a loyal person-using the language of the Senator from Massachusetts-in a southern State whose property was taken for public use cannot make demand against the Government for the simple reason that that person was a public enemy Devoted to the country, standing by the flag all the while, never deserting the old Government, but always truethe Senator from Massachusetts says to such a person, "Unfortunately your home was in a southern State, and you are by I because there is nothing peculiar in the law branded with the character of a public case of Massachusetts. There is much enemy It is not true in fact; you were as that was peculiar in the case of Maryland loyal as I," says the gentleman from Maswhere she sold her trust funds, which sachusetts, " as loyal as any son of Massawere yielding interest, in order to raise chusetts, yet you had the misfortune to money; but in this case of Massachusetts live in a southern State, and therefore the there is nothing peculiar to justify the law marks you as a public enemy To payment of interest; and if it be r aid to stand by the flag you had to stand against THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. public sentiment, you had to make a stand where it was difficult to stand, and in that respect you have greater merit than a man living in the North, and yet unfortunately you li'vc( in a southern State, your property was taken for public uses, your property aided the cause of the country, and,ou cannot be paid because you are a public enemy " That was the argument made by the honorable Senator the other day to save the Treasury from the payment of a claim presented here upon the most satisfactory evidence. Now he says that no technicality is to be urged against a claim for interest. I urge against the State of Massachusetts-a soverei.gn Sta:c, one of the Confedcracy-the very technicalivty hich is arrayed against the humblest citizen that comes to the Halls of Con c- for relief the Government is always vrady to pay its debts when they are presented in such form and supported by such evidence as makes it an obligation of conscience to pay them. President Johnson in his message of Jul- ri5th, 1867, closed with the following paragraph: " It is worthy the consideration of Congress and the country whether, if the Fedcr.i2 rovernment by its action were to assume such,obligations, so large an addition to our public expenditures would not seriously impair the credit of the nation or on the other hand, whether the refusal of C,,ngress to guaranty the payment of the debts of these States, after having displaced or abolished their State governments, would not be viewed as a violation of gd(,.d faith and a repudiation by the national Legislature of liabilities "which these States had justly and legally incurred. " WVhen the message was before theSenate, and the legal status of the States that had been in open rebellion against the government was under discussion, Senator Hendricks closed his opinion with the following remarks, which as the reader will observe were concurred in by Senator Howard (Republican) of Michigan. His Exposition of the Law. Before this subject passes from the consideration of the Senate, I desire simply Government of the United States can rightfully come under no obligation to pay the debts of the southen States existing prior to the war. I think the war was prosecuted, as it was declared by Congress, for the purpose of maintaining the rightful authority of the Government of the United States; for the purpose of maintaining the FConstitution and perpetuating the Union, that that being accomplished by the war, the States restored to their rightful position in the Union, or rather their rightful position being maintained no obligation whatever rests upon the Government of the United States in regard to their debts. But, sir, I think it is worthy of consideration and reflection what obligations may fall upon the United States in the event that we maintain the doctrine that the States of the South do not rightfully exist, and that in some way or other they have ceased to be legal States, and that they exist, if at all, by the sufferance and permission of the United States, and upon that position we establish down there a government of our own. In other words, if we strike out of existence the State government, its machinery of officers and of courts, and establish instead a government of our own, placing there our own officers, taking control through our own officers, appointed by the United States, of the revenue of these States, and in every way control the States, it is worthy of reflection whether that is not an absorption practically and by force, and in that event what may become of the obligations of the Government. Rightfully there can no obligation rest upon the United States, in my judgment, and the States being held in their relation to the Union as defined by the Constitution, we can incur no obligation. However much their relations may have been interupted by a rebellion which they bring on, we can not be responsible to any parties for any loss resulting to them from that. I agree thus far fully with the Senator from Maine, but if we, in fact, strike their State governments out of existence upon the proposition that they are illegal and de jure, do not exist at all, and exist only de facto-that is our po to add that in my view of this subject the sition as declared last spring and now THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 59 and if upon that proposition we assume over them all the powers that may be exercised by any Government, we, by our officers, controlling the revenues which might go to the payment of their debts, we by our officers, declaring how much of those revenues of necessity must go to the purposes which we declare and enforce, them it is a practical question of great moment for us whether that is not an absorption upon which obligations may rest upon us. I hope, sir, we shall not go so far; but I am not prepared to say that it is unwise for the President, when he sees that Congress has now declared that these State governments do not exist de jure at all, and that they exist de f.(cto only by our permission and only so far as we do permit, when we are legislating in the direction of taking posession and absorbing these State governments, and making them a part of Federal machinery, it is not unwise in my judgment, for the President, when he sees this course of legislation initiated, to admonish us of the possible obligations that may be incurred. MR. HOWARD. Mr President, the Senator from Indiana and myself, I think, do not differ at all upon some of the points raised in this discussion. We do not differ as to the original and continued liability of the rebel States, for instance, for all debts contracted ante bellum. Such obligations arose under legitimate governments, recognized by the United States, and are, of course, still binding upon the governments and the people of those States and will always remain as long as there is a people constituting a State. That is natural justice, and that, I understand, is the public law It is matter of plain common sense and common justice. We agree in this. Then as to all obligations contracted by these several States during the war against the United States and in and of that treasonable war, I take it that we both agree that there is no principle of constitutional law or of public law which in any possible event could make it obligatory upon the Government of the United States to pay those debts. Mr. HENDRICKS. I agree with the Senator in that. Ills Tariff Views. Mr. Hendrick's views upon the tariff question are in strict harmony with those enunceated at Chicago. l)uring his senatorial career he fully expressed himself on that question, and we append some of his own utterances in that bodyJanuary 29, 1867, when a bill affecting import duties was before the Senate, he addressed it on the merits of the bill. Some extracts from his speech are given below. " I am not in favor of the bill. I think the western country is taxed enough now I saw a statement the other day which I believe in substance, though it may not be literally true. The statement was that the products of the western country, if carried to a market wherever in the world the best prices could be found, could be sold, and from their proceeds twice as much brought back to the people of the western States if there were no tariff as under this proposed bill, In other words, the earnings of Western labor under this bill will not bring to the people of that section half as much of the comforts and necessaries of life as if there were no taxation like this. As a representative of Western labor I could not vote for such a bill. I would cheerfully vote for a revenue bill, and am willing reasonably to discriminate in favor of the industries that have a right to claim discrimination, but we have undertaken in this bill to protect every thing. Some minerals that a good many Senators have never heard of before have been provided for in this bill. Why, sir, it is as if we undertook almost to create minerals. " It is suggested that we shall wait to see what the House is going to do with the internal revenue system. From that intimation I understand we have got to change the internal taxes of the country. This is the fourth session that I have been in this body, and I believe at every session the revenue system of the Government has been changed, the internal revenue and the tariff. Nothing is understood to be