V cA { 1A4509
4f O    I <


I




OeIv.
65;
IL
v


F
ol


4A


'r / - 2 (








War Papers
READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
MILITARY ORDER
- OF THE
LOYAL LEG I ON
OF THE
UNITED STATES.
0
VOLUfIE I.
From October 6, 1886, to April 6, 1893.
PUBLISHED BY THE COMMANDERY.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS.
I893.




I II _LO



CONTENTS.


1\ The Cavalry on the Gettysburg Campaign,..  COMPANION L. S. TROWBRIDGE.
2. My Experience as a Prisoner of War,."                      FREDRIC W. SWIFT.
3. Chickamauga,... DUFFIELD.
4. Michigan in the Opening of the War,....      "    W. H. ITHINGTON.
5. Chancellorsville Campaign,......        "    S. E. PITTMAN.
6. The Stoneman Raid of 1865,..                     L. S. TROWBRIDGE.
7. Recollections of the Bull Run Campaign,..           "    H. F. LYSTER.
8. Personal Recollections of the Occupation of East Tennessee,  "  O. M. POE.
9. The Capture of Jeff. Davis,..."                      J. G. DICKINSON.
10. My Experience as a Prisoner of War, and Escape,.      "     WM. B. MCCREERY.
11. The Michigan Cavalry Brigade in the Wilderness,              J. H. KIDD.
12. My Escape from Belle Isle,....             H R. ABBOTT,
43. Reminiscences of an Artillery Officer,..            A.F. R. ARNDT.
14. Recollections of Stone's River,.....        "    J. G. PARKHURST.
15. A July Morning with the Rebel Ram "Arkansas,".       '    S. B. COLEMAN.
16. The Battle of Kernstown, March 23, 1862,...     G. K. JOHNSON.
17. The Battle of Allatoona, October 5, 1864,.         "  WM. LUDLOW.
18. Personal Experiences of Early Days of 1861,.         "     J..T. STERLING.
19. The Origin of the Society of the Cincinnati,..           F. T. SIBLEY.
-20. Personal Recollections of Four Years in Dixie,.       "    J. T. PATTON.
21. The Battle of Groveton, or Second Bull Run,..GEO. C. HOPPER.
22. "Jeb" Stuart's Hat,..                    '           FORD H. ROGERS.
23. On to Gettysburg,.....ZIBA B. GRAHAM.
24. From the Rapidan to Atlanta,....'                E. B. FENTON.
25. Presentation of Portrait to Companion Poe,..COUNCIL.


INTRODUCTORY ADDRESSES OF COMMANDERS AT ANNUAL BANQUETS
OF THE COMMANDERY.


26. April 13, 1885,, (No Manuscript),
27. May    5, 1886,.
28. June   1, 1887,
29. May    2, 1888, (No Manuscript),
30. May    1, 1889,
31. May    1, 1890,.
32. May    7, 1891,
33. May    5, 1892,.
34. May    4, 18i.,


COMPANION L. S. TROWBRIDGE..       '"   ORLANDO M. POE.
ORLANDO M. POE.
'    RUSSELL A. ALGER.
BYRON R. PIERCE.
FREDRIC W. SWIFT.
ISREAL C. SMITH.
~ SAMUEL E. PITTMAN.
L    WM. H. WITHINGTON.




EXPLANATORY.
The " War Papers" prepared and read 'before the Commanderies
of the Loyal Legion are valuable contributions to the'history of the
War of the Rebellion.
Many of them may fall far short of the fine descriptive power of
the historian, but they possess a far more important element, the
truthful personal experiences of men who passed through the
scenes of which they write.
It is the custom of some of the Commanderies to preserve the
manuscript of their War Papers until a sufficient number have
accumulated to form a volume, when they are published and sold
by subscription.
The custom of the Michigan Commandery is to publish each
paper, as soon as read, at the expense of the Commandery, and to
supply each of our members with a copy. This gives to members
who are unable to attend a meeting the benefit of the papers
without waiting for several years for enough to complete a volume.
For the benefit of members who have preserved their numbers
for binding the title page and contents of Volume I. have been
prepared.
T~v"~                  /7       Yl2~~


Chairman of Council.


DETROIT, May 4, 1893.




THE OPERATIONS
OF THE
CAVALRY
IN THE
Cettysburg Campaign.


A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COIMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
OCTOBER 6th, 1886.
BY COMPANION
GEN'L LUTHER S. TROWBRIDGE.
DETROIT, MICH.:
OSTLER PRINTING COMPANY,
1888.








-— O~T   H E E"L-."


Operations of the Cavalry
IN THE
GETTYSBURG GAMPAIGN,
To all those interested in the history of the late war, the
story of the. battle of Gettysburg has become very familiar.
It has been written and re-written by many officers of the contending armies, and through the various accounts of it, it can
be viewed from many different stand, points, while one quite
unfamiliar with its history, can, without difficulty on the
field, trace the line of battle and mark the places of the hardest fighting by the many monuments which different northern
states have erected to commemorate the noble heroism of
their gallant sons.
Very little, however, has been written of the operations
of the cavalry in that campaign, though those operations
were of great importance, and doubtless had much to do with
the result of that desperate battle. The gallant conduct of
Buford's Division on the first of July, was so closely connected with the infantry fight, that it has received sufficient
notice at the hands of the historian. Manoeuvered with
great skill, and fighting with the most conspicuous courage,
it succeeded in holding in check a large division of the




4


enemy's infantry, and furnishing, what was so much needed,
time for the arrival and concentration of Meade's army in the
strong position which it so successfully maintained. Surely
no words of mine could add to the fame of Buford and his
brave division.
* A brief review of the operations of the other divisions of
cavalry immediately preceding the battle, and culminating in
the brilliant engagement on the right flank of our army on
the 3d of July, may not be uninteresting or unprofitable.
The cavalry has been said to be the eyes of the army;
and it was, perhaps, owing to a disregard of that truth that
General Lee found himself face to face with the entire Army
of the Potomac, when he supposed that he had only a portion of it to contend with. It has been said, with how much
truth 1 know not, that General Lee'would not have ordered
the assault on the third day of the battle, had he known that
General Meade had succeeded in bringing up his whole army.
When the invasion of the North was decided upon, General Lee had two things to be accomplished by his cavalry;
first, to conceal, as by an impenetrable veil, the movements
of his army; and secondly, to give him full, accurate and
timely information of the movements of his antagonist. His
cavalry was under the commhand of General Stuart, a bold,
aggressive, and in many respects a brilliant officer, but more
successful in planning and executing a dashing cavalry raid,
than in the less exciting but more important work of closely
watching his enemy. A suggestion, at least, of General Lee's
plan was obtained by the bold and unexpected attack made
by Pleasanton at Brandy Station, on the 9th of June. Information, gained by that attack, revealed to General Hooker
the probability of a cheme for invading the North. That information was strongly confirmed by the brilliant engagements of the 17th, 19th and 21st of June, at Aldie and Upperville, in which the gallant divisions of Buford and Gregg




5


demonstrated that the Confederate cavalry could no longer
justly claim any superiority over the Union cavalry. On the
contrary, the blave boys in blue after many sharp contests
had the proud satisfaction of seeing the Confederates driven
from one position after another, until their whole force had
been forced back more than six miles, and all the information
which Pleasanton sought had been gained.
Lee's immediate objective point was Harrisburg, where
he expected to accomplish so much in breaking up communication with Washington, by the destruction of the Pennsylvania and Northern Central Railroads, as to give him his
choice between Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington as
his next objective point. To us, at the present day, the
whole scheme seems wild and unreasonable, only to be made
successful by leaving out of the calculation the Army of the
Potomac. But that army was not to be left out of the calculation, and at some time, at some point in his march General
Lee was sure to meet it.
However such was his plan, and with that end in view
General Early was ordered to York, Pa., and General Stuart
was directed to place so much of his cavalry, as he should
think best, as speedily as possible, in conjunction with
that force which would sonstitute the right wing of the invading army.
To accomplish this, two plans were open to him; one, to
pass along the flank of the army and cross the Potomac at
Shepherdstown and Williamsport. That would seem to
most military critics to have been the proper route, as he
could then have kept constant watch on the movements of his
enemy and maintained uninterrupted communication with
his chief. But General Stuart conceived a more brilliant, if
successful, and certainly much more hazardous plan, which
was to pass around the rear of the Army of the Potomac. If
this route afforded greater expedition in connecting with




Early, and the tempting chance of capturing a train or some
detached portions of the army, it also exposed him to the
danger of being cut off from communication with his chief,
and furnishing him with the information which it was of the
highest importance tor him to have-a result which actually
did occur through the quick movements and splendid fighting of the Union cavalry. Leaving Jones's and Robertson's
brigades with the main army, he took with him the three
brigades of Hampton and the two Lees for this perilous undertaking.
Doubtless he thought the brigades of Jones and Robertson with that of Jenkins, numbering altogether nearly 4,000
men, would be-amply sufficient to keep Lee advised of all the
movements of the Army of the Potomac. Perhaps they
should have been, and it may be that it was not so much the
absence of the three brigades of Hampton and the two Lees,
as that of Stuart himself, that so disturbed General Lee.
Certain it i. that the absence of that officer was very sorely
felt and greatly criticised. It has even been said that there
was talk of a court martial for his disobedience of others, but
that General Lee refused to order the court because, as he
said, Stuart was allowed a discretion under his orders, and
could not be tried for exercising that discretion.
A glance at the map will show the extent of Stuart's
march around the Army of the Potomac. The fighting of
the 17th, 19th and 21st of June had been in the Luray Valley
from Aldie to Upperville, between thirty and forty miles in a
northwesterly direction from Fairfax Court House. After
those fights he concentrated his three brigades for the contemplated movement at Salem, a small village west of Thoroughfare Gap, on the night of the 24th of June. About one
o'clock on the morning of the 25th he started on his expedition, moving in a southeasterly direction. When he reached
the Warrenton Pike, thinking he had passed the rear of the






Map SlzOW149 Route Or
STUARTS CAVALR~Y
July 9 t~o 12 1862 &
June 2,5 to JulZy 2 /863Y.






I.


Army of the Potomac, he turned up that road towards Centerville, but on approaching Haymarket he found the road
which he expected to take occupied by Hancock's corps..He
was thus obliged to retrace his steps, abandon his contemplated movement and cross the Potomac ar Shepherdstown or
make a still wider detour to get around the Army of the
Potomac. He chose the latter. Withdrawing from Hancock, he again took his southeasterly course. Passing
through Bristoe Station and Brentsville, he crossed the upper
waters of the Occoquan, then turning to the northeast, he
again crossed the Occoquan at Wolf Run Shoals, passed
through Fairfax Court House to Hunter's Mill within a;few
miles of the Chain Bridge at Georgetown, then turning to the
northwest he passed through Drainesville, and on the 28th of
June crossed the Potomac at Rowser's Ford. The next day
he captured a train of 125 wagons at Rockville,-a capture
which proved a very expensive one for him through his obstinacy in determining to hold on to them at all hazards. The
delay occasioned by them was instrumental, at least, in enabling Kilpatrick to interpose his division of cavalry between
Stuart and Lee's main army; and by bold, aggressive, and
splendid fighting, Kilpatrick forced him into a long, circuitous march, reaching as far as Carlisle, before he could get
into communication again with his chief.
With Stuart cut off from the main body of the Confederate army, and fairly occupied with his favorite employment,
-a cavalry raid,-let us turn our attention to the Union
Cavalry.
Stahl's division of cavalry had been engaged in outpost
duty at Fairfax Court House during the spring and early
summer of 1863. On the 17th of June, while the guns of
Gregg, proclaiming a spirited fight at Aldie, were distinctly
heard at Fairfax Court House, Stahl's division suddenly broke
camp. As the booming of the guns at Aldie came rolling




8


down the Little River Pike, it was thought by the rank and
file they were going to join their comrades at Aldie. Instead
of that however, that division made an extended reconnaisance to Warrenton and Sulphur Springs, detachments being
sent on various roads, covering a wide extent of territory. It
was doubtless deemed important by the commander of the
Army of the Potomac to know whether Lee's army had gone
down the Shenandoah Valley, or whether there was still
danger of its advancing through Manassas and Thoroughfare
Gaps and along the Warrenton Pike upon the old battle field
of Bull Run. If that information was the object of the expedition, it wes fully gained; for scarcely an armed rebel was
seen during the whole march. Thus the last possible doubt
of the plans of General Lee was dispelled, and it became
plainly evident that his movement meant an invasion of the
North.
After returning from  that expedition, the Michigan
Brigade, then composed of the 5th, 6th and 7th regiments of
cavalry, was sent to Frederick, Md., and from there to Gettysburg. On the 28th of June it was in Gettysburg, and
there learned of the passage of Early's troops through that
place toward York. Returning to Emmittsburg, it learned
of the changes in the army. Hooker had been relieved, and
Meade placed in command. Stahl's division had been added
to the cavalry corps; Stahl had been relieved, and Kilpatrick
assigned to its command. Copeland had been relieved of the
command of the Michigan Brigade, to which the 1st Michigan had been added, and Custer, just promoted to be Brigadier General, had been assigned to its command.  Farnsworth, who also had just been made a Brigadier-General, was
assigned to the command of the other brigade.
Meanwhile Stuart, dragging along his train of captured
wagons, had stopped at Hood's Mills to destroy the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad and the telegraph line, thus giving Kilpat



9
rick the opportunity which he wanted of throwing his divis
iod between Stuart and Lee. The night of June 29th Stuart
rested at Westminster, where he found abundance of forage
and provisions, his advance being thrown forward to Union
Mills. The same night, Kilpatrick was at Littlestown, only
seven miles distant, directly on Stuart's path. These forces
came in collision the next day, and spirited engagements followed near Littlestown and at Hanover. In these engagements victory was on the side of the Union troops. Stuart
was driven out of Hanover, and forced to make a wide detour,
thus greatly prolonging his absence from his chief —an absence already being very'sorely felt by General Lee.
While Kilpatrick is in hot pursuit after Stuart, forcing
him farther and farther away from a junction with Lee'st
army, the concentration of the rebel army at Gettysburg is
fully revealed to General Meade. Gregg, with the second
cavalry division, who has been on the right flank of Meade'.s
army, is hurriedly ordered to Gettysburg, which place he
reaches on the 2nd of July, about noon. He takes position
on the Hanoverroad, on the right flank of Meade's army.
Kilpatrick comes upon Hampton's brigade on the evening of
July 2nd, at Hunterstown, a small place about five miles
north of Gettysburg, where a spirited little fight takes place,
but without decisive results. Kilpatrick then moves to Two
Taverns, about five miles from Gettysburg, on the Baltimore
Pike, where, after an all-night's march, the tired men go
into bivouac for a little rest early in the morning of the 3d,
just as the booming cannon announce the opening of the
fierce struggle for the possession of Gulp's Hill.
After a few hours' rest, the division moves out, and
takes the road to place itself on the left flank of the army,
which was unprotected, Buford having been ordered to
Westminister to protect the supply trains. Gregg, however,
who is on the right, with the instinct of the true soldier,




I




10


naticipating serious trouble on that flank from Stuart's cavalry, sends a staff officer to Custer, and directs him to take
position on the right flank. Sagacious soldier! most fortunate order! On that flank, this day, is to be made a desperate attempt to turn Meade's flank, which, if successful,
may work dreadful mischief for the Army of the PotomacCuster moves to the right, and takes positien north of the
Hanover road, about three and a half miles east of Gettysburg.
Stuart smarting, under the mild reproof of General Lee
for allowing himself to be so long separated from the inrmy,
and anxious to do something to re-establish himself in the
confidence of his chief, determines to force his way to the
~Baltimore Pike around the flank of Meade's army, where in
the midst of the wagon trains and reserve artillery he expects to create such a panic as to insure the success of Pickett's fierce assult on the left center of the infantry line, and
compel the Army of the Potomac to abandon its strong
position on Cemetery Ridge.
In attempting this movement, Stuart had the four brigades of Hampton, Fitzhugh Lee, Chamnbliss and Jenkins, and
the three batteries of Griffin, Breathed and McGregor. He
doubtless thought his movement would be a surprise; but
not not only had Gregg been informed by General Meade
that a large body of the enemy's cavalary had been seen
moving towards his left, but Custer had sent out scouting
parties which gave him timely notice of the approach of the
enemy. While endeavoring to conceal the movements of
Chambliss's and Jenkin's brigades behind Cress's Ridge,
Stuart pushed one of Griffin's guns to the edge of the woods
where they were, and fired some random shots in different
directions, himself directing the firing.  It is difficult to
understand Stuart's motive in this, unless it was a prearranged signal to inform General Lee that he had secured a




11


good position, and was ready for action. No other reason
would seem to justify such a plain exposure of a movement
which was evidently intended to be a surprise. Certainly
there was much to inspire him with hope and confidence.
Before him lay a beautiful undulating country, stretching
for two or three miles to the Baltimore Pike. There was
nothing apparently to oppose his march. Not a man of the
enemy was to be seen through all those beautiful fields.
Surely, success was within his grasp, and another hour
would see his squadrons spreading panic and dismay in the
real of the Union army! Another bright wreath of glory
was just within his reach. What a rude and sudden awakening from a blissful dream! The fire of Griffin's gun immnediately brought an answering response from Pennington's
three-inch rifles, the fire of which was so accurate and so
rapid that Griffin was soon disabled, and he was forced to
seek shelter. The opening of fire by Griffin's battery and the
appearance about the same time of Hampton's and Lee's
brigades in open ground farther to the left, disclosed the
rebel position to General Gregg, who at once assumed the
aggressive, and so impetuous was his attack that Stuart was
soon obliged to abandon the thought of getting to the Baltimore Pike unobserved, and concentrating his whole force,
and his utmost effort to avoid being disastrously driven from
the field.
Early in the day, Custer had occupied the extreme right,
the two brigades of Gregg's division being on the left, and
connecting with the infantry line on Wolf's Hill. Custer'
received an order to join Kilpatrick on the flank beyond the
Round Tops but Gregg, appreciating the threatening character of Stuart's movements, took the responsibility of ordering him to remain. It is reported in several histories, and
stoutly maintained by some officers of high rank, that Custer moved off the field in obedience to that order, and was




12


turned back by General Gregg whom he met as he was moving away. Such was not the case. Doubtless such an order
was given, for Custer mentions it in his report, but it was
countermanded by General Gregg before its execution was
attempted. No regiment of that brigade left its position
until the fight was over, except to go towards the enemy.
McIntosh, who Wvas sent to relieve Custer, formed still farther
to the right, his right resting in a piece of woods on the Low
Dutch road near where the present cavalry monument now
stands. Custer had formed his brigade, the 6th and 7th,
supporting the sections of Pennington's battery in different
positions, the 1st in reserve mounted in column of squadrons,
and the 6th, with their Spencer repeating rifes, dismounted
and mo ed to the front of his center and left. The right of
the 5th when deployed, rested about thirty rods nearly west
of where the cavalry monument now stands, the line extending to the west with the left refused as to form a considerable
angle with the right of the line.
McIntosh, wishing to know what was in his front, moved
the 1st New Jersey toward the wooded crest, where Hampton and Lee had massed and concealed their forces. This
movement brought out a strong skirmish line-from the Rummel farm buildings, a short distance in front of the crest,
which had been occupied by Witcher's battalion of Jenkins'
brigade. The 5th Michigan was promptly moved for ward to
assist the 1st New Jersey, while Hampton ordered up his
sharpshooters to strengthen his line, and for a long time the
fight was maintained by these commands with great spirit.
The writer was on the right of the 5th at the time, and has a
very distinct recollection of the gallant advance of Hampton's
men.
The ammunition of the 5th Michigan becoming exhausted, that regiment fell back to its horses, having suffered
severely, and lost one of its most trusted officers in the death




CAVJALRY
HM'rV:  R'1-,1UAo    HMiOS  '
c>l      ~
4.




of Major Ferry. This movement being interpreted as a breaking of the line, the enemy promptly followed up. To check
their advance, the 7th Michigan was ordered to charge. By
some unfortunate mistake, that regiment was led up to a
high stake-and-rider fence, and no attempt being made to
change direction, it was thrown against that fence in great
confusion as squadron after squadron dashed headlong upon
those in front. Meanwhile they were subjected to a severe
fire from the dismounted men of the enemy, who were behind
another fence a short distance in front, and were soon forced
to retire in much confusion. As that regiment was retiring.
it was charged by a mounted regiment of the enemy, which.
however, retir, d without accomplishing any decisive results.
The 5th Michigan had now reached its horses. The 1st
battalion being speedily mounted, Colonel Alger ordered it
to charge the enemy. This was done with a will, and as those
men dashed forward with a cheer, the dismounted men of the
enemy in front broke and tied in great confusion. Back over
the fields, past the Rummel buildings, past their guns, back into
the woods where they had first been massed, those men fled.
A detachment of the 2nd North Carolina, under Capt. Geary,
however, maintained their ground behind a fence in the
hollow of a little stream, and from that position poured a hoi
fire into the flank of that battalion as it passed.
The major's horse was killed, and he only escaped capture by the timely arrival of his orderly, who was riding his
second horse. The battalion, however, charged on nearly to
the enemy's guns, when it was obliged to retire. Upon retiring, it was in turn charged by Chambliss' brigade and the
1st Virginia cavalry, which was in turn driven back by the
balance of the 5th coming up under Colonel Alger.
Thus the battle swayed back and forth over the field. It
was just at this time, with the 7th retired in some confusion
after its bloody repulse at the high fence, the 6th supporting




14


the battery, the 5th broken up somewhat, but hotly engaged
in its disconnected charges, and the 1st the only available
force left, that the enemy conceived the idea of sweeping the
field with a magnificent dash of his veteran legions. Hampton, who had been seeking in vain to find Stuart, had returned to his command to find the battle going sorely against
them, and two regiments of his brigade and two of Lee's
brigade about to charge. Thinking that two regiments
would be sufficient for the purpose, he ordered back
the two regiments of Lee's brigade, and placing himself
at the head of his two regiments, led them     to the
charge. His regimental commanders, and Fitzhugh Lee,
thinking he could not maintain himself with two regiments
moved forward to his support until all of his brigade except
the Cobb legion, and all of Lee's brigade except the 4th Virginia cavalry, were hotly engaged in the fierce struggle which
followed.  On the Union side, to meet this new danger,
reliance was had mainly on the 1st Michigan. The odds were
great, but that reirnent had established a reputation for
desperate fighting. It was ordered to charge. Colonel Town,
a most brave and gallant soldier, placing himself at its head,
orders the trot. With steady ranks, their sabres gleaming in
the sun, they move forward until within striking distance of
that advancing host, when with a wild cheer they burst upon
it with their flashing sabres.
They are aided by the impetuous attacks of other detached
bodies. Rogers and Treichel, with sixteen men of their
squadron of the 3d Pennsylvania, all who could get their
horses, with Alger and a portion of the 5th Michigan, vigorously assail the right flank. Miller, with his squadron of
the 3d Pennsylvania, and Hart and Strong with a squadron
of the 1st New Jersey, strike the left flank, and cut clear
through it. McIntosh, with his staff and orderlies, charge in
with their sabres. For a moment the ranks of that mighty








4- VA.
:3 t, ---t::=3 'Z
C==3
C=ZZ3 I —
Al14i5t




15


column held their ground then they staggered, broke and fled,
leaving the Union troops in possession of the hotly contested
field. The fight was over. Stuart had failed. He could not
reach the Baltimore Pike, and the anticipated panic in the
rear of Meade's army was a thing only of the imagination.
Perhaps it was not, after all, of such great importance as it
had promised. Pickett, too, had failed. The great invasion
of the North was at an end; and now, instead of leading a
victorious army in hot pursuit of the broken remnants of
Meade's army, Stuart has the melancholy duty of guarding
the flank of the defeated army of Northern Virginia as it
takes up its mournful march to reach the other side of the
Potomac.
It was a memorable fight. Beyond question, it was up
to that time the most important and most desperate cavalry
fight that had occurred.
The Confederate troops engaged were as follows: In
Hampton's brigade, the 1st North Carolina and the 1st and
2d South Carolina regiments, the Cobb Georgia, the Jeff
Davis, and the Phillips Georgia legions; in Fitzhugh Lee's
brigade, the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th and 5th Virginia regiments; in
W. H. F. Lee's brigade, commanded by Chambliss, the 9th,
10th and 13th Virginia, and the 2d North Carolina regiments;
in Jenkins's brigade, the 14th, 16th and 17th Virginia regiments, and the 34th and 36th Virginia battalions. The artillery was composed of McGregor's, Breathed's and Griffin's
batteries. The 4th Virginia, however, was guarding the Confederate left, and took no active part in the fighting. The
whole force numbered not less than six thousand men.
On the Union side the troops engaged were as follows:
In Custer's brigade, the 1st, 5th, 6th and 7th Michigan regiments, the three latter being new regiments and never before
seriously engaged, and one battalion of the 5th being absent
guarding a train; in Mclntosh's brigade, the 3d Pennsy1 -



16


vania, the 1st New Jersey, and the 1st Maryland regiments
of cavalry; in Colonel J. Irvin Gregg's brigade, the 4th and
18th Pennsylvania, the 1st Maine, and the 10th New York
regiments of cavalry. In addition to these above, the Purnell troop of Maryland cavalry was temporarily serving with
the 1st brigade, and Company "A," 1st Ohio cavalry, with
the 2d brigade. The artillery consisted of Randol's light
battery "E," 1st U. S. artillery, 4 guns; Pennington's light
battery "M," 2d U. S. artillery, 6 guns; and the 2d section
of light battery "H," 3d Pennsylvania artillery, 2 guns.
The whole force numbered about five thousand men, but
Gregg's brigade was not engaged, as it held an important
position connecting with the right of the infantry line at
Wolf's Hill. The lst Maryland, Lieutenant-Colonel Deems,
was occupied in guarding the right flank at some distance
from the field of battle. and was not actively engaged. The
aggregate forces actually engag(ed were thus reduced to about
three thousand men.
There has been much dispute as to who occupied the
field after the fight was over. Stuart and his officers claim
they drove the Union forces from the field. On the other
hand, Gregg, Mclntosh, Custer and their officers maintain
that they remained masters of the field, even of that portion
occupied by the Confederates at the beginning of the fight.
McIntosh claims that after the fight he established his picket
line in the woods where Hampton and Lee had massed their
forces in the morning. In support of this he cites the statement of Mr. Rummel, the owner of the farm on which the
fight occlrred, who says that his father was captured that
day by the rebels, who took possession of his farm buildings,
and that after night he was released, and told that he might
go home if he could get there, but that he could not get there
on account of the Union picket line being between him an(
his home. He may not have had any clear perception as to




The zohte',hck.9 dhw.~O~~yf2d~df
ie 6,taddd Maek&kw             A —z~d
a zeat hlwhv ow a-vf  -zollw?




17


whether the pickets he saw were Union or Confederate. But
again, it is claimed that the Confederates used the Rummel
farm buildings all night for hospital purposes. It is, however, a matter of small moment who had actual physical possession of the field. It is the opinion of the writer that
neither side actually occupied that portion of the field where
the fight took place, but that each retired to the positions
occupied by them at the beginning of the fight. One thing
will be admitted by all, and that is that Stuart attempted to
turn the flank of Meade's army, and that he failed to do it;
and further, that he was prevented from doing it by the
good generalship of General Gregg, in forcing the fighting,
and the hard fighting of the brave men under his command.
While other troops performed their full duty, and deserve
their full measure of credit, the fact still remains that the
brunt of the fighting fell on Custer's brigade, and to that
brigade chiefly belongs the credit of winning the fight.
I have omitted some minor operations of a portion of
Gregg's division on the evening of the second day, which,
while very creditable and important in their way, were not,
in my judgment, of sufficient importance to require a detailed description.
I presume my narrative will be unsatisfactory to many.
I have found it impossible to reconcile many conflicting
statements. But after a very pleasant and full interchange
of views, on the field, this last summer, with many officers,
both Union and Confederate, I have endeavored to present a
story of the fight as near the actual facts, as it was possible
for me to come.








MY EXPERIENCES


AS A
PRISONER OF WAN,
A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE


LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
DECEMBER 1st, 1886.
BY COMPANION
LT. COL. F. W. SWIFT.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WM. S. OSTLER, PRINTER.
1888.




i
I
i
I
I
i
I
I
i
I
i
I
I
I
I
II




t"thi expUeirnrr,a  a Vtioonex of war+
The fighting in front of Spottsylvania Court House, Va.,
on the 12th day of May, 1864, was at its height. Hancock
with his gallant second corps had made the terrific charge at
the "bloody angle," which resulted in the capture of nearly all
of "Ed." Johnson's rebel division and about 30 guns. - Lee had
massed his forces and was making herculean effoits to recover
the position. Our division (Wilcox's of the 9th corps) had
been double quicked to Hancock's support, but before he
could reach the point he had been forced back after a terrible
struggle, abandoning most of the captured guns. The
slaughter in this angle was appalling, and the fighting
equalled in stubbornness that of Gettysburg or the Wilderness. We were afterwards ordered to the left, and an attack
ordered against Lee's right which reached near the C. H., and
which had been weakened to strengthen his lines in Hancock's immediate front. Batteries had been placed at every
available point, and we were ordered into the woods.
"Regiments to the right of us,
Regiments to the left of us,
Batteries to the rear of us,
And rebels in front of us,
Forward we moved."




4


The young fresh leaves of the forest made it impossible
for us to see very far in any direction, but our advancing line
very soon received a scathing lire from the front. And, about
100 feet away we could see the rebel flag in the dense undergrowth-showing unmistakably our proximity to the rebel
line of battle. We were ordered to "lie down and commence
firing." For a considerable time a terrible fusilade was kept
up on both sides. W hile shell from, both Union and rebel
guns were constantly shrieking and exploding about us.
And the air seemed to be filled with the missiles of death and
destruction.
Many a poor fellow here met his fate, and out of the 225
men of the 17th Mich. who went into that "vortex of fire,"
97 were killed and wounded. We were absolutely without
orders after encountering the enemy; and in the absence of
orders there was nothing to do but to hold our part of the
line as long as possible. In the midst of this pandemonium
of death and while we were lying as flat as possible to
"Mother Earth" I felt a touch on my shoulder. Adjutant
Watts, who had been on the left of the regiment during our
advance into the woods, said, "We had better be getting out
of this, the line to our left has given away, a rebel brigade
has swept around to our rear, and the woods are full of them!
Directing the Adjt. to look after the right of the regiment, I started down the line to look over the situation of
affairs and had gone but a few yards when I came upon poor
Avery of ' A" company who was lying upon the ground in
the last agonies of death, having received a ball in the middle
of his forehead. I stooped down, laid him in as comfortable
position as possible. Saw that he was no more. And
straightened up to go on. When, "Halt there!" And four
wicked looking muskets in the hands of as many wicked
looking "Johnnies" pointed full at my breast and not 20 feet
away, brought me speedily to a realizing sense that I, too, was




5


a prisoner of war.
Of course resistance was useless. Here was an instance
where discretion was the "better part of valor."
"I reckon the most of you 'uns. are up at the Court
House now. -And you might as well go too," was the coniforting remark of the Captain who took my sword. And,
rapidly glancing about, and "taking in" the situation as
rapidly as possible and considering the number of "gray
backs" in the near vicinity, I soon came, to the conclusion
that his wishes and not mine, just at that particular juncture.
were to be respected. I "accepted the situation" with as
good grace as possible. and myself and several others were
escorted up the densely wooded slope, over the rebel line of
defenses to the Court House, where were congregated hundreds of Union prisoners, rebel soldiers, staff officers, hospital
and ammunition wagons, &c.
As we entered the court yard I noticed a serious and gentlemanly looking person, clad in a brown suit and soft felt
hat, no insignia of rank aboit him, standing by the gateway. "That is Gen'l Lee," said my escort, the Captain: and
from photo's I had seen I had. already guessed, as much.
Shot and shell were coming over in profusion from the Union
batteries, making it very uncomfortable for us as well as the
rebels And soon we were moved out of the line of fire a mile
or so to the rear into an open field near by Gen'l Lee's headquarters.
Here the boys of the 17th got together and we found
there were nearly 100 belonging to our little regiment prisoners, but we did not then know that 97 more had been left
killed or wounded on the bloody battle field. And still less
did we realize how few of those prisoners then in full health
would ever live to "breathe the air again on the free land in
their own beloved homes."
I do not know how many ever returned from the horrors




6


of Andersonville, but I do know that many of them never did
and that some who did return only came to die even upon the
thresholds of their homes. One poor comrade (Coy of F
Co.) whose people resided 3 or 4 miles from the railroad
station, when he left the cars was so weak that he could not
walk, was taken in charge by kind friends and word sent to
his relatives, but before they could come to him his reason
had fled, and he died in the arms of those he loved, giving no
sign.
We remained in the vicinity of Spottsylvania for a couple
of days, when we were escorted to Gordonsville, thence to
Danville, Va. Here the commissioned officers were put into
a large tobacco warehouse, and the enlisted men were sent on
to Andersonville, Ga., and we saw no more of them.
After a day or two at Danville we were sent to Lynchburg,
where we were kept for a week or more in a large hall over a
store, on very short and very poor rations, and then forwarded in common box or freight cars to Macon, Ga.
We were 2 or 3 days and nights in transit. And, as the
weather was warm, our guard would open the door and sit in
the opening with their feet hanging out and their muskets
across their laps.
Of course we naturally made the best of a bad situation.
And, as we had some good singers and story tellers in our
car, we made out to entertain our rebel friends very well.
One of them was a German, who had been impressed into the
rebel army, and consequently was not very hard to please,
and the others, were an old man and his grandson, not very
well up in discipline, and evidently not much impressed with
the importance of their trust. The second night of our journey a scheme was devised for escape and of course we were
more full of music and anecdote than ever. Several of us
stood around the opening where the guard sat and sang with
all our power, *whilst others worked vigorously with their




7
jackkhnives cutting aa hole in the door opp6isite.
This was no easy job, as it must be done between 2
stations; but we sang so sweetly, and were so innocent and
hilarious, and our fellows were so industrious, that the hole
was made. And our boys in the midst of the fun having
quietly removed the caps from the muskets of the guard,
and everything being ready, ten of us quickly crawled through
the hole, watched our chances one after another, swung off,
dropped to the ground, rolled down the sandy embankment
more or less bruised and bewildered, picked ourselves up,
found that no bones had been broken and that we were free.
Those that jumped first were to follow the train, those
who julmped last were to go from it until we all met, and as
ten only were to jump we soon congregated.
After congratulating ourselves on having no broken
bones or dislocated joints, we agreed on the best course to
be pursued, chose our leader, who, under all circumstances
was to be implicitly obeyed, and started from the railroad
across the country, taking for our guide that friend of the
fugitive, the north star.
We knew well, that, at the first stop, the conductor of
the train would discover our escape and give notice of it to
the authorities, and that we would be pursued. So we did
our best to put as many miles as posssble between the railroad and ourselves before daylight. How readily we obeyed
the orders of our leader! Once more we breathed the pure
air of Heaven, and freedom beckoned us forward!
As daylight approached we turned into the densest wood
we could find, and lay concealed during the day, having
nothing to eat;, only what we had brought in our pockets,
which was very little. After night fall we took the road
agaln, and as this part of Georgia was very sparsely settled,
thie road was comparatively safe.
Our intention was, if'possibl,' tod reiach Shtrnan's lines2?




8


All night we pursued our dreary way unmolested, without
incident of note; tramping as only those will tramp who
are in pursuit of life, liberty or happiness, and as before
sought the shelter of woods on the approach of day break.
And so, until the night of the fourth day, having subsisted on
wild mulberries and such other wild fruit as we could find,
worn out with our long tramp and anxiety, getting only
sleep such as we could day times.  One of our party had
ventured to make himself known to a slave working in a
lonely cornfield not far from our hiding place, and received
from him some corn bread, and arranged with him to bring
us after dark more food.
Just before the hour arrived, and while we were congratulating ourselves upon the prospects for a "good square meal,"
we heard the deep ominous bay of blood hounds, and we
knew that we were being pursued. No one who has never
been a fugitive can tell of the " dismal dismay" the baying of
these hounds produces.  The relentless persistency and
unerring certainty with which they follow the trail were
well known to the poor fugitive from slavery, and no wonder were held in such terror by these friendlesss creatures,
who well knew they could expect no mercy from the hound
or his owner!
Of course our hopes vanished as the noise of the hounds
increased, when to our great joy and relief our friend
appeared to us with a "pome" or two concealed under his
coat, and told us that we had been followed with hounds from
the railroad (about sixty miles), and our whereabouts ascertained, and that the roads in that region were all picketed.
He had found it impossible to bring us any bacon, but would
try co pilot us to a road which he thought would not be
picketed.  Well, as there was no time to be lost in vain
regrets, we "moved at once," the negro leading us through
an almost impenetrable swamp "to throw the dogs off trail,"




9


and across the country several miles to a lonely road, and
started us off with his blessing, as he said that he "must
be back to de quarters befo' daylight or dey would spect
him." He only requested us if we should be captured and
see him at any time, not to recognize him in any way, else
his life would be forfeited.
After parting with our faithful friend we started out
with new hope and strength, and nothing occured to alarm
us until about two o'clock in the morning, while passing
through a dense wood we suddenly came upon a party of
our pursuers, who had selected this spot for ambush. They
had no fires, the darkness was intense, and they were concealed and armed. They halted us, and as we were unarmed
and helpless we were recaptured! Our captors soon kindled
a bright fire, and on counting us and finding one of our
party missing, put their dogs at work, very soon "treed"
the missing yank and brought him in. They made tis lie
down and kept guard over us until daylight, when they
escorted us to the village of Sparta, Hancock Co., a few miles
distant; taken to the C. H., where all classes, old and young,
black and white, bond and free, congregated to see the yanks.
The provost marshall, a big fat good natured sort of a
rebel, too unwieldy to carry a musket, therefore one of
the "home guard," brought us in some "pomes" or Johnny
cakes and bacon, with coffee made of parched rye, and "fed
the animals," to the great admiration of the gaping crowd,
and to our comfort, for we were as hungry a lot of mortals
as one would wish to encounter.
After breakfast we were put into wagons and under
escort of some of the home guard, commanded by our friend
the ponderous provost marshall, started off for Milledgeville.
Before we left Sparta, I noticed, in the outskirts of the
crowd, the slave who had befriend us the evening previous.




10


Poor fellow! He had done his best, and had imperiled his
life to help de Linkum sojers," and it was not his fault
that we were recaptured.  We had traveled, after he left us,
at least ten miles before being molested, and supposed we
were beyond their pickets.  As I looked at him, I thought I
could discern a look of regret in his kindly old face, and felt
that I would like to acknowledge the debt we owed him;
yet, as we had promised, I gave no sign of recognition. The
ride to Milledgeville was without incident, excepting one
episode brought about by the too free expression of sentiment indulged in by one of our party, who engaged in a dispute concerning the war, with one of the guard.  Being of
Celtic origin, and ready wit and tongue, he rather got the
best of the argument with the aforesaid guard, who, to make
up for lack of argument, cocked his gun and drew a bead on
Col. Higginbotham, (65th N. Y. Vols.,) and informed him
that nothing would give him so much pleasure as to blow
his "infernal Yankee head off," which he doubtless would
have done but for the energetic interposition of authority by
the "ponderous marshall."
Arrived at Milledgeville we were taken to the principal
hotel there and fed. The city seemed nearly deserted except
by women and children.   These crowded into the large
dining hall to see the Yankee officers feed.
One nervous, spare, woman seemed to watch us as if she
could hardly refrain from tearing our eyes out.  Finally she
broke out with, " You uns come down here to fight we uns.
You miserable Lincoln renegades, you've got just what you
deserve. I'd just like to see you and old Lincoln all in a pen
together. "
One of our party replied, " Why, Lincoln is one of the
nicest men you ever saw, and he likes the girls too; did you
ever see him?"  "No," said she, spitefully, "and I don't
want to; I would rather see the devil here than old Lincoln."