fixed, nothing is stable any longer in this country We give an intoxicating support to a particular industry THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. for a while, and then we change the tax upon that, and so prices go up and come down according to the action of Congress, and Congress changes its action at every session. My opinion is that the manufacing interests as well as the agricultural interests of this country now ask for stability more than anything else, and I cannot conceive of anything more vicious than the changing at every session of Congress of the revenue system of the (Government." How it Works. It has been a remarkable spectacle that we have witnesed here for a week past. If you propose to t.ix a particular article the fiiends ot that article say, " You must give us a compensation in some other direction." If you tax wool the manufacturer of woolen goods says to us, " You mu-t tax the manufactured article from abroad so that we can pay the increased price upon the raw material and still make a profit." If you put an internal revenue tax upon any article of manufacture the producer of that article will say to us, " < ou must put a prohibitory tariff, at least a tariff so prohibitnrv as to allow us to raise our prices so that we shall lose nothing by this internal tax," and the argument being carried into practical legislation an entire interest of the country is exempt from the burdens of Government. Take the manufacturer of woolen goods. For the protection of the farmer a duty is imposed upon wool. He says at once, " Then put an additional duty upon manufactured woolen goods," and he raises his price so as to make a profit, notwithstanding the increased price of the wool. Lay an internal tax upon the manufacturer of woolen goods, and he says at once, " Increase the tariff so as that my profits may be the same still," and in the end, according to this argument, he is to bear none of the burdens of Government, But, Mr President, I did not intend to go into the argument of this bill. I do not intend to discuss it now, I do not know but that it will be better that it should pass. I would like the western people to fairly feel for once this policy They have not understood it yet; but let this bill go into operation and I think they will understand it. I can say to gentlemen that in my opinion, from the day a system is firmly adopted here which taxes western labor for the benefit of another section of the country agitation will commence that will not stop until this system is swept out of existence. I think the true interest of the manufacturer is to take such protection as is reasonable, such as will be agreeable to the people of the western country, and such as will throw upon all interests of the country their fair portion of the public burdens. Why, sir, there is nothing that is not now agitated in Congress. When the negro ceases to be agitated here then comes the tariff, then comes the banks, and that question is to be agitated-an abandonment of the present system of bankinguntil at this very hour in the country no man knows what is going to stand. The banks do not know whether they dare loan out any money to-day. They do not know but that next month they will be required to call in their credits. It seems to me it is the duty of the Finance Committee to give the country to understand that there's something settled, some one thing settled and fixed. I think the Senator refers to the gentlemen on his own side of the Chamber. It has not been a controversy between the Senator from Maine and Senators on this side. It has been a controversy among the various interests, and it has been a strife as to what interest can get the better share of this Bill. Everybody can see that. An amendment comes from one interest, and then a corresponding or compensating amendment must come from some other interest. It has been a system of exchanges, bargain, equalization; and what there is in the bill now I doubt very much whether the Senator from Maine has a very clear understanding of himself, he had, no doubt, when the bill was reported to the Senate. I think he will find something to do in correcting all the inequalities in this bill if it should be referred to his committee, even if the bill should ever come back again. For the interests that I represent here all that I ask is equal legislation; that when a man raises some corn or some THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 61 wheat or cattle or pork in the western States he shall have some fair show in the markets of the world. I do not think this Government was established to take the profits from profitable labor to build up unprofitable labor. It is an absurdity in political economy. If agriculture in this country is naturally, and because of our condition and position, profitable, and some other pursuit is not profitable, I cannot understand the wisdom of taking the profits from agriculture and handing them over to build up a labor that is not profitable. But, sir, we need a revenue, we need to maintain the credit of the Government; and I think all the eastern interests are sufficiently protected when we have a revenue system adjusted with a view to the maintenance of the public credit. It seems to me that the condition of the Treasury to-day ought to attract the attention of Senators. There is locked up in the Treasury to-day about ninety-three millions of gold. The tariff already established has brought into the Treasury $93,000,000 of gold that no demands upon the Treasury will send out again into the channels of trade, while a currency of eight or nine hundred millions dollars, nearly one hundred millions, under your present legislation, is locked up. Now, Senators say we must increase the tariff, because we are going to fail to meet the public obligations. Upon what statement of fact do Senators assume that? The present tariff has been in existence two years. The first year it brought into the Treasury between eighty and ninety million dollars, and during the fiscal year ending on the 3oth of June it brought in $179,ooo,ooo, $9o,ooo,oo0omore than during that year could be used, and $4o,ooo,ooo more than can be required the next year. And yet Senators say they are justified in the opinion that the present tariff will not meet the demands of the Government. The Senator from Ohio asked the question, what will be the responsibility upon Congress should we not increase the tariff and should there be a failure to meet the demands upon the Treasury? Mr. President, I would rather meet that result than to have a revenue system that locks up $93,000,000 of gold in the public Treasury I would rather see the Government strained to meet her obligations than to see her holding in her coffers one ninth of the currency of the country We need this gold now, we need the currency now, as I think, to keep up our trade, to keep it well alive, and I cannot vote for any tariff that proposes upon the short and unsatisfactory experiment we have had of the last bill to increase it. Mr. President, I am in favor of leaving things for a while as they are. I was not in favor of the present banking system, but it is established, it is fixed upon the country, business is being carried on under its influuence, and using the currency that it furnishes; and I think it is madness at the present to disturb it, to agitate it. I cannot agree altogether with many persons in the popular idea that we must rapidly return to a specie currency or a specie basis. I think that has to be done very gradually indeed. As a Democrat, of course I have been accustomed to the doctrine of a specie currency, and that if we have any paper currency it should be a currency that could be redeemed at any time in specie, but we all know that that is not now possible without bringing on a financial crisis; and my judgment is, that we had better for the present leave the laws as they are. I would rather vote to reduce the taxes. When I see such an excess of money above the present demands of the Government brought into the Treasury and locked up and nobody able to tell what to do with it, I would rather reduce than increase. No Senator can to-day tell us what to do with the gold that is in the Treasury. Some talk about authorizing the Secretary to sell it in New York. As soon as he does that he disturbs prices all over the country, and that is not right. There are a great many inconveniences brought about by hasty legislation. The present condition of the Treasury, I think, is an illustration of it. Take the tax upon whisky. Everybody knows now that it is not only unjust to the interest, but it is a failure with a view to revenue. All over the country everybody believes it was an unjust tax, and therefore men will cheat the Government. We all know that if the tax was one dollar a gallon we should re 62 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. ceive twice as much revenue as we do shall we not if possible protect them? I now; but see the difficulty! If we reduce say that it is our duty growing out of this it to one dollar, or to sixty or seventy hour" cents, as perhaps it ought to be, then all The misconduct of the Executive throws the men in the country who are holding upon Congress new duties, is the burden liquors are broken up and an entire inte- of the argument of the Senator from rest destroyed, so far as the holders are Massachusetts; and what is that " misconcerned. I refer to this as an illustra- conduct?" Not the disregard of any oblition of the difficulty of