11


How much longer she would have vented her spite on us, I
don't know, for here the ponderous marshal once more
interposed to save us, and taking the woman by the arm, said
he didn't want her to talk us to death while we were on his
hands, escorted her out.
After dinner we were put aboard cars, and started for
Macon, where we arrived the next day, and were conducted
at once to the stockade, built for Union commissioned officers,
the enlisted men being confined at Andersonville, forty miles or
more distant. This stockade was a large enclosure similar to
that at Andersonville but smaller.  A large wooden warehouse was inside, but as only 25 per cent. of the 1200 officers
confined here could find accommodations in it, and as vermin
of every description swarmed there, I preferred to sleep or
stay outside, and take my chances with the elements. I had
been within the enclosure but a short time before I was
greeted with a warm welcome by Capt. Jas. T. Morgan of my
regiment who had been captured at the battle of Campbell
Station, Tenn., Nov. 16th, preceding. It was a welcome such
as only could be given under like circumstances, and the
captain, with that freedom and generosity so marked in his
nature, made every effort to nake my brief sojourn in the
Macon stockade as pleasant at possible; even going so far as
to insist on my sharing the hospitalities of his mansion, bed
and board- which consisted of a blanket, 2 crotches, ridge
pole, the ground, a tin cup and plate; and yet with the true
gentlemanly kindness with which it was shared with me,
made it princely entertainment. I also met Lt. Asa W.
Sprague, of the 24th Mich. infantry, who had been captured
at Gettysburg. He asked eagerly after his old regiment and
friends, and seemed much depressed. His nature could illy
stand prison life, and he gave signs of the longings that terminated his life at Charleston in the October following.
Our provisions here were very scant, poor corn-bread and




12


worse bacon; yet we were vastly better off than the poor fellows, herded and packed together like so many swine in the
Andersonville stockade.
The "dead line" here became a startling reality, and
was as zealously guarded as at Andersonville.  I had been
here only a day or so, when I saw a nail in a strip of railing
which I coveted, and innocently enough endeavored to get it
out, not knowing that this was a part of the "dead line."
While busily engaged in securing my prize (which I
wanted in case I should secure slabs for a shelter), I heard
the ominous cocking of a musket, and " Git out o' thar, you
Yank!" and knowing well what that meant, I jumped
to the rear as lively as possible, and looking up saw a sentinel just bringing his piece to an aim. Of course I "got."
Like Mark Twain when he encountered the "stiff," 4"I
simply went," and didn't visit that immediate vicinity again
very soon.
Some of those stockade sentinels had never served at the
front, and were always ready to demonstrate their soldierly
qualities by shooting a " Yank " on very slight provocation.
The third morning after we reached Macon, I was washing myself at a little rivulet used for that purpose, and heard
the well known cry of " Fresl fish! " and looking up I saw
the crowd moving towards the gate where prisoners were admitted. The " fresh fish " were a lot of Federal officers taken
from Butler's command at Bermuda Hundreds, about the
time of the Wilderness battles.  They had just been brought
in, and as I had learned from a Richmond paper that the
27th Mass. regiment, in which I had a brother, had been
captured with nearly all of its officers, I concluded
I would likely find him in the lot.  I started for the
crowd, and soon I discovered him relating the circumstances
of the capture at Bermuda Hundreds to a squad of officers
with whom he had served at Newberne. As his powers of




18


description were very good, and he very earnest, withal, I
found no difficulty in elbowing my way near to, and directly
back of him. 1 stood for several moments almost touching
his back. Yet so engaged was he with his recital, that he
did not discover me, until finally seeming to realize that
there was somebody very near to him, or noticing the amused
look of some of his audience, he slowly turned his head, and
our eyes met. The recital suddenly ended, his countenance
changed to blank astonishment, and calling me by name, he
said: " How-in-the-world did-you-get-here?"  A shout of
laughter broke up the meeting.
I invited my brother into my boudoir, and you can
readily imagine that we passed pleasant hours talking over
old times, the days of our boyhood, the dear ones at home,
and everything and everybody we could think of, for then
we had " nothing else to do."
In a camp like this every expedient was resorted to, to
kill time. Those who were so fortunate as to own a pack of
cards, would get up whist and euchre parties in the most
approved style, at which refreshments were served in the
aesthetic fashion. For instance, Des Huibres-" in your eye,"
sandwiches-side meat and hard tack, ice cream-" over the
left," Roman punch —" In a horn," cigars —" when this cruel
war is over."
If a smooth piece of board could be found, a chess board
would be constructed with chess and chequer men, and this
would afford diversion for many, and they would be kept in
almost constant use. Others would organize forlorn hopes
to dig tunnels, the utmost secrecy being observed. Some of
the prisoners had little shelter tents, and under these a hole
would be dug and kept covered in a very innocent way with
straw or boughs, or boards sunk in the ground and filled
even with dirt, and after dark, with spoons or tin dishes,
the excavation would go on all. night by relays, the dirt




14


would be carried out in hankerchiefs or pockets, and scattered
about where it would not attract the eye. And thus would
time be taken up, and hope kept alive.
In some instances here, and at Andersonville, escapes
were effected, but the failures were far more numerous.
Some would wrestle, leap, jump, run, do all sorts of impossible things, anything-everything, to drive away ennui.
Yet, many there were who would give up to the most doleful
forebodings. Many would chafe and fume, and fret as though
they were being consumed by inward fire. And many a poor
fellow actually died of homesickness.
I had been in Macon only a week, when I received notice
from the captain of the guard to get ready to leave. A list
of fifty officers, highest in rank, had been sent to the commandment of the Stockade, and as my name was among
them, I was called for. All sorts of rumors prevailed, that
we were to be exchanged, and these reports were encouraged
by the rebel authorities to prevent our making efforts to
escape.
Of course the parting from my brother who was not included in this order was a sad trial to us both, but hope came
to our relief, and we thought he might soon follow, but th'ere
were yet many weary months in store for him, and it was yet
a year, and the war had closed, before I saw him again.
"The fifty Federal officers of highest rank in Macon,"
had been ordered-sent to Charleston, to be placed under fire
of the Union guns. We were given to understand that we were
to be exchanged at Savannah, where we were at first taken
and placed in the old government barracks for a day or two,
when orders came for our removal to Charleston, S. C., where
we arrived June 10th, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, in
the midst of a tremendous thunderstorm, and marched directly to the city jail, soaked to the skin, where we were incarcerated like so many felons. And then we knew that we




15


had been brought to this hospitable city to be kept as hostages, to prevent the fire of the Union guns!
Well, after our uncomfortable ride, generous soaking,
and incarceration in the common jail, where the crevices in
the walls and floors wear swarming with body lice, bed bugs,
and other vermin. This of course, was not a very consoling
reflection. Still, we made up our minds that we could stand
it as well as our guard or the people of Charleston, so we
did not let this trouble us to any extent. We went supperless and wet to our couches, to dream of champagne dinners
and presidential receptions.  Our couches were the bare
floor in strips, and we rested fairly well, for we had the company of the bugs all night.
The next day about noon our grub was brought us bythe jailor, and was a miserable, scanty, mess of kale or cabbage leaves boiled, with a lot of wormy side meat, the only
seasoning for our "soup," as the jailor called it. Yet we
were ravenously hungry and we ate of this vile compound.
What else could we do?
Among the fifty, were Gen'l E. P. Scammon, formerly
stationed in Detroit, Gen'l Wessels, Gen'l Thomas Seymour
of Florida fame, Gen'l A. Shaler of New York, Coi.. E. L.
Dana, 143 Penn. Vol's, Col. Walter Harriman, 11th N. H.
Vol's, and afterwards governor of that state, and others of
more or less prominence.
Very soon a vigorous and telling protest was sent to Sam
Jones, (not him of evangelical fame,) then commanding the
district of Charleston, C. S. A., demanding treatment due
us as prisoners of war. In this jail were murderers, thieves,
and other felons of the worst sort, and it was contrary to the
rules of war to treat us like felons. In the basement of the
jail also, were some of the men captured under Col. Shaw of
Massachussets, who commanded a regiment of black troops,
and their suffering as they were packed in that damp noisome




16


basement, must have been terrible, beyond description.
Each evening we were allowed a short time to promenade
in the jail yard. And we could see these wretched comrades
through the grating, but could do nothing to alleviate their
condition, and it would not have been safe for any one even
to have spoken to them.
The protest had its desired effect, and after about a week
of jail life, we were taken out and escorted down Broad
street, to a large frame house, near Chisholm's rice mill, and
near the water of the bay. This house had deen vacated on
account of the shelling, was 3 stories high, and made very
comfortable quarters for us.
We learned afterwards that Genl. Foster, then in command before Charleston, had notified Genl. Jones that 50
Rebel officers were on their way to his head quarters, on
whom the same treatment would be meted as accorded to
those under fire in Charleston, and that if any of them were
killed while held as hostages, he should retaliate with interest.
We had a fine large yard in which to promenade, and across
the street at high tide the water would come up and give us
a depth of 4 or 5 feet in which to bathe.
Bath houses were built for our comfort by the provost
marshall at Charleston, under whose care we were, and who
had been educated at Yale, a gentleman to the manor born,
and to whom we were indebted for many courtesies of like
nature.
We used to await the rising of the tide with a great deal
of interest, for then the guard limit would be extended and
we permitted to bathe in the clear salt water to our hearts
content, a luxury only appreciated by those who have enjoyed
it under like circumstances.
Here we were kept until the 3d of August, and as we had
nothing to do but kill time and make ourselves as comfortable as possible, we went at it.




17


Our party divided into groups more or less congenial,
selecting different rooms according to taste and numbers, and
soon we were a settled community.
Our friend the marshall brought us books to read and
such papers as he could procure, which were few aside from
those printed in Charleston.
It was rather amusing to read the comments of these
papers. One gushing correspondent (he must have been a
renegade from the North) urged that we be taken and chained
to the parapets of Sumpter, where the " Yankee shell fell
thickest, and where we would get our just deserts."  A
wicket club was organized, a wicket ball manufactured, bats
made, and in the ample yard we had many a famous game,
greatly to our benefit and amusement, as well as to the entertainment of those who would gather outside to see the Yankee
officers.
Col. Dana, of our party, was a very devoted churchman,
and an Episcopalian clergyman having signified his willingness to hold service in our quarters, if desired, was at the
instance of Col. Dana, invited to do so.
The following Sabbath he put in an appearance clad
in his priestly robes and  read service for us.  Putting so much emphasis in his prayer for the "President of
the Confederate States and all others in authority, it angered
Harriman and some others, and disgusted Col. Dana so thoroughly, that the over zealous rector was not invited again to
come and read prayers for us poor miserable Yankee sinners.
We were minus "the benefit of the clergy " after that.
On the fourth of July we had speeches and toasts, and
observed the day to the best of our ability. One mess celebrated with a sumptuous dinner consisting mainly of a chicken
pie, for which they paid one hundred dollars Confederate
money. Harriman gave us an oration which would have
made the earth tremble had it been delivered any where else




18


than in Charleston.  Naturally enough the shell seemed to
come from Foster's guns faster than usual on this day, and
in the afternoon, according to our usual custom, we assembled
on the spacious balcony in front of the house to watch for
their coming.  It was a delightful summer day, and a
lovely breeze came in from the ocean, the fleecy clouds
floated lazily above us, and everything in nature betokened
peace. It was "only men" that was "vile." The deep distant thunder of the bereligerent guns, the rushing of the great
shells, or their detonations as they struck and exploded, were
all that indicated war in that peaceful scene.
I should judge that there was from 70 to 100 shells a day
sent into the city, and as the shell arrived before the report
of the gun, it was curious to notice them.  At first a low
rushing sound in the air from no apparent cause, rapidly
increasing, rapidly approaching; you look into the clear blue
sky, but see nothing; over and beyond you it rushes with
lightning velocity and demon like shriek, when CRASH! it
strikes some structure and explodes, almost lifting the roof,
destroying all within its scope of destruction; then a few
seconds later perhaps you hear the report of the gun, five
or six miles away on Morris island. "The line of fire" was
directed to the spire of St. Michael's Church on Broad St.,
but as our quarters were about a third of a mile west of
that, and near the Ashley river, we were in a comparatively
safe place, and none of the shells exploded very near us, until
the evening preceding our exchange, when one exploded
nearly over our quarters, and a piece falling near me in the
yard, I picked it up and now have it in my possession.
Through the kindness of the marshall we were allowed
to purchase milk, eggs, fruits, fish, etc., from the negroes
who would bring them around for sale. The rebel Sec'y of
Treasury-Trenholm, being a very patriotic man, sent us word
that he would give us twenty dollars Confederate money for




one of greenbacks; so we paid for provisions in Confederate
currency at the rate of $1.00 per quart for milk and $1.00 per
dozen for eggs, and we considered them very cheap at that.
Shrimps, lobsters, crabs, rice, watermelons, etc., came in very
liberally. And when Mr. Trenholm offered to give us thirty for
one gold and cash our drafts on friends at the North, at that,
taking his chances for their being honored, it may naturally
be inferred that we suddenly became opulent in Confederate
script, and that we " fared sumptuously every day."
I never shall forget the toothsome dishes "set up" by my
old messmate and friend Lt. Col. Bartholomew, 27th Massachusetts Infantry, as good a fellow and as good caterer as
one ever campaigned it with. He would work patiently all
the morning, preparing his deviled crabs, rice cakes, "cafe
au lait," &c., &c., wind up with delicious watermelon for
desert, —blow me up "sky high" for not doing my share of
the cooking; swear he would never get another meal and then
proceed to make up his menu for supper, which was sure to
make its appearance in due time and in a style worthy the
gallant Colonel, who invariably consoled himself for his kindly repentance by saying that I was "only good to wash the
dishes!"
So passed the warm days of summer, in games, songs,
readings, arguments, longing for news from the "dear Old
Army of the Potomac," which we knew to be struggling
as heroically and as devoted as ever with the enemy, but getting none that we deemed reliable, and only such as the rebel
papers would print; days which at the best were dreary
enough, for we chafed in our involuntary leisure, and we
longed to be with our comrades in the line, to share with
them the labors and the dangers of the campaign. And this
feeling was so intense with some that it seemed as though it
would render them insane.
Strong men became like children in some respects, and




20


the weak points in their characters were brought out with
striking clearness. I will venture to say that there is no
place on earth like the prison pen to bring out the selfishness
and littleness of a man. And where "familiarity so breeds
contempt."  And yet on the other hand all the noble attributes of a man are brought out with the same vividness; and
the blanket, the last morsel, and the last dollar, are shared
with an heroic generosity and nobleness of spirit wonderful
to behold. At last, after many weary days, and disappointting rumors of exchange, on the second of August, our genial
Provost Marshal came to our quarters and announced that
we were to be taken down the harbor the next morning for
exchange.
Only those who have been prisoners of war can realize
with what joy this news was received. Bright visions of
"home, sweet, sweet home," and the dear waiting, praying
ones there came to us, and all was hilarity and pleasure.
It did not take us long to pack up our goods and chattels.
A few old blankets comprised pretty much all our outfits;
and these, with such underclothing as we had, we left with
the marshal to give to other Union prisoners. That night we
had very little sleep. We had instead a "Symposium en
train."  There was a great deal of "song" but no "wine"
there. Our friends in Charleston had failed to send in the
champagne, but I am positive we were all more or less intoxicated with joy.
Soon after sunrise the Marshal came and informed us that
he was ready to escort us to the boat that was to take us down
the harbor. We thought we could detect almost a shadow of
regret in the faces of our Captain and the guard as we said
good by to them. They had been very considerate to us, and
seemed to think we were pretty good yanks after all. I
heard afterwards from Union officers that were there after




21


we left, that one of our shell killed the Captain and three of
his men.
We were soon ready to leave, and quickly reached the
ferry boat, where we were ushered into the cabin, the windows being fastened and blinds closed, lest we should obtain
information respecting defences and obstructions in the
harbor.
After a while, (though it seemed hours), the doors were
opened, and we were permitted to go out on deck.
What a view there presented itself to our brimming eyes!
The early morning sun shone forth in dazzling splendor,
casting a golden sheen over the waters of the beautiful harbor, far beyond which the deep blue of old ocean was visible.
To our left could be seen Fort Moultrie over which waved
the flag of treason, to the right Fort Johnson, and in front
Sumpter, rising like a huge rock out of the sea, her thundering guns responded sullenly to the pounding of the Union
cannon from our batteries, on Morris Island. Here, two or
three miles away we could see floating in bold relief against
the clear blue western sky, glorified by the triumphant rays
of God's bright sun-majestic, silent, and glorious, the most
beautiful, the most significant of all earthly insignia the
"Star spangled banner!" Glorious, Heaven born emblem!
May thy folds ever remain as unsullied, as full of meaning,
and as dear to every freedom loving heart as they appeared to us, in the light of that morning sun. Strong men,
who had not looked upon it for twenty months wept tears of
joy as it waved them a silent welcome from captivity.
Among the rebel officers present and accompanying the
flag of truce, was a young lieutenant, a correspondent of one
of the London pictorials, who was busily employed in collecting items of interest and making sketches for his paper.  I
inquired of the marshal who he was, and he told me that it
was a grandson of Philip Barton Key, who was the author of




22


the "Star Spangled Banner."  An interesting coincidence, to
say the least.
As our little steamer, with her white flag of truce at her
bow, appeared in the vicinity of Sumpter, the booming of
cannon and the roar of shot and shell ceased, and the quiet
of peace for a time settled down upon the waters. The parapets of Sumpter weie speedily lined with "grey backs," who
came out from their bomb proofs to watch the proceedings of
our little craft.
After proceeding a mile or more below Sumpter and
about midway between Cumming's Point and Sullivan's
Island, our boat rounded to and dropped anchor.  Far away
oceanward, and stretched across the mouth of the harbor, we
could see the blockading fleet. How anxiously were our eyes
fixed on that fleet to see some sign of recognition.
Will they answer the flag of truce a Will we be exchanged, or will it all fall through, were the anxious queries
from many. After a while there were some signs of a movement in the fleet, and a large, majestic steamer left the line,
heading for us with the white flag at her bows, and " Old
Glory " proudly floating at her mast-head.
Arriving at neutral ground, she rounded to and let go
her anchor, and signalled our boat. A boat was soon lowered, the marshal, the officers in charge of the exchange, and
other dignitaries went aboard the U. S. frigate to arrange details, and while we are waiting the outcome of their deliberations, I will explain how this exchange happened to be
brought about.
The fifty rebel officers sent to Morris island by our
government in retaliation for our being confined in Charleston, among whom were Genl. Ed. Johnson, Basil Duke, Jeff
Thompson, of Missouri, G-enl. Morgan (a brother of John
Morgan, the guerilla), and others of prominence, not relishing
"the nearness" of the shot and shell as they came iln from




Sumpter, sent a strong protest to the authorities at Richmond
against such "unchristian" proceeding, and urged a proposal
for exchange. This protest seemed to have the desired effect;
at any rate the proposal was made, our government accepted
it, and Jeff Thompson saved his "historic nose."  "There
they come!" From the frigate we see the boat returning with
Union officers accompanying the Marshall, a welcome sign.
"Orders to raise anchor and steam along side, sir," was what
we heard said to the Captain, who immediately gave the
necessary commands, and after much effort the anchor
was raised,  and  we steamed   slowly  along  side  of
the frigate, where we could see the rebel officers waiting to
exchange places with us, and I wondered if they were really
as anxious for the change as we. The galg plank was speedily thrown out and the roll call commenced, and as each
name was called its owner responded with commendable
promptitude. Some, who had for long months been in Libby
and other prisons, and were weak and nervous, responded
with painful eagerness to their names, and stepped quickly
over the gang plank, as if fearful of the slip that might occur
"twixt cup and lip."' The same routine was gone through
with the other side; the splendid band from the flag ship
struck up "Home, Sweet Home," and men who had faced
the storm of death at Shilob, at Fredericksburg, Gettysburg,
in the Wilderness, and on scores of other battle fields, em
braced each other and wept like babes.
A ton or two of ice was put aboard the little steamer
"to keep Thompson's nose cool," (as his comrades remarked,)
and it was curious to see the southerners gather about it, and
feel of it with so much gratification. One said, " its fo' year
since I've seen any."
All was now consummated; the usual courtesies between
the representatives of our government and the Confederates
had passed. Anchors raised. The Marshall, whom we had




24


learned to esteem for his kindly attributes, stepped over the
gang plank, followed by a hearty good-bye and three cheers
from our fifty, which was as heartily responded to by him
and his friends, and their little craft headed for Charleston.
Our noble steamer, so typical that day of the great
republic, she responded with band playing the various
national airs steamed back to the right of the blockading fleet
which was drawn up in two lines about a mile and a half long
across the channel.
As we approached the right of the first line, we turned to
pass down to the left, each vessel as we passed firing a salute,
and every one in full holiday rig, with every color displayed.
On arriving at the left, we passed up between the two lines to
the right and each craft as we passed manned the rigging and
the sailors and marines in the intervals ot the thunder of
cannon made the welkin ring with their "three times three."
It was a sight never to be forgotten. I have never witnessed
a more magnificent spectacle. It was indeed a grand welcome from a grand republic. A kind " Well done," to her
heroic sons. Do you wonder that tears of joy were shed by
these men at such a reception, or that their vows of loyalty
and devotion, and determination to serve to the end, were
then and there renewed?
Arrived at the flag-ship, we were royally received by the
admiral in command of the fleet, and Gen. Foster commanding the department, who with their staffs formed a brilliant
retinue, in strange constrast to their seedy and rather delapitated looking guests.
F. W. SWIFT.




CH ICAM AUGA.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMIANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
FEBRUARY 2nd, 1887.
BY COMPANION
HENRY M. I)UFFIELD,
Lieutenant and Assistant Provo-fMarshal General, Army of Cumber/and.
DETROIT, MICH.:
OSTLER PRINTING COMPANY,
1888.








In the extreme north-west corner of Georgia, there flows
a sluggish, dirty, brown colored stream, to which the Indians
gave, with unwitting prophecy, the appropriate name of
Chicamauga, " The River of Death."
Along its banks was destined to be fought one of the most
bloody battles of the war for the Union.
It flows in an almost northerly course, and winding
through the gaps in Missionary Ridge, empties into the Tennessee river a little east of Chattanooga.
In the early part of September, 1863, Bragg had either
been maneuvered out of Chattanooga by Rosecrans, or had
purposely evacuated it to draw Rosecrans on beyond the im
passable heights of Missionary Ridge, Lookout and Pidgeon
mountains, then with the support of the troops expected from
Virginia, strike his corps as they debouched from the various
gaps.in the mountains in detail, and before they could concentrate.
Rosecrans had been persuaded that Bragg would not
make a stand north of Rome, and he had pressed his own
army southward and westward with the view of reaching Lafayette.  From  Chattanooga to Lafayette, about twenty
miles, the road runs nearly south. What might be called




4


two forks of it, cross the Chicamauga at two bridges about a
mile and a half apart. The eastern or northern bridge is
known as Reid's bridge, and the southern or western bridge
as Alexander's bridge.
The battle of Chicamauga was foulght for the possession
of this road.
The fighting covered a period of five days from the 17th
to the 21st of September, 186s, inclusive, but the 19th and
20th are known as "the battle."
On the evening of the 18th, the Union army extended
from  the Lafayette road-its left-to Crawfish Springs —its
extreme right. Gen. George H. Thomas commanded the left
wing, and Gen. Alex. McD. McCook the right, with the cavalr y
still to the right of him (Gen. R B. Mitchell commanding in
the disability of Gen. D. S. Stanley) and under his orders,
while Crittenden was with the reserve corps
The enemy had their right with reserves strongly massed
in the vicinity of Reid's bridge. The Lafayette road ran
parallel with Mission Ridge for some distance, and then bore
to the left to Rossville, which it reached through a narrow
pass ill the Ridge.
The urgency of pushing his army still more to 'the left
and north to avoid Bragg's intercepting his left and rear and
getting between him and Rossville was apparent to Rosecrans,
and he made his dispositions accordingly.
Meanwhile the enemy's cavalry had driven Minty's cavalry and Wilder's mounted infantry from Reid's and Alexander's bridges on to the Rossville road.
All night long Thomas moved his army to the left-that
is, north-eastwardly, and down the Chicamauga, and at day
light had reached Kelley's farm on the Lafayette road.
Baird's division was in front and was put in position at the
forks of the road, facing Reid's and Alexander's bridges.
Gen. Brannan's division was placed on Baird's left on




5


the two roads from the State road to Reid's and Altexander's
bridges.
Col. Dan McCook informed Gen. Thomas that he had
destroyed Reid's bridge after a single brigade of the enemy
had crossed, and that he thought this brigade might be captured. His information was incorrect, but yet, it-may have
saved the army.
Thomas immediately directed Brannan to leave one of his
three brigades in supporting distance of Baird, and reconnoitle the road to Reid's bridge, and if an opportunity offe'red, to capture the isolated brigade.
It was a current story in the army that the commander
of:these two brigades sent back word to Gcen. Thomas to
know which particular brigade he wanted captured, as there
were five or six brigades there.
The attack was so sharp and so unexpected that it- sta.
ceeded in driving back the enemy, and soon Croxton's hri
gade engagedI three brigades of Forrest's cavalry, who were
covering Bragg's right flank. The latter quickly called infantry to his aid, and Croxton's single brigade became hard
pressed.  Thomas had ridden forward, and seeing Croxton
heavily engaged, sent Baird to his support. The two divi.
sions Iiow joined in line, drove the enemy back some distance, and halted for a- re-adjustment. Learning that there
was a large force on his right, Baird changed the front: of
King's regular brigade to the south, but not in time, and
King's and Scribner's brigades were driven back by the overwhelming numbers opposed to them, in complete disorder,
and with a loss of ten pieces of artillery.
Van Pelt of the 4th Micliigan Battery was killed in this
charge.
Starkweather's brigade was sent in to save the rout, but
it too, gave way. Fortunately, at this juncture, Johnson's
division of McCook's corps, and Reynold's division of




6


Thomas' 'corps arrived. They were immediately placed inl
position, and as soon as formed, attacked the enemy in flank,
and drove him in great confusion for a mile and a half, while
Brannan's troops assaulted them in front, and re-captured
Guenther's battery, which King had lost.
So complete was the success of this assault that the
enemy was driven in confusion across the Chicamauga.
There they were posted in strong position on the west side
betweed Reid's and Alexander's bridges.
But the line between Thomas and Crittenden was not
closed and the enemy were concentrating to pierce through the
gap. Brannan and Baird's divisions were ordered to reorganize
their commands, and take a cornmmanding position on the road
from Reid's bridge. Their instructions were to hold it to the
last extremity.
Most fortunately, Van Cleve's and Jeff. C. Davis' divisions
had been ordered into action at this very point, and withstood for several hours of severest fighting the superior forces
of the enemy.
Whllile this struggle was going on on the right, Bragg assauilted the right center..King's, Hazen's, Grose's, Cruft's
and Turchin's brigades stood their ground gallantly, but for
a few moments only and were borne back with disordered
lines. Although scarcely relieved from the savage assaults
of the enemy's attacks on their left, Thomas moved Brannan's division to his disordered right, and with the most
effective use of his artillery arrested the disaster. Brannan
repulsed the enemy with great loss from the main road, and
they were pounded by Negley's division coming up from the,
widow Glenn's, and again by Brannan who wheeled upon
them from Kelley's farm.
The struggle ended with a severe night fight of over an
hour's duration between Johnson's division and Baird's two
brigades, and Cleburne's fresh  division, supported by




7


Cheatham's. Both armies lost heavily, yet neither had had
enough; each was unwilling to give up the struggle without
another effort.' Thomas's troops had marched all the night
before, and fought all day, but they felt the contagion of
their leader's indomitable courage and they were eager again
to do battle. As the troops of both armies lay down upon
their arms that night. the hope of victory was deadened with
the oppression of doubt as to the issue.
But our troops did not know that Longstreet had reached
Ringgold that evening with his division, and would be available in the battle of the next day. Breckinridge's division
had not been engaged at all. Hindman's and Preston's but
slightly, while nearly every brigade in the Union army had
been heavily engaged.
Thomas arranged his line for Sunday's battle from left
to right as follows: Baird, Johnson, Palmer, Reynolds and
Brannan. Baird faced east well refused. Brannan held his
right in echelon. The front coursed round the corner of
Kelley's farm and crossing the Lafayette road a little south
of his house, extended thence to the southwest.
Thomas requested Rosecrans to send SNegley to fill out
between Baird's left and the Reid's bridge road. At seven
A. M., Negley not having arrived, Thomas sent a staff officer
to urge him up as rapidly as possible. Bragg had also discovered by a reconnoisance that the Lafayette road was open
on Thomas' left, and was accordingly delighted; but Thomas'
staff officer brought up Beatty's brigade, which went immediately into action on Baird's left, then being furiously assaulted by the enemy who over-lapped him, and had partially
gained his rear. The attack of the enemy was made in such
superior numbers that Beatty in turn was compelled to fall
back. Baird however, appreciating the critical situation,
put in position several regiments of Johnson's: reserve which,
in conjunction with Vanderveer's brigade of Brannan'ss:divis



8


ion, and a part of Stanly's brigade of Wood's division, drove
the enemy back, and entirely away from Baird's left and
rear.
Simultaneously with this assault the enemy attacked
Johnson, Palmer and Reynolds with equal fierceness, and
pressed the attack heavily for two hours. Again and again
they were driven back, and again and again fresh troops were
pus in to renew the attacks, but not more firmly did Wellington's troops at Waterloo withstand the onslaughts of Napoleon's charges than did these heroic troops resist their foe.
For over two hours did this unequal battle wage with
fiercest fury. The flower of the Rebel army of Virginia was
put in at last to carry the position. With the rivalry between them and Bragg's army, because of their boasted superiority, they made a last desperate effort to conquer the tired
and decimated ranks of our army by a fierce assault. Stimulated to the very rashness of valor by rations of whiskey and
powder they charged with the reckless fury of demons, but
in vain. The slender line of blue wavered; in it were pierced
great breaches, colors fell and were raised again aloft, captains wounded and killed gave place to lieutenants, and lieutenants to sergeants as company commanders. All along the
line the sharp stern command "close up men," sounded out
above the awful chorus of the musketry and artillery like the
vox humana of a great organ.
The grandeur of the bravery of them all. the heroism of
their firmness gave new courage to each individual soldier,
and they were invincible. Braver men never road to battle
than followed Cromwell on to Marston Moor, but these rebel
soldiers need not yield the palm to them for fierce intensity
of attack, or bull-dog tenacity in its maintenance; but it was
of no avail.  Human bravery has limits put to its accomplishments., The enemy that they had attacked was truly
worthy of their steel.. Their reckless daring went down be



9


fore.the invincible calm determination of our troops as the
sea breaks into foam and crawls white-faced back from its
assaults on some granite cliff.
Just before the repulse on the left, Beatty  urgently
asked for fresh troops as absolutely necessary to save the left
of the line. This it must, not be overlooked, was the vital
point of the fight, for it covered the road to Rossville,-the
road to Chattanooga.
In the meantime, Thomas' continued calls for troops, and
the quietness of the enemy on the right which had not up to
this time-about ten o'clock in the morning-been seriously
engaged, induced Rosecrans to withdraw his own right, and
he ordered McCook to send two of Sheridan's brigades to
Gen. Thomas with all possible dispatch, and the third, as soon
as the line could be sufficiently withdrawn to permit it. He
also directed Crittenden to send two reserve brigades of Van
Cleve's division. Under a mis-apprehension as to Brannan's
position, he imperatively ordered Wood to "close up on Reynolds. and support him."  But Wood's left was in line with
Brannan's right. In obedience to the order he withdrew from
line and passed to the left in rear of Brannan. At this moment the enemy attacked fiercely. (Gen. Davis threw his reserve brigade into the wide gap, but the heavy columns of
the enemy enveloped it. His division resisted with great
bravery and tenacity, but they were assaulted in front, flank
and rear, and hurled in fragments towards Missionary Ridge.
Laiboldt's brigade had not time to get into position to assist
them, and the oncoming wave of the enemy quickly routed
it. Buell's brigade of Wood's division was the last to leave
the position, and it was severed as it retired. Inst:ntly the
enemy. struck Brannan's flank which was left in air.
Sheridan was at the time moving his two brigades in
quick time to the left. He halted, faced to the front, and
with Wilder's brigade of mounted infantry, offered a desper.




10


ate but vain resistance. These brigades and Beatty's, and
parts of Dick's brigade which were also moving to the left,
were broken and swept over the ridge to the west. The
Suddenness of the retirement of the infantry exposed the
artillery, and many guns fell into the hands of the enemy.
Brannan's right flank was temporarily thrown into confusion, but they soon restored these lines and took up a new
and more refused position. The situation was now critical
in the extreme. The right of the army was gone; Rosecrans
had gone to Chattanooga and telegraphed that the day was
lost. Thomas held but five divisions in line; against it were
opposed the whole rebel army flushed with their victory on
the right, and confident of success in their attacks upon our
left.
Thomas was ignorant of the disaster to the right of the
army and sent a staff officer (Capt. Kellogg) to hurry up
Sheridan's whole division which Thomas had been informed
-had been sent forward to him. But the staff officer reported
that in his attempt he had met a large force of the enemy in
an open corn-field in rear of Reynold's postion, advancing
cautiously with a strong line of skirmishers. He had also
met Col. Harker, whose single brigade was posted on a ridge
in rear of Reynolds, and they both thought these troops
were Sheridan's. At this moment heavy firing to the right
and rear was heard, and Thomas rode in person in the diirection of the sound; He had found it but too true. Where
he had looked for Sheridan, the enemy were advancing in
heavy columns. Where he hoped and was informed his reInforcements, (now so badly needed,) would be, he saw the
B6nemy in force,. maddened by their defeats, advancing
cautiously, but with the gleam of a devil's fury in their eyes.
No w.ord had come to him from Rosecrans.- He knew nothing
as to the issue with him. With no line of troops intervening
between him. and.the foee 'he s6w.tlhat foe advancing in a




11


direction to strike him before he could reach his troops.
In such a crisis, rarely, if ever before, was any general.
With but twenty-five thousand men, all of whom were worn-and
wearied with the continuous fighting of the previous fortyeight hours, with both his flanks exposed, he saw the whole
rebel army of sixty five thousand men, more than half of them
fresh and unfought, sweeping, circling round towards him with
their line of steel, as the scythe sweeps round upon the fated
grass.
Stouter hearts than even brave men have, would quail at
such a sight. Defeat, nay, annihilation seemed inevitable.
But there he sat ubon his heavy charger, calm as some stately
statue.
His hat had been thrown from his head by the overhanging branches in his rapid ride. His lips were pale and compressed; his square jaw was firmly set; his heavy brow was
furrowed by a frown, and his shaggy eye-brows contracted
until they all but hid his eyes from view, but on either cheek
a small round flush shone in the sunlight, and we who knew -
him well, we who had seen him at Stone River when therights
gave way, seeing that flush, knew at once that the indom
itable will of "Old Pap Thomas" had registered a vow
that they should never take that ridge, though the dead
should cover it more thickly than the corn-hills on which we
fought.
We knew not what the outcome would be.  Victory we
dare not hope for, but we knew that as surely as the sun
went' down that night, Thomas would hold that ridge-or lie
dead among its brave defenders on the crest.
To look at him  was to drink-in courage; to be-near
him was to share his bravery. He seemed indeed to be a
very God of War.
On came the foe. As in the morning attacks -they came,
not firing, but withholding their fire until close range. In
not          VI I U                         meh IV~ IV~~I~I ~IV  ~L




12


front of him, to the right of him, to the left of him, they advanced in strong lines massed six and seven deep.
Hastily giving one staff officer an order to the artillery
to "scrawn them with canister," and another an order to tell
Reynolds that the enemy was in his rear, Thomas rode to
put Wood in position. Barely had he done so before the
attack began on Wood and Brannan combined.
Just in the very nick of time, General Gordon Granger
who had heard the firing and had come forward without
orders, rode up on Thomas' left flank with General Steedman
and his division. "This opportune arrival of fresh troops,"'
to quote Thomas's grim words, "revived the flagging spirits
of our men, and inspired them with more ardor for the contest."
General Steedman seizing a regimental colors, rode forward calling to his men- to follow, and Whittaker's and
Mitchell's brigades of fresh troops with a fury born of the
impending peril, charged the foe, and striking him in the
flank drove him over the ridge, and then formed line of battle
from Brannan's right to the hill above Villetoes in front of
Longstreet's left flank. And then the fight went on. Fresh
troops of the foe poured in as fast as those in their front
were driven back, until nearly nightfall.
To add to the peril of our troops, some one had ordered
back the ammunition trains, and the troops had but two or
three rounds to the man; but through all the storm of shot
and shell, Thomas sits watching every assault, cheering his
subordinates by his messages, and inspiring his soldiers by
his presence.
General Brannan's aid rides up and says, General Brannan sends his compliments to Gen. Thomas, and reports that
his men are out of ammunition; Gen. Thomas replies,
General Thomas' compliments to General Brannan: tell
him  to strip the dead and wounded."    Off starts the




aid, putting spurs to his horse, when Thomas calls him back
and tells him to ride leisurely, that he does not want
the troops excited.
Soon comes another aid from Brannan, saying that he
has stripped the dead and wounded, and he is again out of
ammunition; to which Thomas replies, "Give my compliments
to Gen. Brannan, and tell him to hold his position with the
bayonet." But little time elapses before another aid from
General Brannan rides ul) and says he fears his men will not
hold their position, and asks instructions as to his disposition
of them in case they cannot. With a frown, Thomas sends
word, " tell Gen. Brannan that is mzy old division, and they
will hold their position."
And so the bloody strife went on until night fell, and
darkness quelled the conflict, and never was night more
gladiy welcomed than by our soldiers.
Wellington wished for night or Blucher, but we had no
hope of any Blucher. We were alone. It was either night
or death.
Then in the darkness and in silence, while "not a
drum was heard nor a funeral note," with his grand guards
left out in conspicuous but deceitful force; Thomas withdrew his army in safety, to the heights of Missionary Ridge
without pursuit.
He had saved the day. He had held the Rossville road.
He had saved Chattanooga, and in saving Chattanooga he
had saved the army.
I borrow the words of the martyred Garfield, whose conspicuous gallantry on this very field, is known of all men, to
fitly describe the debt we owe to Thomas.
" While men shall read the history of battles, they will
never fail to study and admire the work of Thomas during
that afternoon.
k" With but twenty-five thousand men, formed in a semi



14


circle, of which he himself was the center and soul, he successfully resisted for more than five hours, the repeated
assaults of an army of sixty-five thousand men, flushed with
victory, and bent on his annihilation.
"Toward the close of the day, his ammunition. began to
fail. One by one his division commanders reported but ten
rounds, five rounds, or two rounds, left. The calm quiet
answer was returned, 'Save your fire for'close quarters, and
when your last shot is fired, give them the bayonet.' On a
portion of his line, the last assault was repelled by the bayonet, and several hundred rebels were captured.  When
night had closed over the combatants, the last sound of battle
was the booming of Thomas' shells bursting among his baffled assailants.
"He was indeed, the 'Rock of Chicamauga' against
which the wild waves of battle dashed in vain. It will stand
written forever in the annals of his country, that there he
saved from destruction the Army of the Cumberland."
HENRY M. DUFFIELD.




15


NOTE. The following is a correct list of the Michigan
Troops engaged in the Chicamauga Campaign.
INFANTRY.


Regt.
Ninth,
Tenth,
Eleventh,
Thirteenth,
Fourteenth,
Eighteenth,
Nineteenth,
Twenty first,
Twenty-second,


Brigade Commander.
On duty at Gen'l Thomas'
Head Quarters
R. T. Smith,
T. R. Stanley,
Geo. P. Buell,
R. F. Smith,
Doolittle,
Coburn,
Lytle,
Doolittle,


Division Commander.
Gen'l Morgan.
"   Negley.
'(   Wood.
Morgan.
"   Morgan.
" Steedman.
" Sheridan.
"   Morgan.


ARTILLERY.
1st Mich. Battery, King,
4th  "     "     Vanderveer,
5th '"  "  d


Baird.
Brannan.
R. S. Granger.


2nd Mich.,
4th    "


CAVALRY.
Campbell,
Minty,


McCook.
Crook.








MICHIGAN
IN THE
Opening of the War.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
MARCH 2nd, 1887,
BY COMPANION
W. H. WITHINGTON,
BREVET BRIGADIER GENERAL U. 8. VOLUNTEERS.
DETROIT,!fMICH.:
OSTLER PRINTING COMPANY,
1889,








7IC H I G  N


IN THE
OPENING OF THE WAR.
The most striking illustration of the inability of human
wisdom to forecast the future, even the immediate and obvious future, is presented in the failure of the North to apprehend that war was really coming thirty days before it
burst upon us.
As we look back now upon that period, and recall the
utterances and the movements preceding the final outbreak,
the coming of civil war seems as positively foreshadowed as
night is foreshadowed by the setting of the sun.
It is not strange that the declarations and threats preceding the election of Abraham Lincoln, did not greatly
alarm the North. We had heard this kind of talk for so
many years, it passed by us like the idle wind. But when
deeds followed words and threats took form in overt acts of
secession and hostility, the North still believed nothing of
actual war was coming. This blindness and fatuous waiting
to see what the South was going to do, continued down to
the firing on Sumpter and the actual call for troops. It
stood in striking contrast to the swift and resolute action of
the South.




4


Their turn for surprise came, however. They too had
failed to forecast the future. The unexpected suddenly
loomed upon them in the towering form of an awakened and
united North.
The first official notice and proclamation of insurrection,
was made even before Lincoln's election in a message by
Gov. Gist to the legislature of South Carolina.
Here let me say a somewhat personal word about South
Carolina. Wanton as was her conduct, there was an inten.
sity, directness and courage about her action which challenges admiration. The qualities which characterized her as
a state, I found in her people. During six months experience as a prisoner of war in the States of Virginia and South
Carolina, I had, for a prisoner, rather exceptional opportunities for meeting people of both States. The South Carolinians were like open and avowed foes, who had no fear that
kindness to a prisoner would compromise their attitude of
rebellion. With the Virginians there was a kind of sneakiness-a bearing half apologetic for the State's secession, and
half timidity for fear any show of magnanimity or kindness
would cast doubt upon their disunionism which made them
very disagreeable jailors.  I came home feeling that the
South Carolinians were good enemies.
This little State boldly took the initiative at every stage.
A month before the official message just referred to, its governor sent a confidential circular letter to the governors of
all the cotton States, presenting the question of secession, in
case Lincoln electors were chosen, and saying, " If a single
State secedes, South Carolina will follow, if no other State
takes the lead she will secede alone. And she did. Her
ordinance of secession was passed December 20th, 1860.
Mississippi followed January 9th, 1861. Florida January
10th; Alabama January 11th; Georgia January 19th; Louisiana January 26th; Texas February 1st. They could hardly




5


take this action fast enough.
Next came Gen. Twigg's treasonable surrender on the
18th of February, of all the U. S. military posts and proper.
ty in Texas. There were eighteen of these posts and stations
and arms and stores to a large amount.
Besides these posts in Texas, there were, in the seceded
States, "one quite extensive navy yard at Pensacola, Fla.,
twelve to fifteen harbor forts along the Atlantic and gulf
coasts, capable of mounting 1000 guns and having cost over
$5,000,000; half a dozen arsenals containing an aggregate of
115,000 arms, transferred there from Northern arsenals by
Sec'y Floyd about a year before, on pretense of danger from
slave insurrection. In addition theie three mints, four important custom houses, three revenue cutters and a variety
of miscellaneous property."
The governors of the cotton states took forcible possession of these forts, arsenals, navy yards, custom houses and
other property, in some cases even before the States had
formally seceded. The only forts not seized were three in
Florida and those in Charleston harbor, whose final capture
opened the slow moving eyelids of the North to the fact that
the South meant what it was.doing. All through these preceding overt acts, which were nothing less than levying actual war, the North stood still. This paralysis was first due
to President Buchanan's weakness, aiid to traitors in his
cabinet. But after Mr. Lincoln came into office and down to
thefateful firing on Sumpter, there was no preparation for
war. The whole army gathered for the protection of the
rebel infested and rebel surrounded capital was six companies of regular troops. This force was supplemented by about
a dozen companies of district militia some of whose members
were of doubtful loyalty.
At this distance of time, and with our minds familiar
with the great armies of the later days, it is hard to believe




6


the utterly defenseless state of the national capital at this
crisis could be possible. It takes ones breath even now.
I have briefly recounted some of the steps of the rebellion in the closing days of 1860, and the opening months of
1861, in order to bring freshly before us the condition of things
confronting the States at the outbreak of the war.
Although not wakened to the belief that war was actually coming, many of the States-I might say most of the
States, independent of any expectation of war, were in a far
better condition to defend their borders and capitals than
was the nationalgovernment.
The president of the United States had no army and no
men from which to make an army. All he could do was to
call on the States. The States had their militia which was to a
greater or less extent an organized and available force according
to the degree to which their.respective governments had thought
it worth while to foster and support a military department.
With most of the States the militia was neglected, and despised because neglected. The declaration of the constitution that " a well regulated militia is necessary to the security of a free State " was unheeded. In the minds of the
average legislator the State had "no use for it."  Masschusetts, New York and some other eastern States presented
notable exceptions. And the exceptions saved the national
capital.
How far Michigan presented an exception to this general
indifference to a- militia, and disbelief in any possibility of
war, or need for preparation is a part of the purpose of this
paper to present.  Michigan had a small body of organized
and. uniformed militia.  There were in  the State  at
this time   twenty-eight companies,  having  an  aggregate strength of 1241 officers and men. This. force existed
not by the encouragement and support of the State, for the
entire sum spent annually upon the whole military establish



'7


ment was $3000. It was based upon the military spirit and
supported from the pockets of its members. While there
were some most creditable companies, due to the use of private means to keep them up, the majority of these organizations were poorly equipped and all were poorly armed. There
was real soldierly instinct and martial spirit in these companies, however, and when the hour came they justified their existence.
The event which had more to do than anything else with
the prompt and effective response to the call for troops, and
the really brilliant entry of Michigan upon the stage of military action, was an encampment of its uniformed militia,
held in Jackson, in August, 1860. It was the first State- encampment of Michigan troops.
The camp was under the command of Gen. Alpheus S.
Williams, the colonel of the Michigan regiment in the Mexican war, and the dear old "Pap Williams" of the grand
army. Col. James E. Pittman, our first companion of the
third class, was adjutant. Gen. O. B. Wilcox, then an exlieutenant of the U. S. army, and soon to be the gallant and
spirited colonel of the 1st Michigan Volunteers, was present
as an interested spectator, and an unofficial inspector and
critic.
This camp, brought to organization by the old soldier
who commanded it, and having, as a pattern of military drill
and discipline, the Detroit Light Guard, was an awakening to
the militia of the whole state.  It roused their ambition and
generated the soldierly spirit and pride which from the first
infused the Michigan troops, and the leaven of which ran
through the war. To this militia organization and to this
encampment is due the generally excellent manner in which
the early regiments were officered.
It would be claiming too much, I think, to say that the
militia-men were wiser than the people or the legislature. in




8


foreseeing the need for these preparations.  They builded
wiser than they knew. But it is the fact that a number of the
so-called "military" men of the state, by concert of action,
visited Lansing early in the session of the legislature of 186t,
to urge the adoption of measures providing for a military
force, to be available in the emergency which they held to be
at least threatening. Having been one of the number, I
speak upon personal knowledge.
The Michigan legislature met early in January, 1861. I
wish it could be said that the then assembled wisdom of the
state excelled that of sister states. Two of the foremost men
of the state then, and foremost still, (Hon. James F. Joy and
Gov. H. P. Baldwin,) were members of that legislature. But
they could not forecast the events close at hand, and their
action exemplifies my trite remark upon the fallibility of
human wisdom.
Earnest, stirring and patriotic words were spoken by the
retiring Governor Wisner, and by the incoming (Qvernor
Blair, and the legislature passed resolutions of no uncertain
sound, but beyond this, it seems to have gone on placidly
about its routine business, and to have manifested no belief
that there would be any fighting.
The military men urged action providing for organizing
two regiments, and, towards the end of the session, an Act
was passed entitled " An Act to provide a military force.'"
This Act was approved March 16th, 1861. It authorized the
governor to accept and muster into the state service from the
uniformed volunteer militia companies, enough to make two
regiments. Although the Confederacy had then been organized
at Montgomery; Jeff. Davis elected president; Twiggs surrendered to rebels in arms; the forts seized; batteries commanding Sumter erected; the "Star of the West" fired
upon and repelled in its attempt to provision the Sumter
garrison, and other acts of open hostility performed, it was






\V..


ZYl/iap of-' the Fie&c of Operatowns Of GREGG&S([Jncon)7 cct.  tctrt6   I-one )Caccvcdruy
cudt>/ieB    le of 6et~qsbzzr~q  July3   /863.       66to8 P1M- '-2.




9


provided that, "in case of actual hostilities," these troops
might be transferred to the military service of the general
government.
This force, by the terms of the Act, was to be put on a
course of drill and instruction at such points, and to devote
such time, not exceeding ten days in any month, as should
be directed by the commander-in-chief. Care was taken to
provide that the governor might disband these regiments, for
the legislature did not really believe there would be any need
of them.
I don't like to tell it of my honored friend, Governor
Baldwin, but a single word which he proposed to insert in
this bill to provide a military force, exhibits more forcibly
than any statement I can make, the utter failure of statesmen of that time to realize that the country was on the brink
of a tremendous conflict. Looking upon the bill to provide
a military force as a scheme of the military men, and having
the idea of that period as to a militia, Governor Baldwin,
then in the state senate, moved to amend the bill by inserting before the word " field," where " field officers " occurred,
the word I" corn," so that it should read "cornfield officers."
The disbelief in aly actual need for the act to provide a
military force was finally and completely manifested by the
adjournment of the legislature without appropriating any
money to carry it out. It was thus so practically useless
that Gov. Blair took no action under it.
The legislators had hardly reached their homes however
before they were summoned to meet again. The emergency
for which lanie and doubting provision was made was nearing fast. Gov. Bluir saw it, and by proclamation on the 2nd
day of April, called the legislature to meet in extra session
on the 7th day of May. Events were traveling faster though
than this. Before the 7th of May came around, the doubts,
uncertainties and mists of the political atmosphere had been




10


rolled away like a scroll. Let me describe the event which
dissipated them in the language of Nicolay.
" At half past four o'clock on the morning of April 12th,
1861, while yet the lingering night lay upon the waters of
the bay, leaving even the outline of Fort Sumter scarcely
discernible, the assembled spectators saw a flash from the
mortar battery near old Fort Johnson on the south side of
the harbor, and an instant after a bomb-shell rose in slow
high curve through the air and fell upon the fort. To the
beholders it was the inauguration of the final scene in their
local drama, to the nation and the world at large it began a
conflict of such gigantic proportions and far reaching consequences that it will forever stand as one of the boldest land.
marks in history."'
Sunday, April 14th, the flag went down, and Anderson
surrendered. April 15th came the President's call for 75,000
men for three months. Gov. Blair's call followed on the 16th
of April, for one regiment of ten companies.
What now to do was clear enough. Troops must be
raised and organized. But how raised and how organized?
When confronted with this question it was realized for the
first time in this state that there was some use for a militia,
and for men with knowledge of military affairs. There was
no groping or pottering. The intense urgency of doing found
clearly detined advice of what to do from Williams, Wilcox,
and other military men.  Our worthy companion, Gen.
Robertson, had then just entered upon his long and useful
career as Adjutant General, (which position he still holds and
will hold for life,) bringing to his duties the experience of an
old soldier.
Thanks to the causes which I have named, M ichigan had
something of a militia and the call and subsequent orders
provided that this first regiment should be made up from the
unifornmed volunteer companies. The camp at Jackson had




ALLATOONA AND VINCINITY.








11


given knowledge of what companies were most proficient and
best officered and enabled selections to be made with promptness and intelligence.
f Tenders of services came promptly from all the live companies. From them the following were selected and made up
the 1st regiment.
Detroit Light Guard, Jackson Greys, Coldwater Cadets,
Manchester Union Guards, Steuben Guards, Ann Arbor;
Michigan Hussars. Detroit; Bur Oak Guards, Ypsilanti Light
Guard, Marshall Light Guard, Hardee Cadets, Adrian.
By general orders, April 24th, Lieut. Orlaj.do B. Wilcox
was appointed Colonel of the regiment, Capt. L. L. Comstock,
of the Manchester Co., Lieut. Col. and Capt. Bidwell of the
Coldwater Co. Major.
The following day Col. Wilcox designated his staff,
lettered the companies and ordered them to Fort Wayne,
Detroit.
So numerous were the tenders of services and so clear the
need of more troops the Governor in the same order of April
24th, constituted a brigade and appointed Gen. Alpheus S.
Williams, Brigadier General. April 25th, the 2nd regiment
was organized. This regiment was also made up, with the
exception of two companies, of the uniformed militia.
Whether this was a good regiment or not I leave to its second
Colonel, our Loyal Legion Commander to testify.*
The money for equipment which the legislature had
failed to appropriate, and which indeed would not so soon
have been in the treasury if it had, was promptly made up
by individual subscriptions. In this way $81,020 was raised.
Gen. Lewis Cass, of Detroit, and Henry A. Hayden, of
Jackson, each contributed $3000, being the largest single
subscriptions. This method of getting money had to be continued up to the middle of July 1861.
Gen. 0. M. Poe.




12


It would be difficult for me to describe but cannot be
difficult for you to recall the excitement of those days. At
one bound the north sprung from a kind of benumbed gaze,
to resolute purpose and intense activity. Michigan was not
distinguished from her Sister States in this but she was distinguished for the manner in which this purpose and Pctivit y
took form in the character and equipment of her first contributions of troops.
Detroit had for years been a military post and the U. S.
officers there helped to give practical direction to the ideas
of what was required. Michigan sent out her first regiment
fully armed, well equipped, fairly well drilled and in condition to at once take the field. It was ready to leave the state
and importuning for orders to do so before those orders came.
The enthusiasm of the people, men and women, found
expression in bestowing upon the regiment abundant gifts.
There were presentations of flags and cockades, soft underclothing and convenient housewives, blue scarfs for the
gaiety and stout boots for the discomfort of the wearers,
havelocks to protect them from the southern sun, and bibles
to guard them from a still more heated region. Grim sugges
tions in lint and bandages, photographs and charms from
sisters and sweethearts, and "God bless yous" from the heart
of the whole state..So equipped and so laden with gifts and
blessings Michigan's first regiment was sent forth on the 13th
day of May, 1861.
The superior form in which Michigan troops were sent to
the front can best be seen by comparison and perhaps is best
established by the testimony of others. The first volunteers
to reach the capital were some three or four hundred men
from Pennsylvania; I say men not troops because they had
neither arms or equipment. Then came the armed, compact,
and gallant Massachusetts Sixth, whose prompt departure
and thrilling entry upon the scene will forever stand as a




13


monument to the value of a well organized and well sustained
militia. "To this regiment belongs the unfading honor of being the first regiment armed and equipped for service to respond to the president's call."
It mustered on Boston Common the day after the call
and the day after that embarked for Washington. Of course
I do not present this achievement as exalting Michigan.
None of the states equalled Massachusetts and New York in
the efficiency of their militia. Michigan however as well as
Massachusetts is placed in high light and the value of an
equipped militia further exemplified by two facts in this connection.
The contested and bloody passage through Baltimore of
the Sixth Massachusetts is well known. It is not so well
known that immediately following the Sixth Massachusetts
was Small's Pennsylvania brigade numbering a thousand
men, all unarmed. The mob which had attacked the Sixth
Massachusetts turned upon these men, forced them to retake
their train and go back to Philadelphia.
For days Maryland hung in the.balance between the
Union and secession. The rebel element held sway in Baltimore and no Union troops passed through that city from that
time until the arrival of the Michigan First. The First arrived
at Baltimore May 16th. The mob which had attacked the
Sixth Massachusetts and discomforted and driven home the
Pennsylvanians', was still there, but it did not venture to
raise its hand against the Michigan soldiers. It thought
prudent to go no further than mutterings and sullen looks.
On the way to Baltimore the regiment stopped over night
at Harrisburgh and quartered at the camp there established
for the rendezvous of Pennsylvania troops, and the detention
of volunteers from other states who had been sent forward
unequipped. In the morning we had orders to proceed, and
I well remember the looks -and expressions of admiration,




14


and envy of our natty uniform and complete equipment, from
the chafing, impatient and somewhat forlorn mass of men
gathered there and waiting for arms.
From the testimony of others 1 make a few quotations:
The Cleveland Plaindealer, speaking of the arrival of the
First in that city, said, "A great many of our citizens visited
them and expressed admiration of the men, and the very
admirable manner in which they had been armed and
equipped for service by the state. The comparison between
the action of Michigan and Ohio is not at all flattering to
Ohio."
Pittsburg and Harrisburg papers were equally complimentary.
The Baltimore Sun of May 17th, said: "The Michigan
regiment attracted general attention and commendation by
their solid appearance and well disciplined movements a la
Hardee. It was composed almost wholly of young, steady and
intelligent looking men, and it appeared to be capitally
officered. They were exceedingly well equipped, thanks to
the liberality of the state of Michigan. which had furnished
them an entire outfit from head to foot, and were armed with
Minnie guns. *   *  * The Michiganders, were accompanied by two Pennsylvania companies from Camp Curtin.
The Pennsylvanians were armed with old percussion muskets."
The New York Tribune's Washington correspondent
telegraphed, "No regiment that has yet arrived has created
such an excitement as the Michigan First."
And the New York Evening Post's Washington correspondent wrote, "The Michigan rifle regiment came into
town about ten o'clock last night, marching from the depot
up the avenue to Eleventh street. They were preceded by
a splended band of music, which soon aroused our citizens,
and long before they had reached the quarters assigned them




15


hundreds of people were out to give them welcome. The
enthusiasm of the crowd was irrepressible for this was the
first western regiment which had arrived at the capital."
Thus Michigan made her response to the President's
call.
The "splendid band" was the famous Light Guard band
of Detroit. Its leader was Prof. Kern, whose figure of conspicuous rotundity, many Detroiters must well remember.
It proved a tempting butt for one of Mr. Lincoln's jokes.
The day after the arrival of the regiment, the officers went
to the White House. The band serenaded the President,
and the party were invited into the east-room. The officers
were presented, and also Prof. Kern. Eyeing him over, Mr.
Lincoln said, with one of his droll smiles, " Professor, you
must be the biggest blower in the service."
Every step of the regiment, from its summons onward
had been for most of its members, first steps into new scenes
and an unknown lite. All was strange and exciting. The
act next before it however has left a deeper impress on my
mind. than any other event of my service. Up to the 23rd of
May, the Union forces had been gathering at Washington.
The rebels occupied the City of Alexandria, and the opposite bank of the Potomac.
On the night of the 23rd, the war was to be formally
opened by the initial forward movement on to rebel soil.
VWashington was full of rebels and rebel sympathisers, and
absolute secresy as to the movement was decreed. Under
arms with rations and ammunition, subordinates and men
felt, rather than knew, that the Potomac was to be crossed.
The movement was momentous, and secresy, quiet and night
added awe to it. Orders were given in subdued tones, and
in solemn silence the four regiments ordered to cross at the
long bridge, took up their march at 2 o'clock in the morning
of May 24th.




16


The movement was not so dangerous as most of us, who
expected to find the opposite bank of the river swarming
with rebels, supposed, but it was historic as the opening
aggressive movement-the entry of the Grand Army of the
Republic, as it was then named for the first time, upon the
sacred soil. In this movement Michigan took part with its
First regiment.
After crossing the Potomac it was detached from the
other regiments and marched down to Alexandria, which City
it entered by land simultaneously with Ellsworth's Zouaves
who had approached it by water, and whose gallant leader
there met his tragic death. The rebel troops fled on our arrival,
and the First raised the stars and stripes over the captured
City.
With the first battle may properly close Michigan in
the opening of the war. I shall not prolong this paper to
describe that battle. The story of Bull Run has been told,
and we cannot enjoy dwelling upon it.   Michigan had
a  part in   it, however,  which  was not inglorious.
Under our own Richardson, the Second and Third Michigan  regiments were with the troops which opened fire
upon the rebels at Blackburn's Ford on the eve of Bull Run,
and which the next day, covered the retreat from that ill
starred field. The first, being of Wilcox's brigade, Heintsel.
man's division, made the long circuitous march to turn the
rebel left. It crossed at Sudley Ford and did its fighting on
the hill near the Henry house, where battle raged the fiercest.
McDowell's report says, ' The hottest part of the fighting
was for the possession of this hill. The force engaged here
was Heintselman's division, Willcox and Howards's brigades
on the right," supported by others.
Captured on this hill, I was put on parole and allowed to
remain a few days at the temporary hospital caring for Col,
Willcox, Capt. Ricketts and others.




17
Two days after the battle, under this parole, I walked
over the battle field. Approaching it from the Lewis house,
Gen. Beauregard's head-quarters, on the day of the battle,
the first dead bodies I came upon were clad in the dark blue
round abouts of my dear comrades of the Michigan First. I
knew the regiment had pushed its way further than any
others. It was a gratification to its Colonel, and his comrades, on their return from southern prisons, to know that
the distinction was recognized. It must still be a matter of
some pride to every Michigan man to read from Gen. Heintselman's endorsement upon a report of the Bull Run battle.
"The First Michigan on the extreme right, held the most
advanced position we occupied on that disastrous day."
a








THE OPERATIONS
OF
GENERAL ALPHEUS S. WILLIAMS,
AND HIS COMMAND IN THE
CHACELLORSVILLE GAMPJAIGN.
AS WITNESSED BY A MEMBER OF HIS STAFF.
A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMM&NDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
APRIL 6TH, 1887.
BY COMPANION
COL. SAM'L E. PITTMAN.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WM. S. OSTLER, PRINTER.
1888.








hlanc llorsuiill &ampaign.
As whatever military career a staff officer may have, is as
far as it goes that of his commanding officer, the writer, in part
as a diversion, occupies some of his leisure from time to time
in arranging his memoranda of the several campaigns in
which Gen'l Williams took part, and this paper is part of
such record. If therefore, personal pronouns are occasionally
used, it is asked that due allowance may be made.
THE SUBJECT IS,
"The operations of General Alpheus S. Williams, and
his command in the Chancellorsville campaign, as witnessed
by a member of his staff."
The first division of the 12th corps, army of the Potomac,
commanded by Gen'l Williams, during the winter of 1862
and 63, and spring following, occupied the right of the corps
at Stafford Court House. Virginia-said corps forming the
right of Gen'l Hooker's army.
On the 13th of April, 1863, among the rumors current in
our camp, was that the entire cavalry force had moved under
Gen'l Stoneman, in the direction of Kelley's Ford, on the
Rappahannock, which movement at once suggested to all,
active operations of some kind. The following day orders
were received to cut down transportation, draw rations, ammunition, &c., and hold ourselves in readiness to. wonve.




4


The utmost activity and enthusiastic speculations as to
the work to be done, prevailed throughout the camps, which
enthusiasm extended to certain regiments whose time was
nearly up, and were only waiting orders from army head
quarters for muster out. Two of these regiments were two
years enlistment, and one nine months.  To their credit,
let it be said, that in zealous preparation, they fell not behind that other portion of the command, having no cause to
expect soon to be welcomed in their own dear homes by rejoicing relatives and friends.
The onward orders however did not come as was expected, but as it is so well known that unprecedented storms
delayed all Gen'l Hooker's plans, particulars need not here
be given. Finally on the 25th of April, the orders were received to move on Monday morning the 27th, at day break
and right welcome they were, although only one man
in the corps knew as to the objective point; and that man,
(Gen'l Slocum,) wouldn't tell.
Gen'l Hooker's entire army had now reached a high state
of efficiency, by his judicious anticipation of all reasonable
wants of, the troops; by frequent reviews in which the several corps gained respect for, and confidence in each other;
and another important factor in giving the army greater
power, was the liberal granting of furloughs to enlisted men,
and leaves of absence to officers, which gave all the needed
rest and change, after the weary marches and severe fighting
of the preceding summer and autumn.
Furthermore, the distrust of Gen'l Hooker, attributable
in some degree to the reputation he had for over self-confidence and an impatience with superiors in rank, had given
place to great confidence: in many portions of his command,
to almost unbounded admiration; so that everything conspired to call out the best work of a thoroughly loyal and
earnest army.




5


General Williams' native. talent, aided by a thorough
knowledge of the art of war-the result of his life study ofmilitary science and history, together with his experience in
the Mexican war, placed him in perfect harmony with preparations for vigorous operation. and he heartily responded
at the outset, by continuing that firm and steady, though
not wearying, discipline which he had the faculty of exercising to a marked degree, and which he had required when
he first assumed command of troops in the field.
He stimulated the officers of his division to still more
frequent recitations in tactics, requiring daily drills in good
weather; taking himself an active personal part whenever
and wherever it promised to do the most good.
At the beginning of the Chancellorsville campaign, the
three brigades were commanded respectively by Gen'ls
Thos. H. Ruger, J. F. Knipe and Col. R. Ross, (the latter
only in temporary command.)
Gen' Is Ruger and Knipe were in this campaign, as they
had been upon all previous occasions, ready co-operators with
their division commander, and perhaps the aforesaid colonel also as far as he knew how. The staff officers assisting
the general in the field were Capt. Wm. D. Wilkins, Asst.
Adjt. Gen'l, one Aide (the writer), an acting Asst. Inspector
Gen'l.; the Commissary of Musters, and a Prussian officer
originally sent over with letters to Gen'l McClellan for the
purpose of witnessing war in this county, and who had been
commissioned in our service with orders to report to Gen'l
Williams.
It was on the 20th of April that the division emblemthe red star-had been first put in use, and it proved of great
practicable benefit. This emblem ever after was looked
upon with great pride, and was the same red star when the
division became the 1st division of the 20th corps under
Hooker, Slocum  and Williams, as corps commanders, and




6


Thomas and Sherman as Army Commanders. It is even
more highly valued now in our'peaceful pursuits in civil life.
To give the plans of Hooker. or to follow the movements
of the other corps of the Army of the Potomac, would not
prove interesting, for all these have been told and retold so
that even the generation then unborn has become familiar
with the particulars.
The march from Scafford, as before mentioned, was entered upon the 27th of April with eight days light rations,
and sixty rounds of ammunition carried on the person-it becoming necessary to use part of the knapsack for this purpose. A reserve of small arm ammunition was carried by 70
mules of most diminutive size; two boxes for each animal.
Two ambulances, a few wagons for forage, and one battery
was assigned to each division-the remaining- artillery and
the regular wagon trains were to be sent on some other time.
Nothing occurred during the two days march to Kelly's
Ford to break the monotony beyond the passing on to the
head of the column, when near the ford, of Gen'l Hooker and
his staff, followed by a great cavalcade of the gorgeous
lancers; of the escort it might have been said
"And on they came
In mortal lists to light,
Their oaths are said,
Their prayers are piayed,
Their lances in the rest are laid."
At Hartwood Church the 12th corps had united with the
5th and 11th corps, and arrived at Kelly's Ford, it was announced by general order that all three corps would cross the
river —the 12th and 11th moving thence to Germania Ford on
the Rapidan, crossing there, while Gen'l Meade the 5th corps
would proceed via Ely's Ford; the three corps to unite again
at Chancellorsville if they got there, and there seemed to be no
doubt felt as to that.




7


As Gen'l Hooker returned to Falmouth, Gen'l Slocumt
was placed in command of the entire force of three corps.
Gen'l Williams consequently fell in command of the 12th
corps, and Gen'l Ruger of the division, each officer retaining
his personal staff.
The morning of the third day, our corps which was to
have the advance, was astir before daylight. The entire force
was still on the north side of the river at Kelly's, which was
to be crossed, and before night also the Rapidan at Germania.
As the troops lay massed in column over the green fields
near the river bank, and as the different arms-infantry, artillery and cavalry (General Pleasanton with part of his cavalry had joined) moved down the winding way to the pontoon
bridge, across it and up the banks.on the south side-some
evolutions being made both by cavalry and infantry, preparatory for attack if necessary; surrounded as the locality was
by an amphitheatre of hills, a view was presented that it is
neither easy to forget nor to describe. The interest, of the
hour was perhaps largely increased in that there was more
than ordinary risk in the isolation that had been entered
upon.
In crossing the pontoons, some demonstration was made
by a Confederate cavalry picket, but it was short.  We were
soon over, and bounding off for Germania.
While the march toward Germania was rapid, still it was
with reference -to  meeting  determined  opposition.  A
squadron or two of cavalry led off. Under Gen'l Williams's
arrangements, the infantry skirmish line occupied nearly a
mile on either side of the one road we had to take, with two
regiments marching in the fields by the right of companiesthe remaining brigades of the 1st division following on the
road, and the 2nd division (Geary) at proper distance.  The
11th corps followed; and thus the column proceeded, the Con



8


federate cavalry keeping us in sight until well on the way.
Arriving at Germania, a Confederate force of bridge builders
and armed guards was found, which soon fell into our hands.
They had not progressed in their work far enough to help
the advance division any in crossing the stream, and the
ford, on account of heavy rain the day before, was all but
impassable; nevertheless the men pushed in, with the water
to their armpits, and cartridge-boxes slung upon their fixed
bayonets. A foot bridge was soon built over the piers of the
burnt bridge, men detailed to relieve the " shackasses " of
their burdens, by carrying the ammunition over the foot
bridge, while the little animals swam the stream to resume
their loads upon the other side.  The 2nd division and the
11th corps then comfortably crossed the foot bridge.  On the
30th of April, Chancellorsville was reached, having had some
skirmishing with an infantry force with artillery just before
arriving. We had marched 65 miles in three and one-half
days, crossing both the Rappahannock and the Rapidan.
Gen'l Meade's corps had already arrived, having the
shorter route, and that evening Gen'l Hooker established his
headquarters at the Chancellorsville House, which soon presented a gay and cheerful scene; everybody happy, and
many anticipating overwhelming victories and great success.
Congratulations were the order of the evening, and the
joy of the occasion culminated in Gen'l Hooker's highly enthusiastic general order, complimenting the three corps,
&c., &c.
Gen'l Slocum returned to the command of the corps;
Gen'l Williams to his division; and the whole command fell
to work constructing defensive works.
Much has been published about this campaign, and the
work of the 1st and 2nd May, is well known, down to the
hour when Jackson's forces were stopped in their mad pursuit of the 11th corps.




9


At this point, I read a leaf forming part of my record of
those days, but reluctantly, as it revives unwelcome memories
of Gen'l Hooker, whose friendship I gained and highly prized
during the time he commanded the 20th corps in the Atlanta
campaign, namely:
On the morning of the 1st May, there existed much
anxiety and apprehension among nearly all, if not all, the
corps, division and other commanders.  It was of current report, that Gen'l Hooker, the night before, had said: ' God
Almighty could not prevent his destroying the rebel army,"
which created great uneasiness-even to the most irreligious.
Doubtless the absence of plan and preparation for combat,
contributed largely to disturbing the minds of many; still,
the blasphemy (no one hesitating to call it that) produced a
profound impression. If, consequently, the Divine Hand is
to be traced in what so soon followed, is it not striking that
the great exponent of Confederate devoutness should be the
instrument to crush the Union Havelock.
When we see such a remarkable march and attack as
that of Jackson; such unaccountable neglect by so able an
officer as Gen'l Howard, and the complete mental paralysis of
Hooker, it does cause us to ponder over the matter not a
little.
Passing over then to Saturday afternoon, just before
Jackson's announcement of his presence upon Howard's
flank and rear, we find Sickles with Bitney's and Whipple's
divisions, and Williams with his division, pushing to southward. The right of Williams' division had come in collision
with Anderson's troops, but the brigade temporarily commanded by Col. Ross not emerging from the thicket through
which our line had to advance, (en'l Williams directed the
writer to personally bring it forward. A considerable'part of
the brigade was found involved in an extensive windfall, and
while in the act of extricating it, the General came from our




10


front, remarking that something serious had happened on
Howard's right; ordered this brigade, as he had the other
two, in accordance with instructions through a staff officer
from Gen'l Slocum, to return as quickly as possible to the
works we had just advanced from.
As soon as the heads of the brigade had reached the
open ground, Gen'l Williams with his staff started in the
direction whence much could be heard, but nothing seen on
account of the intervening woods. The Gen'l at once sent
the writer to direct Col. Cook, commanding the guard over
the knapsacks of the several brigades, to hold his position at
all hazards. Upon reaching the left of Cook's original position, no troops were found, but considerably in rear. through
an opening in the wood, I saw a mass of men, artillery,
beef-cattle, mules, &c., flying in wild confusion towards
Chancellorsville, whereupon I rejoined my General, who with
Col. 'Wilkins was riding at full speed in the direction of the fly
ing crowd on the plank road. We subsequently learned that
Col. Cook with his six companies had moved forward gathering and holding for a short time, some 2000 of the fugitives.
These demoralized men however soon departed, leaving Cook
and those who stood by him to fall prisoners to Jackson's
advance line.
Reaching the plank road, we joined in with Col. Dickinson of Hooker's staff, and other, officers attempting to rally
Howard's men, but aside from halting a few batteries we
could do nothing, officers and men were alike stampeded;
they were like a flock of sheep driven to a corner with not
one thought of defence. However, after a momentary stop,
they were off again in the direction of U. S. Ford, and we
were not sorry to have them go, for the troops of our division
who had followed their chief on the double quick, soon
reached the plank road, and thus had a comparatively clear
field upon which to interpose between the pursuers and the




11


pursued. Let it be said here however, that we learned later
on, when this corps was consolidated with the 12th, that there
were regiments and brigades in the 11th corps that were able,
and did under the same Hooker, in Sherman's campaigns, perform their full duty, and would have done it at Chancellorsville had they had a fair chance.
Gen'l Williams, who had met his approaching column,
led it by a right flank to the plank road, a little to the west
of Fairview, faced two brigades to the front, which brought
our line facing to the west directly opposed to the approaching enemy. This new line. was at nearly right angles with
that of the morning and afternoon, our left just crossing the
works, with the right and rear of the works now occupied by
the enemy. The Gen'l immediately advanced his line against
the exultant foe, receiving and returning its fire.
Jackson's lines however had now become very much
mixed; like the spent tempest too, his furious charge had
lost its force, and seeing organized troops in their front,
Stonewall's men thought it wise to halt. About this time
Jackson's right flank was assailed by Pleasanton, as Jackson
rushed on after Howard, thus slightly changing direction to
the left, and bearing upon our centre and right, and beyond.
Also about this time Hooker had ordered Berry's division
of the 3rd corps forward from the Chancellorsville House,
which division subsequently connected north of the plank
road with our right at the plank road.
My memoranda and memory, and also letters written by
Gen'l Williams to his friends at home immediately after, all
agree that the final stoppage of the Confederate lines occurred
about sunset.
As quiet began to reign, which was not long (events followed events quickly that afternoon and evening), the writer
approaching his chief, remarked somewhat rapturously perhaps that "we had gotten out of the scrape pretty well," to




which he replied, "We may not be out yet; I look for them
on our right flank," whereupon it was urged that as Gen'l
Slocum was not present, and as it was a time of so much confusion and uncertainty, he (the Gen'l) should go in person to
Gen'l Hooker and explain our position. The hero of this
sketch, however was too much of a soldier to leave his command
even for so short a time, or to think of going beyond his corps
commander, but the seriousness of the situation so far overcame his hesitation as to prompt him to say, "You go with
my compliments, reporting our position, and add that I
expect to be flanked, if not supported, on my right very
soon."  A few minutes ride took me to the Chancellorsville
house. Gen'l Slocum, who with other general officers, among
them Gen'l Howard, was on the verandah advanced to meet
me, eagerly enquiring what news, and to him the message was
given.
Both Slocum and Howard (the latter having joined us)
said, "come with us to Gen'l Hooker.' The report was made
to Gen'l Hooker, the bearer thereof instructed to assure Gen'l
Williams that troops were already moving to connect with
him, and upon my return Gen'l Berry's men were taking
such position.
If I have gone very much into particulars, it has been to
show the skillful and important service done at this critical
moment by General Williams, backed up by his magnificent
troops.
All the books thus far published, giving a history of
Chancellorsville, are silent as to this achievement of our commander, and his "Red Star" Division.
Neither has a correct account of Sunday morning's battles
following, as yet been published, all which seems unaccountable when access to official reports is so easy at the war
department where they are filed.
After getting our lines adjusted with Gen'l Berry's, all




13


was quiet, when an order, said to originate at army headquarters, came, to push forward from  our right, so as to
re-occupy the works. The execution of this order would
involve an advance direct to the front, and a half left wheel
of the deployed brigades; and it was then dark, the light of
the faint misty moon having but little effect in the woods and
underbrush.
With a good part of Jackson's troops massed upon the
ground these two brigades were to sweep over; now looking
back upon it, it would be as practicable for Gen'l Poe to
attempt to remove the obstructions at the Limekilns with a
snow plough, as for that force to accomplish what it was ordered to attempt
When this last movement was found a hopeless task, we
were ordered back upon the line running north and south,
upon which we had met Jackson's advance a few hours before.
The enemy followed sharply but wisely.
The result of the evening operations was a loss of 500
officers and men to our division.  Col. Wilkins, at the front,
as he always was in an engagement, unless his duties prevented, was captured.  Our right regiment lost its Colonel,
Lt. Col., and about 200 men killed, wounded and prisoners.
Another regiment its Colonel and many men. The Major of
another regiment mortally wounded, and so on.
Quiet again reigned, and the dead silence was even more
painful than the roar of cannon and musketry just over; but
about eleven o'clock, the silence was effectually broken when
the divisions of Whipple and Birney, of the 3d, (Sickles,)
corps, were pushed against Jackson's right flank, and a little
across our left front, the principal object of which was to
bring these two divisions into some sort of connection with
the main line, now composed of William's and Berry's divisions, for Jackson's troops interposed between Birney and
that line.




14


From a descriptive letter Gen'l Williams wrote home a
few days after these events, which within a few weeks has
been placed in my hands, I am permitted to give the following extract, which is a graphic pen picture of that night
attack.
' A tremendous roll of infantry fire, mingled with yellings
and shootings, almost diabolical and infernal, opened the
conflict on the side of Sickles' division. For some time my
infantry and artillery kept silent, and in the intervals of the
musketry, I could distinctly hear the oaths and imprecations
of the rebel officers evidently having hard work to keep their
men from stampeding. In the meantime Sickles' artillery
opened-firing over the heads of the infantry, and the din of
arms and inhuman yellings and cursings redoubled. All at
once Berry's division across the road on our right, opened in
heavy vollies, and Knipe (commanding my right brigade next
to the road on the south) followed suit.
Best began to thunder with his thirty odd pieces. In
front and on the flank, shell and shot and bullets were poured
into these woods, which were evidently crowded with rebel
masses, preparing for the morning attack. I can conceive of
no spectacle more magnificently, and indeed awfully grand
and sublime, than this night attack. Along our front and
Sickles flank probably 15,000 or more musketry were belching an almost incessant stream of flame, while from the elevations just in the rear of each line, from 40 to 50 pieces of
artillery kept up an uninterrupted roar, re-echoed from the
woods with redoubled echo, from the bursting shells which
seemed to fill every part of them with fire and fury.
Human language can give no idea of such a scene-such an
infernal and yet sublime combination of sound and flame and
smoke, and dreadful yells of rage, of pain, of triumph, or of
defiance. Suddenly, almost on the instant, the tumult is
hushed, hardly a voice can be heard, one would almost sup



15


pose that the combatants were holding breath to listen for
one anothers movements. But the contest was not renewed."
The result of this night attack was to bring Birney's division in communication with the line running across the
plank road occupied by ourselves, and Berry as heretofore
described. The nominal front of Birney and Whipple would
be to the northward, but nearly all night attacks end in confusion and misunderstanding, and this was no exception. To
Gen'l Hooker there probably seemed to be only the one thing
to do, viz: to gather them in rear of our line, and at break of
day this was begun, the last of Whipple's division coming
in betwixt Williams' left and Geary's right, with the enemy
after them in considerable haste.
Upon our left, just around the angle, Geary joined, so that
he faced to the south. On beyond Geary, it is hardly necessary to speak, for it was on Berry's and Williams' line with
enfilading fire on G(eary, that the battle of Sunday, May 3rd,
raged.
How Williams' division behaved on Sunday morning,
May 3rd, will be shown by giving a sample account from one
who opposed us, in the following extract from the story of a
First South Carolina infantry officer, in Caldwell's history of
Mc' Gowan's brigade.
He says: "We could not see much for the morning was
foggy, and the smoke of both lines soon became so dense that
I could not even distinguish the colors of the enemy. The
firing waxed furious. Our advance was checked, the cheering hushed, all on both sides addressed themselves to loading
and firing as rapidly as possible. The two right regiments
were hotly engaged. Indeed the 13th and 14th South Carolina had to fire at right oblique. The slaughter of Orr's
Rifles, and the 1st South Carolina was immense. Gen'l McGowan, just behind the colors of the First huzzahed lustily,
seeming to be at the highest enthusiasm. The Federals tired.




16


with unusual accuracy. It was to be expected, for we stood
in full relief upon the crest of the hill. The few men they
had scattered along the ravine behaved with provoking composure.
They deliberately loaded their pieces behind the trees,
stepped out, picked their men, fired, and returned to the
trees to reload. In the course of time however, they were
discovered, and forced to lie close. Archer's brigade, as I understand it, was to move clear to our right, and at some inclination to us, so as to strike the enemy in flank. The latter
must have apprehended something of the sort, for they
hugged the fortified hill with singular pertinacity. But now
we were at a standstill. The enemy became emboldened, and
advanced upon the unprotected right flank of our brigade.
At last he swung forward so as almost to enfilade out line.
The rifles gave way. The First followed slowly, and the
movement extended gradually to the left of the brigade. But
we halted at the line of works about 70 or 80 yards from the
last position; and the enemy continuing to advance, we resumed battle. Gen'l Mc'Gowan was wounded upon the
works. Brig. Gen'l Colston brought in a fresh line, saying
they would show us how to clear a Federal line: But their
reckoning was not accurate, they were forced back with us
into the works. The firing continued nnintermitted, deadly."
To show what became of us after these four hours of
deadly struggle, the closing lines of Gen'l Williams modest
official report will best suffice, which are as follows:
"My regiments had literally exhausted their ammunition,
some of them had been 24 hours without food, and most of
them several nights with but little sleep, while engaged in
entrenching. My regiments had several times crossed the
breastworks, to attack the enemy's repulsed columns, but the
nature of. the ground, the thickness of the underbrush, the
heavy collulnns of the enemy always at hand, as well as their




17


positions on either flank, admonished me to act on the defensive, until a more favorable moment for the offensive should
present itself.
Finding it was impossible to bring up my ammunition pack
train under the tremendous fire of artillery and infantry, or
to replenish my ammunition in any way, I reported to the
Major General commanding the corps, that my regiments
must be replaced with fresh troops, and that it would be impossible for me longer to resist the heavy attacks of the enemy. Soon after, meeting Gen'l Sickles on the field, he
assured me that troops of his corps had already been sent to
replace my line: I immediately sent orders to the brigadiers
to withdraw their troops in order, as soon as relieved. It
was not too soon, the enemy were pressing forward on both
flanks of my north and south line. The artillery on our
front was already mostly withdrawn with empty chests. The
troops sent to my relief were checked before they reached our
breastworks, and the whole line finally fell back in good
order under a severe artillery and infantry fire, which swept
the open field, as far back as Chancellorsville house.
At this point my brigades were halted behind the rifle
pits, fronting down the wilderness plank road, and after a
while, by order of the Major Gen'l commanding the corps
moved down the road towards U. S. Ford, behind our second
line, and formed in the woods, to the right on the crots road
towards Scott's Dam. In the evening my division relieved a
part of the 11th corps, and occupied the left of our four linelear
the Rappahannock. Here we were for two days employed ith
entrenching our position, and on the morning of the 6th,
marched to the pontoon bridge on the Rappahannock, and
recrossed the river, the rearmost division of the army, except
the rear guard of the 5th corps.
The same evening my division occupied its old camp at
Stafford Court House."