coming down after gation that the Constitution throws upon we have once raised the taxes to a high him, not the violation of any law, except st.indard. We ought to be very careful in two particular instances to which he about doing it. IFr these reasons I shall did not refer, but the violation of duty on vote for the proposition of the Senator the part of the President to which he refrom Kcntucky fers is the exercise on his part of a constitutional power which has been recognized Iicdrtickr' Speeh. from the very first session of the Congress VWhen the Republican party persecuted of the United States-the exercise of his Andrew J,~hnson, who had succeeded to power of removal from office and appointthe l'residential chair because he would ment of other men. not violate his obligation and become the Mr. President, I have never sympathized pliant tool and do the bidding of the Re- with the general removal from office. I publican leaders, Mr lHendricks, arising have never seen a faithful officer removed above party prejudices and petty jeal- that I have not sympathized with him, exousies, made a mn-ot manly defence for cept in cases where according to our him, as the following extracts from his doctrine of rotation in office, that party speech in the Senate will attest. On the had held the office, as we understand, long 17th of January 1867, Mr Hendricks enough. But what is this doctrine of the said: Senator from Massachusetts? Is it the TMr President. from my youth up I have English doctrine, a doctrine, however, lookedt to ihe Senate of the United States which has been repudiated in the English as a body so elevated, so far removed courts, that a man shall have a right in his from the prejudices and passions of the office as against everybody else, to hold it t mes, that no injustice whatever would be done in its action. I have been surprised during the course of this debate to hear what I have regarded as most unjust accusations against the President of the United statcs, and none perhaps so marked as that of the Senator from Massachusetts, [MIr Sumner.] When discussing this bill the other day that Senator felt himself authorized to say after quoting the line"New actions teach new duties:" "We have a new occasion now teaching a new duty That new occasion is the misconduct of the Executive of the United as against the party or power in the Government that confers it? Is it the doctrine that because a man is once in office he shall continue in office? I recognize the full force of the argument in favor of the incumbent where he has done his duty But if he has done his duty, after he has held the office a reasonable length of time, I think he does not have a claim above everybody else in the country. But what is this charge that the Senator brings against the President? It has been brought down to an exact statement by the Senator from Pennsylvania: out of all the civil officers of the country under his control he has removed one man out of States, and the new duty which this occa- six; he has called into office of the men sion teaches is that Congress should ex- that sympathized with him in what he reercise all its powers in throwing a shield gards to be the proper policy one man out over our fellow-citizens. We see that the of six, leaving five office-holders out of six Executive is determined to continue this against him. And this is charged against warfare upon the incumbents of office; him as an outrage and a wrong by a THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 63 Senator who uniformly supported the policy of Mr Lincoln. Is it not known to every Senator that in 1861 there was a proscription because of opinion more sweeping and terrible than had ever been known in the country? Until 1861, when was it ever held that every man must be turned out of office who did not agree with the party in power? Scarcely a man was left in office in 1861 to represent the sentiments of the large minority in the country. I bring this up as no accusation against Mr Lincoln's administration. I did not claim that a wrong. I have felt, as a practitioner of the law, that party politics ought never to find its way into the court. Stopping short of that and leaving it to be left only in the executive offices, I have no charge to make against the late Administration. But the gentlemen who supported that Administration in this proscriptive policy certainly are not justified in saying that Mr. Johnson, the present Chief Magistrate, is chargeable with wrong if he calls his friends into one sixth of the public offices. But, sir, is the Senate of the United that the men who voted against him ought States the place in which to make the to be kept in office, and I conceded his charge of proscription? Of all the emright to call into the executive offices men ployes of this body I know of but one man who sympathized sincerely with him in who sympathizes with the conservative his political views, that he should have confidence not only in his Secretaries but in every executive officer who was to aid him in the execution of the laws; and I never charged him with a wrong because he left no Democrats in office. When the Democrats were beaten in i860, and the Republican party was successful, I thought it right enough for Mr. Lincoln to call men to him and to his support in all the offices of the country-men who truly sympathized with him in his political views-that he should have confidence in all from the highest to the lowest: and I never thought of charging it as an outrage by him, and as a reason why by legislation the whole policy of the Government should be changed in that regard. The proscription since 186I has been surpassing anything ever observed before. It has not only extended to the high offices of the country, but to the smaller offices, until it has gone to the courts, and for the past five years in the Federal courts, where the marshal and the clerk control the subject, you would scarcely see a juror called into the box or placed upon the grand jury who did not agree in political opinion with the party in power. The proscription has gone into the courts, and juries have been organized upon political principles. The men called into the grand jury-room to inquire of the violation of law, and who ought to be free from partisan feelings, have been selected with a sentiment of the country; and on the first or second day of the session, because of political party views, three of the distinguished chiefs or heads of committees were stricken from their places and assigned to the foot of the committees. I should have no criticism to make upon that if those committees were in charge of matters relating to the political questions of the day, but they had no reference to such questions. The three committees to which 1 refer have no charge of any question that now agitates the country or divides Congress and the President, but simply because brother Senators differ upon a political question the majority of the Senate proscribe them, and in the middle of a Congress assign them from the head of a committee to the foot of it. And yet Senators say that it is an outrage to proscribe men because of political opinions. Why, sir, in this very city, under the eye of the President, nearly all the offices are filled by men that oppose him. The postmaster in this city is understood to be one of the leaders of the opposition to the President and of the adherents of Congress. The collecting officer in this District is another instance; and of all the clerks in the Departments my information is that there is not perhaps one out of ten that supports the President of the United States. And yet he is charged with proscription, he is charged with doing a wrong, because some of the officers of the view to their party politics. I have thought THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. country have been removed and men sympathizing with his policy have been placed in their stead. I know very well the argument which is used: that MIr Johnson has proscribed men who belong to the party that put him in power. \\ ell, sir, who have been appointed in their places as a general thing? Not D)emocrats, not men who opposed the Lincoln and Johnson ticket in 1864, but, as a general thing, the men who have been appointed by this Administration are men N\ho voted for Mir Lincoln and Mr, Johnson in 1i64, and in removing one man and putting in another the President has simply selected among the men who supported him in the contest of 1864. And is it wholly unreasonable that he should make such a selection? Have questions not come up since 1cS)4 that did not enter into the contet of that year? Did the question that now divides the Congress and the President enter into the contest of 1864, and was Mr. J(hnson elected upon that question? I submit to the candid judgment of every Senator whether the question that divides you from the President formed an issue in the contest of 1864? It did not. Since Mr. Johnson's election and since he has come to be Pres sympathise with him and in whom he can have entire confidence? It is charged now as a wrong that he removes one Republican from office and puts another one in. I do not say that this is the case in all instances, for there are instances of appointment to office of men who opposed his election in 1864; but they are very few compared with the appointments that have been made. The great body of appointments that have been made are of men who supported the Lincoln and Johnson ticket in 1864. Then, sir, this bill proposes to deny to Mr Johnson as President of the United States that which has been conceded to every President that went before him, to place in the offices of the country, to aid him in the execution of the laws, men who sympathize with him in his views. A very significant question was asked by the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Cowan] yesterday: To whom do the offices belong? He answered it well in saying they belong to the law. The man that is appointed is appointed simply to execute the law, to discharge his duty under the law The office does not belong to him except for the time during whl-h he honlrl it he hin nn natent hv ident of the Lnitedl States, a question has which he can hold it beyond the will of arisen because of the close of the the power that conferred it. But suppose war, and that question is in what mode the propositions of Senators be correct, shall the States be restored to all their that the offices belong to the people, is proper relations to the Federal Govern- there nothing, then, due to the large miment. nority in this country? At the recent Upon that great question the President elections, in October and November last, of the L nited States has assumed his eighteen hundred thousand voters of this ground Congress has assumed an oppos- country endorsed the policy of the Presiite ground, and here is a difference, a dent; about twenty-two hundred thousand difference upon a question that has arisen endorsed the policy of Congress. Out of since the President came into power, an the four million voters casting their votes, unexpected difference of opinion. Un- eighteen hundred thousand men at the doubtedly his views are honestly enter- polls said they believed the President was tained by him, and so on the other hand right. Do Senators say that those eighare the views of the majority of Congress teen hundred thousand men, representing honestly entertained by them. That ques- nine millions of the people of this country tion having arisen, and the President of outside of the seceding States-do Senathe United States being charged with the tors say, that that large portion of our duty to see that the laws are executed, are population have no rights in the offices of you willing to deny to him that which you the country; that it is a wrong, for which have claimed for every Administration the President shall be arraigned before that went before him-the right to put into the judgment of the country if he does not the public offices of the country men who leave all the offices in the hands of men THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 65 who oppose his views? The President say the least of it a very great minority, has thus far not asked to aid him in the and when Senators claim that the offices execution of the laws a proportion of the belong to the people, what are the rights officers of the country equal to the popu- of this large minority? lar vote in his favor He has asked for I think that in the late elections the difbut one-sixth; while of the voters of the ference between the Congress of the United country there is nearly one-half who sus- States and the President of the United tain him. In the great States of New States did make a very marked issue in York, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, giving the contest, and upon that issue the maa popular vote of about one million, forty- jority which I have mentioned went in four thousand votes cover the majority favor of Congress. I am now speaking A change of forty-four thousand in the of the large minority that sustained the enormous vote of these three great States President. It is known that upon that would have thrown them in Avor of the question ten of the States were not alPresident-three States that give about lowed to express any opinion. In the seventy-two electoral votes. And yet States that did at the ballot-box express Senators say, that if the President of the their opinion Longress received the majoUnited States respects, in the little matter rity which I have mentioned. When of appointments to office, this enormous you speak of the offices belonging to the sentiment of the country, he is to be people, let me ask what are the rights of charged with a wrong. this minority of one million eight hundred AIR. WVILLIAMs. I should like to ask the thousand men? It is not asked, and has honorable Senator from Indiana what pro- not been asked as a general proposition, portion of the one million eight hundred that the offices should be given to the thousand men to whom he refers voted men who opposed the election of the preand determined in 1864 that the war for sent Chief Magistrate. It is simply asked the Union was a failure? that of the men who voted for him in MR. HENDRICKS. I have not made any 1864 he should be allowed to bring into calculation upon that subject; and, sir office a reasonable number of those who I know of no portion of the voters of the now support him and are in sympathy country who voted that sentiment. I with him. Is that unjust? Is it an unfair know of no expression of that opinion. I thing to demand, so that the Senator know of a resolution, to which I suppose from Massachusetts is authorized to the Senator means to refer, declaring that denounce it as misconduct on the part of thus far, up to a certain time, the war had the President? Is a thing that was so proved a failure to restore the Union. generally sustained by the majority party Eight months after that, in my judgment, in 1861 wrong in 1866? I do not underthat resolution ought to have been proved stand it so. untrue, and the result of the war ought to have proved that the Union was restored. But, sir, the Union is not yet restored; and until the Senator from Oregon is ready to bring all of the States into their proper relations in the Federal Union upon the basis of the Constitution, until he is ready to admit into the Senate and House of Representatives loyal men who are able to take the oath prescribed by law, he cannot say that the restoration of the Union is completed. But, sir, I have spoken of the one million eight hundred thousand men who at the late elections voted in favor of the policy of the President of the United States, to 5 Why is it that the President of the United States by public opinion has been sustained in removing men and putting those in office who sympathize with him? It is because in the due execution of the laws he should have his friends to aid him. That is the sentiment of the country upon that question; and now, if it has devolved upon the present Chief Magistrate to see that the laws are executed, why may he not claim that for himself; why may not his friends claim that for him which has been conceded to every Administration that went before him? But now, when we come to understand the facts, we find that only four hundred 66 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. and fifty out of two thousand four hundred tion in reference to the appointment of and fifty or about that number of office- the postmaster of St. Louis and the reveholders have been removed, leaving nearly nue officer at Philadelphia ought to be two thousand men in office opposed to the considered by the Senator from MassaPresident or supposed to be opposed to chusetts before he passes a harsh judghim, and he having called into office only ment upon the President even upon those about four hundred and fifty of his friends cases. to support him. This the honorable Sena- But this bill has very little relation to tor from Massachusetts calls the " mis- that particular subject. It goes into the conduct'" of the President. If the Senator whole matter and undertakes to regulate had confined his remark to the two cases the excrcise of this constitutional power on which have been referred to, where the the part of the President from first to last. Pr-eilent alter the adjournment of the And now, without referring to the justice Senate appointed men who had been re- and right of the thing, I ask Senators if it jected 1y> this body, I should have no is well, because there is a difference of criticism to make upon his argument. I opinion between the President and the think that when the judgcment of the Senate Senate, that the Senate shall undertake to is expres-cd upon any nomination that take from the President any power which judgment ou:ht not to be reversed by the the Constitution confers upon him? It is Executive, but as a question of law I too late now to question the power of the understand the 'r-csident took the opinion President on the subject of removals from of the Attorney General, a very accom- office. A uniform practice of so many plished gentleman, high in the profession years does not leave it an open question. to which he belongs, an ornament to the It is a settled question, settled, I believe, western 1hr, an ornament of which we are by every department of the Government. all proud and the present Attorney It was settled, I think, by the legislative ( rncral, I understand, gave it as his department at the first session of Congress. opinion that the action of the Senate did It has been settled by the uniform action not disqualify the party for an appointment of the executive department. I think it al'cr the adjournment. I think it would has been settled also by the judiciary, by have been proper for the Attorney General the judgment of the Supreme Court upon to have gne beyond the question of law a claim made by the judges in one of the anil to have said to the President that