18
This closes the extract from the report, and I have only
to add, that the losses olt of our 6000 men, making up our
division when we left' Stafford, April 27th, were 1700 officers
and enlisted men. It was a sad nrturn ten days later to the
very spot we had so joyously set out from. I attach hereto a
map which was prepared under the special supervision of
Gen'l Williams and is correct.
SAM'L E. PITTMAN,
Late Captain and Asst. Adj't Gen'l
U. S. Vol., and B v't Lient. Col.




e ----p     Ec


STONEMAN ~ RAID
OF 1865.
A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
JANUARY 8th, 1888.
BY COMPANION
GEN'L LUTHER S. TROWBRIDGE.
DETROIT, MICH.:
OSTLIER PRINTING COMPANY,
1888.








-{T he ttoneman Raidi-..................................  "..........
o          --    -          ~                 o
I think I shall be quite within bounds in saying that no
enterprise of equal importance during the late civil war attracted so little attention as the
STONEMAN RAID OF 1865.
Whether considered with reference to the actual physical
results accomplished, or as a part of that comprehensive plan
of operations, designed, not for the capture of Richmond
merely, but for the overthrow of the army of Northern Virginia, it was a very important expedition, and deserves special
mention in history; and yet I presume the average American
citizen is about as ignorant of it as of things that have never
happened. This is not so strange when we consider the surrounding circumstances. So many other operations of greater
importance were going on, that all eyes were directed elsewhere. Wilson, with his magnificent army of cavalry, was
swooping down through Alabama, accomplishing what seemed
to be miracles of valor, carrying by storm fortified positions
of great strength, heavily armed and strongly manned. His
thin lines of dismounted cavalry charging through abattis,
over entrenchments and heavy parapets, driving before them




4


the veteran infantry of the confederacy and making capture
of prisoners and artillery in such numbers that the true story
of his wonderful march reads more like romantic fiction than
the sober realities of actual war.
Canby and Farragut were knocking at the gates of Mobile.
Sherman, with his great army fresh from its triumphal march
to the sea, was stalking with the stride of a giant through the
Carolinas; while Grant, with tireless and never ceasing vigilance, was tightening his hold upon Richmond and preparing
for those final blows which were to shiver the confederacy in
pieces. What wonder that the eyes of all people were
directed to these great operations, and that few thought of
the movement of a small division of cavalry starting from
East Tennessee and destined to accomplish a service, which in
certain contingencies would have been of the greatest moment
in the great tragedy of war then drawing to a close.
In the spring of 1865, General Grant anticipated that if
Lee should be forced out of Richmond he might undertake to
move through southwestern Virginia, and, driving our forces
out of East Tennessee, strive to establish himself in some of
the many strong positions which that mountainous country
afforded. He would thus be enabled to greatly protract the
struggle, though he might be hopeless of securing the independence of the confederacy.
To prevent such a possibility, as well as to cut off General Lee's army from the rich supply fields of southwestern
Virginia, General Thomas was directed to send a force to destroy the railroads as far as possible towards Lynchburg,
thus putting a great obstacle in the way of the movement
supposed to be possibly contemplated by General Lee.
The expedition, consisting of three brigades of cavalry
under the command of General Stoneman, was concentrated
at Mossy Creek, Tenn., March 22nd, '65. It moved toward
the Virginia line, and on the 25th of March, ten miles west of




5


Jonesboro, everything that could retard a rapid march was
left behind: one ambulance, one wagon, and four guns with
their caissons being the only vehicles accompanying the expedition. There was at that time a considerable force of confederate cavalry operating in southwestern Virginia, a fact
which should be borne in mind to understand and appreciate
the strategy of this movement. The object of the expedition
was kept a profound secret. If any one but General Stoneman knew it, the knowledge was not allowed to get to many
of the subordinate officers. By the movement of one brigade
to Carter's Station, the idea was conveyed to the enemy that
we were going directly into Virginia. But by a rapid movement the command crossed the Wautauga River higher up
and struck directly across the mountains towards North Carolina. On the 27th of March we reached Boone, a little town
far up in the mountains. At this place, Major Keogh, of
Gen'l Stoneman's staff, a very gallant officer, afterwards slain
by the Indians in the Custer massacre, with a detachment of
the 12th Kentucky Cavalry, charged and routed a company of
home guards, capturing sixty. At this point the brigades
separated, Gen'l Stoneman with Palmer's brigade, moving on
to Wilkesboro by Deep Gap, while the other two brigades
with the artillery moved to the same point by the Flat Gap
road.
An incident occurred here, which, while of no special importance, may be of interest, as showing the embarrassment which
sometimes came to an officer through the failure of a superior
to give the necessary orders. I was sent with my regiment a
distance of a mile or more on a side road to a place where I
would find forage for my horses, with orders to be ready to
move at five o'clock in the morning.  I asked the orderly
who brought the order, whether he had instructions for me
as to the order of march in the morning;  "No," he said,
" you will receive the order in the morning."




6


We turned out early, got our breakfast, and at five
o'clock stood with our horses saddled, ready to mount; but
no order came. We waited an hour, and, receiving no word,
I sent an orderly to see whether the other regiments were
moving. He soon returned and reported all quiet in the
other camps, with no signs of movement. We waited, and
waited. Seven o'clock, eight o'clock, nine o'clock came, but
no orders. I then sent an officer to headquarters, to ascertain whether there were any orders for us.  He soon came
back and reported that every body had gone.  Not a soldier
was to be seen anywhere. Where they had gone, which road
our brigade had taken, was not known, and there was no way
of finding out.
I could not think it was intended that we were to be left
there, and so we moved out. Finding a road running to the
east, along which a body of troops had passed, we took it,
not knowing whether it was the road followed by our brigade
or not. We marched all day without coming up with our
troops, and without means of obtaining information. I do
not remember that we saw, during the whole day, a single
person of whom we could make a guide or from whom we
could gain any information as to the country.  Night came
on, and it was so dark we could scarcely see our horses heads.
About ten o'clock we came upon a broad stream.  We did
not know whether it was fordable, or where the ford lay if
there was one. On the opposite side, lights could be seen
moving back and forth, and the voices of men could be
heard; but whose they were, was not known.
Supposing there must be a ford there, we resolved to try
it. Having a large, strong horse, I started in first, and, although the river was deep and the current swift, we found a
respectable ford. Just then came on a violent storm. When
we reached the opposite bank, we found the battery belonging to the Division, which had taken another road, stalled in




'7


a deep, narrow cut in the road, and it was with great dificnlty that we could get past it. The banks on the side of the
road were very steep, and, of course, very slippery with
the rain.  The rear batallion, not understandiug  the
cause of the delay, turned back and went into camp on the
other side of the river.  Slipping and floundering along,
many horses falling, we finally succeeded in getting past the
battery, when an orderly found me, and brought the pleasing
intelligence that we were to move nine miles down the river,
cross the stream again, which was rising rapidly with the
violent rain, and go into camp. Weary, wet and hungry,
this was not the most agreeable news, but like good soldiers
we moved on, and at two o'clock in the morning we again
forded the river, were conducted to a piece of woods, and told
that we could make ourselves comfortable for the remainder
of the night. Under the circumsiances, we need not put out
pickets, as that duty had been attended to by our comrades
who had gone before.
After disposing of the men as best I could, I sat down on
the root of a large tree, leaned my head against the tree, and
in less than two minutes by the watch, was fast asleep. The
rain continued all night, and in the morning 1 was wakened
by the water trickling down my neck inside my rubber cloth
coat. If you would have a picture of some of the minor discomforts of a cavalry raid, imagine the writer sitting on a log
in the woods, near a sputtering fire, with a tin plate on his
knees, a tin cup with coffee in it on a stump handy by, making a breakfast of fried bacon and corn pone, while the breakfast was fast being cooled and the coffee rapidly diluted by
the incessant rain, Up rides an officer who exclaims:
'Why, Colonel, what are you doing here? They have a good
warm breakfast for you down at that farm house. There are
about thirty of the fellows there and they are keeping a place
for you." It only needed some appearance of wings to make




8


me quite sure that that man was an angel!
At this point the command halted for a day, partly for
rest, and partly because a sudden rise in the Yadkin River
had made fording difficult and dangerous; but more I fancy,
to give full effect to the sudden appearance of so large a body
of cavalry in that portion of North Carolina, threatening
both Greensboro and Salisbury. The strategy was well
planned and effective. Had we moved directly into southwestern Virginia, the forces there could have so hindered and
delayed our movements as to seriously imperil the great object in view. By this movement across the mountains, those
forces had been avoided, and were so far away as to offer no
serious obstacle to the uccomplishment of our mission.
What that mission was, was still a profound mystery to all
not in the secret confidence of the commanding officer. The
enemy was entirely dceceived as to our point of attack. By
a rapid movement to the north, Gen'l Stoneman found the
railway running from Lynchburg to East Tennessee, entirely
at his mercy. At Hillsville, Colonel Miller, with five hundred picked men, was sent to W ytheville-where he had a
sharp engagement with the enemy, but succeeded in destroying
a depot of supplies, and on his march, two important railway
bridges. At Jacksonville, Major Wagner of the 15th Pennsylvania Cavalry, with a small force, was dispatched to Salem,
where he began the work of destruction, and carried it to
within a few miles of Lynchburg. The remainder of the
command moved on to Christiansburg, where it arrived about
midnight, April 4th.
The 10th Michigan was at once sent to the east to destroy
the bridges over the Roanoke river, and the 11th Michigan to
the west to destroy the great bridge over the river New. The
next morning these bridges were effectually destroyed.
About twenty miles east of Christiansburg the railroad
crosses the Roanoke river six times in as many miles, and




9


the 10th Michigan destroyed six large beautiful bridges, five
of them covered,a destruction which would have been avoided
could the events of the next ten days have been foreseen. It
was while engaged in the demolition of these bridges that I
obtained a Lynchburg paper of the day before, giving an ac-:ount of the fall of Richmond. News of our approach havig preceded us, the train which brought the paper had
gone no further than the station where we were at work. I
at once sent the paper by the fleetest horse to be found in the
regiment, to General Stoneman at Christiansburg, and was
thus fortunate in giving him the first information that he had
of the fall of Richmond.
The main object of the expedition was accomplished.
For a distance of one hundred and twenty-five miles, that
railroad, so important to General Lee in case of his escape
from Grant, was in ruins. Nearly every bridge and trestle
of any importance, for that distance, had been totally destroyed or entirely disabled. Well might General Thomas
say, in his official report, "a railroad was never more
"thoroughly dismantled than was the east Tennessee and
"Virginia from Wytheville to near Lynchburgh."
The main object of the expedition had been accomplished. The railroad was in ruins, and Richmond had been
evacuated.  What would be General Lee's next effort?
Would he undertake to make his way through south-western
Virginia into east Tennessee, as had been conjectured; or
would he strive to unite his army with that of General Johnson, in North Carolina, and with their combined forces attempt the overthrow of Sherman before Grant could come up?
Whatever his plans, he doubtless little understood the
ceaseless vigilance and the untiring energy of his pursuers.
I suppose it was in anticipation of the attempted junction of Lee's and Johnson's armies that it was thought that
our division could do some more effective work on the rail



10


road running from Richmond through western North Carolina. After a day of needed rest, which was well employed
in picking up fresh horses, the command moved in that direction. Palmer's brigade was ordered to concentrate at
Martinsville or Henry Court House, as it is called. The 10th
Michigan was then in the beautiful valley of the Roanoke
near Salem, about seventy-five miles from Henry Court
House. We were ordered to be at the latter place by nine
o'clock on a certain morning and there await the arrival of
the remainder of the brigade. To be sure to be on time, we
made the distance in twenty-six hours, and reached Henry
Court House about six o'clock in the morning to find it occupied by a superior force of the enemy's cavalry under Col.
Wheeler.
I do not know that I ever found the time when it was
exactly pleasant to come unexpectedly upon a superior force
of the enemy, but if there is any time which is more unpleasant than another, it is in the early morning after a continuous march of twenty-four hours when men and horses
are thoroughly fatigued. The fight was short but decidedly
sharp, and we remained masters of the field, though not without serious loss, having one officer, Lieut. Kenyon and four
men killed and another officer, Lieut. Field and three men
seriously wounded.  The enemy's loss was reported at
twenty-eight killed and mortally wounded. This movement
to Henry Court House had a meaning and a significance
which we did not then fully appreciate, as we afterwards
learned. By it the enemy was made to believe that Greensboro was our objective point, and consequently troops were
withdrawn from Salisbury, and rapidly sent to the threatened
point.
The enemy saw their mistake when a few days later
General Stoneman appeared before Salisbury instead of
Greensboro.




11


The brigade being reunited at Henry Court House, we
moved to Danbury and Germantown, from which latter place
Palmer's brigade was sent to Salem to destroy some large
factories engaged in the manufacture of clothing for the confederate army, and thence to operate on the railroad running
from Greensboro to Salisbury, while Stoneman, with the
other two brigades, crossed the Yadkin River at Shallow
Ford, and started directly for Salisbury. Upon arriving at
Salem, General Palmer sent the 15th Pennsylvania cavalry
under Lt. Col. Betts to strike the railway between Greens.
boro and Danville, and the 10th Michigan Cavalry to destroy
some bridges over Abbott's creek between Greensboro and
Salisbury, sending one battalion to High Point to make a
diversion in that direction, while he remained with the remainder of the brigade at Salem.
The 15th Pennsylvania met with marked success on its
expedition. It broke the railroad between Greensboro and
Danville as directed, and on its route surprised a South Carolina regiment of cavalry, making prisoners of its commanding officer and a large number of the men.
The battalion of the 10th Michigan sent to High Point,
under the command of Capt. Cummings, a membe of this
commandery, succeeded in capturing two railroad trains
loaded with quarter master, commissary and medical supplies, some large depots of supplies and several thousand
bales of cotton belonging to the confederate government.
The value of the property destroyed by this detachment was
estimated at more than three millions of dollars. The other
two battalions of the 10th, numbering not more than three
hundred men, proceeded to destroy the bridges over Abbott's
creek, after accomplishing which they were to move on directly to Salisbury to co operate with Genl. Stoneman. Another
all night mardh was before us. It was desirable that the
bridges should be destroyed before daylight. Consequently




12


two companies were sent forward at a trot while the remainder of the command moved on more at leisure. All our information was to the effect that there was no force of the
enemy in that vicinity. It seemed quite unnecessary, but as
a matter of form, a small advance guard was sent forward
although it was confidently expected that should there be
any enemy on the road, timely notice would be given by the
two companies which had gone on in advance.
As day began to dawn, a blacksmith of Co. B. came up
to me, and said he had nearly run into the pickets of the
enemy. I paid little attention to what he said, supposing
that he had mistaken the pickets of the two companies who
were supposed to be at work at the bridge, for those of the
enemy. Not long afterwards a young officer Capt. Dunn
riding by my side called my attention to a covered wagon
which had turned into the road, and at once disappeared
around a curve in it. At my request he galloped on and
overhauled the wagon which was found to contain a couple of
confederate officers. They informed me that a large force of
confederate cavalry was encamped some distance ahead on
the road. I paid slight heed to this, as I thought they were
trying to tell a startling story, and I could not understand
how such a force could escape the notice of the two companies which had gone ahead.
Turning our prisoners over to the officer of the day, we
resumed our march, but had not gone far when I observed
that the little advance guard had halted.  Galloping up to
learn the cause of the halt, I was informed that a large
force of the enemy was encamped a short distance ahead,
apparently unaware of our approach.
This force was Ferguson's brigade of Wheeler's cavalry
corps, and outnumbered us about four to one. With fresh
horses it would not have been difficult to make a sudden
attack even against largely superior numbers with the




13


chinces of success greatly in our favor.  But with horses
worn by a continuous march of twenty-four hours without
rest, it seemed extremely hazardous to attack a force so
largely outnumbering ours, and that force refreshed by a
comfortable night's rest in camp. Then again, should we
succeed in driving the enemy, it would be directly toward
Salisbury, where he might augment the forces with which
Stoneman was expected soon to be engaged. On the other
hand, could he be drawn after us it would increase the
chances of Stoneman's success which was beyond all things
most desirable.
These considerations decided the matter and we determined to withdraw. No sooner was the movement commenced, than we were attacked with great fury. I think I
may be pardoned for saying that there then followed one of
the most spirited and exciting, and in my judgment, one of
the best fought minor engagements of the war. The 10th
falling back by alternate squadrons, constantly presenting
an unbroken front to the enemy; wheeling out of column
into line, and steadily delivering their volleys from their
Spencer carbines until they could see another squadron ready
to receive the shock of the enemy; then wheeling into column and falling back to a new position-officers and men
without exception showed a courage, coolnes and discipline
truly gratifying to a commanding officer.
The movements were all conducted with as much precision, as if the place had been but the parade ground, and
the exercise but the sham fighting of the drill. The enemy
attempted to pass a column by each flank, while the attacks
in the rear were made with a daring and courage worthy of a
better cause.
The fighting was constant and fierce without a moments
interruption for nearly three hours, and extended over a
space of about six miles, when the enemy became discouraged




14


at his failure to surround the handful of men and ceased his
pursuit.
His loss in the engagement was afterwards ascertained to
have been about seventy five in killed and wounded, while
ours was trifling.
General Stoneman had moved on to Salisbury with two
brigades. He met the enemy a few miles from town, at a
little stream which had very high and precipitous banks and
could not be forded. The only way to cross it was by a
bridge which was effectually commanded by the enemy's
artillery. After trying for some time in vain to dislodge
them by his artillery, he called to him a staff officer. Lt. Col.
Smith of the 10th, now commander of the state troops of this
state, and said to him: " Colonel, I want you to take twenty
men armed with the Spencer carbine, cross this creek in some
way, and flank those fellows out up there."  Smith took his
twenty men, crossed the stream on a log out of sight of the
enemy, stealthily crept up on their flank, when suddenly,
with a yell, he poured a murderous volley into their ranks.
The effect was remarkable. Panic striken the whole force
broke in the greatest confusion. Stacey was on them in an
instant with his Tennessee cavalry, and the fight was over.
Results: nineteen pieces of artillery, eleven hundred prisoners, and supplies enough for an army of a hundred thousand men.
A few days later we learned of the surrender of Lee's
army, and for some days we were engaged in paroling prisoners. Then came -the armistice, and we were ordered back
to Tennessee. We made one day's march into the mountains in that direction, when we learned that the armistice
had been disapproved at Washington, and we were ordered
back into South Carolina to lay waste the country so that no
supplies could reach General Johnson's army from west or
south of the Catawba river. The execution of that order




15


was happily made unnecessary by the surrender of Johnson's
army.
Although the division was engaged for some weeks afterwards in the pursuit of Jefferson Davis, the capture of Salisbury terminated what I have chosen to call the
STONEMAN RAID OF 1865.
From the beginning to the end, the expedition was man
aged with rare judgment and skill. While its movements
were so directed as to constantly deceive the enemy as to the
real point of attack; its quick and heavy blows were delivered
in unexpected quarters, working immense damage to the
waning hopes of the Confederacy.
i't








RECOLLECTIONS


IOF THE
BULL RUN CAMPAIGN
AFTER TWENTY-SEVEN YEARS.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE


LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
FEBRUARY 1ST, 1887.
BY COMPANION
HENRY F. LYSTER, M. D.
Formerly Ass't. Surgeon 2nd. Regi. Michigan Infantry, and
Surgeon 5th. Michigan Infantry. and Acting Med. Director 3rd. Corps.
Army of the Potomac.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WM. S. OSTLER, PRINTER.
1888.








toutt -hxu Tamvaign+


The 2nd regiment of Michigan infantry had been encamped below the Chain bridge on the Maryland side of the
Potomac since the 12th of July, 1861. Col. Israel B. Richardson was in command, although Mrs. Richardson, his wife,
who accompanied him, was the power behind the throne. It
was not until the Colonel had become a general of division,
that he outgrew his better half and bossed things generally
himself.
Lt. Col. Henry L. Chipman had accepted a captaincy in
the 11th Regiment U. S. infantry, Adjutant Wm. J. Lyster
had gone to the 19th U. S. infantry.
Major Adolphus W. Williams, who later to the surprise
of many of us, became the colonel of a high number
Michigan regiment, and was breveted a brigadier general
of volunteers was with us at this memorable time.  The
major had invited the adjutant and myself to join his mess,
which had been organized by purchasing through Higby and
Stearns, a mess-chest duly furnished with stores, and by obtaining the services of the major's nephew and brother-in-law
as cooks and skirmishers. We were soon reduced to the
point of starvation, although in camp. When a polite inqairy




4


would be made as to whether dinner was ready: "Well it
aint, you know," would be the somewhat unmilitary reply.
Any ordinary cook would have been dismissed, or sent to the
guard house, but from a nephew of the major it had to be
condoned. At last after a few weeks experience, Harve, the
cook, was noticed kneading some flour and water upon the
head of a barrel, and was asked by the Adjutant what these
preparations meant, replied, "I'm building up some pies that
will make your eyes stick out." And they did.
About this time the Regimental Quartermaster used to
spend the greater part of the day in Washington, nominally
on business, but he too frequently neglected to order up the
wagons with the soft bread and fresh beef; and when night
came on apace, and he was warned to return to the command,
his short comings began to loom up before his anxious mind
and lie heavily upon his conscience. He would approach
cautiously the outer boundaries of the camp, and preserving
a strict incognito, with faltering accents and disguised voice
would enquire whether the bread wagons had arrived. If
they had, he rode gaily into camp, but if they had not. he
faded from view, and did not return to meet those who were
hungrily lying in wait for him. It was while in camp at the
Chain bridge that we made out our first muster rolls. Those
who have been engaged in this work will appreciate the service so kindly and politely rendered by Major Brooks, U. S.
army, now retired, and living on second avenue in this city.
Verily in these matters "a soft answer turneth away wrath
and pleasant words are of more value than pearls and rubies."
The recollections of Major Brooks and of the very agreeable
and courteous Capt. Charles Gibson, ass't com. of subsistence on duty in Washington at that time, have remained as
pleasant memories with those volunteers who came in official.contact with them.
The soldiers of the 2nd regiment were greatly interested




5


in a resident near the camp known as Bull Frizzel. He kept
himself saturated with a country liquor called peach brandy,
which rendered him very inflammable and caused him to give
utterance to a good deal of "secesh" sentiment, and kept
him in the guard house most of the time. As he was the only
rebel in sight it was frequently proposed that we begin our
work by shooting him, but calmer counsels prevailed, and we
left him to the slower, but not less sure course, marked out
by himself, and the worm of the still.
On the 4th of July the non-commissioned officers obtained permission to drill the regiment in battalion drill4th Sergt. Wm. B. McCreery acted as colonel. Col. Richardson watched the manceuvres from the front of his tent with
much pleasure and interest. Turning to me he enquired the
name of the sergeant commanding, and said in his peculiar
drawl, "Dr. Lyster these non commissioned officers drill the
battalion better than the commissioned officers can do it."
He made McCreery 1st Lieut. and Quartermaster in less than
a month from that date.
Our first march to meet the enemy began July 16, 1861,
when we crossed over the Chain bridge to the sacred soil of
Virginia. We were brigaded with the 3d Michigan infantry,
the 1st Massachusetts infantry and the 12th New York infantry. Col. Richardson was put in command of this brigade, and Surgeon A. B. Palmer was acting brigade surgeon.
We had marched five or six miles towards Vienna Court
House where Gen. Schenck of Ohio had not long before run a
railroad train into a masked battery, and we were all on the
qui vive regarding masked batteries, and unusual things of
that sort.
The sun was yet in the meridian when I heard a commotion near the head of the brigade and upon riding up was astonished to find that Dr. C., acting at that time as hospital steward of the 2d, was chasing a small rebel pig and




6


f" I a his revolver at it while in pursuit. The soldiers cheered
I lstily and the doctor hotly followed the squalling porker intent upon having a spare-rib for supper. All this unfortunately attracted the attention of Dr. Palmer, who was riding with the Colonel at the head of the brigade. Dr. Palmer,
with an eye to the preservation of good order and discipline
in his department, drew his sword, and galloped after Dr. C.
and the pig. The soldiers cheered down the whole brigade still
more vigorously appreciating the added comic element in the
affair, and warning Dr. C. of his danger watched the unequal
chase with increasing interest. The pig escaped for the moment, and Dr. C. mixed up with the column somewhat
crest-fallen, but was later restored to his usual equanimity
when a hind quarter of the pig was sent him in the evening.
Nearly a year later, after the battle of Charles City crossroads, June 29th, 1862, on McClellan's retreat, Dr. C. remained with the wounded and was taken prisoner, and went
to Richmond. In this he showed the highest appreciation of
the professional relation, but as a non-commissioned officer
at the time, he ran an undue risk of being detained indefinitely in the military prisons; almost equivalent to a death
sentence.
To the surprise of everyone, he was almost immediately
exchanged. His long deserved commission of ass't surgeon,
came to him soon after, and when he resigned to accept a
desirable professional alliance in Detroit, in April, 1864, the
regiment lost one of its most efficient and highly respected
officers.
Dear Dr. Palmer, who only a month ago covered with professional honors, went over to be mustered into that growing
army of veterans in the silent land, was so elated with hia
success in this first march, that he confidently assured me as
we lay in bivouac that evening, that he felt within him those
martial qualities which would give him command of troops




7


in case he should determine to substitute the sword for the
lancet.
That night the stars were out, and the uncertain
moon was low in the western horizon, the darkest hour just
before the dawn was oxn us, when the nervous strain of the
pickets post could hardly be expected to resist the extreme
tension of the first night out. The imagination turned some
unoffending object into the stealthily approaching foe, and
the musketry began to rattle with a liveliness that seemed
very like active work. I shall never forget how long it
seemed to take to lace up those balmoral shoes, to don
my uniform, and get the horse unpicketed and saddled, so
as to be able either to pursue or fly as might seem most sensible. The next night I slept with my shoes and hat on, and
with old Dan tied to the wheel of the ambulance.
It was about this period of the march that the star of the regimental Quartermaster began to wane. It was all about some
honey. Mrs. Richardson had gone up to the command of the
brigade at the same time that the Colonel had, and a hive of
honey had been added to the headquarters stores. Most of us
hadhad some of it, but it had been expected to last like the
widow's cruise of oil through the campaign. It was observed
that the Quartermaster had some honey after it had suddenly
disappeared at headquarters. Nothing that he had failed to
do hitherto was equal to this new offence. The next day the
men began to get out of rations and the wagons were slow in
getting up. The Quartermaster was found late at night
asleep in the train. Dr. Palmer again drew his sword and
pricked around with it into a wagon in the dark, and roused
him. He fled before the wrath of the command and never
stopped until he had reached Battle Creek, Mich.; and McCreery reigned in his stead.
On the 18th of July we were halted about half a mile beyond
Centreville, having a nooning, when the enemy were reported




8


a mile and a half in front of us at Blackburn's ford. We
fell in at once, and marched forward through some intervening woods, formed in line behind Lieut. Ayres' regular
battery, which opened upon the woods across Bull Run to
the west of us about a quarter of a mile, We soon drew the
fire of a rebel battery, which turned out to be the Washington Light Artillery from New Orleans. The first shot fired
at the army, afterwards known as the Army of the Potomac,
was at this time, and it took the leg off of a sergeant of artillery
in Ayres' battery on our front, and knocked a log out of a
house in the yard of which the battery was stationed. The
effect of this shot was not observed by the enemy, and the
range was altered, and the other shots were not so effective.
It fell to my lot to attend the first Michigan soldier
wounded by the enemy in the war. We were moving down
as a support to the 1st Massachusetts and 12th New York,
who had been sent down to the ford to "feel the enemy,"
which they succeeded in doing to the extent of losing 40
wounded and 12 killed. The bullets and solid shots were
passing over us, when a rifle bullet struck Mathias WVollenweber of company A, 2d Mich. infantry, in the left side, and
he fell upon   the sod.  I tried to probe the wound
with my little finger, and held my horse with the
bridle rein thrown over my left arm. Every time a shot
passed over us, old Dan would toss up his head and pull my
finger out of the wound, and I concluded that while like
Mercutio's wound, "it was not as deep as a well, or as wide
as a church door, it was enough;" and so it proved, for it
finally "let out his sweet life" twenty years afterwards.
Vickery came over with a four wheeled ambulance and
picked him up and carried him back to Centreville, where he
was afterwards captured by the enemy.
Vickery was a tall, raw-boned Irishman from county
Cork, who followed Surgeon Palmer from the University of




9


Michigan, to look after the regimental hospital. He was
clever, well educated, with plenty of wit and a large heart.
The Second loved Vickery more, I believe, than they ever
did anyone else, and with good reason too. He rose to be
assistant surgeon Aug. 8, 1862, and surgeon Sept. 1st, 1854.
He jumped up upon the earthwork at Petersburg,
June 29th, 1864, to see the colored troops charge at
the Burnside mine explosion, when a bullet cuD one of the
femoral arteries. Surgeon Hamilton E. Smith, of the 27th
Michigan was beside him at this time, and performed the
most valuable service of his life in checking the hemorrhage,
as these wounds are usually fatal on the field. Vickery is
now a surgeon in the regular army, and is in charge of the
army and navy hospital at Hot Springs, Arkansas.
Colonel Richardson shortly after came over from the
front, and in a scornful sort of manner, suggested to the regiment, that we had better be getting back or the enemy's
cavalry would cut us off. Upon this we moved back into the
woods. Loss in the 3d Brigade, 19 killed; 38 wounded; 26
missing. Rebel loss, 15 killed; 53 wounded. It was upon
this occasion that Major Williams, after having moved the
regiment well into the woods, formed them into a hollow
square to resist an expected charge of cavalry. How well I
can remember the beautiful appearance the regiment presented in the timber, with fixed bayonets. In the movement
I was left on the outside, and tried in vain, to get into the
place where the Adjutant and Major seemed so safely protected. Colonel Richardson's remarks to the Major, when he
discovered cur position, and proceeded to unravel us, were
not of a character to be repeated, even at this late date.
It was on our way in from the place where Wollenweber
had been wounded, and at the edge of the woods, that 1
found one of our lieutenants lying at the foot of a large oak
tree, quite white and limp. He had been in the Mexican




10


war and we regarded him as an experienced soldier. I stopped an army wagon and tried to load him in, supposing he
had been taken seriously ill.  Colonel Richardson. who
seemed to be ubiquitous, ordered him out, and spoke very
harshly to him, and took quite an unprofessional view of the
case. After the Colonel had gone on, I ordered the Lientenant loaded in again, and as the last order is usually the one
obeyed, we carried him back in safety. He disappeared like
the Quartermaster, and we never saw either of them any
more.
The Colonel had not gotten quite as much work out
of the 1st Massachusetts and 12th New York, as he had expected, and he reared around a good deal during the next two
or three days.
For two or three nights before the memorable Sunday,
July 21, 1861, picket firing had been very constant, and the
details from the regiment had pretty generally tired off their
pieces a good many times. The grand rounds at night by the
officer of the day was considered little less than fatal. He
usually proceeded with a sergeant on each side as flankers,
all with pistols at full cock. After having made the circuit
of the pickets, this officer lay down to sleep with his flankers
on either side, in order to prevent so important an official
from being captured.
We held   our position  between  Blackburn's ford
and Centreville along the line of the Bull Run during
the battle on Sunday, the 21st.  It was quite a commanding position, and we could look off to the north and
west, and get some idea of the plan of the battle
We came near being the centre of the fight ourselves.  It seems, that Beauregard intended to deliver
battle on our left, and cut through to Centreville and
get in the rear of McDowell, but the aide de camp
who was sent with the final order, stopped to get a drink at




11


a spring. The farmer, upon whose land the spring was
located, being an ardent rebel, would not permit him to
go on his way with only this cold cheer, but insisted upon
pledging him in a glass of peach brandy. The excitement
was so great, and the importance of the occasion so supreme,
that the aide took several drinks of this apparently harmless
beverage. Upon remounting and galloping off he accidentally
struck his head against a tree, and became insensible, so the
order was never received by Ewell, the general in command
on the Rebel right. In the meantime, General Hunter's columr  was pressing the enemy's left so hard that they were
forced into a defensive battle.
During all this day, we, at Blackburn's ford, heard the
heavy tiring beyond the stone bridge, and hoped that the
Union forces were winning a great victory, and that we should
be in Richmond within five days. It might have dampened
our ardor somewhat had we known that nearly four years of
hardship were to intervene before we should realize the fulfillment of that '' hope deferred."
During the afternoon, about 4 P. M., Colonel Davis, of
the 2d brigade of Colonel Miles' division, made a very creditable defense of our left.  Colonel Richardson's brigade, the 4th of Tyler's division, was making a demonstration at Blackburn's ford by throwing out heavy skirmishers,
as if to cross over.   Colonel Jones was ordered by
General Johnson to   cross and   attack  our  left, in
order  to  prevent the  division  from  joining in the
battle on the Warrenton pike, which was at that time very
hotly contested.  Colonel Jones crossed at McLean's ford,
with three regiments and formed in line intending to flank
Captain Hint's field battery of four guns. Colonel Davis,
noting this movement, changed his front unobserved:nd
waited for the attack. When Jones' brigade came within
five hundred yards Captain Hunt opened upon his line with




12


cannister, and Jones' Brigade simply disappeared.
As Colonel Nicolay says, in his "Outbreak of the
Rebellion," Jones modestly reported a loss of 14 killed and 62
wounded. The loss in Davis' brigade was trifling. What
would have been the result of throwing the brigades of
Richardson, Davis and Blenker, over the stone bridge not
more than a mile distant, to meet the forces of Ewell, Early
and Holmes, as they came up from our left to join the battle
at the Henry house. Can anyone imagine what would have
been the effect upon the long victorious Union troops, who
had marched so many miles, and fought so many hours, and
charged again and again, by regiments, up the Henry house
hill
I remember to this day, how much solid satisfaction it
gave us that evening, when we first began to realize that we
were defeated, to hear that General Scott was hurrying up
from Alexandria with a 50 pounder seige gun, manned by the
marine corps from Fortress Monroe..The medical men of our brigade and General Miles'
division, were in a large farm house on the left of the Blackburn's ford pike.
I had just made my first amputation, and was examining
the bones of the amputated arm, when Colonel Richardson
rode up and reiterated his warning of three days before,
that " you had better be getting out of here or the enemy's
cavalry will cut you off." Complying with this apparently
well foundeJ order, and with the aid of Vickery and Cleland,
loading up my solitary patient, I was about to mount my
horse and move back towards Centreville, when Colonel
Richardson asked me if I would be obliging enough to let
Mrs. Richardson have my horse, as she could not find hers,
and he was about to send her back to Alexandria under the
escort of Captain Brethschneider and his two conpanies of
flankers. Of course, however much I felt that I needed a




13


horse at that moment, to avoid the charge of black horse
cavalry, momentarily expected from the left, I acceded to
the Colonel's request, assuring him that I considered it a
privilege to render any service to either the male or female
commander of our brigade.
Reasoning that if I was obliged to walk, I had better not stand
upon the order of my going, but go at once, I started off at a
fair, brisk, shooting gait of some four or five miles an hour,
expecting to join the column moving back on the Blackburn
ford pike to Centreville.  I had not proceeded more than a
hundred yards, when, like Lot's wife, 1 looked back, only
with more fortunate results, for I spied old Dan eating clover,
and Mrs. Richardson mounted upon another horse, and starting off under Captain Brethschneider's escort.  I turned
back, mounted old Dan, and rode down to Centreville, and
up on to the Rebel earth-works, which overhung Fairfax
pike.
It is not often in a lifetime that one is permitted to
see such a sight as I then witnessed.  A retreating, uniformed, unorganized, unarmed crowd, poured down towards
Washington at a steady unhalting pace. The men who had
borne the burden and heat of the day, the camp followers,
the friends of the several regiments who had come along to
see the victory. Every now and then a wounded officer or
soldier, assisted by his comrades, went by. Here appeared a
couple of Zouaves riding on an artillery horse, with the
broad, fiat harness on, as it had been cut out of the traces.
I remember seeing a Zouave officer walking along, slightly
wounded, and hearing him say to those with him, that he
would go no further, here he would stand and fight to the
last, and just then a gun from one of our field pieces was
fired off in an unmeaning manner, over into Virginia from
near Centreville. The sound of that gun sent all his military
resolutions to the winds, and he passed along with the steady




14


current of the retreat. On looking down into the lunette, I
saw a number of open carriages, and 'standing up in one of
them was Zach Chandler, looking off towards Bull Run (for
Centreville was on a hill,) into the red dust which formed
the horizon toward the battlefield.  This must have been
near nine o'clock in the evening, at that season of the year
about the time that the growing twilight takes the place of
daylight. I had sent on the regimental ambulance, and rode
back to the 3rd brigade, which lay with Tyler's and Davis's
brigades, to the south and south-west of Centreville, in line
of battle, waiting for the long expected attack of Beauregard.
It was a relief to see the quiet composure of these troops
after having witnessed the confusion of the retreating
mass surging towards Washington. After the darkness fell,
these three brigades covered the retreat. Richardson's last.
Col. Miles had been suspended by McDowell on account of
drunkenness and inefficiency, Colonel Richardson having complained to McDowell that he had been constantly interfered
with by Col. Miles, commanding the 5th divigion; that Miles
was drunk and incapaciatated for duty, and it was by his orders
Richardson had been withdrawn from holding Blackburn's
ford.
It was here that Richardson lost his sword, and his
wife's horse and side-saddle. The sword he had left standing
against a tree, and forgetting it there when he moved on.
He borrowed mine, greatly to my relief.  It was a heavy
cavalry sabre which had been issued to me by the State-for
ornamental purposes, I presume-and was a counterpart of
the one lost by the Colonel.  He applied for permission to
send a flag of truce, hoping to have the horse and side-saddle
returned, but was refused by General Tyler, very curtly.
Richardson had known General Bee, and he told me he knew
that if Bee was able to do so, he knew he would send them back.
Poor Bee had hummed his last note, and was no longer a




15


worker in the hive of the Confederacy. He had been killed
in the hot work on the Sudley road, on the 21st.
The 3rd Michigan of our brigade, had about the same
experience that the 2d had in this campaign; and to the
1st Michigan belong any laurels won by hard fighting.  This
regiment made four charges at the? Henry house hill in the
hottest of the battle, and lost 6 killed, 37 wounded, and 52
taken prisoner. Here it was that General Wilcox was severely
wounded, and that Captain W. H. Withington was captured.
We believed that a stand would be made at Fairfax
Court House, and no one in our division imagined we would
go further back. As I rode into Fairfax Court House that
night, a rather warm-looking individual in a rumpled linen
duster, and with a straw hat well pushed back on his head,
rushed down into the road, and seizing me by the hand,
fervently exclaimed, ' Thank God! Govenor, you are safe."
I said, I was, just as thankful as he appeared to be, and
appreciated it quite as much as if I was a govenor, as it did
not make much difference, so long as you were safe, what
your rank was.  It seemed he had mistaken me for Govenor
Sprague of Rhode Island. I did feel flattered for tie moment.
At this place I saw an anxious looking elderly man leaning over a gate, who asked me whether the army would make
a stand here. His youngest son was in the house, mortally
wounded; in the retreat a black horse cavalryman had ordered him to surrender and upon his refusing had shot him,
the ball passing through the spine. The father had followed
his son in to the field. He was from Ohio. His name was
McCook, and he was the father of those gallant sons,
afterwards known as the " fighting McCooks." His son died
that night. McCook found out the name of the rebel cavalryman, who came from Warrenton, Virginia, and hunted for him
in and about Washington and Alexandria for a long time;




16


coming on his hot trail several times. By a strange coincidence, two or three of the McCook brothers were killed upon
different anniversaries of this same day. 1 remember one, a
general officer, was killed by guerillas. who took him out of
an ambulance in Tennessee. And this old gentleman himself
was shot by Gen'l Morgan's men, in the raid through Ohio.
AVe did not halt at Fairfax Court House, but kept right
on to the Long bridge at Washington, by way of Munson's hill
and Arlington. In this battle of Bull Run the Union army
lost 481 killed, 1011 wounded, and 1460 missing. The Rebel
loss was 269 killed, 1483 wounded, no missing mentioned.
It was in many respects a grand battle, and was well conceived and well fought on both sides. And there were as
valorous deeds and as good work done on this open field by
the raw toops, as were done in any battle of the war. The
mistakes were chiefly tactical, and could hardly have been
separated from the conditions which at that time existed:
who knows what might have been the result had the battle
been set 24 hours sooner, or before General Joe Johnston had
added his 8,884 men and 22 guns, to Beauregard's army. As
it was, this army from the valley of the Shenandoah, which
did most of the fighting on the Rebel side, and the arrival of
its last brigade on the flank and rear of the Union lines decided the contest. Military critics are agreed that in many
points, Bull Run, was a battle which the more it is studied
the more it will redound to the military credit of both sides
engaged in it. While the troops were not handled with the
same firmness as Grant, Sherman, or Sheridan would have
shown later, the material was there in as good quality as when
its commanders of regiments and brigades, such as Richardson, Keyes, Sherman, Porter, Burnside, Hunter, Heintzleman, Ricketts, Franklin, Griffin, Wilcox  and Howard,
later rose to tile command of Divisions, Corps and Armies.
This campaign occurred in what might be designated as




the "romantic period" of the war. Who that was in field
and camp in the summer of '61, does not realize the truthfulness of this distinction as compared with the sledge-hammer work under that modern Charles Martel, General Grant,
in '64 and '65
We were all young then-and the imagination was more
active, the ambitions were greater, the pleasures and disappointments keener. Every man carried a baton in his
knapsack, and Hope, the enchantress, was clad in the most
roseate hues. Who can look back after these long years,
when all of us have drunk the cup of experience, and have
in too many instances found it far different from the nectar of
our youth, and not sympathize with the thrill and enthusiasm of those earlier days of the war?
The soldier of '61 was full of life and patriotism, his
ardor undampened by the stern discipline and reverses of the
war. The soldier of '65 was inured to hardship and adversity,
and hoped less, but fought and accomplished more. The
period of romance had changed to a period of system and
endurance.  Individuality had given place to mechanical
action, and what was lost in enthusiasm and animation, was
made up in concert of action and confidence in method. The
military machine ran more smoothly and with less friction,
and inspired greater confidence. The history of these four
years of war has its counterpart in our own lives. In our
youth, we acted upon impulse regardless of consequences,
now we think before we act: " then we saw through a glass
darkly, but now we see face to face; then we knew in part,
but now we know even as we are known."
Life is easier at fifty than it was at twenty, but as a rule
it is not more delightful; and so it was with the war. In '61 it
was pic-nic, and a theatre; in '64, and '65 it was a business,.
and a circus.
The story of the Bull Run campaign which I can recall




18
is no fable, nor is it the vain imaginings of a cavalryman,
it is the veritable truth. That campaign had every adornment
of high coloring, it was gotten up regardless of expense, and
the music and scenic effects were magnificent. It needed the
brilliant tinting of a Turner to paint it true to life, and the
pen of a Mark Twain to record its vitality and expression.
With its unhappy termination, went out forever the effervescence and impulsiveness of the service in the war. And with
the disappearance of the baggy red breeches and the havalocks, and the pell-mell marching, came in the forty rounds
in the cartridge box, the three days rations in the haversack,
and the sharper lines of rout and battle.




PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS
OF THE


Occupation of East


Tennessee


AND THE


DEFENSE OF KNOXVILLE.
A PAPER
REXD BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMIANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE


LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
DECEMBER       5th, 1888,
BY COMPANION
ORLANDO M. POE,
Colonel of Engineers, Brevt. Brigadier General U. S. Army,
Late Chief Engineer Army of Ohio.
DETROIT, MICH.:
OSTLER PRINTING COMPANY,
1889.




This paper was originally prepared at the instance of "The Century Company," which now owns the copyright. The portion (about half) relating especially to the defense of Knoxville, has been published in "The Battles and Leaders
of the Civil War." In response to a request from me for permission to read the
paper at a meeting of the Loyal Legion, the following courteous reply was received, viz:-"After our book is out there will be no objection to the publication of
the whole article in the archives of the LoyAl Legion."
The book his been issued, and therefore the permission quoted has become
operative.
0. M. P.




PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS


OF THE
Occupation of East Tennessee and the Defense of Knoxville.
At the beginning of 1863, the Confederates had two lines
of railway communication between their eastern and western
forces; one by the Coast wise system to Savannah or Augusta
and thence southward or westward; the other by way of
Lynchburg, Knoxville, and Chattanooga, where it branched
towards Memphis or Atlanta.
The former could be interrupted at Branchville, because
the occupation of this point by the Federal forces would not
only directly break the line from Charleston to Augusta, but,
by implication that from Charleston to Savannah also.
In addition to the desire to repossess the forts and harbor
of Charleston, the operations in that quarter had for their
object to gain a foothold upon, and control of the railway
junction at Branchville.
The other line could be interrupted by seizing and hold-,
ing any portion of it between Lynchburg and Chattanooga,
provided the junction at Cleveland or Dalton were included.
Early in the struggle, movements made in the accomplishment of this object, by forces operating towards the direction
of Nashville and Chattanooga and the occupation of Cumberland Gap, were thwarted by counter movements, and the
close of 1862 found the Confederates in fall possession of all




4


the territory to the northwesterly base of the Appalachian
Mountain system. South of Nashville General Bragg's Army
occupied a strong position north of Duck River. His infantry front extended from Shelbyville to Wartrace, and his
cavalry rested at McMinnville on his right, and Columbia
and Spring Hill on his left. A considerable force occupied
the fortified position of Cumberland Gap. Minor forces were
thrown well to their front in each case.
It was determined by the Federal authorities to make
strenuous efforts during the summer of 1863 to effect permanent lodgments in East Tennessee, )oth at Chattanooga and
Knoxville, not only for tile purpose of interrupting commnunication by that route, but to afford relief to a section where
Union sentiments were known to exist to a very considerable
extent. It was accordingly arranged that the Army of the
Cumberland, under command of General Rosecrans, should
move from its quarters at Mlrfresboro against the Confederate Army commanded by General Bragg confronting it,
whilst a force should be organized in central Kentucky to
move towards Knoxville in co-operation.
In the latter pait of January, 1863, General Burnside
was relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac,
and about the same time the 9th Army Corps, which had
been his personal command prior to his assignment to the
higher one. was detached and ordered to Newport News,
where it remailled until the 17th of March, when two of its
three Divisions were sent by water to Baltimore, thence by
the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to Parkersburg, then by
the Ohio River to Cincinnati and Louisville, afterwards to be
distributed through central Kentucky.
On the 25th of March General Burnside assumed command of the Department of the Ohio.
Late in May, 1862, all the troops in Kentucky not belonging to the 9th Army Corps, were organized as the 23rd




5
Army Corps, with General George L. Hartsufl in command,
and not long afterwards the writer was assigned to the Corps
as its Chief Engineer.
Following this, an Engineer Battalion of 300 men was
organized, in two companies, by sufficient details from all the
Infantry regiments in the Corps. They were provided with,
and always kept in readiness for service a fair supply of intrenching tools, which proved of inestimable value in the defence of Knoxville, as they constituted nearly the entire supply at that place. The Battalion retained its organization.
and served with the Corps to the end of the war.
These preliminary steps were in progress:when the exigencies of affairs at Vicksburg required that the two Divisions of the 9th Corps slould be sent to assist in the operations there. After the fall of Vicksburg they took part in
the movement upon Jackson, and they did not return to the
Department of the Ohio until after the advance into East
Tennessee had been begun. Their absence caused but little
delay however, as the time was utilized in forwarding the
establishment of an intrenched position at Hickman Bridge,
on the Kentucky River, known as Camp Nelson. This waS
intended as a base of supplies for subsequent operations.
About the middle of August the available forces of the
23d Corps moved upon Montgomery, Tennessee, as follows:
Hascall's division of Infantry from Crab Orchard, by
way of Somerset, Smith's Ford and Chitwood's.
Manson's division of Infantry, from Lebanon, by way of
Columbia, Burkesville and Albany.
Two bridades.of Cavalry from London, by way of Williamsburg and Chitwood's.
Two brigades of Cavalry from Colnmbia, Ky., covering
the right flank of Manson's column.
The movement was made without difficulty or special
incident until reaching the Indian tavern, about eight miles




6


from Montgomery, where a brigade of Cavalry was detached,
which, by a rapid and unopposed march of about forty-five,miles occupied Knoxville, on the 2d day of September.
Their entry into that place was signalized by a warm welcome
upon the part of the inhabitants, who loudly cheered the old
flag; a demonstration seldom witnessed by our soldiers after
passing beyond the loyal States.
Meanwhile the remainder of the force continued its
march towards Kingston. At the old Emory Iron Works the
Infantry and Cavalry separated, the former proceeding by
way of Waller's Ford to Lackey's on the main road from
Kingston to Knoxvill*, whilst the Cavalry endeavored by a
rapid movement to gain possession of and save the railroad
bridge over the Tennessee at London.   Upon reaching
Lackey's it was learned that the Cavalry had arrived at Loudon too late to prevent the destruction of the bridge by the
enemy. Thereupon the Infantry turned towards Knoxville,
and on the 4th of September entered the town.
The railway between Knoxville and Chattanooga was of
the utmost consequence to the Confederates, as it afforded
an interior line of communication between their forces in
Middle and East Tennessee, by which either could be readily
reinforced by the other. London bridge was the largest and
most important structure on the line, and before opening the
campaign against Knoxville it was deemed advisable to destroy the bridge, to tlhe end that no considerable reinforce
ments from Bragg's immediate command could be rapidly
thrown to the Eastward of London. Its dimensions were
900 feet long, 60 feet high, with a draw-span in it, and once
destroyed,'*much time would necessarily be consumed in rebnilding it. Accordingly, Capt. E. C. Denig, Assistant Adjutant General on the staff of General Speed S. Fry, Commanding at Camp Nelson, volunteered to undertake its'destruction alone, depending largely upon his skill as a tele



grapher 'to enable him to accomplish it. He left Camp
Nelson in disguise,' made his way to London without detection, and there awaited a favorable time. He found the
bridge so carefully guarded, however, that no opportunity
occurred offering reasonable chances of success. Meanwhile
he passed much of his time in the telegraph office and gained
some valuable information. It became evident that Bragg
had his hands full in opposing Rosecrans' advance, and that
he could nQt make any considerable detachment for Loudon
or Knoxville. As the Federals approached, Capt. Denig
realized that the conditions were changed, and he became
quite as anxious to save the bridge for use when Rosecrans
should occupy Chattanooga. and Burnside Knoxville, as he
had previously been to destroy it. But the enemy now
only awaited, as a signal for its destruction, assurance that
they could not continue to hold the bridge. The appearance
of Burnside's Cavalry in tie immediate vicinity served the
purpose, and notwithstanding Capt. Denig, by false telegrams
and other means, made every effort to save the bridge, he was
not successful. He rejoined us at Knoxville much chagrined
at his failure, and we were glad to see him again, for his
undertaking had been of so perilous a character that the
chances were against his ever returning.
However, a ponton bridge situated a short distance above
the railway bridge fell into oniu hands uninjured, and was
subsequently of'great service to us.
Before leaving Kentucky, General Burnside had sent a
brigade of infantry to threaten the confederate position at
Cumberland Gap. As soon as Knoxville was occupied, General Shackelford, with two regiments of Cavalry, was sent
from there against the same position, approaching it, however, from the opposite direction. General Burnside followed
with two more regiments of Cavalry, and two of Infantrythe latter marching from Knoxville to Cumberland Gap, in




8


fifty-two hours, a distance of about sixty miles. The position was practically invested, and on the 9th Sept., was surrendered by General Frazer, with its garrison of about two
thousand men.
The general plan under which the campaign was then in
progress, contemplated the movement of the greater portion
of General Burnside's force down the Valley of the Tennessee to a connection, (possibly a junction,) with Rosecrans'
Army, then at Chattanooga or its vicinity. This involved
leaving Knoxville to be held by a small force, and rendered
necessary the erection of sufficient fortifications. Meanwhile
I had been assigned as Chief Engineer of the Army of the
Ohio, as the force under the command of General Burnside
was now designated, and instructed to arrange for a garrison
of six hundred men. intended only to hold the place against
a cavalry "dash."
During the time the enemy held Knoxville, a very small
beginning had been made towards the erection of earthworks.
An insignificant line had been thrown up on the hill northwest of the college, and a slight epaulement of the bluff overlooking the. railway station. Neither of these could be of the
slightest use in the construction of such works as were required under the instructions referred to. The plans for two
works were submitted, one on the site of the imperfect work
first mentioned, and the other on Temperance Hill in East
Knoxville. The former was afterwards known as Fort San
ders, and the other as Fort Huntington Smith. They were
approved by General Burnside, and work upon them was at
once begun by the engineer batallion of the 23d corps, and a
small force of negroes, but progressed slowly on account of
the difficulty of getting suitable materials. They were not
entirely completed until after the siege of Knoxville. Meanwhile our lines were extended down the valley towards Chattanooga, in the endeavor to establish a connection with the




9


Army of the Cumberland. By the 18th September, a battalion of cavalry in the extreme advance reached Cleveland,
Tenn., and the prospect for an early accomplishment of the
object was good until the result of the battle of Chickamauga
put an end for the time being to further movements in that
direction, and Sweetwater became our outpost.
The two divisions of the 9th corps had rejoined us at
Knoxville a short time before this. Early in October a force
of the enemy coming from the eastward, moved down the
railroad to the vicinity of Bull's Gap, and pressed heavily
upon our forces at that point.
On the 9th of October, General Burnside left by railroad
for Bull's Gap, to assume personal charge of affairs, taking
with him three short trains laden with troops of the 9th
-corps. The trains were drawn by such wheezy old engines
as the enemy had left us, and progress was so slow that it
was not until after dark that we reached General Wilcox's
position at the gap. The next morning our cavalry, followed
by the infantry, moved out towards the enemy, and about
10 a. i. encountered his pickets at Blue Spring, driving them
back a mile. By the time the remainder of the force got up
and into position the afternoon was far advanced. A spirited attack easily dislodged the enemy, and he was driven
from the field with small loss on our side, but darkness soon
suspended pursuit.
In anticipation of a successful assault a brigade of cavalry had been sent around the enemy's right flank under instructions to take position in his rear, and delay his retreat
sufficiently to enable our infantry to overtake him. The
brigade reached Rheatown at al);)ut 2 o'clock next morning
and one regiment was sent westward to Henderson's. The
enemy attacked this regiment at daylight, pushed it out of
the way, and in like manner passed the remainder of the
brigade two hours in advance of our pursuing infantry. A




10


running skirmish between our cavalry and the enemy's continued throughout this day and the next with slight result,
and the pursuit was then discontinued. Our infantry halted
at Rheatown.
Upon the whole the affair was unsatisfactory, and the
damage done the enemy was much less serious than it should
have been. It was reasonable to expect that a determined
resistance by our cavalry would detain the enemy long
enough for the infantry to come up, in which case the issue
could not have been. doubtful.
One of the incidents occurring this day so well illustrates
possible events in our country, that it may be well to relate
it. The morning was sultry for the season; the march began
very early; our mess arrangements were of the crudest character, and when, after a ride of some ten miles on a very insufficient breakfast, we reached Greeneville, we were both
tired and hungry. At the eastern edge of the village we
were at the head of the moving column when General Burnside, reigning his horse out of the road and followed by his
staff, dismounted at the gate of a small wooden cottage
which had some fifteen or twenty yards of well kept ground
in front of it. Possibly the halt just at this point was accidental, but it may have been determined by the fact that,.standing in the doorway of the cottage was a matronly looking woman whose kindly face plainly showed how glad she
was to see the Union soldiers. Apparently recognizing the
head of the group as an officer of rank, she came forward and
asked him if he was General Burnside. Upon receiving an
affirmative reply, she said, "Come in with your staif, I have
prepared breakfast in expectation of your coming."  We
promptly accepted the invitation, and entering the house
found sutch a breakfast as few of us had seen for months.
The inevitable chicken with the best of bread, butter, honey,
ham, &c., were there in plenty, and we did full justice to the




11


occasion. For many a day thereafter we gratefully remembered and spoke of the timely hospitality, but few, if any of
us expected to again see or hear of our hostess.
Less than two years afterwards, however, that same
kindly faced woman, as the representative of her invalid
mother, took her place at the side of the President of the
United States, on all ceremonial occasions at the White
House. She was the daughter of Andrew Johnson.
How wild would have seemed the prediction if any one
in that breakfast party that October morning had prophesied
the facts as they actually came to pass.
We returned to Knoxville on the 14th of October. On
the 22d our outpost at Sweetwater and reserve at Philadelphia were attacked successfully, and affairs in that direction
began to take on a threatening appearance. On the 23d we
went to Loudon, and during the next three days General
Sanders with a cavalry force recovered the ground at Philadelphia, and drove the opposing force nearly to Sweetwater.
Reconnoissances in the vicinity of Loudon resulted in the
determination to abandon that place for the present, and this
was carried into effect by 10 a. m. on the 28th, whereupon
the ponton bridge was detached at its southern end, which
caused it to swing to the other side, and the process of dismantling it for the purpose of taking it to Knoxville commenced. The bridge was constructed by the confederates
and fell into our possession at the first occupation of London.
The boats were very heavy, built of 2j inch southern pine
plank, the main body of each boat being rectangular in form,
and finished at the upstream end by an addition which was
an equilateral triangle in plan. There was material enough
for three boats in each one of these. To get them out of the
water, twelve mules were hitched to each boat and they were
dragged on the ground for about half a mile, to a railway
cut, where they were loaded on flat cars. The chess-plank




12


were carried the same distance on the backs of men. By
nightfall the bridge was all at the railroad, and the greater
portion of it loaded.
Whilst the transfer of the bridge from the river to the
railroad was in progress, a couple of squadrons of confederate cavalry appeared on the south bank. I fully expected
them to open fire upon us, as we were within easy range, and
it would not have been at all difficult to stop our operations,
but they took it all very quietly, and after a short time.requested some one to come to their side of the river. Upon receiving assurance that I would be permitted to return, I took
a canoe and paddled over, leaving instructions to push the
work as rapidly as possible.  The commanding officer, a
major, whose name I do not now remember, received me
most courteously. Realizing the importance of time I exerted
myself to the utmost, and told all the stories that I could
recall. The rebel was too polite to show any signs of weariness, though some of the tales must have made a heavy draft
upon his courtesy. Doubtless he regretted having invited
me to cross, but there I was, and there I was bound to stay
until his patience should become exhausted.  It was not
until my host intimated that his time was up and notwithstanding his great esteem for me he must say good-bye, that
I withdrew to my own side of the river. It was very pleasant
to see him promptly mount his command and move off,
leaving us to complete our work undisturbed.  I have never
been able to understand why we were not interfered with. It
has always been a great puzzle, and it will probably never be
solved.
The bridge material was taken to Knoxville where by
working night and day, it was relaid, and at 1 P. M. of Sunday, November 1st, Sanders' division of cavalry commenced crossing it to the south side of the Holston, and
moving out in the direction of Marysville. It remained in use




for months, and was simply invaluable.  We undertooak the
construction of a bridge which could be transported on
wagons, sawing the lumber from green trees and forging the
nails and other iron parts from scrap iron picked up whereever we could find it. Foi the latter purpose every available
black smith was employed, but the bridge was never
completed.
The abandonment of Loudon was decided upon with a
view to taking up a stronger position on the northern bank of
the river from Kingston to Lenoir's, where a ponton bridge
was to be thrown over the Holston and the line prolonged by
the right bank of the Little Tennessee sufficiently near the
mountains to render. impractiable a movement around our
left flank by the enemy in force.  This line required a much
smaller force to hold, particularly as the autum rains were
coming on, when the Little Tennessee would not be fordable.
Trhe bridge at Lenoir's was successfully constructed from
materials at hand, and used the until withdrawal to Knoxville
began, when General Potter, commanding the 9th Corps, was
instructed to destroy it. He reported the due execution
of the order, but General Longstreet states that he sent
wagons to bring it to his lilies at Knoxville, from which it
may be inferred that the destruction was not very complete.
On the 13th of November it was ascertained that the
enemy had constructed a ponton bridge at Hough's Ferry,
near Loudon, and were crossing in force to the right bank of
the Tennessee. At the same timte General Wheeler, with
nearly the whole of his four brigades of cavalry made a rapid
night march and crossed the Little Tennessee, with a view t>
cutting off Sanders' command and occupying the heights on
the south side of the Holston opposite Knoxville or, as stated
by Longstreet, "failing in this, to threaten the enemy:at
"Knoxville so as to prevent his concentrating against,iasbe.
"fore we reached Knoxville.'




14


- Wheeler found only one regiment at Marysville, the 11th
Kentucky cavahy, of Wolford's brigade. This was quickly
dislodged by the greatly superior force of the confederates, and
pursued by Dibbrell's brigade, but being reinforced by the
remainder of the brigade a counter attack was made by WolfQrd. The arrival of Harrison's and Morgan's brigades of
confederates again gave them such preponderance of numbers
that they succeeded in driving Wolford across Little river.
Wheeler crossed Little river next morning and attacked SaLders at Stock creek, meeting with a very stubborn resistance
from a force certainly not more than half as large as his own.
Sanders was gradually driven back to the vicinity of Knoxville, but he succeeded in preventing the desired occupation
by thle enemy of the heights south of the Holston.
It has been reported that our cavalry was driven in the
wildest confusion for three miles, and to within less than half
a, mile of the river opposite Knoxville, where the bulk of it
"dashed over their pontons into the city,"' and "those who
could, not -cross scattered over the country." Inasmuch as
the great object of the movement was the occupation of the
heights which were fully half a mile from the river opposite
Knoxville, the failure to do so is hardly consistent with the
report.. The fact is, our cavalry was not driven in the wildest
confusion, not a single man of it dashed across our pontons
into, the city, nor was it scattered over the country. Attended
by a single orderly I crossed the bridge to the south side,
rode out from the river towards Marysville all of three miles
without getting beyond our lines, saw General Sanders and
talked with him, but saw no signs of demoralization nor any
indication of greater confusion than such as is incident to a
rapid movement of cavalry. Sanders was perfectly cool and
confident of his ability to defeat the enemy's apparent object
to. gain possession of the heights opposite Knoxville. He
may have been over confid6nt, but be presented such a front




15


that the confederates refrained from pushing matters to:a
conclusion. Not only did they fail to occupy the heights at
this time, but at no time during Longstreet's operations
against Knoxville did they occupy the heights opposite the
town. Their furthest advance in this direction was a point
opposite the mouth of Third Creek, nearly a mile and threequarters from our ponton bridge.
Wheeler soon withdrew, and crossing the Holston at
Louisville rejoined Longstreet on the 17th.
Upon learning of Longstreet's movements, General Burliside with a portion of his staff repaired to Lenoir's. I was
left at Knoxville to execute such instructions as should be
sent me, especially in regard to the measures to be taken for
the defence of Knoxville, where. it had been determined to
make a stand. The movements of our troops during the next
few days had for their object to delay the advance of the
enemy to enable us to get our trains into Knoxville, and to
forward the preparation of defensive works.
Longstreet advanced in two columns, McLaws' division
taking the left hand road, leading to Campbell's station, and
Hood's division (commanded by Jenkins), the one to the
right, following the line of the railroad to Lenoir's. Thel
latter soon came in contact with the Federal skirmishers and
drove them slowly back, but failed to reach Lenoir's that
day. Every effort was made during the night to ascertain
Burnside's movements, but his bold and vigilant rear guard
succeeded in completely concealing them. By daybreak the
whole force was on the road, and when the confederates advanced they found Lenoir's deserted.
The road upon which Burnside was moving followed by
Jenkins, intersects that along which McLaws was advancing,
about a mile southwest of Campbell's station. It was therefore essential to the safety of his trains, if not of his entire
command that Burnside should reach the junction point bet




16


fore McLaws.
Just before daylight on the 16th of November Hartranft's
division took the advance of Burnside's column from Lenoir's
and pushed forward as rapidly as the condition of the roads
permitted, followed by the trains, and the remainder of the
troops.
McLaws, under urgent instructions from Longstreet, and
with full knowledge of the importance of seizing the intersection of the roads, was making every endeavor to get
possession before the arrival of Burnside. He was opposed
by a small force, entirely insufficient to materially retard his
progress, hut his march, like Hartranft's, was impeded by
the mud resulting from the heavy rains of the preceding
days. It thus became a race for the position; Hartranft, won
by perhaps half an hour, and turning west on the Kingston
road he quickly deployed his division in such manner as to
confront McLaws, and at the same time cover the Loudon
road along which our trains were moving.
During the movement from Lenoir's Burnside's rear
guard, composed of Humphrey's brigade, had several sharp
encounters with Jenkins' advance, in which Humphrey
handled his forces so well as to excite the admiration of both
friends and foes, always standing long enough, but never too
long.
Scarcely had Hartranft's dispositions been made when
McLaws appeared and attacked, but he steadfastly held his
ground until the remainder of our troops and all our trains
had safely passed. The trains continued on the road to
Knoxville, while the troops were formed in line of battle
about half a mile beyond the junction, with Ferrero's divison
on the right, and White's in prolongation to the left, whereupon Hartranft withdrew from his advanced position and
took his place in line on the left of White. A small cavalry
force scouted the roads on each flank of the line.




Abont noon Longstreet unsuccessfully attacked our
right, and afterwards ourl left centre. Later, taking advantage of a wooded ridge to conceal the march, he attempted to
turn our left flank with three brigades of Jenkins' division,
but our scouts soon discovered and reported the movement.
Burnside had already determined to retire to a new position
about two-thirds of a mile to his rear, and this developement
but slightly hastened his withdrawal from the first line.
The difficult and hazardous undertaking was successfuly
accomplished, in the face of the enemy. I did not witness it,
but have always heard it spoken of with enthusiasm by those
who were present. All concur in the statement that the
troops moved with tho greatest coolness, deliberation and
precision under a heavy and continuous fire, and that the
maneuver more closely resembled a drill than an actual battle.
McLaws' division promptly advanced to attack the new
position, whilst Jenkins continued his turning movement,
but the difficulties of the ground delayed him until nightfall
stopped his further progress. Meanwhile McLaws' attack
failed to make an impression, and at the close of the action
Burnside remained in possession of his own ground.
Soon 'atter dark Burtside continued his movement to
Knoxville, the head of his column appearing there about daybreak next morning, November 17th.
Genralal Burnside placed his whole loss in this important
affair at about three hundred. General Jenkins reported his
as one hundred and seventy-four.  The losses in McLaws'
division might have been as great. It is highly probably
that the losses on both sides were about equal.
It was Longstreet's avowed object to bring Burnside to
bay before the latter could concentrate his forces at Knoxville, with the additional advantage of such earth-works as
might have been constructed there. This he succeeded in doing
at Campbell's station? and there ~him famous troops would




18


surely have achieved all that he hoped, but for the valorous
conduct of those opposed to them. A defeat of the Federal
forces at this point meant direst disaster to them. Longstreet
sought to accomplish this, but failed. Burnside fought to
give his trains time to reach Knoxville, and to gain the cover
of night under which to complete his withdrawal to that
place. He realized these objects, and therefore was fairly
entitled to claim a victory.
Of course many reasons have been assigned for Longstreet's failure at Campbell's Station. The confederate General, Sam. Jones, in writing of this affair says, "When such
"an opportunity is lost in a campaign, blame is generally
"altached to some one or more commanders; and this was
"not an exception to the general rule." He quotes General
Longstreet.as expressing the opinion that " if General Jenk"ins could have made his attack during this movement, (the
"withdrawal from the first to the second position,) or if he
"could have made it after the enemy had taken his second
"position, we must have destroyed this force, recovered East
"Tennessee, and in all probability captured the greater part
"of the enemy's forces."
There can be no doubt but Longstreet's opinion was correct as to the effect of a Federal defeat at Campbell's station,
and his superiority of forces on the field, together with his
confidence in their prowess, are quite sufficient to account
for his feeling of assurance that an attack by Jenkins, as intended, would surely have been successful.  His opponents,
however, cannot be expected to admit the correctness of this
assumption. They were as good troops as those of Longstreet, were at bay, and were prepared to fight with the
utmost desperation. This feeling might have compensated
for inferiority of numbers.
It may not be improper to remark that the presence of
Wheeler's five thousand cavalry on the field would have sup



19


plied a force capable of the requisite celerity of movement,
and given such a preponderance of force as to render success
almost certain.  Their absence at such a time was fatal, and
was not justified by the measure of their success on the other
sids of the Holston. Twenty-four hours after the event, they
rejoined Longstreet, but it was then too late. By that time
we were securely established in position at Knoxville,
In anticipation of his early withdrawal, General Burn.
side had instructed me from Campbell's Station, while the
fight of the 16th was in progress, to select lines of defense
around Knoxville, and have everything prepared to put the
troops into position as fast as they should arrive. I was well
acquainted with the ground, and but little further examination was necessary.to enable me to designate, in writing, the
proposed location of each organization.
The topographical features of the vicinity of Knoxville,
give that place decided strength as a military position.  On
the northern or right bank of the Holston, d narrow tableland or ridge, generally elevated about one hundred and fifty
feet above the river, but with many points of greater height,
extends from a point about two miles east of the town, down
the river to Lenoir's, a distance of some twenty-four or five
miles. Its width varies considerably, but just at Knoxville
it is about thirteen hundred yards, and the valley bounding
it on the north-west, parallel with the river, is perhaps fifty
feet above the stream at the ordinary stage of water.  The
East Tennessee, Virginia & Georgia Railroad, is located
along this valley, which was almost entirely clear of timber.
At short intervals the ridge is cut through by small
streams emptying into the Holston, two of which, called
First and Second Creeks, run through the town at a distance
apart of about one thousand yards.  The main portion of
Knoxville, as it existed at the time of the siege, occupied
that portion of the table-land included between the two




20


creeks, the river and the valley. East Knoxville was situated
next east of First Creek, upon an elevation rising to 225 teet,
known as Temperance Hill. East of Temperance Hill, and
separated from it by a depresson in the ridge, is Mabry's
Hill, the height of which is 230 feet, the highest ground on
the north side of the Holston within cannon range of the
town. Beyond this the ground, with a few minor elevations,
gradually descends to the level of the valley.  Immediately
upon the bank of the river, south of Temperance Hill, is
Flint Hill, with an elevation of 162 feet.
Third Creek, a little more than a mile westward from Second Creek, forms the south-westerly limit of another natural
division of the ridge, including, with an elevation of 198 feet,
the hill north-west from the college, and lower hills between
it and the river, having elevations of 150 and 160 feet respectively. The college stood on the last of these.
Going north-westerly from the river, ridges are found in
succession at short intervals. They are generally parallel to
the one described. The most important was the one occupied by the enemy, immediately across the valley, at a distance of about a mile from our line.
South of the Holston the ground rises in a series of
prominent points, the highest of which is about 360 feet
above the stream, and is directly opposite Knoxville on the
prolongation of Gay street. The knobs form     a range, of
which the crest line is practically parallel with the river, at
an average distance from it of about half a mile, with a
wide valley beyond.
On the Knoxville side of the Holston, the left of our line
rested upon the river, about a quarter of a mile below the
mouth of Second Creek, extended from there at an angle of
about eighty-two degrees with the river for nine hundred
yards, to battery Noble,* then bending about fifty degrees
* The several positions along the line were not named until after the lines
were established'; Fort Sanders, on the 18th November, and the others after the
siege was raised. All were named after officers who had been killed during the
siege, or in the operations preceding it.




21


to the northward, continued a little more than six hundred yards to Fort Sanders, where it changed direction
about sixty-five degrees to the eastward, a)nd- overlooking the valley, followed the crest of the bluff, parallel
with the general course of the river, for some 1600 yards to
Battery Wiltsee, opposite the railroad station, including in
this part of the line Battery Zoellner between Fort Sanders
and Second Creek, Battery Galpin just east of Second Creek,
and Fort Comstock between Battery Galpin and Battery
Wiltsee. From the last named, with a slight change of direction towards the river, it continued along the crest of the
bluff, over Temperance Hill to Mabry's Hill, a distance of
2400 yards, including Battery Billingsley just west of First
Creek, Fort Huntington Smith on Temperance Hill, Battery Clifton Lee and Battery Stearman in the depression between Temperance Hill and Mabry's Hill, and Fort Hill on
the extreme easterly point of Mabry's Hill. From here the
line turned sharply to the southward for, 1300 yards and
reached the river at a ravine about 1000 yards above the
mouth of First Creek. A continuous line of infantry cover
connected all these positions, and dams were: built at the
crossing of First and Second Creeks which, by backing the
water, formed considerable obstacles, especially in. front of
Temperance Hill, where the line was parallel with the course
of First Creek for 1200 yards, and the pond impassable, without bridges.
An interior line was established from Fort Sanders to
Second Creek, near its mouth, including Fort Byington built
around the college; and another from  Temperance Hill to
Flint Hill, where it terminated in Battery Fearns
On the south side of the river such of the heights^:(four
in number,) as were necessary to the defense, were occupied
by detached works withy extensions for;:infantry cover, insufficient however, to make the line rentinuous, r, even ap




22


proximately so. Fort Stanley was built on the hill directly
opposite Knoxville, and a line of ordinary rifle trench carried
eastward from it, across the Sevierville road and to the adjacent height. The hill nearly opposite the month of Second
Creek was occupied by Fort Dickerson,- nd the next one to
the westward by Fort Higley.
The arrangements for the defense of the position on the
north side of the Holston were necessarily made in the most
hurried manner. The earthworks known as Fort Sanders
and Foirt Huntington Smith, intended for a very different
condition of affairs, were so far advanced towards completion
when Longstreet appeared before Knoxville, that their use
without-modification was compulsory. The plan of neither
one was what it would have been had they been designed as
parts of a continuous line. Especially was this the case with
respect to Fort Sanders, the trace of which was such that
under the stress of circumstances its north-western bastion
became a prominent salient of the main line, and notwithstanding the measures taken to remedy this objectionable
feature, its existence caused us great anxiety. The sector
without fire of the bastion referred to, (the one attacked,)
would have been a sector without fire for the line, but for the
arrangements made on either side of it to overcome the defect
as far as possible. The fire thus obtained in front of this
bastion was not all that could have been desired, but the
event proved that it was sufficient. The single fact that
Longstreet's renowned infantry failed to carry it by assault,
practically demonstrated that there were no very serious defects unrecognized or unprovided for.
As already stated, the head of Burnside's column appeared at Knoxville at daybreak on the 17th of November.
It was met near Third Creek, and the organizations, in succession, directed to their respective stations, formed upon the
lines they were to occupy, (described above,) and told to dig,




23


and to do it with all their might. By the middle of the forenoon all were in their assigned positions and hard at work.
The location of but few of the organizations was changed
during the siege, and these but slightly.
Except the incomplete Forts Sanders and Huntington
Smith, nothing in the way of defensive works had been previously contemplated. All now understood the necessities of
the situation, and but little urging was required to induce
the troops to work with a will. Lines of rifle trenches soon
appeared, only to rapidly grow into continuous infantry
parapets. Batteries for the artillery were ready to receive
their guns in the shortest possible time.
The defense of that portion of the line from Second
Creek, by way of Fort Sanders to the river, was assigned to
the first (Ferrero's) division of the 9th corps. The first brigade (Morrison's) extended from the river to near Fort Sanders, the third brigade (Humphrey's) garrisoned Fort Sanders and continued the line to Battery Zoellner, and the
second brigade (Christ's) from there to Second Creek at Battery
Galpin. One section of Roemer's Battery of three inch rifled
guns was posted.at Battery Noble and the other two sections
at Fort Byington.
Benjamin's four 20 Pdr. Parrotts, with Buckley's six 12
Pdr. Napoleons were assigned to Fort Sanders. One of the
latter mounted in the Pan Coupe of the north-western bastion,
looked directly out over the sector without fire before alluded to.
The second (Hartranft's) division of the 9th corps extended the line from Second Creek to First Creek, with Gitting's four 10 Pdr. Parrotts in Fort Comstock, and three 3
inch rifled guns of the 15th Indiana Battery in Battery Billingsley.
Chapin's brigade of White's division, 23d corps, connected with the right of Hartranft's division. An interval




24


was then deft for Reilly's brigade of Hascall's division, (never
occupied however, this fine brigale having been held in reserveduring the entire siege,) over which Chapin's brigade
was afterwards extended, as the unfordable pond formed by
damming First Creek made the position very strong. Hoskin'sibrigade extended the line around Mabry's Hill, and
Casement's brigade of Loyal Tennesseeans thence to the
river,
Sims':24th Indiana battery of 3.8 inch James' rifled guns,
and one section of the same kind of guns of Henshaw's battery were stationed in Fort Huntington Smith. The other
two sections of this batterv  were brass 6 Pdrs. and were
posted,-two guns in Battery Clifton Lee, and two in Battery
Stearman. Shields' battery of six 12 Pdr. Napoleons and
one section of Thomas' battery of 3 inch rifled guns (known
as the Wilder battery) were posted on Mabry's Hill; and on
Flint Hill one section of 12 Pdr. Howitzers, manned by
details made principally from the regiments of Loyal Tennesseeans.
The heights south of the Holston were occupied by
Cameron's brigade of Hascall's division, 23d corps in support
of the other four guns of Thomas' battery, and Konkle'y
battery of four 3 inch rifled guns.
The cavalry was also stationed on the south side of the
river, except as hereafter related.
It is to be borne in mind that at the time the troops were
placed in the position indicated, nothing had yet been done
towards the construction of any of the works, except Forts
Sanders and Huntington Smith, and none had yet been named.
(See note preceding.)
During the night of the 16th of November, Sanders'
division of cavalry crossed to the nlorth side of the river, and
moved out on the London road to cover our forces, approaching from Campbell's Station until they could get ii to position




25


and make some progress in the construction of defensive
works. Slowly falling back as the enemy advanced on the
17th, he finally made a stand, with one brigade of about 70(
men under his immediate command, upon a hill just north of
the Loudon road a mile from Fort Sanders, and about 800
yards west from where that road crossed Third Creek, while
the other brigade, (two regiments of mounted infantry,)
commanded by Col. Penebaker, turned at bay where the
Clinton road crossed the ridge about a mile north west from
Fort Sanders.
For the remainder of the 17th these commands stubbornly
held their ground, in full view of our lines, the principal at
tacks being directed upon Sanders' position, and all of us
who witnessed the fighting well remember our admiration of
the gallent conduct of our cavalry in its fierce contest with
Longstreet's infantry aided by the pounding of Alexander's
guns, which only ceased when it became too dark to continue
the combat.
About 11 P. M. General Burnside sent for me, and upon
reporting to him at his head quarters ar Crozier's house, I
found him in conversation with Sanders.  After some preliminary remarks he asked me how long it would take for the
troops to advance the works to a defensible condition, and
was informed that it could be done by noon the next day.
Turning to Sanders he asked him if he, (Sanders,) would
maintain his position until that time, and received an assuring
promise., Sanders accompanied me to my quarters where we
discussed the matter until after midnight, and then laid down
upon the same blanket to get some rest. Before day-light of
the 18th he was called by the.^lard, and left to join his corn
mand.
At daylight the attacks upon Sanders were renewed witl
the evident determination to dislodge him in the shortest
possible time.  As hour after hour passed and that cavalry




26


continued to stand against the pressure, it excited the won4er
of the rest of our army. The contest was very upequal, aid
occasionally a few of our men would leave their position
behind the piles of fence rails which constituted their only
cover, with the apparent intention of retreating. At such
critical times Sanders would walk up to the rail piles, stand
there erect, with fully half his height exposed to the terrible
fire at short range, until every retreating man as if. ashliea
of himself, returned to his proper place.
He held his ground until noon, as he had promised General Burnside, and then in accordance with an understanding
with me he continued to hold it, intending to do so until,acr
tually driven away. At about half-past two he fell, mortally
wounded, and the screen which he had so stubbornly interposed between the enemy and our hard working trpoQps wq
quickly rolled aside
Sanders fully realized the importance of every moment
gained beyond the time he had promised. Every spadeftullf
earth turned while he was fighting aided in making our position secure, and he had determined to sacrifice himself, if
necessary, for the safety of the rest of the army. Hence he
maintained his position so strenuously, and but for his fall
it is possible he would have held it until night, as I sincerely
believe he meant to do. His power to control and handle his
command seemed absolute, and as far as an observer could
judge, it appeared ready to stand by him to the very end.
Nowhere during the war was the personal influence of a
brave and chivalric gentleman more manifest. Sanders' fine
presence, soldierly bearing, extreme gallantry and unvarying
courtesy attached to him the incongruous elements composing his command,-and enabled him to handle it as he did on
this occasion, when its behavior was certainly worthy the
commendation it received.
And Sanders' course in this affair was all the more




27


piase.worthy, in view of the fact that he had a premonition
of his fate. The night before he fell he freely talked about
it with me, his West Point classmate and friend, and expressed his readiness to die, if this should be necessary to
make good our defence. We all knew the value of the additional time gained for us by the gallant conduct of himself
and his command, but the regret was universal that it should
have been purchased at such great cost. The fort in front of
which he fell was named in commemoration of the service
rendered.
Early on the 18th eight or ten of the enemy had established themselves in the upper story of the tower of a biick
house which stood about 750 yards beyond Sanders' line, and
from this advantageous position greatly annoyed his command by their accurate fire. He sent a request to Benjamin,
in Fort Sanders, to try the effect upon these sharpshooters of
a few shots from his 20 Pdr. Parrotts. The distance was
2500 yards, and Benjamin had no ammunition to waste upon
a mere squad. But the reputation of his famous battery was
challenged, and he directed one of his best gunners to see
what could be done. The response was a shot directly
through the compartment occupied by the sharpshooters,
badly wrecking it, (ascertained by examination after the
siege,) abating the nuisance, and rendering a second shot unnecessary. With our glasses we could see the men running
from the building, but never knew whether any were injured
or not.
During the whole war I saw no prettier single shot,
though its accuracy may have been accidental, and the same
gunner might have failed with a second one. Yet the fact
stands that it went where aimed, and accomplished the desired
result, much to the delight of hundreds of our men who
theteed lotdly when it struck.
/iy the,night of the 18th our infantry trenches on the




28


north side of the river had been made nearly continuous, and
our heavier works well advanced. The enemy's skirmishers
pushed up in front of ours, and the siege was fairly on. On
the 19th he extended to his left, and during the day threw
shells into Knoxville from a battery posted on the Tazewell
road, about a mile and a half from our main line. On the
20th the enemy's offensive lines began to show up, his right
approaching the river neat Armstrong's house, just west of
Third Creek. From there he extended toward the left across
the valley and along the ridge beyond, on a line nearly concentric with ours. The earthworks on each side seemed to
grow like magic, but we were apparently doing more digging
than they. Indeed, they never constructed any works of
consequence east of the Jacksboro' road.
A large brick house, with two log barns, stood within
the enemy's skirmish line in front of Fort Sanders, and
served as cover for troublesome sharpshooters. Why these
buildings were not destroyed by us as we fell back I do not
know, but-it soon became evident that it must be done now,
and the 17th Michigan infantry was detailed for the purpose.
At 9 P. M. the regiment, passing to the rear 'and left of Fort
Sanders, advanced to our skirmish line, where they halted a
few moments to adjust the line, and again moved forward.
The enemy soon discovered the movement and opened fire,
whereupon our men charged at a run, and quickly gained
possession of the buildings. The house had been the station
of the picket reserve, and in their hasty retreat they had left
behind overturned chairs, an officers sword hanging in the
parlor, blankets and other equipments, as well as a baking
pan full of warn biscuits, all indicating the completeness of
the surprise. A party of five volunteers under charge of
Major F. W. Swift had been formed co set fire to the buildings. As one of these entered the house a confederate soldier
escaped from it by dodging under his arm. The house was




29


soon ablaze, but the destruction of the outbuildings was more
difficult. However, after a time, these were effectually fired-,
and our men half way on their return to our lines before the
light of the burningo buildings revealed them to 'tle enemy,
who then opened a cannonade upon them and hasteried their
movements to the shelter of the nearest rifle-pits, where they
remained until it became safe to resume their position in the
trenches. It is told that Major Swift upon being detected
with his plockets full of warm  biscuits remarked,,"I
"never felt so bad in my life as when I saw those biscuits in
"danger of burning."  The affair was perfectly successful,
and accomplished with small loss. The next morning General Burnside issued an order complimenting the regiment.
The siege and defensive operations progressed in the
-usual Mtanner until the 22d, when we received information
that the enemy was constructing a raft at Boyd's Ferry, on
the Holston, about six miles above Knoxville by the course
of the river, intending to set it adrift in the hope that it
would reach our ponton bridge and carry it away, thus breaking our communication with the south side. About dark we
began stretching an iron cable boom across the river above
the bridge, with a view to catching the raft. The cable was
about a thousand feet long formed by linking together any
iron bars we could get, and was borne by wooden floats.
Under my personal supervision the boom was completed by i
o'clock next morning.
On the evening of the 23d the enemy advanced upon our
skirmishers in front of Fort Comstock and drove them back,
but not until they had set fire to all the buildings in the immediate vicinity. We regained the position next morning.
Nearly due west from Fort Sanders the enemy had advanced
his line to within about 600 yards of the fort, and had thrown
up a continuous line of infantry trench, with its right resting
on the railroad and extending about 300 yards to the left.