he Territories after they had been removed oc(ed it to the judgment of the Senate not from office by the President. I have not to appoint a man who had been rejected had occasion to look to that case for some f)r that particular office. The legal right time, and I cannot give the particular and the power of the President under the facts; but my impression of the decision Constitution to make those two appoint- is that the Supreme Court decided that ments I believe has not been questioned after removal by the President the parties by any Senator. were not in office and could not claim On the question of propriety I agree with their salaries. the,senators who have expressed the opin- His Senatorial term expired March 4, ion that such appointment ought not to be 1869, and he again cast aside his official made, and if Senators wish to prevent robes and returned to his law office in them in the future and will present a reso- Indianapolis. lution expressing the sentiment of the Senate upon that question I shall have no A n in Pol objection to vote for it and let it be known In the autumn prior to the exp'ration of as the opinion of the Senate that a man his Senatorial term, he received the nomionce rejected by the Senate shall not after nation for Governor of his State, and the the adjournment be appointed to that Republican convention selected Conrad office. I think he ought not to be; but Baker as his opponent. After an exciting certainly the facts stated by the Senator campaign Baker was elected by about 800 from Pennsylvania on that particular ques- majority, and Senator Hendricks again THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 67 went to his law office, the firm being Tilden and Hendricks. Hendricks, Hard & Hendricks, the latter In the Convention that nominated a cousin, Abram W., a Republican with- this ticket Senator Hendricks was out guile and a man of the finest ability a candidate far the first place. The The firm was one of two or three leading circumstances of the nomination of ones in the city, enjoyed a very lucrative (;rv Hendricks on the ticket with Gov practice, and Mr. Hendricks added to a Tilden by the St. Louis Convention ale comfortable competence he had acquired fresh in the public mind. He was a canby his shrewdness and providence. Dur- didate for the Presidency, as he also was ing this period he continued at the law, i n 1868 at the New- ork Tammany Hall and for two years he was permitted to Convention, but there he was antagonized enjoy the comforts of home, unalloyed by by a part of his own State delegation, the labors and vexations of office. He headed by Richard J. Bright. This opponever failed, however, to give his party sition from his own delegation defeated his able support and advice, and whether him. In 1876 a strong and vigorous opas a Lawyer or Public Servant, he was position to Mr IHendricks was organized alive to the success of the Democratic party in his own state and made its appearance Governor of Indiana. in St. Louis. The nomination of Mr In 1872 the State was again rent with a Tilden and his own nomination for the political contest. The Liberal movement second place was a great humiliation to of that year on the part of dissatisfied Re- Mr Hendricks and a sore disappointment. publicans gave the Democracy an appar- After the election, in November, Mr Henent opportunity for success, and again the dricks made no secret of his disagreement State Convention nominated Mr Hen- with Mr. Tilden's course. He wrote a dricks for Governor. His Republican letter the purport of which was that he opponent was Gen. Thomas M. Browne. was opposed to the Electoral Commission, There was a good deal of temperance senti- and that if he were Gov Tilden he should ment in the State, to which Mr. Hendricks take the oath of office and demand it of made himself acceptable. The purpose of President Grant, leaving the Supreme the temperance folks was to secure a local Court to: adjudicate the dispute. Of option law, and this Mr. Hendricks course, the inauguration of Hayes and allowed himself to be understood he would Wheeler settled the future for Mr Henapprove, which he afterwards did in the dricks, and he proceeded quietly with his shape of what is known as " the Baxter law business. Mr Hendricks was again law." As the result of another remarkably a candidate for the Presidential nomination close election, Mr. Hendricks was chosen in Cincinnati, in 188o, and this time had Governor by a plurality of 1,200 votes, the ardent and enthusiastic support of his while all the other officers of the State, entire State delegation. But his nominaexcept the Superintendent of Public In- tion was impossible, He probably could struction, were Republicans. That Mr have secured the nomination of Joseph E. Hendricks' election was caused by the McDonald. But Mr. Hendricks again reinfluence here spoken of was made evi- membered 1868, and he would not give dent from the fact that in the next month the word of assent. The result was the Grant carried Indiana by 6,oo0 majority- nomination of Hancock and, with the It has been said by no less a distinguished idea of placating Indiana, William H. authority than Gov Hendricks himself that English. This action sent Mr. Hendricks any man competent to be a notary public into his tent, where he remained until could be Governor of Indiana, and so nearly the end of the campaign, when he there was not much to test the executive emerged because of a bitter attack upon abilities of Gov Hendricks during his term him personally made by the Republican of office. He made an urbane, careful, press. But there was no harmony between satisfactory Governor, and retired from the Democratic leaders, as the campaign the position with the respect of all parties of that year in Indiana went against the in the State. Democratic Party. After the election of 68 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. Garfield Mr. Hendricks was interviewed, fatigue and exposure in the 'campaign of and in answer to the question whether he 1882. It was the attack of phlegmonous was out of politics answered that he should erysipelas, which came so near costing him never be out of politics until he was in his his life. His perfect recovery, thanks to a grave. The Democratic Party had been splendid constitution and well-regulated too kind to him to permit him to deafen life, was a disappointment to the physicians his ears to its voice whenever it demanded who said he would die, and the forced rest his service, and subsequent sojourn abroad give him The Past Eight Years. promise of many years of usefulness to come. After Mr. Hayes' inauguration he went 6 Cleveland and Hendricks." to California, where he was warmly re- hen the Democratic Convention met,. When the Democratic Convention met ceived and his health completely restored i i r r at Chicago in July last, to form a Presidenfrom the wear and tear of electoral susS- tial ticket, the State of Indiana again prepense. Upon his return he went to Europe, sented his name as a candidate, and his and in the fall came home and went into a w a d h p t of t. wavailability was again discussed. But the the practice of the law with his former. political importance of the Empire State partners, 0. B. Hood and A. W. Hendricks, political importance of the Empire State gave it, as heretofore the preference of a with the additional partner, Hon. Conrad candidate, and Governor Cleveland was Baker, who had preceded him in the Guselected from the array of brilliant names bernatorial office. The four years of his before it. Mr. Hendricks was not and inexecutive term was the only period when deed never was) a candidate for the Vice Mr Hendricks did not practice law, and Mr Hendricks did not practice law, and hPresidency, and the impression prevailed yet he resumed the profession with such that he might not accept the place, but notdiffidence, lest he had lost ground therein, withstanding this, he was unanimously that the gaining of his first case was very nominated, and is now before the people much of a surprise to him. It was a fa- for their suffrages. His countrymen have mous canal case, which had run the gaunt- asked him to fill the place, and in this inlet of the courts for a dozen years and had stance, as in others, he has waived his own its root and finding in matters dating back preferences, and obeyed their orders. twenty-seven years. Perhaps the most important case which has engaged his at- Prophetic Utterances. tention was that of the Pennsylvania Rail- In the light of the action of the Chicago way, in which he held his own with such Convention it is interesting to repeat distinguished talent as that of Judge Mr. Hendricks' utterances in 1877, even Hoadly, Stanley Matthews and Mr Mc- if he did not expect this tardy endorseDonald. His argument at Newport cov- ment. At his reception by the Manhatered one hundred pages of printed matter, tan Club, New York, he said. and is a marvel of legal acumen and intellectual scope. Another great case was "A great and sincere people will pass that of he Toledo and Western, their final verdict upon the outrageous act. Democratic principles will be carLiterary Labors. ried out by the Democrats and by such The work Mr. Hendricks accomplished fair-minded Republicans as will not make The work Mr. Hendricks accomplished themselves a party to the wrong done last was not confined to the law. In addition, winter This will be accomplished by the wintr Ths wil beaccoplished by the he attended to considclerable private Dusihness. He