30


Ertly il the morning of the 24th a detail of 169 men of the
Second Michigan infantry attacked and carried this work.
After holding it for some time without reinforcements, the
enemy made a counter attack in largely increased force, with
most lamentable results to us, our men being driven back
with a loss of nearly half their number.
Strange as it may seem, this sortie was made without
my knowledge, and although I made considerable effort afterwards to ascertain who was responsible for it, I never succeeded. It would be difficult to conceive a more ill-advised
movement. It would have been proper if we had intended to
bring on a general engagement, in which case the sortie
should have been supported with our whole force. If such
was not the intention, the sortie should not have been made
at all. Carried out in the manner it was, the affair was simply murderous. This is strong language, but every word of
it is justified by the unnecessary loss of about 83 of our vetry
best troops, and the notes which I made at the time show
that if I could have found any one to stand sponsor for the
order, my condemnation of it would have then been quite as
decided as now.
About the same time the enemy crossed the Holston
below his lines, and unsuccessfully attacked our forces on the
south side of the river. He establised batteries of rifled guns
on the heights nearly opposite the mouth of Third Greek,
(never occupied by us,) distant about 2300 yards from Fort
Sanders, rendering it necessary to defilade this work against
them.
The reports concerning the construction of a destructive
raft at Boyd's Ferry were renewed, and anothertprotective
boom was Stretched across the river, located above the first
one, and made of long timbers fastened together at the' ends
byrflfth-chains taken from the wagon trains. This'boom riwas
V80O feet long.




31


Prior to our occupation of Knoxville the enemy had
began the erection of an earthwork, called by them Fort
Loudon, on the site afterwards occupied by Fort Sanders. A
second growth of pines, averaging about five inches in diameter, thickly covered the hill side in front, and were cut
down by them, leaving stumps perhaps eighteen inches high
the ground between them being littered by the pine leaves
which had fallen off and become of a rusty-brown color. The
necessity for using every possible means of obstructing the
approach over the sector without fire in front of the northwestern bastion of Fort Sanders, included in the area covered
by these stumps was evident to every one, and became more
pressing as the probability of an assault at this point
grew more apparent. At this time Mr. Hoxie, in charge of
the railroad property at Knoxville, informed me that he had
a lot of old telegraph wire at the depot which he thought
might be of service to us as an obstruction. Its use as a
net-work entanglement, by Iarrying it from stump to stump
over the sector without fire referred to, was so obvious that
no time was lost in putting it in place. It served a good purpose during the subsequent assault, but in my opinion the
part it.played in causing the repulse was much over-rated.
Owing to its rusty color, nearly that of the pine litter just
under it, and the imperfect light of the foggy morning, it,
doubtless did have some effect in breaking up the coherency
of the assaulting column, and may possibly have detained it
long enough to permit the defence to deliver a couple of
rounds more, a matter of some consequence, when fired
at such short range, by troops of the cool and vigilant character of those composing the garrison of the fort and the ad-.
jacent lines.
This specific account is giVet, because many erroneous
statements have been made in regard to the matter, both in
speech and print, and credit awarded where it did not juetly
t




belong. ' Mr. Hoxie is entitled to whatever credit pertains to
the use of this device. If he had not spoken we probably
would not have known that there was any wire available.
During the 24th cannonading was distinctly heard to
the south-westward. This was probably at Kingston, where
an unsuccessful attack was that day made by General
Wheeler with three brigades of cavalry upon Mott's brigade
of the 23d corps. At the time, however, we were inclined to
attribute it to the operations which we had reason to suppose
were then in progress under General Grant at Chattanooga,
and the absence of any elation upoi the part of the enemy in
our fiont led us to infer that Bragg had been defeated, and
driven up the valley towards us until the sound of his'guns
was within the possible range of our hearing.  We were only
half right, but it was the important half.
The wet, foggy and generally disagreeable weather of the
prece.ing days still continued, when, at about 11 o'clock on
the night of the 28tl our picket lines in front of Fort Sanders
were attacked with such spirit as to indicate an important
movemhent, and'after sharp skirmishing for some length of
time were finally carried. This was, in fact, the prelude to
anrassault upon the main work, and had for, its immediate
effect' to put us on the alert. and keep us in readiness for' the
serious business which we knew was close at hand.
The enemy's arrangements for the assault provided that
it be made in two columns, from McLaws' division, directed
against the north-west angle of Fort Sanders —the one on the
left to be composed of Wofford's brigade, in column of regiments, with the 16th Georgia leading, while the other,
formed in like order, was to consist of Humphrey's brigade,
led by the 13th Mississippi, and closely followed by three
regiments of Bryan's brigade. The attack was to be made
with fixed bayonets, without cheering or firing a shot, and
the men were to be urged-to'rush forward with a determina



33


-tion to succeed. The sharpshooters were to keep up -a cntinuous fire into the embrasures of the fort, and along the
adjacent works, to prevent the use of artillery against the assaulting force, and to disturb the fire of all arms.
Anderson's brigade, following the main attack, was to
carry the works about a hundred yards to the left, and in
case the assault on Fort Sanders should prove successful,
was then to wheel to the left, and, followed by Benning's
and Jenkins' brigades, sweep down our lines to the eastward.
But if the main attack should fail, Anderson was to wheel to
the right and endeavor to carry Fort Sanders from the rear.
Kershaw's brigade was to advance to the assault of the works
on their right (southward) of the fort as soon as it had fallen.
The unassigned brigades of McLaws' and Jenkins' divisions, together with the brigades of Bush od Johnson and
Gracie, were to be held in readiness to follow up any success.
From the foregoing it will be seen that the plan of assault had been well studied, carefully elaborated and so clearly formulated that there could be but little chance of any
misunderstanding.
The preparations for resisting it were the wire entanglements already described, a slight abattis, the strong profile
of Fort Sanders, and the arrangements for both a direct and
a cross fire in front of the salient, not only from the garrison
of the fort itself, but also from the troops occupying the adjacent intrenchments.
Fort Sanders was laid out in strict accordance with the
rules for constructing bastioned earthworks, but upon shorter
exterior lines than were desirable. It was built upon an irregular quadrilateral of which the western side was 95 yards;
the northern 125 yards; the eastern 85 yards, and the sourliern 125 yards; the northwestern bastion being traced in the
right angle between the first two sides.
The western front was completed, and the two adjoining




34.


ones had been carried far enough to give us the advantage of
their flanking arrangements. The eastern front had been intentionally left open. Provision had been made by Pan
Coupes for an artillery fire along the capitals of the two completed bastions, and a 12 Pdr. gun placed in the one attacked. The trace of the interior crest was so located on the
slopes of the hill, that when a parade of about forty feet in
width had been formed, the undisturbed ground behind it
served some of the minor purposes of a traverse. The ditch
was made twelve feet wide at the bastion faces, and from six
to eight feet in depth, depending upon the accidents of the
ground, the average being about seven feet. The result of
this location of the interior crest and depth of ditch, was an
unusually high relief to the work, especially at the north.
western bastion. The scarps were practically vertical, and
the berme at the foot of the exterior slope was cut away.
The counter scarps were continued until they intersected.
and all the material between them and the curtain excavated
to the general level of the bottom of the ditch, thus obviating
all dead angles. A banquette was formed in the counterscarp at the north-western salient, of sufficient extent for the
location of about forty men, whose fire could be delivered in
the direction of the capital. In addition to the ordinary
flank fire, three 12 Pdrs. were so located in notches in the
immediate eastward extension of the northern front as to admit of their firing into the left flank of the assaulting columns; and a fire, more or less efficient, could be delivered
over the same ground from our intrenchments as far eastward
as Battery Zoellner. A similar fire into their front and right
flank was obtained from our lines to the southward of Fort
Sanders as far as Battery Noble.
The Garrison of Fort Sanders at the time of the assault,,
usually estimated at about 500 men, consisted of Benjamins'
and Buckley's batteries and one section of Roemer's (four




35


20 Pdr. Parrotts, six 12 Pdr. Napoleons, and two 3 inch
rifled guns,) and an infantry force made up of some 120 men
of the 79th New York, 75 men of the 29th Massachusetts, 60
men of the 2d Michigan, and 80 men of the 20th Michigan.
About forty men of the 2d Michigan undei command of
Capt. Emil Moores, occupied and fired from  lle banquette in
the counterscarp salient as long as the position was tenable,
and then ran through the ditch to the southward, entered the
fort around the south-eastern angle as they had been instructed to do, and took further part in the defence.
Although these have all been included in the garrison,
yet the fact is that the number actually within the fort at the
moment of the supreme struggle and repulse probably did
not exceed 440 men. The discrepancy arises from the different ways of reckoning the limits of the fort, due to the
open eastern front. The smaller estimate includes only the
troops that were within the bastioned trace. Yet some very
effective work was done against the assaulting columns, by
the fire coming from the intrenchmants beyond the original
Fort Sanders, and it has always seemed to me only fair that
the troops delivering this fire should be counted in estimating
the strength of the garrison, iin which case the total would be
increased to more than three times the number given.
About six A. M. on Sunday Nov. 29th, the enemy opened
a heavy artillery fire upon Fort Sanders, to which no reply
was made, because our limited supply of ammunition made
it necessary to reserve it for use at a more critical moment.
The fire continued for about twenty minutes and then slackened, whereupon the columns moved to the assault, and
were at once met by all the fire that could be concentrated
upon them from our lines. Encountering the wire entanglements their organization was somewhat disturbed but the
movement was not seriously checked thereby, nor did the
slight abattis retard it. Although suffering from the terribly




36


destructtive fire to which they were subjected, they soon
reaohed the outer brink of the ditch, and if they thought of
the matter at all, must have then realized for the first. time
the gravity of their undertaking. But there could be no
pause at that point. and leaping into the ditch in such nunbers as nearly to fill it, they endeavored to scale the walls.
Having no scaling ladders, a portion of the men, scrambling
over the shoulders of their comrades, planted the battle
flags of the 13th and 17th Mississippi, and the 16th Georgia
regiments upon the parapet, but every man who rallied to
them was either killed or captured, and the flags themselves
fell into our hands.
Meanwhile those who remained in the ditch found themselves under a deadly flank fire of musketry and canister,
supplemented by shells thrown as hand grenades from inside
the fort, without the slightest possibility of returning a blow.
Advance and retreat were about equally difficult and it
needed but a very short exposure to convince them that if
any were to leave the ditch alive, it could only be by the
promptest surrender. Those who were able to walk were
brought through the ditch to the south-eastern angle, and
there entered our lines as prisoners.
Such of the assaulting forces as had not entered the
ditch fell back, at first sullenly and slowly, but flesh and
blood could not stand the storm of shot and shell that was
poured upon them, and they soon broke in confused retreat.
The assault had been gallantly made but was repulsed in
little more time than is required to describe it. When the
result became apparent, General Longstreet directed the
withdrawal of the supporting brigade, but the order did not
reach Anderson in time to prevent his troops from pushing
on as though the assault had been successful. They swerved,
however, somewhat to their left, and attacked a short distance to the eastward of the point which had been designated,




37


only to meet with as decided, though not as bloody a repulse
as that of the other brigades.
The assaulting columns were rallied under partial cover
some five or six hundred yards from Fort Sanders, and there
reorganized, but no further open attempt to carry our lines
was made.
Many reasons have been assigned for the failure of this
assault, and there is some difference of opinion in regard to
the matter. Some of those opposed to us, of unquestioned
ability and fairness, have attributed it to the warning given
us by taking our picket line the night before, the insufficient
use of their artillery, and the improper direction taken by
two of the columns, resulting in their intermingling and consequent confusion. The opinion has been confidently expressed that a subsequent assault would have been successful.
All this assumes that we were not already vigilant and
waiting for the attack,-that a heavy and continued artillery
tire would have greatly damaged and demoralized us,-that
the confusion arising from the convergence of the advancing
columns would not have occurred again,-that the works were
"very faulty in plan and very easy to take by a properly
"managed assault,"'-and last, but not least, —that the troops
of the enemy were better than ours.
The first of these assumptions is erroneous,-the second
greatly exaggerated, —the third might have been verified, but
again might not,-the fourth is correct only within the limits
and to the extent already explained,-and the last has no
evidence to sustain it. No one is more ready and willing
than the writer to admit the quality of the troops that
fought us at Knoxville. They had few equals, and I verily
believe that none were superior. But in making this admission I donot abate one particle of my confidence in the valbr
and persistency of those which opposed them. They post
sessed these qualities in as high degree as Longstreets men




38


or any others, and the succession of events had only served
to improve their morale.   While no one is warranted     perhaps, in saying that this or that result would have followed
another assault, it may fairly be doubted whether any disaster to our arms was imminent.
Having had ample opportunity to acquire reasonably
trustworthy information in regard to the matter, there may
be no unjustifiable presumption in suggesting that the repulse
might have been due to fewer faults in the plan of the works
than supposed,-to the measures adopted by us to remedy
the faults which did exist,* -to the passive obstacles of wire
entanglements, depth of ditch and unusual relief of the parapet,-to the enemy's error in deciding it unnecessary to provide scaling ladders for the storming party, —and finally and
emphatically, to a sufficient garrison of the coolest, bravest
and most determined men.
Each of these reasons seems to me to have contributed
its share to the result, and some of them were surely of much
graiver moment than any of those assigned by the other side.
The successful resistance of the 29th did not lead to any
remission.of labor on our defences.  Work was continued by
the troops with all the energy that had characterized their
efforts thus far, but the enemy gave little indication of a purpose to do anything further upon their works of attack.   On
the 1st of December large trains belonging to the enemy were
seen moving to the eastward, and again on the 3d and 4th.
We had not yet heard the result of General Grant's operations at Chattanooga,-but all the signs pointed  to probable
success.
* "On the morning of December 6th, I rode from Marysville into Knoxville;
"and met General Burnside, * *  We examined his lines of fortification,
"which were a wonderful production for the short time allowedin their selection
"of ground and construction of work. It seemed to me that they were nearly
"impregnable. We examined the redoubt named -Sanders,' where on the Sunday
"previous, three brigades of the enemy had assaulted and met a bloody repulse."
(Extract from General Sherman's official report of December 19, 1863.)




39


Shortly before daylight on the morning of the 4th I entered the store room on Gay street occupied as administrative
offices by a portion of our staff. There I met General Burnside, whose whole manner showed that he had news of the
most satisfactory nature. Beckoning me to come with him
to the farther end of the long, narrow, dimly lighted room,
and pointing to an officer stretched on the bare, hard counter,
in the deepest slumber of utter fatigue, he asked if I knew
him. In the obscurity it was some moments before I recognized the sleeping man as Capt. Audenried of General Sher
man's staff, and interpreted the full meaning of his presence.
It meant that relief was at hand,-that our weary days and
nights of labor and watching were ended,-that our brothers
of the Army of the Tennessee had marched hundreds of miles
to repay, with many fold interest, any indebtedness for the
support which the 9th Corps had given them at Vicksburg
five months before.
Why and how this particular force came to the relief of
Knoxville may be briefly told.
About the middle of September, the 15th army corps, commanded by General Sherman and forming part of the army of
the Tennessee, was lying in camps on the Big Black river
some twenty miles east of Vicksburg. The aspect of affairs
connected with General Rosecrans' campaign against Chattanooga had grown so serious that General Grant, then at
Vicksburg in command of the department and army of the
Tennessee, was instructed from Washington by orders dated
September 13th, to send all his available force "to Memphis,
thence to Corinth and Tuscumbia, to co-operate with General
Rosecrans."  Two days later he was further instructed that
" all the troops that can possibly be spared in west Tennessee
and on the Mississippi river should be sent without delay, to
assist General Rosecrans,"  *   *    *   "Information
just received indicates that a part of Lee's army have been




40


sentto re-enforce Bragg." (This "part of Lee's army" was
Longstreet's command.) The telegraph line at the time.only
extended to Cairo, and the dispatches quoted were conveyed
thence by steamer to Memphis and Vicksburg.  They were
unaccountably delayed on the Mississippi river and did not
reach General Grant until the 22d. Orders for the movement
were sent to Sherman at once, and in response, Osterhaus'
division, marching from Big Black bridge, reached Vicksburg
during the night of the same day, and within forty eight hours
was fairly on its way to Memphis.
This was followed by two more divisions as soon as
steamers could be obtained for transportation, and by October
4th, all had reached Memphis, four hundred miles from
Vicksburg. One division of the 17th corps was there attached
to the 15th to take the place of one left on the Big Black, and
with certain other accessions from the Memphis district,
the force thus organized marched and fought its way eastward
along the line of the Memphis and Charleston railroad, rebuilding it as far as Tuscumbia, which they reached on the 27th
October.
By an order dated October 16th, 1863, the president
directed the organization of the military division of the
Mississippi, to be composed of the departments of the Ohio,
of the Cumberland and of the Tennessee, with General Grant
in command; and assigned General Thomas to the command
of the department and army of the]Cumberland in place of
General Rosecrans. Generals Grant and Thomas assumed
their respective commands on the 19th. Grant's first order
to Thomas was to "hold Chattanooga at all hazards," eliciting from the latter as his first official act in his new command,
the significant response, "We will hold the town till we
starve."  They were Ipn who neverjindulged in idle words,
and meant all that the language implied.
Late on the 23rd, General Grant arrived at Chattanooga




41


to take personal charge of operations in that quarter, and on
the 27th another presidental order was issued, assigning
General Sherman to the command of the department and
army of the Tennessee.
Sherman reached Bridgeport on the 13th of November,
and was summoned to Chattanooga for conferrence with
General Grant. He arrived there on the 15th and then learned
the part allotted him and his army in the coming battle. He
saw the deplorable condition of the army of the Cumberland,
and notwithstanding his troops had been pushed as fast as
seemed practicable during their march of three hundred and
fifty miles from Memphis, he could only feel urged to greater
endeavor.
By almost superhumnan effort his command was in its assigned position, behind the hills opposite the mouth of
South Chickamauga Creek, before dark on the 23d, sixtyeight days from the Big Black. By noon of the 24th, the
entire force had crossed to the left bank of the Tennessee
river, and then moved against the right flank of Bragg's line
on the northern end of Missionary Ridge, attaining the desired position before 4 p. m.
At dawn of the 25th, Sherman attacked in accordance
with his instructions. Bragg realized the full import of this
movement, and knew that it must be checked if he would
continue to hold Missionary Ridge. Forced to rely upon the
great natural strength of his position reinforced by well built
lines of earthworks, he withdrew from his centre the troops
which he deemed necessary to stay Sherman's advance along
the Ridge. This was the inevitable result of the attack, and
no sooner was it observable than the w:;iing army of the
Cumberland assaulted Bragg's weakened centre, broke
through his lines and overwhelmed him in disastrous defeat.
The close of the pursuit after the battle of Missionary
Ridge, found Sherman's command, consisting of two divi



42.


sions of the 15th corps, one division of the 14th corps, Howard's 11th corps, (greatly reduced,) and a small brigade of cavalry, on the 30th November, at Charleston, on the Hiawassee,
thirty miles north-east from Chattanooga, nearly worn out.
This was to have been the limit of their operations, where
they hoped to obtain rest and replenish their exhausted supplies. Neither officers nor men had brought any baggage or
provisions with them. The two divisions of the 15th corps
had crossed the Tennessee seven days before with only two
days rations, without a change 'of clothing, with but a single'
blanket or coat per man from the general down, and had
meanwhile been heavily engaged in a most important battle.
Bnrnside's situation at Knoxville, one hundred and
twelve miles north-east from Chattanooga, had been a cause
of the most intense anxiety. The battle of Missionary Ridge
(or Chattanooga) had not been fought for the relief of Chat.
tanooga alone, but for that of Knoxville as well. All movements tending to hasten the time for attacking Bragg had
this double object in view.
No sooner was success at Missionary Ridge assured than
General Grant ordered the 4th corps'(of the Army of the
Cumberland) to march to Burnside's assistance. It was so
tardy in starting that it did not move until the 28th, and
then with so much dissatisfaction upon the part of its commander, that General Grant feared it would not reach its destination in time. The occasion was one that demanded the
greatest alacrity,-the emergency was so pressing that no
avoidable chances could be taken. Although reluctant to require further immediate exertion from troops which had so
recently accomplished such difficult, toilsome and long continued service, yet, in his embarrassment, he felt impelled to
again turn to Sherman, who had never failed him. Therefore, by letter dated the 29th, which reached Sherman on the
30th, he directed him to assume command of all the forces




43


then moving up the Tennessee, take such as he thought necessary and push on to the relief of Knoxville.
The weather was inclement, and it was much to require
of these travel worn and tired men in their forlorn condition
as to supplies, but they knew that eighty-two miles away another army of their fellow soldiers was reduced to the greatest straits, that help was needed-must be given in the shortest possible time-and that was enough. There was no hesitation about going. They went at once.
The relieving force was composed of the 15th corps: the
reduced 11th corps (Gen'l Howard's); the 4th corps, (Granger's), and a small cavalry force, about twenty five thousand
men in all. Upon receipt of the order General Howard began
the repairs necessary to render the railroad bridge over the
Hiawassee passable, and completed then  by daylight next
morning, December 1, when the army crossed, and during the
day marched sixteen miles to Athens.
On the 2d, the march was twenty-one miles to Philadelphia. During the night of the 2d, General Sherman sent
Capt. Audenried with an order to Col. Long, commanding.the cavalry, directing him to select a sufficient detachment of
his best men and horses, and, following roads south of the.Holston push into Knoxville, forty miles distant, in the
shortest possible time and at whatever cost of life and horseflesh. Capt. Audenried was directed to accompany Col.
Long's movement. The command reached Knoxville late in
the night of the 3d, and Audenried, after delivering Sherman's message to General Burnside that he was rapidly approaching Knoxville with an adequate force to raise the siege,
dropped asleep as related above.
A messenger from General Burnside reached General
Sherman on the morning of the 5th, near Morgantown, with
information that Col. Long had arrived at Knoxville, and
that all was well there.




44


On the night of the 5th, all the heads of columns communicated at Marysville, and General Sherman was there
met by Major Van Buren, of General Burnside's staff, who
announced that Longstreet had withdrawn from in front of
Knoxville, moving oft to the eastward.
Thereupon Sherman despatched his hearty message: "I
"am here. and can bring twenty-five thousand men into
"Knoxville to-morrow; but Longstreet having retreated, I
"feel disposed to stop, for a stern chase is a long one. But
"I will do all that is possible. Without you specify that
"you want troops, I will let mine rest to-morrow, and ride in
"to see you. Send my aide, Capt. Audenried, out with your
"letters to-night. We are all hearty but tired. Accept my
"congratulations at your successful defence and your patient
" endurance.'"
On the 6th he rode into Knoxville, and after consultation
with General Burnside, left him all the troops which the latter deemed necessary, that is, the two divisions of Granger's
corps. The rest returned to Chattanooga and beyond.
As early as the 29th of November, General Longstreet
had heard officially of Bragg's defeat at Missionary Ridge,
and had meanwhile been kept duly informed concerning the
advance of the Federal forces under command of General
Sherman, intended for the relief of Knoxville. Their occupation of all roads by which he could have rejoined Bragg,
compelled him to raise the siege and move to the eastward.
His trains had been sent ahead to cross the Holston at Strawberry Plains, and the troops followed dluring the night of the
4th, and early morning of the 5th, taking up their line of
march by the north bank of the Holston. The time and
manner of their leaving are sufficiently indicated by the fol.
lowing extract from the entry made in my note book that
morning: "The enemy's infantry left in a body, showing no
"signs of haste, the rear of their column passing the Taze



' well road about 7 a. m."
After some delay our forces followed on the 7th, and
within the next week several minor combats occurred,:the
most important being a successful attack upon us at Bean's
Station, an incident of which was the capture of a supply
train of twenty or twenty-five wagons laden principally with
coffee and sugar for the 9th corps. This occurred at the
northern foot of Clinch Mountain, about six miles from the
station.
Longstreet then moved the main body of his force to the
south side of the Holston, and, taking post in the vicinity of
Russellville, remained all winter to the great annoyance of
the Union cause. In the following spring he rejoined Lee's
Army of Northern Virginia to take part in the memorable
campaign of 1864.
On the 11th of December, General John G. Foster assumed command of the Department and Army of the Ohio,
and the next day General Burnside and his personal staff left
for the north. One of the earliest orders received at Knoxville after the siege was raised, directed me to report for duty
at the headquarters of General Grant. Of course, this advancement was satisfactory to me, but it so happened that
the day before the receipt of this order I had been granted d
leave of absence by General Burnside, and General Foster desired me, in availing myself of it, to travel by way of! Bean's
Station and Cumberland Gap to look after certain matters
which required attention there.
On this journey I was accompanied by Ijieut., D. W,
Poe and a colored servant. Some two hours after leaving
Bean's Station for Cumberland Gap, we rantinto, and narrowly escaped capture by the force which, half an hour later,
"gobbled up" the wagon train above referred to. I have
always attributed our good fortune to the probability that,
in comparison with the train and the supplies which it




46


carried, we were considered of such insignificant value as not
to. be Worth. arrest at the risk of alarming the train guard,
then in sight. Upon meeting the officer in command of the
train guard, we warned him of the danger, but without effect,
and tle coffee and sugar intended for our hungry "boys"
ini. Knoxville went to render less cheerless the Christmnas,bivouac fires of their dearest foes. I don't believe our men
wwQuld have begrudged a liberal divisioa, but they did think
it savored of meanness in the enemy to take all.
/, - The.rest of the journey was made without material incident,- and upon the expiration of my leave of absence I reported, in obedience to: the.order, at General Grant's Head-,quarters,. then in. Nashville..
The signal defeat of Bragg at Chattanooga, and the happy
conclusion of the siege of Knoxville confirmed our hold upon
the direct line of communication between the enemy's forces
East and West, and achieved the permanent relief of the
friends of.our cause in East Tennessee. These results were
considered of such importance that on the. 7th of December,
the President of the United States issued a proclamation
reconimmending that all loyal people assemble in their places;of worship and return thanks to God for." this great advancement of the National Cause,"  * * *    "under cir"cumstances rendering it probable that the Union forces
"carnot hereafter be dislodged from  that important posi"tion."  And they never were.'
The men who stood in the trenches at Knoxville, ate entitled: to all the commendation that ever has been, or ever
shall,' be given them.. They fully earned the grateful
acknowledgment of their countrymen,, as expressed in the
President's proclamation and the formal, thanks of Congress. Half starved, with clothing tattered and torn, they.endured without a murmur, every form of hardship and exposure that falls to the lot of the soldier.  Notwithstanding




their sorry appearance and empty havers:acks, their arms were
in constant readiness, and they had the spirit to use them
effectively. It did not once appear to be a question with
them whether they could withstand the assaults of the enemy,
but simply whether sufficient food could be obtained to en-'
able them to keep their places in line. That they were not
reduced to the last extremity in this regard, is due to the
supplies sent in by the loyalists of the French Broad settlements, who took advantage of Longstreet's inability to invest
the place completely, and, under cover of the night-fogs
floated down to us such food and forage as they could collect.
Of course the amount was limited, and the rations were seldom more than enough to allay the worst pangs of hunger,
yet without this help we surely would have been compelled
to eat our horses and mules-and discouraging subsistence
they would have been, for they were nothing but skin and
bone.
The next day after the siege' was raised, several of the
principal officers belonging to the forces which had come to
our relief, visited the town. Advantage was taken of that
occasion to show them our appreciation of their effort in our
behalf, and at the same time celebrate the event, by giving
them a dinner at General Burnside's headquarters mess. By
the greatest effort we succeeded in getting a couple of turkeys,
a few bottles of wine and such other articles as it was possible,
to obtain. These when served upon clean china, upon a clean
table cloth, undoubtedly seemed to our travel worn guests
like a grand feast, and no end of jokes were passed at our
expense. The dinner was afterwards made the text for some
tolerably severe reflections upon us for reporting ourselves in
danger of suffering from lack of proper food. The fact was
either unknown or ignored that this dinner represented a
supreme effort, having for its special object to do our guests




honor, and that its duplication would have been impossible at
the time.
It was the old story of the poor Knight's only Falcon,
killed and served to his Lady guest that she might neither
suspect his poverty, nor doubt his hospitality.
O. M. Pole.




I


MAP OF THEAPPROACHES A,- DEFENCES
KNOXV ILL E, TENN.
Sho'.mllZ5 hoiePositions oceupied by thoe
UNITED STATES &CONFEDERATE FORC.ES
DURING THE SIEGE
~Sureyedby dieeoto of
Capt. 0. XPOE. Chi-efEngrDept. f tLeOhio
deure tDe,Jaxi. Feb /6     5


2 /.." / 


CKL  -


II


Z,


0


=:   Union Positions,
-...~ —'Conib~derole Positions
UnionPicketLines 1
captured by Ohe Confederales.b


-etatute~ Miel I








TH E


GAPTURE OF JEFF, DAVIS.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE MICHIGAN COMMANSDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES,
JANUARY 9th, 1889.
BY COMPANION
JULIAN    G. DICKINSON,
Lafe Adjutant 4ih Michigan Cavalry and Brevet Captain
United States Volunteers.
DETROIT, MICH.:
OSTLER PRINTING COMPANY,
1888.




C::




Kaptur.           of Jeff. Davis.
The 4th Michigan Volunteer Cavalry was organized,
mustered, mounted, armed and equipped at the city of
Detroit, in August and September, 1862, under the command
of a superb veteran officer, Col. Robert H. G. Minty, and in
October, 1862, joined the Army of the Cumberland in the
field. In December, 1864, the regiment joined " The Cavalry
Corps, Military Division of the Mississippi," assembled at
Gravelly Springs, Alabama, under the command of Major-General James H. Wilson, preparatory to a campaign, ordered by
Gen. Grant, "to capture and destroy the rebel armies and
resources in Alabama and Georgia." On the 22nd day of
March, 1865, Wilson's command, comprising a force of
13.000 cavalry, crossed the Tennessee river, and sweeping
with marvellous energy southward through Alabama, routed
the rebel cavalry under Lieut.-Gen. Forrest, took by assault
the fortified city of Selma and captured the entire rebel force
there except Gen. Forrest. Crossing the Alabama river at
Selma, on our pontoon bridges, the command marched to
Montgomery, Alabama, taking that city without opposition;




4


thence to Columbus and Macon, cities which, though well
prepared for defence, were -uccessively taken by brilliant
cavalry charges. On the 21st of April tie campaign closed,
and the 4th Michigan cavalry established a pleasant encampment near Macon. Our communications with the north and
with the armies under Grant and Sherman had not become
fully opened, and we were not definitely informed of events
that transpired at Washington, at Richmond, and in the
Carolinas. However, on the 1st of April, 1865, the memorable battle of Five Forks had been fought, and on the 2nd
the outer defenses of Petersburg were carried, leaving,open
to Danville the only way of escape for the Confederate
government at Richmond.
Jefferson Davis availed himself of that situation, and on
the night of the 2nd, in company with members of his
cabinet and others belonging to the rebel government, fled to
Danville, where, temporarily, a new capital of the Confederate States was established; but the surrender of Gen. Lee at
Appomntox rendering Danville untenable, Jeff. Davis fled to
Greensboro, North Carolina, where he met his generals,
Breckenridge, Johnston and Beauregard. The Confederate
government, not finding a secure resting place at Greensboro,
moved on to Charlotte, North Corlina, where the news of
Johnston's surrender to Sherman overtook them. Then the
rebel chieftain, accompanied by his cabinet and staff, left
Charlotte under escort of a large cavalry force in flight. On
the march, all the members of the cabinet, except P. M. Gen.
Reagan, abandoned their chief. In the meantime, Major Gen.
Wilson, at Macon, ascertained the flight of the fugitives from
Charlotte, and that they were moving in a southerly direction with a cavalry escort towards the trans-Mississippi department and he recived orders to intercept them.  Col.
Eggleston was directed to watch the country in all directions
from Atlanta, Georgia; Brigadier-General A. J. Alexander




5


to scout the country northward to Dalton, and to detach anofficer and 26 men to obtain definite information of Davis'
movements. Lieut. Yoeman, of the 1st Ohio Cavalry, was
detailed to command that party.    Lieut. Yoeman's detail
met and joined Davis' party, whom they found under escort
of Debrill's and Ferguson's divisions of rebel cavalry, but
failed of a favorable opportunity to carry off the rebel chief,
and at Washington, Georgia, lost sight of the entire party;
he became convinced, however, that they were trying to
reach the gulf or south Atlantic coast to escape by sea, and
he sent couriers with that information to Gen. Alexander,
who transmitted the information to Gen. Wilson, to whom it
became apparent that the flight must of necessity be in the
direction indicated by Lieut. Yoeman, and he directed certain detachments to watch the crossings of the Ocmulgee
river, which runs in a south-easterly direction from Macon,
Ga. Gen. Croxton was ordered to select the best regiment of
his division to scout in the direction of Jeffersonville and
Dublin, Georgia, on the Oconee river, and the 1st Wisconsin Cavalry, under the command of Lieut. Col. Harnden, was
selected fpr that expedition. Gen. Minty, commanding the
2nd division of the cavalry corps, was directed to select his
best regiment and send it 'south-easterly along the right bank
of the Ocmulgee, to watch all the crossings between Hawkinsville and the mouth of the Ohoope river. Gen. Mirity
selected his own regiment, the 4th Michigan Cavalry, cormmanded by Lieut.-Col. Benjamin D. Pritchard.*    That was
the occasion, on the morning of the 7th of May, 1865, of oui
bugle call to arms, and the awakening of our camp to further
warlike events. The order from Gen. Minty directed the 4th
*I am indebted to Maj. Gen. J. N. Wilson's report to the War Dept., dated
Jan'y 17th, 1867, for the facts relating to hfs information, orders and operations,
preceding the captui'e of Davis, as published on pp. 779-780, Harper's History of
the Rebellion.




6


Michigan " to move down the Ocmulgee river and take possession of all its ferries below Hawkinsville, to picket the
river as far as the strenoth of the regiment would permit, and
to scout through the country on both sides of the riiver, for the
purpose of capturinac Jeff. Davis and party, and any other
government parties who might be fleeing in that direction."
The 4th Michigan left camp on the morning of the 7th
and marched in a south-easterly direction. The exhilaration
of such a march at such a time was delightful. Tt was the
charming season of the year.  The balmy breezes of that
sunny clime wafting to us freely the fragrance of the magnolia which abounded in the glades and forests on every
hand. The scenery was inviting and unmarked by any of
the war's devastations. We were in new fields of observation and new prospects were dawning upon us. Though the
purpose of the expedition had not been disclosed to any of
our troopers, it became apparent before the termination of
the first day's march, that many of them had grasped some
knowledge of its!purpose; it cteated some excitement among
the men and occasioned remarks relative to the object of
our pursuit, which threatened to render the success of the expedition problematical. On the evening of the 7th we went
into bivouac for the night on a beautiful plantation near
Hawkinsville. Our headquarters occupied the porch of the
plantation  dwelling, a fortunate situation  for us, as a
thunder storm broke over us that nioght, the lightning spreading havoc in the camp.  On the 8th we resumed march;
about noon, near Abbeville, Georgia, Lieut.-Col. Harnden, of
the 1st Wisconsin Cavalry, came up unexpectedly to the
head of our marching column, and informed Col. Pritchard
that the 1st Wisconsin was then marching on a road run
ning south-westerly from Abbeville, in pursuit of a train of
a:mbulances and wagons, which were reported to contain the
family of Jeff. Davis. He stated to Col. Pritchard substan



7


tiallv that he did not know whether Jeff. Davis was with
the train, but calculated that he would be likely to join it
somewhere.  Col. Harnden started away to join his command before we reached Abbeville. The 4th Michigan proceeded two miles beyond Abbeville when an incident occurred; we met on the road an aged colored man, with a
broken down vehicle, which he was vainly endeavoring to
restore to service. Col. Pritchard availed himself of the usual privilege to interview the colored man, and learned from
him, that during the preceding night a body of mounted
men crossed the ferries of the Ocrmulgee, near Abbeville,
Georgia; that the men were substantially mounted and
equipped. They had liberally paid the ferrymen for their
services. in gold coin, and had departed westward during the
night. This information led to a successful scouting expedition, which was thereupon immediately organized.  Col.
Pritchard moved his command into camp, and directed me to
make a detail for a detachment, comprising the best mounted
portion of the regiment. I gathered 128 men and 7 officers.
Col. Pritchard took command of the detail, and permitted
me to accompany him. The larger portion of the regiment
was left in the camp under command of Capt. John C. Hathaway, with orders to picket the ferries and fords of the Ocmulgee river, and to send out scouting parties in various directions, with a view to making any captures designated in
our general order. Our detachment then moved down the
river road for about 12 miles, to a place called Wilcox's mill.
It was nearly sunset when we reached there,, and halted for
supper and forage. Thence at night fall we struck out into a
desolate pine forest, through which we could scarcely distinguish any road or pathway, but tracing the way cautiously
toward Trwinville, Georgia, about one o'clock in the night
succeeded in reaching that place, where our column halted.
Irwinville was then a place of half a dozen dwellings-a sort




8


of four corners in the wilderness. We awakened most all of
the inhabitants by rude rapping at the doors of their dwellings, but none ventured from their thresholds, and all seemed
reluctant to give any information whatever; for a while we
were at a loss to know what to (do next. Many of our troopers, wearied by the night march, sunk to the ground for repose. Suddenly the stillness of the night was broken by the
hallooing of some one at a distance towards the woods hack
of a neighboring dwelling. It seemed to be a woman's voice,
and I started in the direction indicated, to ascertain what it
meant   In a moment, however, two of our troopers came up
with a lady whom they had taken from her perch on the
fence in the rear of her dwelling, where she had been hallooing to some one, evidently far away in the woods. In her
company was a negro whom I directed the men to bring to
Col. Pritchard, a proceeding that was stoutly resisted by the
lady in question, who claimed this man as the only slave left
to her. and begged us piteously not to take him away; but
he was included in President Lincoln's proclamarion of freedom to the slaves, and seemed very willing to go with us;
upon being questioned by Col. Pritchard, he stated that there
had been several mounted men to the house during the afternoon, from a camp near the village, to purchase forage and
provisions, and that their camp lay about a mile and a half
out on the Abbeville road. Placing the freedman in advance
for a guide, and directing the utmost silence to be preserved
in the column, we moved out toward the camp on the Abbeville road. The- night was lather dark, but very clear and
quiet. We marched the distance of about a mile when we
halted and made the necessary arrangements for the capture
of the camp when the light should be sufficient to enable us
to discern its situation and force. A detail of 25 men, under
command of Lieut. Purinton, was sent to make a circuit of
the camp and get a position on the road beyond, to send out




pickets, and to take precautions for preventing the escape of
any of the occupants of the camp in that direction, awaiting
our advance and capture of the camp.
We rested until the first appearance of the dawn of the
morning of the 10th. Thte order was then quietly given to
mount, and placing a small force under coimmnand of Capt.
Charles T. Hudson, as an advance guard, with directions to
charge forward upon the camp, our column moved in support. The charge was uninterrupted by any picket or camp
guards, and we speedily took the camp by a surprise so coinplete that none of the occupants seemed to have been
awakened. The advance guard moved directly and quickly
through the camp toward Lieut. Purinton's picket. Our
main column halted for a minute on the road before entering
the camp, but in plain view of its situation. On the right of
the road, in line facing a clearing or parade, stood three wall
tents; beyond the clearing there was what appeared to me to
be a swampy thicket. On our left, in the woods, at some
distance from the road, was a miscellaneous collection of
tents and ambulances  The extent of the camp could not,
however, be distinctly seen from our position. At this mo.
ment some of our men appeared to be straggling from  the
column and Col. Prichard directed my attention to it and to
the care of the camp, and as he moved forward with the column through the camp I rode out and took a position by the
roadside until the column passed me. I then rode across the
parade, in front of the three wall tents, on the right of the
road. I saw no one about the tents and there was nothing
indicating who occupied them, until as I plassed the tents
and started to move to the road b-eyond, I saw a man partially dressed, just emerging from a small shelter tent. I at
once rode up to him and inquired what force was there in
camp. He looked at me seemingly bewildered. Not hearing
him reply to me, I repeated the question after a lmoment, and




10


while lingering for a response, I was suddenly startled by a
familiar voice calling to me. I turned and saw Andrew Bee,
our headquarter cook, who was standing close in front of one
of the wall tents and pointing to three persons in female attire, who, arm in arm, were moving rapidly, across the clearing towards the thicket, and Andrew shouted to me "Adjutant, there goes a man dressed in woman's clothes." The
person indicated was quite apparent, and I rode at once
toward the party, ordering them to halt, repeating the corn
mand rapidly, they seeming not ro hear, or at least not inclined to obey me, until I rode directly across their pathway,
when they halted. At that moment Corporal Manger, of
Company C, came riding up from the thicket, and taking his
position in the rear of the party brought his carbine to a position for firing upon the man dressed in woman's clothes, at
the same time applying to him an appellation that was in
vogue among the troopers as a designation of Jeff. Davis. I
ordered the corporal not to fire, there being no perceptible
resistance. The person in disguise was Jefferson Davis, and
his companions were Mrs. Davis and her colored waiting
maid. The scene thus presented was rendered pathetic by
the cries of Davis' family at the tents and by the heroic conduct of Mrs. Davis who placed her arms around the drooping
head of her husband, as if to protect him from threatened
peril, while she too cried piteously, but made no other appeal
to us. Davis had on for disguise a black shawl drawn closely around his head and shoulders, through the folds of which
I could see his gray hairs. He wore on his person a woman's
long, black dress, which completely concealed his figure, excepting his spurred boot heels. The dress was undoubtedly
Mrs. Davis' traveling dress which she afterwards wore on her
return march to Macon. At the time of the capture she was
attired in her morning gown and a black shawl covered her
head and stately form, while her waiting maid was complete



11


ly attired in black. Glancing up from this party before me,
and looking around the position, I was startled by the presence of several rebel officers who had in the meantime come
upon the scene. The position they had taken clearly indicated they were interested in the movement of their chief. I
ordered Davis and his party to retire to their tents and then
moved toward the rebel officers in question, requesting them
also to retire. I was promptly obeyed. I directed Corporal
Munger to guard Mr. Davis and his party in their tents, and
to take two men who came up with him for that purpose. I
then rode forward to report to Col. Pritchard the episode that
had taken place. In the meantime spirited firing had commenced, and the usual evidences of an engagement with an
enemy appeared in the direction our column had advanced.
As I passed Davis' tent, in going to the front, Mrs. Davis
called to me, and I dismounted to hear her request. She
asked what we were going to do with Mr. Davis and whether
she and her family would be permitted to go.away with him.
I informed her that I could not tell what would be done with
any of them until I had reported to my commanding officer.
She then very earnestly said that we must not interfere with
Mr. Davis as he was a very desperate man and would hurt
some of us. She further requested that I would see to certain
things that she had in the wagon, and I promised to attend
to that. As I moved into the road I met one of our officers
with something from the wagon, in the shape of a canteen of
most excellent fluid, of which he freely offered me a share. I
met Col. Pritchard just returning from an unfortunate conflict with the 1st Wisconsin Cavalry, that regiment having
come upon our pickets afid mistaking them for an enemy, retired and formed for a. battle, which forced our column to
form in line and skirmish with them, in the belief that we
had met a force of the enemy. Col. Pritchard brought the
engagement to a close by dashing into the lines of the 1st




12


Wisconsin and notifying them of the mistake.
The fact was that the 1st Wisconsin and the 4th Michigan
expected to find a desperate force of the enemy: the 1st
Wisconsin, however, was marching without any knowledge
of the locality of the camp, and without any expectation of
finding it at that time, having been in bivouac most of the
night, a few miles from  our picket. I reported to Col.
Pritchard the capture of Jeff Davis in his attempt to escape
from the camp in female attire, and that I put him under
guard. In the meantime Mr. Davis put, on his male attirea suit of gray —and came out and took a position near where
the Colonel stood. When he saw Col. Pritchard he shouted
out some inquiry, which he followed up with the old familiar
charge, "You are vandals, thieves and robbers."  He evidently had worked himself into a rage, for when I went to
him soon after to get the names of the prisoners, he refused
my request for his name, and I was obliged to receive it from
his heroic wife, who spoke up proudly, in answer to my repeated question, " his name is Jefferson Davis, sir."
The captured party consisted of Jefferson Davis, accompanied by Mrs. Davis and their three children; and John H.
Reagan, Postmaster General; Col. Johnstone, A. D. C.;
Col. Burton N. Harrison, Private Secretary, and Col. F. R.
Lubbock, A. D. C., of Jeff. Davis' staff; Major V. R. Maurin,
of the Richmond Battery of Light Artillery; Capt. George
V. Moody, Mollison's Light Artillery; Lient. Hathaway,
14th Ky. Infantry; privates W. W. Monroe and F. Messick,
14th Ky.; privates Sanders, Ingraham, Wilbury, Baker,
Smith, Heath and Alliston, of the 2nd Ky. Cavalry; privates
J. H. Taylor and A. W. Brady, Co: E, 15th Miss.; private J.
W. Furley, 13th Tenn., all of the late Confederate States
army, and midshipman Howell of the Confederate navy;
Miss Howell, a sister of Mrs. Davis, accompanied her. There
were two colored women and one colored man, servants of




13


the Davis family; of the three children of Mr. Davis' family
the youngest was a baby, that became quite a favorite in our
command. Once on the march I saw it handed along the
line; the oldest child was a little girl about ten years of age,
and the other child was a boy of about seven or eight years.
There was also with the party a little colored lad about the
same age as young Davis, and the two created considerable
amusement for us by their wrestling exercises  Burton N.
Harrison, the Private Secretary, was the gentleman of whom
I sought so diligently to elicit information immediately pre.
ceding the capture. There was not the slightest show of any
resistance on the part of any of the captured party, and they
were all kindly treated by their captors. That their wagons
and tents were searched thoroughly, I have no doubt. Liu.t.
James Vernor obtained a trophy of Davis' wardrobe, a dressing gown, which he exhibits, but whether Davis wore, it as
part of his garments at the capture is not known. It might
possibly have been worn under his disguise. Their horses
were all taken by our men and considerable sums of money
in gold were captured. The gold was taken, as I understood
from Col. Johnstone at the time, in the holsters of the rebel
officers, where it had been carried for safety and conveniepe.
Who captured the gold is somewhat of a mystery to this day.
At the camp, immediately after the capture, Col. Pritchard
was informed that one of our men, a Tennessean named James
H. Lynch, was possessed of most of the coin and the Coloqrel
searched him but found none of the gold; afterwards it is
well known that Lynch distributed several pieces of gold coin
among his companions and gave a few pieces to some of his
officers. It is certain that the coin was never equally distributed.
In preparing for the return march their bhrass wer- all
returned to the prisoners and Mr. and Mrs. Davis aadtheir
faigly were allowed:the use of the a^b4als.^, wi,~h t y




14


occupied most of the time on the return march.
On the 12th of May, returning, we met Major Robert
Burns, A. A. G. of Minty's staff, from headquarters at Macon; who brought us President Johnston's proclamation,
offering rewards for tlhe capture of Jeff Davis and others.
That proclamation was the first intelligence we received of
the assasination of our president, Abraham Lincoln, and of
any reward for our prisoner. I have now in my possession
the copy of the proclamation which was handed to me at that
time. It was issued on the 2nd day of May, 1865, was published to the Cavalry Corps, M. D. M. at Macon, on the 8th
day of May, 1865, and reached our command, as I have said,
on the 12th day of May. Mr. Davis was securely guarded
during our return march.  Perhaps his guard was more
strict than it would have been had he not given notice that
he would make~'his escape if possible. Before reaching Macon, Col. Pritchard received orders to make a detail from his
regiment in readiness to take his prisoners to Washington,
and c'so after we reached camp. he proceeded upon that
service and conveyed Jeff Davis to Fortress Monroe.
~The Secretary of War directed Col. Pritchard at Washington to obtain the disguise worn by Jeff Davis at his capture;, and Capt. Charles T. Hudson undertook to procure it
from Mrs. Davis. In his account of the affair, Capt. Hudson
has related in a letter to Major-General J. H. Wilson, that
Mrs. 'Davis 'stated to him that she attired Mr. Davis in her
own dress, and she surrendered a certain garment which Col.
Pritchard afterwards described in his report to the Secretary
of Waras a " waterproof cloak or dress."  Though I did not
examine: the, texture of the dress worn by Davis at the capture, and cannot say whether it was waterproof or not, it
was beyond all question a lady's dress, and precisely like the
dresst usually wornt by Mrs. Davis after the capture during
our i-arch back to Macon. I am very sure that not any




15


gentleman's garment that could be described as a waterproof
cloak was found or seen in the possession of Davis at his
capture, or while on the march to Macon.
Burton N. Harrison, Jeff Davis's private Secretary, in his
paper in "The Century," November, 1886, on this subject,
states that Davis was not disguised at all, and that he wore a
waterproof clock which he usually wore on the march, and by
further statements seeks to discredit other witnesses
present at the capture, by assuring  the public there
was only one of our troopers present there, and that he and
Mrs. Davis and that one trooper, were the only persons who
saw Davis at his capture, when the truth is, that while Davis
was standing in his disguise in my presence, three of our
troopers saw him there, besides Andrew Bee, who pointed to
Davis as "a man dressed in woman's clothes."  And there
was also present not more than two rods from the disguised
figure, Capt. Moody and within about four rods from him,
Col. Lubbock and other Confederate Army officers, who undoubtedly saw what took place. My record of the event was
made at the time in the line of my duty, and 1 correctly and
officially reported the fact of the disguise. I was not aware
of any dispute as to the facts as I have stated them, until
nearly ten years afterwards.
Detroit, Jan'y 9, 1889.
JULIAN G(. DICKINSON,
Late Adj't, 4th Mich. Cav., and Brevet Capt. U. S. Vol.








AND
Escupe froil Libb!J Prison."


A PAPER


READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF
MICHIGAN,
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the U. S.
BY
COMPANION WM. B. MCCREERY,
Late Colonel 2ist Regt. Mich. Vol. Infantry.
AT


DETROIT, MICH., FEBRUARY 6, 1889.
DETROIT, MICH.
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1893.








"My Experience as a Prisoner of War and
Escape from   Libby Prison."
It was my great privilege as an officer with the Twentyfirst Michigan Infantry to follow for a time the varying
fortunes of the Army of the Cumberland. During that
period we wielded a more potent weapon than the pen-a
musket and a sword. Had I wielded, a pen, I could have
written my heart out in admiration and love for the fortitude
and valor of those loyal soldiers of ours, splendid in doing
and grand in suffering.
The struggle at Chickamauga has gone down into history
as.one of the bloodiest battles of the war, and now that the
quiet days have come, men make pilgrimage and women
smile again among the mountains of the Cumberland, where
this great battle was fought, but they need no guide or protector. Rust has eaten the gun, the graves of the heroes have
subsided like waves weary of their troubling. The soldier
and his leader have lain down together, but there, embossed
upon the globe, Chickamauga, the "River of Death," will
continue to flow on, murmuring a quiet requiem to the
memory of the heroes who struggled and died there, that the
cause for which they fought might live forever, and that " the
government of the people, by the people, and for the, people,
shall not perish from the earth."
It is not my purpose-indeed, it would be impossible for
me-to describe this great battle where I was taken prisoner,
but rather to narrate in a plain and simple manner some of
my personal experiences while a prisoner of war.




4


About 5 o'clock on that memorable Sunday afternoon,
September 20, 1863, recovering consciousness, I found myself
within the rebel lines, three times wounded and unable to
move, my dead, dying and wounded comrades lying thick
around me. The rebel battalions passing over me in splendid
battle array were pressing our retiring forces. A throng of
rebel stragglers soon began to make their way to the front.
Calling to one of them, I asked, "'Will you not give me a
drink of water from your canteen? I am very thirsty." He
approached me, and I feared at first I 'had called upon the
wrong man, as he seemed wonderfully elated at what he
deemed the beginning of the grand march of the Confederate
army t6 Nashville. He finally gave me a drink of water and
asked if I had a jack-knife I would give him. Thinking that
I should not feel the need of one, at least for some time to
come, I told him to put his hand in my pocket and if he could
find one he was welcome to it. He found the knife, and from
that moment he was my friend.
Fearing that I was seriously wounded, I asked him to see
if he could find a surgeon. He left me and soon returned,
bringing with him a rebel chaplain, and a stretcher upon
which they placed me, and carried me some hall a mile to the
rear, where the wounded of both armies were being collected.
The chaplain was very kind and after a little time, with some
assistance, placed me upon his horse, taking me almost two
miles farther to the rear to a -place he designated as their
hospital headquarters, which proved to be nothing more nor
less than an apple orchard containing some eight or ten acresI was deposited under an apple tree, on the bare ground,
with no covering, and told to make myself as comfortable as
possible, and after receiving what I supposed to be good rebel
advice from the chaplain, and a hearty " God bless you " from
my newly-made rebel soldier friend, I was left to my own
thoughts.




5


It was now after dark, and I began to feel as though something real good to eat would not be objectionable. A wounded
Union soldier soon came to me, whom I asked to get me
water and something to eat. He left me for that purpose,
soon returning with water-I thought the best I had ever
drank-and two ears of corn, saying he was very sorry; but he
could find nothing else to eat.
Seven or eight hundred wounded Union soldiers at this
place alone, with nothing to eat but corn in the ear, God's
blue sky for covering, a stone for a pillow, and Mother Earth
for a bed.
My soldier friend kindled a good fire at my feet, roasted
the two ears of corn from which I made my supper, and I
soon fell into a sound slumber. I did not awaken until
daylight the next morning, when I found sitting at my side
one of my own regiment, James Mead of Company F, who
had been slightly wounded the day previous. "A friend in
need is a friend indeed." Mead had already built a fire at
my feet and was making a cup of coffee from the last he had
in his haversack, which, with a little hard bread from the
same source, made us a good breakfast. He proved to be a
most excellent provider. I don't think he would steal, even
from a rebel, but he had what the old soldiers used to call a
"terrible long reach," which proved to be of great benefit to
me personally.
Breakfast over, I began to look around me. Near by, the
surgeons had improvised an operating table, with a barn
door for a bed. They lay aside their sashes and tinseled
coats, roll up their sleeves, spread wide open the cases filled
with the terrible glitter of silver steel, and make ready for
the work.
The boys begin to come in from the battlefield, where they
had lain all the night before, slowly at first, one boy nursing




6


a shattered arm, another borne by, his comrades, a whole load
in an ambulance, another on a stretcher, then faster and
faster, lying here, lying there, each waiting, his terrible turn.
The silver steel grows cloudy and. lurid, the knives are
busy, the saws play —it is bloody work.
I see pale faces, bloody garments..True right arms that
had offended by reason of their loyalty to the old flag are
lopped like slips of golden willow. Feet that never turned
from the foe, for ever more without an owner, strew the
ground.
I do not hear a moan —the very silence oppresses me-no
sound save the gnawing of those terrible saws. It seems as
if an accent of pain from some weary sufferer.would be a
welcome sound, and I think of a brave bird, wounded unto
death, that I have held in my hand, its keen eye undimmed
and full upon me, throbbing with the pain and the dying, and
yet so silent.
I retained my headquarters under the apple tree several
days, Mead and myself alternately in command, when we
were loaded into an army wagon, with two wounded officers
and taken to Dalton, some twelve miles distant, where about
four hundred of the Federal prisoners of war were loaded into
cattle cars, and the train pulled out for Richmond.
Arriving at Atlanta, we were taken to the prison pen and
kept for two days awaiting transportation, when we were
again loaded like sheep into cattle cars and shipped to
Augusta, where we remained one day. At this place we were
not permitted to leave the cars, but were guarded by the
citizen soldiery of Augusta, men of sixty years of age and
upwards. The young men were all at the front with the
Confederate army.
By this time mywounds had become feverish and painful,
and learning that the Sisters of Charity had. established a




7


hdospital in a Church near by, I 'obtained permission from~ the
lieutenant in charge to be taken to the hospital, under guard,
and have my wound's cared for. 'I shall 'never forget the
kindn'ess with' which I was received, and' the tenderness' and
care With which my wounds were dressed, by these-Sisters of
Charity. ' It was the only ray of sunshine that broke through
the sombre clouds during all my journey from the battlefield
to Richmond. May Heaven bless the Sisters of Charity!
Companions,' how many noble women, both North and
South, have threaded like a sunbeam the heavy cloud of war!
Women of this nineteenth century, the peers of Rachel and
Ruth, and Florence Nightingale. Some one has truthfully
said no better epitaph could be placed upon their tombstone
than this: "Each soldier's sister, and each sufferer's friend. "
When the scenes, amid which we labor and wait, shall have
passed into the grand eternity of the historic page, the heart
of the world will warm to these women of the now re-united
States. The womanly deeds of kindness and the deeds of
soldierly daring, both North and South, will be blended
forever.
We continued our journey, traveling on a free pass furnished by the Confederacy (good only on cattle cars), to
Richmond, via Raleigh, North Carolina. Arriving at Richmond, those of us who were so severely wounded as to be
unable to walk from the depot, wete loaded on drays and
taken to that prison-house of torture and slow death, familiarly known as the "Libby Prison."
On our arrival at the prison our names, rank, regiment,
company and place of capture were duly recorded by the
clerk, Sergeant Ross, and each one was then searched for
money or valuables, and if either was found they were taken
by the rebel authorities. The private soldiers were then
taken to Belle 'Isle, and the officers and those slightly




8


wounded were placed in the prison proper, and the remainder
were admitted to the hospital.
The hospital at that time was overcrowded, and I was sent
to the Pemberton building near by, an adjunct of Libby,
where I was assigned a cot, and very soon received medical
attention. It was a paradise to what we had experienced,
and personally I felt very comfortable.
Upon inquiry I found that each officer was allowed to
write two letters every week to friends at home, to contain
not more than six lines each. These letters were unsealed
and all were examined by the prison authorities, and if found
to contain nothing more than a statement of the condition of
the prisoner's health, were sent twice each week by the truce
boat to City Point, and delivered to the Federal authorities,
but any complaint in regard to harsh treatment, made by the
writer, consigned the letters to the waste basket. Letters
were also received from our truce boat, addressed to the
prisoners of war, opened, examined, and delivered in case
they contained no abuse\ of the Confederacy.
A poor, weary sufferer, a lieutenant in a Kansas regiment,
occupied the cot next to mine. He had been very severely
wounded, and a few days before my arrival, had suffered the
amputation of both feet just above the ankle.  He was
patient, cheerful, very intelligent, and hopeful that he would
recover, but it was apparent to me that he was failing every
hour. He talked to me much of his widowed mother, and
wondered why he did not hear from her.
One morning I noticed in him a marked change, and on
the daily round of the surgeon I asked him if he did not
think the lieutenant rapidly failing. He replied, "Yes, he
will soon be gone."  I said to him, "Lieutenant, you do not
seem quite as strong this morning as you did yesterday."
" Oh, yes," he replied, "I feel pretty well, but I do so wish I




9


could hear from my mother."  I said to him, "Lieutenant,
we may neither of us live to see mother or home again. But
in case I should survive you and live to retirn, is there any
message you would like to send to your mother?"
He remained silent a moment, then replied in a feeble
voice, "Yes! Tell her-tell her, I believe in God the Father
Almighty, Maker of Heaven and earth, and in Jesus Christ,
His only Son, our Lord." These were his last words, and his
spirit had soon gone to dwell with the All-Father, in Whom
he had so freely trusted. Until then, I never knew the
meaning of the words, "Where the wicked cease from
troubling, and the weary are at rest."  Until then, I never felt
the wealth of the assurance, "He giveth iHis beloved sleep."
He knew it not, but his mother was already awaiting his
arrival on the shining shore. The surgeon afterward informed
me that a letter addressed to the lieutenant had been received,
announcing the death of his mother, bu, tin consequence of
his feeble condition, it had not been delivered to him.
But our prison experiences were not all of a gloomy or
mournful character. I remember an incident which illustrates
what a loyal, liberty-loving, family-worshiping soldier can do
in an emergency.
Among the inmates of this hospital was Major Halstead,
of a New Jersey regiment. Before the war he was a tailor
doing business in the City of New York. He visited my cot
frequently and I became well acquainted with him. One day
he became very confidential and informed me that he was to
start for home the next night. I inquired if he had been
exchanged. He replied: "Yes, I have my papers. It is a
special exchange and I will tell you confidentially all about
it. The surgeon and I are great friends. There is nothing I
would not do for him. But for his kindness I should be in
the prison. I am entirely well and really have no business in




10


the hospital, but he 'h'as-taken afancy to me and allows me
to remain here".Indeed, he 'has been very kind to 'me and I
feel very grateful to hitri for all ihe has done- f6r me, but,
under all the circumstances, how can 'I repay him'? I -have
thought of it a long tinme, and said to him a few days' ^go,
'Doctor, I have been trying to think of, something I could do
for you; to express, even~ in' a slight degree, the gratitude I
feel for all the kindness yolu have shown' me. With my
present surroundings there is only one thing I can do. I
am a first-class tailor, and 'can cut, fit and make as good a
suit of clothes as any man living. If you will bring me a
good piece of Confederate grey cloth for a full suit-coat, vest
and pants-with whatever trimmings you may 'select, -I will
gladly take your measure and cut, fit and make the suitsvith
my own hands.' He finally accepted my kind offer, brought
me a piece of fine Confederate' grey cloth, together with the
trimmings, shoulder straps, etc. I took his measure and, have
made the finest Confederate major's uniform, you ever saw, to
fit my own dear self.  It is already completed; and I start for
home to-morrow night to' see my wife and babies."
The next evening he visited my cot, bade me good-bye,
donned the grey, and passed the sentinel in safety. A few
days afterward I received a letter postmarkedl Neuw York,
containing this suggestive announcement: "The tailor is
himself again."
The next morning at roll' call the major 'was missing, and
the surgeon was mourning the loss of his' new uniform and
cursing the "d-d Yankees."  In consequence of his having
been frequently seen at my cot in familiar conversation; I was
suspected by the surgeon of having something to do with the
disappearance of'his goods and chattels, and informed that I
would be removed to the hospital at the Libby prison: I
remonstrated with the surgeon, but all to no purpose to the
Libby I was taken under guard.




11


"ibb.y rison': proper was used.before the?war as a
tobacco warehouse,. It isa massive brick building, fronting
on Cary street, say one hundred and-forty feet front by one
hundred feet -in depth. The front is three stories high, and
separated on, the first floor into three warehouses, underneath
which was a basement. The rear is four stories high, fronting
on the canal dock, the canal being on the bank of the James
River.
The prison was surrounded on: all sides by streets upon
which, at intervals of about thirty feet, paced armed sentinels
day and night. The first room on, the east was devoted to the
hospital, the nextor middle room was used by, the prisoners
as a cook room, while the room on: the west was used as an
office by those in charge of the prison.  '
In the hospital were four rows of cots, extending the
entire length of the room, and at this time they were nearly
all occupied by our sick or wounded officers. In one corner
of the room a partition had been built, enclosing a small
space where the medicinesand hospital stores were kept.
Underneath was the basement, divided into two rooms, the
one fronting on the canal being used as a cook room for the
hospital,, to which all the inmates had access. The other
room, fronting won Cary street and used as a storeroom, was
the one from which the tunnel was dug.
Wre were tolerably well provided for in this hospital, and
at this late day; it is, at. least; charitable to say that they gave
us all the attention that it was possible for the Confederacy
to furnish.
At this time an/,arrangement.had been made, by our
government,.with the. Confederate authorities, by which
the United,States,Christian  Commission and friends
at the North   were permitted  to send boxes of food
and. clothing,to,our prisoners. of, war. The boxes were




12


opened by the prison authorities, and, if found to contain
nothing contraband of war, were for a time delivered to the
parties to whom they were addressed. The contents of the
boxes sent by the Christian Commission were divided among
those receiving no boxes from home, and the sick and
wounded in the hospital, but, unfortunately, the delivery of
these boxes was soon discontinued, and we were placed on
very low diet.
My wounds were healing rapidly, and I soon began to long
for liberty.  Near me Captain Skelton from  Iowa, and
Lieutenant Williams from Indiana, occupied cots. They had
been for a long time in confinement, and seemed to think of
very little else than making their escape. From morning
until night, and almost from night to morning, they were
busy with some new scheme.
They came to me one day and said, "If you can raise
sixty dollars in greenbacks, we three can purchase our liberty
by bribing the guard." They had no money, but had been
for some time cultivating the acquaintance of the sentinel at
the hospital kitchen window, and thought they could trust
him. I was invited to join them in an interview with the
sentinel. I found him a bright fellow and evidently not in
hearty accord with the Confederacy.  Negotiations were
made and concluded on the basis of liberty for three, price
twenty dollars each in greenbacks.
When captured, I had with me three hundred dollars in
twenty dollar treasury notes, which, while under the apple
tree near the battlefield, I had taken the precaution to have
Mead sew into the waistband of my drawers, and at the time
I was searched on my arrival at Libby they had escaped
seizure, so that I was in funds. I told my comrades that I
could furnish them the money, but feared I was not strong
enough to endure the exposure of a seventy miles tramp to
Williamsburg.




13


They waited several days for me to gain sufficient strength
to undertake the journey, but I finally told them I would not
make the venture, but that they could draw on my bank for the
necessary funds to enable them to start for God's country,
and that very night I gave the sentinel two twenty dollar
greenbacks, bade the boys God-speed, and saw them safely
pass the guard. Subsequently I met Skelton in Washington.
On his arrival there he was discharged from the service in
consequence of 'injuries received at the time of his capture,
and at the personal request of President Lincoln he had been
given a clerkship in the Treasury Department. Lieutenant
Williams immediately joined his regiment at the front.
The next thing was to see that the authorities did not discover their absence until they were safely on their journey.
Every morning the clerk of the prison, Sergeant Ross, came
into the hospital and requested each of the inmates to occupy
their respective cots while he called the roll. This he did by
passing along the aisle between the cots and counting those
first on his right hand and, in returning, those on the opposite
side. I had arranged with one of the boys to aid me in keeping the count good. As soon as Ross had passed my cot and
I had been counted, I quickly crossed the aisle while his back
was turned and stretched myself at full length upon one of
the unoccupied cots, so that I was again counted on his
return. My associate in this fearful crime pursued the same
course, and thus for four days the count was found to be
correct.
On the fifth day Ross discovered me and suspected something wrong. The roll was then called by name and Skelton
and Williams found to be absent without leave., Having
been detected in my endeavor to shield them, I was charged
with aiding them to make their escape and was very soon
sent for to report to the office to be interrogated by Captain




14 -

Turner, the cdtmmandant, of, the pri4son,, as'to what I tknew
about it.,
~ I have i ever 'been tvai1A enough to u ppbse'that' I 'knew' a
great deal, but upon that occasilon I positively knew less than
at any other time' in my4 whol-6 life. 't -Captain Turner,bca'me
very angry with me, butt I trired; top keep cool' and succeeded.
for a time, biit tnder~ 'continued Aftd, terrible abuse my' temper
finally gave way.
I said to him: "' Captaain Turner, I am ia Union soldier, but
by the fortunes of ' War'your' prisoner? t 'I am 'entitled' to your
protection' and not to 'your' abuse. 1' have 'committed no
crime, I have violated no- law, ' and I- have -ro apologies: nor
explanations to make either to you or to your pretended'government, and I ask for no' favors 'other than those' granted to my
comrades. You ask'mne to tell yOu how, Skeltdn and Williamg
made their escape' and where they now' are: I 'have only4 this
to 'say. The' roll call seems' to disclose thee fact that they are
not here, and while I do not claim to' be able 'to point out to
you the exact spot' where you will find themn, I believe they
are now safe under the protecting'folds of the Star Spangled
Banner, and if I ever' have an opportunity to joinlthem I shall
most certainly do so without calling'at your office and notifying you of my intention."
The captain was disgusted and very angry. 'Calling to
the sentinel, he said: '"This man needs cooling off! Give
him exercise! Set him to walking a crack, and if he don't
walk right lively, give him the bayonet," and without
further ceremony I was conducted into the hall and told to
walk a crack in the floor. I walked; and as I walked, I was
reminded of the truth of the saying, "Discretion is the
better part of valor."
If you have a good thing to 'say (and it may be the whole
truth), wait awhile-it will keep under certain circumstances.




, Icontinued my wYlk, abou t wolhours, and on the return
ot Captain Turter from dinners,he p.ased n~er, mnCe. Calling
to. hi, I said, ",Captain, do' t,ypn tJhilk I have had about
enough exercise,,for ofye day?, You knqw, I did not eat a very
hearty breakfast.". He deignsed tlo, smle,,and replied, "' Yes,
Sentinel, take him,,pstairs,.',I,,did not, fancy the idea of
going into the prison, and. said,, "Captain, I, belong in the
hospital.    Y,"  You have,pen there,top long already," he
repliedi. "But I;woud like.to get nmy things."  "What
things have yat inl the.hospital ",, he said., I could think of
nothing,, as, everything I had in, lthe. world, was, on my back.
I finally stammered out, " My night shirt.". "Night. shirt.
be d-d. ",, he said, and disappeared.,
Arriving,on,the inside, of. the prison, I found many old
friends. and, acquaintances, and was invited to mess with Col.
Heber Le Favour, Capt. A. M.. Keeeler. and Lieutenants A., L.
Matthews and, Lewis Drake, all.,qf the Twenty-second
Michigan Infantry.
There were at this time, between,ten hundred and eleven
hundred officers in the prison, who occupied six rooms, each
forty-five by one, hundred feet, also the lower middle room
which was used as a general kitchen. These rooms were all
connected so.that we could visit in any part of the prison
except the hospital. In the basement under the kitchen was
a cell for the confinement of offenders..There were no beds
nor chairs, and all slept on the bare floor, with blankets for
covering if they were fortunate enough to obtain them. Our
bread was made from unsifted cornmeal. We were sometimes furnished with venerable fresh beef-beef so venerable
that it ought to have exacted reverence from all beholders.
Sometimes we were furnished with vegetable soup and rice;
occasionally we had a small piece of bacon issued to us, but
it was generally so full of animated life and, industry that we
could not use it except at a time of great. need.




16


The officers formed themselves into messes, and each one
took his turn in preparing such food as we could obtain. As
I have before mentioned, kind friends in the North sent us
boxes of food, which, if they were delivered to us, were
shared with our more unfortunate comrades.
There was no glass in the windows, and for some time no
fire in the rooms, thus making it very cold. The worst
difficulty we had to contend with was the vermin, which
were ever present with us. They were the most revolting
feature of our prison life, and the one to which it was the
most difficult to become reconciled. Only by examining our
clothing once or twice each day could they be kept from
swarming upon us. In the language of Richardson, "for
the first few days I could not think of them without shuddering, but in time I learned to make my entomological
researches with calm composure."
To improve or kill time we played cards, chess, checkers,
opened a theatre, organized a band of minstrels (the best I
ever heard), delivered lectures, established schools for teaching the bible, music, dancing, Greek, Latin, German, French,
Spanish, mathematics and, in fact, almost everything.
Occasionally moot courts would be held, which developed a
good deal of originality and wit. Many of the officers became
experts in cutting 'out finger rings, breastpins, crosses, paper
knives, etc., from the beef bones extracted from our rations.
A manuscript newspaper was published, which was very
amusing.
When one of our number died his remains were placed in
an open wagon, in a box of rough boards, and rapidly drawn
over the stony streets. There were no flowers from mourning
friends to shed their perfume around and make radiant with
their beauty the impressive scene, and there was no mourning
pageant; but a thousand loyal hearts in Libby followed the
gallant dead to his place of rest.




17


I soon found that nearly every one was projecting some
plan for escape-in fact, I had given the subject some little
consideration myself.
An officer from a Connecticut regiment, who had precededme from the hospital, had a very severe attack of the escape
fever. He said to me one day: "I am going to get out of
this living hell; will you join me in an attempt to escape. "
I replied, "Yes, I am willing to take any reasonable risk for
the sake of liberty. What is your scheme? "  "I have had
several interviews," he said, "with one of the sentinels, and
I think he is a safe man. He has agreed to let me out for
three silver watches, and I think there will be no difficulty in
arranging for you to accompany me. There are some of my
officers here who have managed to save their watches from
the search, and I can easily borrow them. The sentinel will
be on duty to-night at twelve o'clock, and we will have an
interview with him."
We met at the appointed time, and I was not long in
making up my mind that the sentinel was not the man into
whose hands I would be willing to trust my life, and so
informed the colonel. But he seemed to have the greatest
confidence in him, and upon my refusal to join him in the
enterprise he assured me that he should most certainly take
the chances.
A few nights afterward he invited me to be at the window
and see him off for home. I was on hand at the appointed
time and found the colonel with three of his officers, who had
loosened two of the iron bars so that he could squeeze
through the window. He had made a rope out of his blanket,
which was fastened about his body under his arms. We bade
him "good-bye," and he was lowered one story, by this rope,
to the pavement beneath.
He untied the rope, which was drawn back into the prison,




18


and was immediately asked in a low voice by the sentinel,
" Where are the watches? "  He took them from his pocket
and gave them to him. The watches once in his possession,
the sentinel brought his musket to the position of "charge
bayonet," and said: "You d-d Yankee scoundrel, I will
give you just two minutes to get back into the prison."
There was no mistaking the situation. The rope was
lowered, the colonel again tied it around his body and was
drawn up into the prison, greatly to the amusement of the
guard.
Once safely in the prison, I ventured to ask him how he
found his friends up in the "Nutmeg State."  He goodnaturedly replied that, so far as he knew, they were all well,
but he wanted one thing distinctly understood-the very
next rebel he confided in would be a dead one.
Col. Thomas E. Rose, of the Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania
Infantry, than whom no truer, braver man ever lived, was the
originator and chief engineer of the celebrated tunnel through
which we made our escape, and to him is due the credit of
its final success. Others aided in its construction, but he
furnished the brain power.
One hundred and nine officers passed through this tunnel,
of which number fifty-one reached the Union lines in safety.
The remainder were recaptured and returned to Libby.
Our kitchen contained two fire-places and three or four
large kitchen stoves upon which we cooked our food. The
store-room underneath the hospital, which I have described,
fronted on Cary street, and was so situated that it was
possible to reach it by digging downward and rearward
through the fire place and wall. From the basement it was
proposed to construct a tunnel under the street to a point
beneath a shed which was connected with a brick block on
the opposite side, and from this place to pass into the street
under an archway.




19


A knowledge of this plan was confided to about twenty
officers, and nothing was known of the proceedings by others
until the day before the escape.
A table knife, auger, chisel and wooden spittoon were
used for working tools, when operations commenced.
Enough of the masonry was removed from the fireplace to admit of the passage of a man, through a
diagonal cut, to the store-room below, and an excavation was
then made through the foundation wall toward the street,
and the construction of the tunnel then proceeded night by
night. But two persons could work at the same time. One
would enter the hole with the tools and a small tallow candle,
dragging behind him the spittoon attached to a rope. The
other would fan air into the passage with his hat, and with
another string attached to the spittoon, would draw out the
dirt-car when loaded, concealing its contents beneath the
straw and rubbish of the cellar.
Each morning the working party returned to their quarters, after carefully closing the mouth of the tunnel and
skilfully replacing the bricks in the chimney.
As the work progressed and there seemed to be a reasonable prospect of success, it occurred to me that it would be
desirable, were I permitted to take a stroll about the outskirts
of the city, and learn, if possible, the location of the rebel
forces and the lay of the land generally, so that, in the
event the tunnel should prove to be a success, I might know
how best to make my exit from the city. With this in view
I addressed a letter to Mr. Sidden, rebel Secretary of War,
stating that I had influential friends at the North who would
make any reasonable effort to secure for me a special
exchange; such an one as I thought might be advantageous
to the Confederacy; and respectfully requested to visit,
under guard, General Robert Ould, the Confederate Con



20


missioner of Exchange, where I thought satisfactory arrangements might be made looking in that direction.
A few days afterward, to my great surprise, I was sent for
to report to the office, when Captain Turner, more courteous
than when we last met, informed me that he had been
instructed by the Secretary of War to send me under guard
to General Ould, and inquired if I was ready at that time to
go. Replying in the affirmative, I was placed in charge of
two soldiers, who received their instructions from Captain
Turner. I had plenty of Confederate money in my pocket,
which I had received from the guard in exchange for greenbacks at the rate of twenty-five dollars for one, and on
leaving the prison I made up my mind that, as long as the
money lasted I would have a good time with the two rebel
soldiers in whose charge I had been placed.
I very speedily made their acquaintance, and on our way
to General Ould's headquarters we called at several places
where cigars, etc., were kept for sale, and the boys seemed
to enjoy themselves at my expense. By the time we had
arrived at headquarters the guard were in most excellent
spirits and evidently thought me a pretty good sort of a
fellow, even though I was a Yankee. My interview with the
general was very pleasant and entirely satisfactory. I was
instructed to write to Senator Chandler and others, asking
that they intercede with Secretary of War Stanton in my
behalf, and after being promised another interview at an
early day, the general passed me over to the guard, instructing them to conduct me to the place from whence I came, the
then Federal headquarters at Richmond.
I had very little trouble in persuading the guard to return
to the prison by a roundabout way through the outskirts of
the city, was which to me the objective point. En route we
called at the Spotswood Hotel, the principal one in the city,




21


where I took a look at many of the "F. F. V's" and Con.
federate officers. Here the boys regaled themselves for the
last time at my expense, and I was soon at home with my
loyal mess.
An error occurred in the prosecution of the work on the
tunnel which nearly proved fatal to the enterprise. By a
miscalculation a shaft was ran to the surface of the ground
just before we reached our objective point, and while the
officer was working a small amount of the surface earth caved
in, and through the opening he could distinctly see two
sentinels apparently looking at him. One of them said he
had heard strange noises in the ground, but the other replied
it was nothing but rats. The damage was soon repaired by
Colonel Rose, and the work proceeded.
The tunnel required about thirty days of patient, tedious
and dangerous labor. It was eight feet below the surface of
the street, between fifty and sixty feet in length, and barely
large enough for a full grown person to crowd or crawl
through flat on his face by pulling and pushing with his
hands and feet.
A guard was kept each night at the fire-place, the entrance
to the store-room, to see that the scheme was not discovered
by our comrades. One night, by some mistake, Colonel
Hobart had been assigned that duty by one of the party,
while I had been assigned to same duty by another. Everything was very quiet in the kitchen and it was very dark.,
While upon this duty I heard a noise near the chimney, and
cautiously made my way in that direction. Colonel Hobart
had made the same discovery. We were both on guard,
neither knowning the presence of the other-and we were
both loyal to our trust. We grappled at the fire-place, and
both went to the floor. Hobart spoke; I recognized his
voice; explanations were soon made; he laid down to rest
while I continued on duty for the night.