also macndesoe vatlube un- majority of the voters in the several States, ness. He also made some valuable con- ^ tributions to current literature and traveled extensively, making a tour of Europe. So duty. versatile and arduous were his labors, in It remains for the Democracy now to fact, that three times in the last eight years make good the words which, for the lack his health broke down. He would not be of a renomination of the "old ticket," admonished of danger, and his last severe failed in 1880. However, an opinion is attack of illness was caused by excessive gaining ground that the issue of Presiden THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 69 tial fraud will gradually be lost sight of in the absorbing question of reform. In the opinion of Mr. Hendricks it is the question and it grows out of the stupendous abuses of Republican administration. There must be reform in all matters of government and to this view the Democratic party is in existence and must be placed in power for that express purpose. Revenue Reform. "The question of revenue reform suggests itself to every mind when the fact is considered that the change in the internal revenue and tax laws made by the Republican Congress before this, a little more than one year ago, left the revenues of the government in excess of the demands of an ernnnomiral 1 d nictratrinn at l1Pct ted by the General's father-in-law, the late Hon. O. H. Smith. It is not a house of many rooms, but they are large and handsome and have an air of comfort foreign to most more pretentious dwellings. The hall is especially spacious, and with the open door and inviting chairs and sofa makes a pleasant reception room in the summer Mr Hendricks' private or political library is up stairs, and there he has a table and telephone and receives the politicians who crave a special hearing. \Vhen the campaign opens he will probably have headquarters in a more accessible quarter, although his house is not out of the way- It faces the State House grounds on Tennessee street and is but a stone's throw (around the corner) from the Sentinel of4 - fifty millions a year. No party in the The best likeness of Mr. Hendricks is world can stand up before an intelligent one which was photographed by Van Loo. people and defend the collection from the The portrait of the ex-Senator in the State people of more money than the govern- library, painted by Freeman, conveys the ment has a right to use when economi- idea of a high liver, which is not just, Mr cally administered. Of course this im- Hendricks being rather abstemious than portant point will attract attention. Ad- otherwise in his habits. The Van Loo does ministrative reform is not less a question justice to the pose of the finely-formed of vital interest. Every now and then head, the brow is clear the eyes are penesomething wrong is looming up in some trating and the expression is pleasing and department-carelessness and inefficiency intellectual. The picture even conveys an characterize many of the departments of idea of the delicacy of complexion and public service. It is an honor to any soft, brown tint of hair which marks his young man to get an appointment from Scotch descent. His head and face have the government, of course, but position is changed a good deal in the last eight not given him in a department for him to years. They seem larger. The forehead make it a lounging place. He must work is broad and smooth and the cheeks slope with care and diligence and earnestness gently to the chin, which is innocent of in order that all the interests of the gov- beard. The mouth is not large and the ernment shall be amply and fully pro- lips are thin. It is altogether a classic tected, just as the active and honest young mouth and chin, and the nose is well man in the store, or on the farm, or in the formed and delicate in expression. The railroad office gives the best capabilities of eyes are blue, mixed with gray, and exhis mind and industry to the promotion press more penetration than reserve. of the interests which he is paid to take They are schooled to express interest care of.'' in whatever subject is presented and In his Home. tell no tales. The head is poised on a A visitor thus describes his home, and manly figure, with unusual depth of chest, other interesting details, and its perfect proportions are revealed in "Since Mr. Hendricks' marriage he has the firm, elastic step. The face in repose lived in many houses, but never in one is free from wrinkles. In conversation it built after a plan of his making or selec- lights up amazingly, and joined to a pleation. Now he resides in a substantial two- sing deference of manner has given him story brick dwelling, built by the late the reputation of a Talleyrand. That he General Low and the double of one erec- does not deserve, for on occasions he is THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. extremely outspoken. In all, the autotype nation." * * "What is the remedy? To of Trajan, familiar in the shops, is a better have a President who will appoint a head portrait of Mr Hendricks than the gene- of a bureau that will investigate the conrality of those he has had taken. My pic- dition of the books and bring the guilty to ture of him would not be complete without trial." referring to his taste in dress. Those who "The books must be opened " is a nasa\ him in Chicago will join me in saying tural sequence to " Cleveland, Hendricks it is perfect. and Reform " and " Revenue and Admilie was nurtured in the Presbyterian nistrative Reform." It may be, some faith, and was a member of that commun- lengthier axioms from Mr. Hendricks' ion until the organization of St. Paul's utterances may be in order, such as, Episcopal Chur, h in Indianapolis in the " Government shall exist for man, and year 1862. Hr became a member of that not man for government;." "We will not parish and was elected Senior Warden. enslave man, even that he shall admit H1- has never hlonged to but one secret and practice the truth;" "Where there is society -he Odd Fellows. being a charter no freedom of action there can be no nemI I- r(f the Wellsville Lodge, but for a freedom of judgment; " " Heaven's law long 'ime has ceael to actively partici- leaves man able to obey, but free to disopate in its work. Aftr the election in 1876 bey," "Habits of tyranny become usages;" "ir. Hendricks made an extensive tour of "We cannot exclude all from a privilege I urope. mceting with cordial receptions or right because it is abused by a few;" everywhere and making the acquaintance "When once in the box the ballot has no of many of the most distinguished Euro- color " pea-, politicians. He was particularly im- Mr Hendricks' views in regard to the pressed with Gambetta, of whom he has service young men should render as emfrequently spoken in terms of high admi- ployes of the government, are a practical ration. compendium of civil-service reform, and they are backed by life-long devotion to how JCn oplen the- campaign. the welfare of young men, which has been,\; the Chandler letter may be taken paid in kind. In 1872, when he was the for the key-note of the campaign, lung first Democratic Governor elected in the ahead tI tl, opening of the canvass, so North after the war, he suddenly took in Mr Hendricks' speech at the ratifica- heart at the close of a dispiriting canvass tion met:ng at his home, he said one when one hundred young men-first voters thing which has already become a watch- -marched in a Democratic procession wvord. It was this: along Washington Street. Due attention "I will tell vou what we need-Demou to the training of young men in Democrat and -<,publicans will alike agree cratic faith and good works is one of the upon that-we need to have the books in strong points in Mr. Hendricks' party the government-offices opened for exami- management. PROCEEDINGS OF CHICAGO CONVENTION, 1884. Democratic National Committee. The Democratic National Committee met at Chicago, July 7, at 12 o clock, Chairman Barnum presiding. The States represented were as follows: Alabama...................H. 0. Semple. Arkansas..............John J. Sumpter. California..............James T FarleyColorado................T M. Patterson. Connecticut.......William H. Barnum. Delaware...........Ignatius C. Grubb. Florida.................Samuel Puliston. Georgia...............George T Barnes. Illinois....................... C. Goudy. Indiana.................Austin H. Brown. Iowa..........................M. M. Ham. Kansas...................Charles W Blair Kentucky..........Henry D. McHenry Louisiana.....................B. F Jonas. Maine.............Edmund F Wilson. Maryland...........Outerbridge Horsey Massachusetts.....Frederick O. Prince. Michigan................Edward Kanter. Minnesota...................P H. Kelly Mississippi.................W T Morton. Missouri..................John G. Prather. Nebraska.................Sterling Marten. Nevada.....................R. P Keating. New Hampshire.......Alvah Sulloway New Jersey...........Orestes Cleveland. New York...........Abraham S. Hewitt. North Carolina.........N. W Ransom. Ohio............William W Armstrong. Oregon......................... A. Noltner. Pennsylvania.....Ex-Senator Wallace. Rhode Island..............J B. Barnaby. South Carolina..........F W Dawson. Tennessee............Robert F LooneyTexas.....................F T Stockdale. Vermont...........Bradley B. Smalley Virginia.................John S. Barbour. West Virginia...Alexander Campbell. Wisconsin..............William F Vilas. Mr. Barnes, of Georgia, nominated Augustus 0. Bacon, of Georgia, for temporary 71 chairman of the Convention. Mr. Stockdale, of Texas, nominated Governor Robert B. Hubbard, of Texas, Mr Martin, of Mississippi, nominated Charles E. Hooker, of Mississippi. Governor Hubbard Selected, The committee proceeded to ballot, with the following result: Whole number of votes cast, 37, Hubbard received 22, Bacon 9, Hooker 6. On motion of Mr. Prince the nomination of Governor Hubbard was made unanimous. On motion of Mr. Hewitt, Mr. Prince was elected temporary secretary of the Convention. The following were elected assistant secretaries: E. L. Merritt, of Illinois, George W Guthrie, of Pennsylvania, G. S. Johnson, of Iowa, Robert M. Bashford, of Wisconsin; Charles M. Vallandigham, of Missouri, Henry J. Lynn, of Tennessee, Michael J Barrett, of New Jersey The committee then adjourned to Io o'clock on the following day THE CONVENTION. The First Day's Session. The Convention was called to order at 12:37 by Hon. William H. Barnum, of Connecticut, chairman of the Democratic National Committee. He presented RevDr. Marquis, of Chicago, who opened the deliberations of the Convention with prayer. Mr. Barnum said:-Gentlemen of the Convention: Harmony seems to be the sense of this Convention; the very air itself seems saturated with the desire and the determination to nominate a ticket for president and vice-president satisfactory to the North as well as to the South, to the East as well as to the West-nay, more, a ticket that will harmonize the Democracy of this nation and insure victory in November, No effort has been made to nominate a temporary chairman of this 72 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. Convention in the interest of any candi- when it was founded by the framers of the date, but, on the contrary, one who will Constitution nearly three-quarters of a proceed with absolute impartiality- With century ago. this spirit and to that end I have been di- " Men die as the leaves of autumn, but rected by the unanimous vote of the Na- principles are underlying liberty and selftional Committee to nominate the lion. government, the right of representation Richard B. Hubbard, of Texas, for tempo- and taxation going hand in hand, economy rarv chairman, and Hon. Richard I' in the administration of the Government, Hubbard was elected. The Chair appointed so that the Government shall make the Senator B. F Jonas, of Louisiana, Hon. burdens as small as they may be upon the George B. Barnrs, of Georgia, and Abram millions who constitute our countrymen. S. Htewitt, of New Y'ork, a committee to These and other principles underlie the wait upon Mr Hubbard and conduct him Democratic Party and cannot be effaced to the chair. Mr Ilubbard was received from the earth, though their authors may with vociferous applause and Mr Barnum be numbered with the dead. advancing to the front, said: "The Democratic party is loyal to the " I have the distinguished honor to pre- Union. The 'bloody shirt,' in the vulgar sent Hon. Richard B. Hubbard, of Texas, parlance of the times, has at each recuras the absolutely impartial temporary chair- ring election been flaunted in the face of man if this Convention." Southern Democrats and in your own Chatiruan Hubbard's Speech. faces. With Logan on the ticket I preMr Hubbard came forward amid loud sume it will be again. Blaine could hardapplause and said: " Mr Chairman and ly afford it, as he did not indulge much in gentlemen of the Democratic Convention that 'unpleasantness.' They will endeavor of the L nion-I am profoundly grateful to stir up the bad blood of the past. My for the confidence which you have reposed countrymen, the war is over for a quarter in me in ratifying the nomination of the of a century, and they know it, Why our National Executive Committee, who have boys have married the young maidens of done your bidding for the last four years the North and children have been born by your authority I accept it, my fellow- since those days. They will continue Democrats, not as a tribute to the humble to go to the altar, and, side by side citizen and your fellow-Democrat who at dying beds, they will talk of that bourne speaks to you to-day, but rather as a com- whence no traveler returns, will lie down pliment to the great State from whence I and be buried together. Why, the boys in come. \Ve accept it as a tribute to the fact the blue and the gray have slept together that Texas, with her two million of people, for a quarter of a century upon a thousand gladly at each recurring election, places fields of common glory. Let their bones in the ballot-box over one hundred thou- alone. They are representing the best sand Democratic majority blood of the land, and, though differing " Fellow-Democrats, we have met upon in the days that should be forgotten, the an occasion of great and absorbing inter- good men of all parties in our country toest to our party as well as to our common day, I thank God, have united in the great country The occasion would not justify common progress of our race to forget the me nor demand that I should attempt to war memories of the war times." speak to you of its great history and its At the conclusion of Gov Hubbard's distinctive principles through two-thirds of speech, Mr Prince, of Massachusetts, Secthe most glorious history of our country retary of the National Convention, then I could not stop to discuss, if I would, its made the following report on temporary munificent policy of progress, the part organization: which it has taken in building up our For temporary Chairman, Richard B. country,, its progress, its territory and its Hubbard, of Texas; for temporary Secrewealth. I can only say to you to-day, in tary, Frederick O. Prince, of Massachubrief, that the Democratic Party, in all the setts; Assistant Secretaries, E. L. Merrit, essential elements, is the same as it was of Illinois; George O. Guthrie, of Penn PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 73 sylvania, G. L. Johnston, of Iowa, Ro- the roll the Convention adjourned until bert M. Bashford, of Wisconsin; Charles II A. M. to-morrow M. Vallandinglham. of Missouri; H. J The Platform Comnmittee. Lynn, of Tennessee; MIichael DI Barret, The following is the Committee on Platof New Jersey The Report was unani- form: Alabama, L. 1' \alker; Arkansas, mously adopted. Benjamin F Duval, C alifornia, T J. MIr. Smalley, of \ ermont, then said he Currie; Connecticut, A. E. Burr, Florida, was instructed by the National Committee p p Bishop; Georgia, E. P Howell, to offer the following resolution: Illinois, \\illiam R. Morrison, Indiana, Resolve'd, That the rules of the last G. V Menzies, Iowa E. H. Thaver; Democratic Convention govern this body Kansas, Thomas P' Finlan, Kentucky, until otherwise ordered, subject to the fol- Henry Watterson, Louisiana, E. H. lowing modification That in voting for Burk, Maine, David R. Hastings; Mary candidates for President and Vice-Presi- land, C. J (wvnn, Massachusetts,. F dent no State shall be allowed to change Butler, Michigan, S. I. Farsny, Minneits vote until the roll of the States has been sta, J. C. ise; Missuri, W H. Phelps; called and every State has cast its vote. Ncbraska, J S. Sterling IMorton; Nevada, Mr. Grady, of New York, offered the D. F. McCarthy New Hampshire, Henry following amendment to the resolution: Bingham; New Jersey, James A. McPherWhen the vote of a State as announced son, New York, Abram S. Hewitt; North by the chairman of the delegation from Carolina, J. S. Carr, Ohio, George L. Consuch State is challenged by any member verse, Pennsylvania, Malcom Hay, South of the delegation, then the Secretary shall Carolina, Leroy F N oumans; Tennessee, call the names of the individual delegates Albert T McNeil, Texas, D. C. Gidfrom the State, and their individual pre- dings; Vermont, James A. Brown; \Virgiferences as expressed shall be recorded as nia, p r McKenny, \\ est Virginia, the vote of such State. Henry G. Davis, Wisconsin, J. G. JenAfter discussion the question was then kins. put, the chairman of each State delegation The committee on Permanent Organizaannouncing its vote as follows: tion met in the evening and decided to reSlates. Yeas Nzs States. Yeas a,,,s commend to the Convention the name of Alabama, 15 5 'Mississippi, is - Arkansas, - I4 Missouri, 8 24 Colonel V F Vilas, of Wisconsin, as perCalifornia, 16 - Nebraska, 5 5 Colorado, 4 2 Nevada, 6 - manent Chairman, and that the remaining Connecticut, 2 10 New Hampshire - 8 onnelaarut, 2 New Hamshire 8 officers of the temporary organization be Delaware, 6 - New Jersey, 14 4 Florida, 2 6 New York, - 7-2 made permanent. Georgia, 12 12 North Carolina, made permanent. Illinois, 22 22 Ohio, 25 21 Indiana, 30 - Oregon, 6 diana, 36 20 - OrPennsylgovania, 396 SECOND DAY'S SESSION. Iowa, 6 20 Pennsylvania, 21 39 Kansas, 3 15 Rhode Island, - 8 Kentucky, 20 6 South Carolina, 3 14 Louisiana, - 16 Tennessee, 17 7 The Convention was opened with prayer M and, - i6 Teont, 2 by the Right Reverend Bishop McLaren, Massachusetts 21 7 Virginia, 6 18 of the Diocese of Chicago. Michigan, 12 12 West Virginia, 9 3 Minnesota, -:4 Wisconsin, 5 17 Mr. Cummings. of Massachusetts. offered The Secretary announced the result of the vote as follows: Total number of votes cast, 795; yeas, 332; nays, 463. The call of the roll on the original resolution was then dispensed with and it was unanimously adopted. This question having been disposed of the roll of the States was called and the chairmen of the several delegations named the delegates chosen as members of the Committees on Credentials and Resolutions. On the completion, of the call of - - - I - -I, - a resolution instructing the Committee on Resolutions to give a hearing to the committee of the Irish National League in favor of excluding aliens from acquiring real estate in America. Mr. Taylor, of Arkansas, submitted the report of the Committee on Credentials, in which he stated that in Massachusetts, a contest appearing in the Twelfth Congressional District, your committee, after a full investigation of the facts, unanimously recommended that the parties, Joseph PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. Callan. E. McLearned, A. L. Perry and lay not in the hope of mere party victory, George 11. Bloch, be admitted to this Con-'in clutching the spoils of office. The opvention, and each shall be entitled to a portunity was pregnant with mighty possihalf vote. bilities of good to men. The air was alMr Heenan, of Michigan, offered a res- ready filled with vapors of visionary ol ':.on for the reduction of taxation to a schemes addressed to various interests and revenue basis. Referred. factions. It is the party of Jefferson and Mr Taylor, of Arkansas, chairman of Jackson to-day as formerly, and the printhe Committee on Credentials, reported ciples they promulgated are its principles "t:-e lit of delegates with an amendment now It is the party of the people; of giving terri: rial delegates the right to economy and honesty in the administration vote in the Convention, of Government. It has shaken off the "Tr Randolph, of New Jersev moved venial and time-serving, and has recruited an amendment that the territorial dele- from the ranks of its opponents the best rates be not allowed to vote. The amend- and wisest. The Democracy are ready to ment was rejected and the report adopted. continue such exchange. In conclusion, Vr. Gallup, of New N ork, offered a res- he counseled moderation in their action olution demanding such a revision,f the and bespoke a generous forbearance for tariff as _hall lessen the duty upon those himself in the discharge of his duties. articles which supply daily the wants of the " I thank God, fellow-citizens, that farmer, mechanic, artisan and laborer A though we have been out of power for a number of other resol -tions were offered quarter of a century, we are to-day, in all and it was finally decided to refer them all that makes adherence, and confidence to the Committee on Platform. and zeal, as much a party organized for Permanent Organization. aggressive war as when the banners of The report of the Committee on Perma- victory were perched above our heads. nen: Organizat. n was then made, the " The Democratic party, fellow-citizens, name of W H. Vilas. of Wisconsin, be- since the war time, commencing with reconin; presented.s President, with a list of struction, with our hands manacled, with vice-presidents (one from each state) and our ballot-boxes surrounded by the gleamseveral secretaries and assistants, and that ing bayonet, with carpet-bag rulers, with the the,:sc-retaries and clerks of the tempo- voice of free men who pay their taxes to rary organiz:_ation be continued under the the Government, stifled-the Democratic permanent organiza;ion. party has lived to see through all this misThe Chair then appointed as a com- rule the day come when in a great majinimittee t escort Mr Vilas to the chair the tv of our states the Democratic party has Hon. Thomas A. Hendri-ks, of Indiana resumed its control, its power. It has Hon. W W Armstrong, of Ohio, Hon. your House of Representatives, and but AV H. Parsons, of Georgia; Hon. John for treason stalking in the Senate ChamN. Henderson, of Texas Hon. John ber, we would have that, too. A. Day, of '.issouri, Hon. Mr Sparks, of "We want men there whose very lives Illinois, and the Hon. Smith M. Weed, of and whose very names would be a platNew N ork. form to this people; we want men there Mr. Vilas, in taking the chair, returned who shall, in all the departments of the than,- for the honor done him, not as a Government, in its Department of Justice, recocnition of himself, but of the young in its postal affairs, its Interior DepartDemocracv of the Northwest. It was ment, everywhere, follow its servants with their fair due. It was a tribute to their the eye of the ministers of justice, and see lofty zeal and patriotism. They hailed it that every cent that belongs to the Goas a presage and prototype of the coming | vernment shall remain with the Governtrumph. ment; that no tribute shall be demanded, This Convention was assembled to con- except the tribute that is due the Governsider a great cause; to pronounce a mo- ment; that no assessment shall be levied mentous judgment. Its import and value upon 1oo,ooo office-holders, who are paid PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION 75 one hundred millions annually, five millions to go into a corrupt political fund. These, we thank God, will be corrected when the Democratic party shall get into power once more. We read of the enunciation of principles by the Republican party. They tell us they have civil service reform, and yet they demand, in the next breath, from every federal office-holder of the 1oo,ooo, his tribute to the corrupt fund that shall be paid out to the voter at the polls. They tell us that they have a pure government, and yet not a solitary felon has been condemned in the flock of those who have stolen their millions from the treasury Mr Snowden, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution for the call of the roll of the States and for the placing in nomination of candidates for President and Vice President. Mr Clunie, of California, moved its reference to the committee on platform. The nominations should not be made until after the adoption of the platform. The motion was rejected. A motion was made to lay on the table Mr. Snowden's motion to make nominations now- The question was taken by a vote by States and resulted in the negative. The vote on call of States was finally announced as yeas 282, nays 521; so the Convention refused to lay the motion on the table. nated McDonald, of Illinois, which was seconded by General Black. Kentucky.-James A. McKenzie nominated Carlisle. New York. —Mr Lockwood nominated Grover Cleveland, Carter Harrison seconding the nomination. Ohio.-John W Breckenridge, of California, nominated A. G. Thurman, which was seconded by Durbin Ward, of Ohio. A motion to suspend the order of business was made and carried and then at 6.20 the convention took a recess until 10.30 A. M. to-morrow. EVENING SESSION. At 8.05 the convention was called to order and a resolution was offered by Mr. Henry, of Mississippi, expressing the regret and intense admiration of the convention at reading the statesmanlike, patriotic letter of Samuel J Tilden, in which he made known the overpowering and providential necessity which constrained him to decline the nomination to the Presidency, condemning the fraud and violence by which Tilden and Hendricks were cheated out of their offices in 1876; expressing regret that the nation has been deprived of the lofty patriotism and splendid executive and administrative ability of Mr. Tilden, and appointing a committee to convey these sentiments to that gentleman. Adopted. At 9 P M. Morrison, of Illinois, chairman of the committee on resolutions, stepped to the platform to present the report of that committee. The reading ot the platform was concluded at ten o'clock. THIRD DAY'S SESSION. The convention was called to order at II:Io and the proceedings were opened with prayer by the Rev. George C. Lorimer, of the Immanuel Baptist Church, of Chicago. The unfinished business of yesterday, being the call of States for nominations, was resumed. Mr Hoadly of Ohio was placed in nomination by Thomas E. Powell of Ohio. Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania, nominated Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania. The nomination was seconded by Governor Abbett of New Jersey. The vote in detail was as follows s: I State. Alabama Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Al ichigan Minnesota Mississippi Missour i N ebraska Nevada Yeas. Nays I 19 - 14 x6 - 6 - -- 12 6 - - 8 8 x6 17 26 30 - - 26 '3 5 3 23 - 16 3 8 - x6 6 13 - 26 "11 7 7 25 i 8 6 - State. Yeas. Nays New Hampshiie- 8 New Jersey 14 4 New York. - 72 North Carolina - 22 Ohio 19 24 Oregon. 5 x Pennsylvania 24 35 Rhode Island 1 7 South Carolina 11 7 Tennessee 23 1 Texas 14 i2 Vermont - 8 Virginia.. - 24 We t Virginia 2 0o Wisconsin - 22 Arizona. - 2 Dist. Columbia - 2 Dakota 2 - Idaho - 2 Montana. - 2 New Mexico - 2 Washington 2 - Wyoming 2 - Delaware.-Attorney General Geeorig Gray nominated Bayard of Delaware, which was seconded by Col. C. E. Hooker, of Mississippi. Indiana.-Thomas A. Hendricks nomi 76 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. John W Cumming of Massachusetts seconded the nomination of Mr Bayard. The names It the candidates were then announced as tllows-each name being grected with cheers, but by far the grcatest dtim,nstration being for Cleveland: Thomas Francis1 ayard...... of I c)laware, Joseph E. McDonald............of Indiana, John (C arlisle.................of Kentucky (trover Cleveland..............of New \ ork. Allen G Th" urman....................of Ohio. Samuel J Randall.........of Pennsylvania.;eorge iHoadlv................. ( )hio. The candidates having been all presento 1 the con\ention nt 2.2 took a recess until cvening.,eneral Putl