22


When the tunnel was completed the company was organized into two parties, one of which was under command of
Colonel Rose and the other of Colonel Hobart. Colonel
Rose's party was to leave first. Most of the escaping party,
among them myself, had provided themselves with citizens' clothing, my own having been sent from home, and,
filling our pockets with whatever we could find to eat, we
were ready for our journey.
About 7 o'clock on the evening of February 9, 1864, I
passed through the tunnel with Major Terrence Clark, of the
Seventy-ninth Illinois Infantry, now of Paris, 1ll., as my
companion.  The major preceded me and I found him
waiting at the mouth of the tunnel. We locked arms and
marched out into the street under the archway near which
was burning a bright street gaslight. As we passed out one
of the sentinels guarding the prison not sixty feet away,
cried out, "Post No. eight, seven o'clock, and all is well."
We agreed substantially with the sentinel that up to that
time all was well. At first we took the center of the street,
but gaining confidence in the rectitude of our intentions, we
ventured upon the sidewalk. We had not proceeded far
when we were ordered by a sentinel, at what proved to be a
hospital, to halt, and in reply to his interrogatory, "Who
goes there?" I answered, " We are citizens, going home," to
which he replied, "Take the middle of the street! You
know that no one can walk on this yer' sidewalk in front of
this yer' hospital after dark." We were again in hearty
accord with the sentinel, and taking the middle of the
street passed directly in front of the hospital without further
annoyance.
At the first open lot we left the street and soon found ourselves in a ravine, through which ran a small stream of water,
where we halted a few moments to rest. We soon began to




23


climb a steep hill in our front. The ground was frozen and
very slippery.  I had not proceeded far when my foot
slipped, and I found myself in the creek at the bottom of the
hill. Emptying the water from my boots, we made another
effort, and arriving at the summit of the hill we found ourselves near what is known as the "Rockets" and in the
midst of a Confederate camp of soldiers. We could not well
retrace our footsteps, and concluded to pass directly through
the camp. No one spoke to us, and as we had no pressing
business with any of the Confederate soldiers we did not stop
to exchange salutations with them.
We were soon outside the city, and choosing for our
guide the north star we pursued our journey. The heavy
earthworks erected by the rebels for the better defense of the
city during General McClellan's Peninsular campaign were
soon passed.
Our object was to cross the Chickahominy as high up as
possible, then cross the Yorkville Railroad, and follow down
near the Williamsburg pike. Of one thing we were certain;
if we continued our course between the James and York
Rivers, and were not molested, we would ultimately reach
Fortress Monroe.
We were soon among the trenches in which the Confederates had buried the Union soldiers killed at the battle of
Fair Oaks, and, although it was midnight, a strange feeling
of security came over us, as if we were among our friends.
It was the step and voice of the living that we dreaded.
Before daybreak we had passed the Chickahominy on a
fallen tree, and, secreting ourselves in a thicket, we lay down
on the frozen ground to rest for, the day. The weather was
cold, but we dare not build a fire or stir from our chosen
place of concealment.
When night came we pursued our journey, avoiding all




24


houses, clearings and roads, and whenever it became necessary to cross a road we always walked backwards.
Just at daybreak the next morning we thought we could
hear the approach of footsteps, and, passing quickly into an
old fallen treetop, we fell flat on the ground and awaited
developments. A short time elapsed and we saw two figures
stealthily approaching. The Major whispered, "There are
only two of them, and unless they are armed we can and will
dispatch them if they discover and undertake to molest us."
The two men came nearer and nearer to us, and I soon
recognized them as Col. H. C. Hobart of the Twenty-first, and
Lieut.-Col. T. S. West of the Twenty-fourth Wisconsin
Infantry, our fellow-prisoners at Libby. We arose from the
ground, they quickly recognized us, and right there in the
valley of the Chickahominy we had a love feast. We then
and there agree that no one of the four should be recaptured
while any of the others remained alive.
By this time the entire population had been informed of
the escape, and the country was alive with pursuers. We
could distinctly hear the reveille of the rebel troops and the
hum of their camps.
We divided ourselves into reliefs, each one taking the
lead an hour at a time, always traveling in the night and
hiding in some thicket during the daytime.
Crossing the railroad from Richmond to the White House,
we came upon a rebel sentinel asleep at his post. The
morning's dawn brought the notes of the enemy's cavalry to
our ears, in the pine forests close by us. We fled into the
woods at the top of our speed, expecting every moment to
hear the crack of a musket or the sharp command to haltThe only time we looked back was when we about faced to
cross a road, and threading our way into a jungle we threw
ourselves upon the ground completely exhausted.




25


As soon as friendly darkness returned we moved forward,
weary, hungry and footsore, still governed in our course by
the North Star. But few words passed between us and we
talked only in whispers.
So untiring was the search, and so thoroughly alarmed
and watchful were the population that we felt that our safety
depended upon a mere chance.
On Saturday night it was the turn of Colonel Hobart to
act the part of picket and pilot, and while rapidly leading
the way through a forest of low pine we suddenly found
ourselves in the presence of a rebel cavalry reserve. The men
were warming themselves around a smouldering fire, and
their horses were tied to trees around them. Turning to us,
the colonel gave the signal of danger. Surprised and
alarmed, we remained motionless, but perceiving that our
presence was unobserved, we very noiselessly withdrew. We
knew that there must be vedettes sitting somewhere near at
the front in the darkness, and to escape discovery we retraced
our steps about two miles to a plantation which we had
passed a short time before.
After consultation we decided to visit a negro cabin and,
if possible, ascertain the location of the picket line in our
front. Colonel Hobart was selected to visit the cabin and
interview the inmates, while we lay down upon the ground at
the door to listen to what was said. He knocked at the door,
but receiving no response lifted the latch. The door opened
and an old negro jumped from his bed and inquired: " What
do you want?"  The colonel replied: "I am a traveler and
have lost my way, and am here seeking information." The
negro replied: " Go to Massa Dibble at the white house on
the hill and he will direct you."
By this time the negro had dressed himself and, approaching the colonel, said: "Are you not one of the Union soldiers




26


recently escaped from  Richmond?"   He replied in an
instant: " Yes, I am, and there are three more at the door.
We are here because we know that every black man is the
friend of the Union soldier and of the cause for which we
contend. We are here because we know you will not betray
us. We are in trouble and seek information in regard to the
rebel picket line. Can you and will you aid us "  "Yes, I
can and will," he replied, "but if it should ever be known
my life will pay the forfeit. I am a slave and have a wife
and two children who look to me for protection. I will do all
I can for you, but remember, I am in great danger."
After giving us a bowl of milk and a piece of corn bread,
he bade us follow him, and leading the way, brought us to a
thicket in the woods, where we sat down on a log and
listened to all he had to say. He was intelligent, thoroughly
acquainted with every foot of the country, and knew the
location of every picket post, but he would not for some time
consent to act as our pilot, fearing that he might be discovered. We at last prevailed upon him to go with us, and,
after following his lead for three miles in silence, he said:
" You have now passed the picket line and will soon reach
Diascum Creek, which you will cross on the bridge. Once
across this bridge, you will be on neutral ground and comparatively safe. Look out for the rebel scouts, who visit the
creek every morning."
We gave the negro all the money we had and, bidding him
good-bye, he started for home and we for the Union lines. If
good deeds are recorded in Heaven, this slave's name appeared
in the record that night.
We followed the pike until we reached Diascum Creek
about daylight Sunday morning. The bridge across the creek
had been burned. We tried to wade, but found the water too
deep. Our anxiety was increased by the fear that we were




27


discovered by some of the residents in the vicinity. We at
length waded waist deep, and on reaching the land found
ourselves on an island in the stream, with deep water between
us and the mainland.
Expecting every moment to see the enemy's cavalry, we
were much disheartened when we saw a rebel soldier coming
up the stream in a row boat, with a gun. We concealed ourselves in the bush and took a view of the man. Colonel
Hobart accosted him as he approached, "Good morning, my
friend, I have been waiting for you. They told me up at
those houses on the hill that I could get across the stream,
but I find the bridge is gone and I am very wet and cold. If
you will take me over I will pay you for your trouble."
The boat was turned in to the shore, the Colonel stepped
into it, and we knew it was safe, as we noticed he took up his
position very near the musket. He said to the soldier,
"There are three more of us," and we immediately arose and
made our way into the boat.
"Where did you all come?" said the boatman, seeming
to hesitate and consider. We told him we were farmers
residing near Williamsburg, and that we had been down to
Richmond with produce and that the government, being in
great need, had confiscated our teams, and we were obliged
to walk home.
"The officers don't like to have me carry men over this
river," he said, evidently suspecting who we were. " That is
right," we replied, "you should not carry soldiers or suspicious characters. Pass your boat along."
With a little assistance it sped to the other shore.
We knew we were discovered, and that the enemy's
cavalry would very soon be in hot pursuit, therefore we
determined, after consultation, to go into the first hiding
place and as near as possible to the stream. The wisdom of




28


this course was soon demonstrated. The cavalry crossed the
stream, dashed by us (we being in a thicket not more than
forty rods from the road), and thoroughly searched the country at the front, not dreaming but we had gone forward.
We did not leave our seclusion until nearly midnight,
and then felt our way with the greatest care. Our proximity
to Williamsburg was apparent from the destruction everywhere in our path. There were no buildings, no inhabitants,
and no sound save our own weary footsteps-desolation
reigned supreme. Lone bare chimneys stood along our way
like sentinels over the dead land, and over the whole scene
war had traced its devastating autograph.
For five days and six nights, in midwinter, our feet frostbitten, with very little to eat, and no fire, hunted and almost
exhausted, with the silent stars for our guide, we had picked
our way through surrounding perils toward the camp fires
of our friends. We knew we were near the outposts of the
Union troops, and began to feel as if our trials were nearly
over, but we were now in danger of being shot as rebels
by scouting parties from our own army.
To avoid the appearance of being spies we took the open
road, alternately traveling and concealing ourselves that we
might reconnoitre the way.
To my dying day I shall remember that, to me, eventful
night.  I lead the advance, and about 3 o'clock in the
morning, coming near the shadow of a dark forest that
overhung the road, we were startled and brought to a stand
by the sharp command, " Halt! "  Looking in the direction
whence the command proceeded, I discovered the dark
forms of a dozen cavalrymen, drawn up in line across the
road. A voice came out of the darkness, saying, "Who
comes there?"  I replied, "We are four travelers."  The
same voice said, "If you are travelers, come up here and
that very quick."




29
Moving forward the cavalry surrounded us, and carefully looking at their clothing I at first thought it was
grey, and was nerving myself for recapture.
It was a supreme moment to the soul! I at length
gathered sufficient courage to inquire, "To what regiment
do you belong?"
In broad United States accent the answer came back,
"To the Eleventh Pennsylvania Cavalry."
In an instant their uniforms turned to glorious blue, and
taking off our hats we gave one long, exultant shout. We
were again under the protection of that dear old flag whose
every fold is priceless.
It was like passing from death unto life, and our hearts
filled with gratitude to Him whose sheltering arm had guided
and protected us during all that weary journey.








'THE


Michigan Cavalry Brigade
IN THE
WILDERNESS.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE
MICHIGAN COMMANDERY OF THE LOYAL LEGION.
BY


GEN. JAS. H. KIDD.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1889.








Zbe Miicblian Cavalrp      Brirabe in the
Wtlberneee.
On the 27th day of May, 1864, the First Michigan Cavalry
having, early in the morning, effected a crossing at Dabney's
Ferry, on the Pamunkey River, General Custer ordered me,
then in command of the Sixth Michigan, to take the road
leading from Hanovertown and push on in advance toward
Hanover Court House. We had gone but a mile or so when,
in the midst of a dense wood, a force which proved to be
dismounted cavalry was encountered, strongly posted behind
earthworks which had been hastily thrown up for the
purpose. The regiment was dismounted on the right of the
road, and the First Michigan, following closely, went in on
the left and the two regiments made a vigorous assault, but
met with too stubborn a resistance to carry the works at once.
A band in the rear of the enemy's line was playing "The
Bonnie Blue Flag," indicating the presence of a brigade at
least in our front. Noticing that a portion of the enemy's
fire came from far to the right, I sent the sergeant-major to
the rear with word that my flank was in danger and that the
line ought to be prolonged in that direction.  The noncommissioned officer returned and reported that the message
had been delivered to the brigade commander, but that it was
overheard by the major-general commanding the division, a




4


pompous infantry officer but recently assigned to a cavalry
command, whose arrogant bearing made him exceedingly
unpopular with Buford's and Kilpatrick's veteran troopers,
who had been accustomed to serve under men who could do
harder fighting with less airs. This officer exclaimed with a
good deal of impatience and undisguised contempt: "Who
in h-11 is this who is talking of being flanked?"  I was
mortified at this and resolved to never again, under any
circumstances, admit to a superior officer that the idea of
being flanked had any terrors for me, a resolution which was
religiously adhered to so long as I was privileged to have a
command in the field.
Custer, however, did not wait to strengthen his line in front,
but, taking the other two regiments of his brigade (the Fifth
and Seventh Michigan) made a detour by way of Hawes'
Shop, and came in on the flank of the force which, the First
and Sixth were ineffectually trying to dislodge from its strong
position, and which held on tenaciously so long as it was
subject to a front attack only. But as soon as Custer made
his appearance on its flank, the enemy, a brigade of North
Carolinians, under the rebel General Gordon, abandoned the
earthworks and fled precipitately, the First and Sixth
promptly joining in the pursuit. Custer's approach was
heralded by an amusing incident. The band that had been
challenging us, with its lips of brass, close to the rear of
Gordon's line, abruptly stopped in the midst of one of its
most defiant strains, and the last note of "The Bonnie Blue
Flag " had scarcely died on the air when far to our left and
front were heard the cheery strains of "Yankee Doodle."
No other signal was needed to tell of the whereabouts of our
Michigan comrades and, in an instant, our line was rushing
forward, only to see, as it emerged into the opening, the tarheels of the South making swift time toward Crump's Creek,
closely followed by a mounted charge of Custer and his




5


Michiganders. The latter had easily accomplished without
loss, by the flanking process, what he had tried in vain to do
with hard fighting and severe loss by the more direct method.
This incident is narrated to accentuate what follows:
The fear of being flanked was an ever-present terror to the
army of the Potomac; and it was by no means confined to
the battalion commanders, either.  The apparition which
appeared to McDowell at Manassas; to Pope, at the Second
Bull Run; to Hooker, at Chancellorsville, flitted over the
Wilderness, and was one of the causes, if not the cause, why
that campaign was unsuccessful.
There is no doubt, either, that General Meade placed too
low an estimate upon the value of cavalry as a factor in
battle, and failed to appreciate the importance of the presence
of Sheridan' s troopers upon his left. If Meade and Hancock
had known Sheridan as they knew him a year later when he
intercepted the flight of Lee's army at Five Forks and Sailor's
Creek, there would have been no nervous apprehension that
Longstreet might re-enact in the Wilderness the part played
at Chancellorsville by Stonewall Jackson.
On the 6th of May, 1864, the strategy of Grant and
Hancock's heroism were paralyzed by false'rumors to the
effect that Longstreet was menacing the safety of the Potomac
army by moving against its left and rear. If such a thing
was seriously attempted, it was met and thwarted by Custer
and Gregg who, alone and unaided, sucessfully resisted every
effort of Stuart's cavalry to break the Union lines by way of
the Brock and Catharpin roads.
The noise of the successful battle which the Union cavalry
was waging, instead of reassuring the Federal commanders,
as it ought to have done, served to increase the alarm which
extended not only to General Hancock, but to army headquarters as well. Instead of that, if a proper rating had been
placed upon the services the cavalry was capable of rendering,




6


was, in fact, rendering, it would have quieted all apprehension. Barlow, who was on the extreme left of the infantry,
would have moved promptly to the front as ordered, and Hill
and Ewell might have been crushed before Longstreet was in
position to save them, and turn a Federal victory into a
Federal defeat.
This paper, however, was not intended for a criticism upon
the tactics of the battle, but, rather, for a sketch of the part
performed by the cavalry, and especially the Michigan
Cavalry in the Wilderness.
It is now two or three years since the writer was seized with
an ambition to commit to the keeping of the types some of
the fugitive pieces which he had prepared, rather for employment in his leisure hours, than with any idea of contributing
to the accredited literature of the war.
This ambition was stifled soon after its birth by an experience, at the time rather more galling to his pride than was
the caustic remark of the major general of division at
Hanovertown.
It happened in this wise:
A paper on the part taken by the union cavalry in the
battle of Cedar Creek, prepared with conscientious care and
scrupulous fidelity to facts as the writer understood them,
was mailed to Brig. Gen. Wesley Merritt, U. S. army, with
the request couched in modest and courteous phrase,.that he
point out, after having read it, any errors or inaccuracies of
statement that he might make a note of, as the writer intended the article for publication.
General Merritt replied, in a style that was bland, that he
had "long since ceased to read fiction;" though he had
departed from the rule in the present instance so far as to
look over the article in question; that he no longer read even
the "Century " war articles; and that the writer of the paper
on Cedar Creek narrated as facts things which could not




7


possibly have happened as stated; he (the writer) according
to the same authority, did not know by whose orders he
moved his own command from right to left in that battle, and
was, in fact, ignorant of the salient features of what he saw
with his own eyes and heard with his own ears.
This was notice, plain as holy writ, that no mere amateur
in military matters may presume to have known and observed
things in the war which did not, at the time, come within
the range of vision of those who had a recognized status as
professional soldiers, and find its way into their official
reports.
It is evident that this rule, though, perhaps, a proper and
necessary one to protect the literature of the war against
imposition and fraud, may very easily bar out much that is
valuable and well worth writing, provided it can in some way
be invested with the stamp of truth.
It was quite possible for brigade and even battalion
commanders, not to draw a line finer still, to have experiences
on the battle-field of which their immediate superiors were
not cognizant; nor is it necessary to beg the question by
arguing that all officers were allowed to exercise a discretion
of their own within certain limits.  Especially could this be
the case when a battle was fought in a jungle like the
Wilderness, where one could see, at most, but a few hundred
yards in any direction.
Official reports were often but hastily and imperfectly
sketched, amidst the hurry and bustle of breaking camp, or,
on the eve of battle, when the mind might be preoccupied
with other things of immediate and pressing importance.
Moreover, they were, not seldom, written long after when it
was almost as difficult to recall the exact sequence and order
of events as it would be after the lapse of years.  Besides,
the " youngsters" of those days, those at least who had not
been trained as soldiers, failed to realize the value their




8


reports might have in after years, as a basis for making.history. No one could be more unwilling than myself to
suspect that General Custer was the man to wittingly do an
injustice to any command that served under him. Yet, there
are in his official reports many inaccuracies, not to employ a
stronger term. It will be sufficient for our present purpose to
instance two.  In his report of the battle in the Wilderness
he stated that " the rebel onset was met with a charge of the
First Michigan." The First and Sixth both charged together,
the former leading, the latter proud to follow where its
gallant comrades led.  He also said that "the Seventeenth
Pennsylvania cavalry was sent to reinforce the Fifth and
Sixth Michigan which were hard pressed" in the woods on
the right.  It was the Sixth Michigan that was "hard
pressed." The Fifth Michigan and Seventeenth Pennsylvania, both under General R. A. Alger, then colonel of the
Fifth Michigan, came at the same moment of time to the
rescue of the Sixth Michigan.
General Sheridan's report gives a very meagre and
inadequate account of the cavalry fight in the Wilderness.
In his book, he dismisses it with a paragraph. That was to
be expected.  His corps was scattered over a wide area, its
duty, to guard the left flank and all the trains, and he was
not present in person when Custer put an abrupt stop to
Hampton's impetuous advance.    It is now known that
Sheridan was so hampered by interference from army headquarters that his plans miscarried, and the relations between
himself and his immediate superior became so strained that
the doughty little warrior declared to General Meade that he
would never give the cavalry corps another order. But, by
General Grant's intervention, these difficulties were reconciled
and Sheridan was soon off on his memorable raid, which
resulted in the bloody battle of Yellow Tavern, and the death




9


of the foremost of the Confederate cavalry chieftains, General
J. E. B. Stuart.
The Michigan Cavalry Brigade (by which name it will be
known in history), whose exploit in the Battle of the Wilderness it is the purpose of this paper to give, somewhat more in
detail than it can be found in the official records, was organized early in the year 1863.  It consisted at first of five
regiments, viz: The First, Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Michigan,
and First Vermont regiments of volunteer cavalry.  During
the campaigns of that year it was known as the Second
brigade, Third division, Cavalry corps.  General Judson
Kilpatrick was the division commander, and George A.
Custer had the Second brigade.  It was his first command,
and one which he assumed on the battle-field of Hanover,
Pennsylvania, during the Gettysburg campaign, June 30,
1863.  Previous to that he had been a subaltern of the staff
and in the United States regular cavalry.  Though his rise
in rank was so rapid, he leaped at once to the front rank of
the generals of brigade, and became the idol, as well as the
ideal, of his men.  There are those who think that the
prestige which the Michigan brigade attained in the Potomac
cavalry was due, in great part, to the genius of its commander.  Such a judgment, however, does injustice to the officers
and men who served under him, who are justly entitled to a
share in the honors which fell to his lot.
When the cavalry corps was reorganized under Sheridan,
the Michigan brigade was transferred and became the First
brigade, First division, the First Vermont, much to the regret
of the brave Green Mountain boys, and of their Michigan
comrades as well, remaining behind in the Third division,
then commanded by General James H. Wilson.
The regiments, taken by number, were commanded respectively by Lieut.-Col. Peter Stagg, Col. Russell A. Alger, Maj.
James H. Kidd and Maj. Henry W. Granger. Although the




10


movement of the Army of the Potomac began May 3, it was
the morning of May 4 when the Wolverine troopers left their
camp near Culpepper and headed for Ely's Ford, on the
Rapidan River. The Second and Third divisions had the
honor of leading the advance, and preceded the infantry at
the crossing the day before. At 3 o'clock on the morning of
the 5th, the march was resumed, and crossing at Ely's Ford,
the First division moved to Chancellorsville and was
encamped that night at the Furnaces, south of the Orange
plank road, about midway between Wilderness Church and
Todd's Tavern, in the rear of the left of the Union line.
Early on the morning of the 6th "boots and saddles," and
"to horse" summoned the brigade to arms, and at 2 o'clock
a. m. it was on the march by the Furnace road towards its
intersection with the Brock turnpike. Gregg was at Todd's
Tavern, at the junction of the Catharpin and Brock roads.
Custer was to be the connecting link between Gregg's
division and Hancock's corps.  Devin, with the Second
brigade, was ordered to report to Custer. Wilson had been
out on the previous day on the Orange plank road and pike,
where he encountered Stuart's cavalry, and was roughly
handled. While moving up in the darkness' towards the
position at the cross-roads, we came upon the scattered
troopers of the First Vermont, moving to the rear. They
were greatly chagrined over their defeat of the day before,
and declared that they did not belong to the Third division,
but were the "Eighth Michigan."  "Come along with us,
boys," said their old Michigan friends  "I wish we could,'
they all replied. Wilson had Kilpatrick's fatuity for getting
into scrapes, but lacked his skill in getting out.
Arriving at his destination before daylight, Custer posted
his troops so as to be ready to meet the expected attack.
Two squadrons, one from the First Michigan, the other from
the Sixth, commanded respectively by Capt. George R.




11


Maxwell and Capt. Manning D. Birge, were sent out to picket
the front on the Brock road. The line of battle was formed
in the woods, facing a cleared space of open country, beyond
which dense timber served as a screen to prevent the enemy's
approach from being seen. The right was held by the First
and Sixth Michigan, formed in two lines, regimental front,
the Sixth in rear, the men standing "in place rest." in front
of their horses. It was prolonged to the left by the Fifth and
Seventh Michigan and Devin's brigade, composed of the
Fourth, Sixth and Ninth New York, and Seventeenth Pennsylvania. Devin, however, did not arrive on the ground until
the battle was well under way. The right of the line was "in
the air," so far as was at that time known, the infantry not
being in sight. The open or field directly in front, extended
some 200 yards beyond our position to the right, and it was,
perhaps, 500 yards across it to the woods. The timber, in
which we formed, extended from the rear, clear around the
right and across the front. In other words, the patch of open
ground was surrounded, on three sides at least, by dense
woods. The alignment faced in a westerly direction, and was
back in the timber far enough to be hidden from an
approaching foe. To the right of us, and as it turned out,
somewhat to our rear, lay the Army of the Potomac, which
had been battling with Lee all the previous day'; and orders
had been issued for the fighting to be resumed at 5 o'clock in
the morning
Thus we stood, prepared, in a state of expectancy, awaiting
the sounds that were to summon us to battle.
The brigade band was posted near the left flank of the First
Michigan.
General Custer, alert and wary, with a portion of his staff,
was out inspecting the picket line.
The horse artillery had not yet arrived.




12


Every trooper was on the alert, ready for whatever might
come.
The field, of which mention has been made, was bisected by
a ravine, nearly diagonally from left to right, the ground
sloping into it from front and rear. This ravine was to play
a prominent part in the fight that ensued.
Suddenly the signal came. A picket shot was heard, then
another, and another. Thicker and faster the spattering tones
were borne to our ears from the woods in front. Then it was
the rebel yell, at first faint, but swelling in volume as it
approached.  A brigade of cavalry, led by the intrepid
Rosser, was charging full tilt towards our position. He did
not stop to skirmish with the pickets, but, charging headlong, drove them pell-mell into the reserves, following closely
at their heels, with intent to stampede the whole command.
It was a bold and brilliant dash, but doomed to fall short
of complete success, for, "when Greek meets Greek then
comes the tug of war."
Rosser had met his match.
When the rebel charge was sounded, Custer was near his
picket line, and, scenting the first note of danger, turned. his
horse's head toward the place where he had hidden his
Wolverines in ambush, and, bursting into view from the
timber beyond the field, we saw him.riding furiously in our
direction.  When he reached the edge of the woods, circling
to the front as he rode, he bade the band to play, and, with
sabre arm extended, shouted to the command, already in the
saddle, "Forward, by divisions."
As the band struck up the inspiriting strains of "Yankee
Doodle," the First Michigan broke by sub-divisions from the
right, the Sixth following, and the two regiments charged
with a yell through the thick underbrush out into the open
ground, just as the rebel troopers emerged from the woods on
the opposite side.  Both commands kept on in full career




13


until they reached the edge of the ravine, when they stopped,
the rebels, apparently surprised by our sudden appearance
and audacity, Custer well content with checking Rosser's
vicious advance.  Some of the foremost men kept on and
crossed sabers in the middle of the ravine. One squadron of
rebels; charging in column of fours, went past our flank,
about one hundred'yards to the right, and then, like the
French army which marched up a hill, turned and charged
back again, without attempting to turn their head of column
towards the point where Custer was standing at bay, with his
Michiganders clustered thick about him.  Pretty soon the
rebels ran a section of artillery into the field and opened on
us with shell.  Every attempt to break our lines failed
however, the Spencer carbines proving too much of an
obstacle to be overcome.
The Fifth and Seventh Michigan were doing excellent
service on the left, forging to the front and threatening the
right of the rebel position. But it was evident our own right
was vulnerable, and Custer ordered Major Kidd to take the
Sixth, move by the rear to the woods on the right, dismount
the men, and, as he expressed it, "Flank that battery."I
The regiment had become much scattered in the charge, but
the rally was sounded and as many men as could be quickly
gathered were withdrawn from the field, and, obeying the
order with as much alacrity as possible, in a few minutes
were in position and moving briskly forward through the
thick woods. But they had not proceeded far when a strong
force of dismounted cavalry was encountered. Both commanders seem to have ordered a simultaneous movement with
a similar purpose, viz: to flank and attack the other's rear.
The two forces met, very nearly on the prolongation of the
line held by the mounted men of the First, Fifth and Seventh
Michigan, east of the ravine. The rebel line extended beyond
our right as far as we could see, and it was evident that we were




14


outnumbered at least three to one. But the little force stood
bravely up to their work, using their Spencer carbines with
deadly effect, and checking the advance of the enemy in their
immediate front. Seeing that the left of the rebels were
passing around us, the captain of the left company was
directed to hold his position at. all hazards. The right was
swung back to protect our rear. ' At the same time an officer
was dispatched to General Custer with an appeal for reinforcements.
The entire of the Second brigade was now up, and a battery,
which arrived after the withdrawal of the Sixth, had been
placed in position and opened on the enemy. The battle was
still raging in the field, but General Custer sent the Fifth
Michigan, Colonel Russell A. Alger commanding, and the
Seventeenth Pennsylvania, Lieutenant Colonel J. Q. Anderson
commanding, to the relief of the Sixth. The reinforcements
came none too soon. The rebels confident in their superior
numbers, were pressing us hard. In a solid line of two ranks,
with Spencer rifles full shotted, the two magnificent regiments
deployed into position on our right. Then moving forward by
a left half-wheel, the tables were turned on the too exultant foe,
and he was forced gradually back. Close up to the line, cool
as if on parade, rode the commander of the Fifth Michigan,
Colonel Alger, now in command of the entire line. "Steady
men, forward," he was heard to say; and with a responsive
shout, the men swept on through the woods, driving everything before them. At the same time the mounted men of
the First and Seventh charged the force in their front. The
enemy gave way in disorder, was routed and fled, leaving his
dead and wounded in our hands. His repulse was complete
and crushing, and we saw no more of him that day. The
Michigan brigade had won a signal victory, momentous in its
consequences, for it saved the union left from the disaster
which was so much dreaded, the fear of which neutralized




15


half of Hancock's command during the entire of that day.
No one who witnessed it will ever forget the superb courage
and conduct of General Alger and his command, when they
swung into line on the right of the Sixth Michigan and
instantly turned a threatened defeat into a magnificent
victory.
In the mean time what was the infantry doing? After the
repulse of Rosser it was found that there was a line of infantry not far to our right and rear. Attention was called to the
fact when some of the cavalrymen who had been straggling in
that direction returned and said that the Twenty-sixth Michigan infantry was a little way off, and a good many of the men
went over for a brief hand-shake with friends therein.
The Twenty-sixth Michigan was in Barlow's division. They
had been interested listeners to, if not spectators of the
cavalry fight. The contest between the dismounted men in
the woods had been almost, if not quite in their front, and
occasional shots had come their way.
Why did not Barlow, or, indeed, Gibbon's entire command,
move up at the time when the Sixth Michigan was contending
alone with a superior force directly in its front?
The answer to that question is in the sealed book which
contains the reason of Grant's failure in the Wilderness.
Let us see.
Grant's orders to corps commanders were to attack Lee's
army at 5 A. M., May 6.
Longstreet had not arrived, but was expected up in the
morning, and prisoners reported he would attack the union
left. Hancock was ordered to look out for his left. Barlow's
division was posted for that purpose. Hancock's corps was
divided into two wings, the right wing under Birney, consisting of the three divisions of Birney, Mott and Getty; the
left wing, of Gibbon's and Barlow's divisions under Gibbon.
Barlow, as has been seen, was to look after the extreme left.




16


Wright and Warren attacked Ewell at the hour, but were
unsuccessful. Hancock's assault upon Hill was completely
successful. But Longstreet arrived in the nick of time to save
Hill. But Hancock's attack was with Birney's command, and
when Longstreet arrived he struck the left flank of Birney.
Where were the two divisions of Gibbon, posted for the very
purpose of looking out for Longstreet?
In General A. A. Humphrey's Virginia Campaigns, page
40, we read:
"At 7 A. M. General Hancock sent a staff officer to General
Gibbon, informing him of the success of his right wing, and
directing him to attack the enemy's right with Barlow's
division. This order "'  was only partially obeyed. Had
Barlow's division advanced as directed, he (General Hancock) felt confident that the enemy's force would have been
defeated. The cause of his failure was probably owing to the
expected approach of Longstreet on his (Barlow's) left."
Again:
"At 8.50 A. M. Hancock began an attack, with PBirney's
wing and Gibbon's division of the, left wing."
Gen. Grant, in his Memoirs (pp. 196-197):
"Hancock was ready to advance, but learning that Longstreet was threatening his left flank, sent a division of
infantry, commanded by Gen. Barlow, to cover the approaches
by which Longstreet was expected."
Gen. Sheridan, (Memoirs, Vol. 1, pages 362-363) says that:
"On the Sixth, Gen. Meade became alarmed about his left
flank and sent a dispatch saying: ' Hancock has been heavily
pressed and his left turned.. You had better draw in your
cavalry to protect the trains."
And again:
"On the morning of the Sixth, Custer's and Devin's
brigades had been severely engaged before I received the
above note. They had been most successful in repulsing the
enemy's attacks, and I felt that the line could be held. But
the dispatch from Gen. Hancock was alarming, so I' drew all
the cavalry close in around Chancellorsville."
And:
"The firing had hardly begun when Hancock was informed




17


that the left wing was seriously threatened, so as to fully
occupy Barlow. The enemy's dismounted cavalry opened on
him with artillery and pressed forward their skirmish line.
The rapid firing of Sheridan's attack helped to confirm the
impression that this was a serious flank attack by the enemy.
These repeated reports prevented Hancock from throwing his
full strength into the attack along the plank road."
From these considerations it appears plain that the failure
of Barlow and Gibbon to advance permitted Longstreet to
swing in front of those two divisions and attack Birney's left,
thus neutralizing Hancock's victory over Hill; whereas, if
they had advanced as ordered, they would have struck Longstreet's flank and probably crushed it.
Sebond —The attack on Birney caused Sheridan's cavalry
to be drawn in from a position they had successfully held
against every assault; from which, indeed, they had driven
the enemy's cavalry in head-long flight.
Third — This was the dismounted cavalry that attacked
Barlow, and the only force that threatened him; the same
with which the Michigan brigade was contending in front of
Barlow, and which was so handsomely repulsed by General
Alger after his arrival with the reinforcements. The artillery
was doubtless the same battery spoken of, which was run into
the field at the time of Rosser's charge.
All of which demonstrates that in battle, as in the ordinary
affairs of life, imaginary dangers often trouble us more than
those which are real.








WAR PAPER No. 13.


My Eseape from Belle Isle.
A PAPER
PREPARED AND RtEAD BEFORE
MICHIGAN COMMANDERY OF THE MILITARY
ORDER OF THE
LOYL[ LEGIO    OF THE UJIIED    STITES,
DECENM1BEFR 5, 1889,
BY COMPANION
LIEUT. HORACE R. ABBOTT.


DETROIT, TICHI.:
WINN & IIAMMOND PRINTERS AND BINDERS,
1889.








sI) fEcape from     JBelle i nte.


At the time of my capture I was nineteen years of age, and
was 1st Sergeant, Company "E," 2d Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry, First Brigade, First Division, 14th Army
Corps, Army of the Cumberland.
Many of you are too familiar with the details and incidents
of the battle of Chickamauga to need any attempted recital or
description on my part. It ended in disaster, and to me the
bitterness of defeat was deepened by the gloom of captivity.
All day the battle had raged, now advancing, now retreating,
with the varying fortunes of the day. Late in the afternoon
found our slender line desperately struggling to hold its last
position at the edge of a narrow clearing, across which we
had sent reeling back into the shelter of the woods on the
opposite side the last fierce charge of the rebels. Four times
that Sunday afternoon had the rebel lines charged over that
narrow strip, and as many times had been driven back again.
The slaughter had been frightful,-the ground was covered
with the wounded, the dying, and the dead. Men went
down so thick and fast that their souls must have jostled
each other in their flight into eternity.
At length there was a lull in the contest -a calm, ominous
in its intensity, followed the roar and crash of a few minutes
before. The men knelt close behind the hastily constructed
breastwork of logs and rails, every nerve is stretched to its




4
utmost tension, and a line of pale, set faces peered eagerly
out into the gathering dusk to note the first approach of the
coming storm. It came quickly enough, and the shrill yell
of the charging column as it broke from the shelter of the
woods was drowned by the crash of musketry that met its.
advance. Another line burst from the woods, and another,
and the three grey lines, far outreaching our either flank,
came sweeping down upon our slender line like great waves
of ocean. Our ammunition was almost exhausted; for a
moment our line wavered; the familiar command, " Steady,
men, steady! " ran down the line, which bravely recovered
and braced itself to meet the shock. In a moment they were
upon us, and in such overwhelming numbers that we were
forced back. The line broke, and singly and in groups, still
fighting from behind trees, bushes, and every vantage ground
that offered, the men drifted back into the darkness and
cover of the woods; the firing grew less and less, like the
last mutterings of a storm whose strength is spent.
In the confusion and darkness I became separated from my
comrades, and directed my way to where I supposed our
right was stationed.  The woods grew thinner and I soon
found myself crossing a large field which, as well as I
could see in the uncertain light, seemed to be bounded on
all sides by the forest. Off to the left a battery was still
pounding away, the shells shrieking over my head and bursting in the woods beyond. Thinking they were our own men,,
I thought it strange they should keep on firing into our own
lines -little dreaming of the extent of the disaster that had
befallen the right wing of the army. So, keeping as much as
possible out of the line of fire, I went on until within some
twenty feet of the woods, when I noticed a group of horsemen
just within the edge, one of whom rode towards me, and to
my astonishment I saw that he was a rebel officer, and I knew
then that our right must have been driven back and that the




5


enemy was in our rear. His order to "Halt, and throw down
that gun! " was accompanied by the click of a revolver, and
as my musket was empty, having fired my last round, and
the persuasive influence of a revolver pointed directly at my
head, and but a few feet from it, made me conclude that
"discretion was the better part of valor." I was about to.comply with his demand, when another of our men came running past, and the officer turning to take him in also, for the
moment uncovered me from his aim, and I made a dash for
the woods, but a few feet away. I heard the "Halt, there!"
quickly followed by a shot; but the darkness saved me, and
I dashed on into the woods, only to run squarely into the
arms of the 34th Mississippi regiment, which was guarding a
large number of our men who had been captured earlier in
the day. There was no time to " fall back in good order";
my musket was taken from me by one, with the remark that
he " didn't think I would need it any more;' and my knapsack by another who was aggravatingly polite, requesting
the pleasure of relieving me of it," and that "if I would
leave the address of my hotel in Richmond, he would send it
to me." It never came. Fortunately for me they seemed
well supplied with blankets, and so left me mine.
I found myself near the fire at the headquarters of the
rebel General Humphreys, commanding the brigade to which
the 34th Mississippi was attached, so, wrapping myself in
my blanket, I lay down near it upon the ground, but not "to
pleasant dreams." Although worn out with excitement and
fatigue, sleep seemed impossible. My mind was filled with
anxious forebodings as to my own fate, and with tender
solicitude for the mother at home, when the news of the
battle and its disastrous ending should reach her. My fate
was uncertain. In the confusion of the last charge, the desperate struggle with clubbed guns and bayonets, the fastgathering darkness, and the enemy holding possession of our




6


lines, many were missing at the close of that day whose fate
it was impossible to tell,-whether they were numbered with
the wounded or the dead. At length tired nature asserted
itself, and I fell into a heavy slumber, from which I was
awakened early in the morning by the abrupt command to
"fall in," and without food of any kind, I and my fellow
prisoners were started on the way to Dalton. We had not
gone far when we were reinforced by another large batch of
prisoners aniongst whom I recognized quite a number of the
men of my own company.     Fortunately their haversacks
had not yet been taken from them, and I was able to get
some bacon and hard tack to satisfy my hunger.  Their
story was soon told: In falling back they had become separated and bewildered, and wandering about had run straight
into the rebel lines as I had. We resolved to keep together,
if possible, that we might render assistance to each other in
case of sickness, or, in the event of the death. of any, take
charge of any effects or messages they might wish to send
home. We reached Dalton about noon, and were there
packed into dirty stock-cars and at once started for Atlanta.
Our guards were changed here, and a regiment of Georgia
militia placed in charge. The doors of the cars were closely
guarded and we were not allowed to approach them. Most
of us had been without food for twenty-four hours and were
very hungry, but the only response to our importunities for
food was, that we would have to wait until we reached
Atlanta. We did not reach Atlanta until the next day, and
after some time were taken from the cars and marched to a
kind of stockade prison, where we had rations of bacon and
corn meal issued to us, and were told that we would remain
for some time. During the afternoon a raid was made upon
us and the few effects we had left, including our blankets
and some of our clothing, taken from us. I considered myself fortunate in having my blanket only taken from me, as




7


some of the men had their blouses and even their trousers
taken, and were compelled to put on the cast-off clothing of
the raiders. Ever since our capture our destination had been
the subject of much anxiety, and it was evident that all feared
the worst, and that was Andersonville. A gloom settled
down upon us, and for the first time we lost hope and
courage, as the full realization of our position and its possbilities dawned upon us. My depression was very great, and
it was with a heavy heart that I lay down to sleep.
Early the next morning we were awakened and told to
"fall in" for rations, and we were given to understand they
were to last until we got to Richmond. Ric7mond! and not
Andersonville! it seemed to lift a load from every heart;
some of the old snap and fire came back, and we moved about
as if there was something yet left to hope for. Our rations
were soon distributed-hard tack and bacon-and we were
marched to the station, put into box cars and started for
Richmond.
The journey was uneventful, each day a repetition of the
others; we passed through Augusta, Branchville, Columbia,
Sauslbury, Raleigh, and Petersburg, arriving at last at
Richmond one evening at dusk. We were taken at once from
the cars and marched to one of the military prisons, called at
that time "Castle Pemberton" or "Warehouse Prison." As
it was dark I could not see much on our way, but the guard
near me was very communicative, and calling my attention
to a building we were passing, said: "That is 'Castle
Thunder,' and that" pointing to a building which loomed
up in the darkness, "is 'Libby Prison.'"  It was too dark
to see more than its outlines, but we were put into a building
almost opposite. I knew I should have ample opportunity
to see this famous prison in the future.
Happening to be at the head of the column, we were among
the first to enter "Castle Pemberton " and were quartered on




8


the first floor. The building was rapidly filled-the men
being crowded into the various rooms; but large as it was it
could not contain them all, and the rest of the column moved
on out of sight. Tired and worn out I lay down and fell
asleep. I awoke in the morning feeling stiff and sore from
contact with the hard floor, and looked curiously around my
new abode. The sight was anything but pleasant or reassuring. The room was large and bare, and dreary in the
extreme. The building had been a tobacco warehouse, and
one side of the room was filled with the old presses; at the
further end were the sinks and a hydrant from which we
obtained our water supply. In size the room was about thirty
by seventy feet, the walls and floor were foul with dirt and
vermin, and into this place were crowded-by actual countthree hundred and seventy-eight men. We had none of the
commonest necessary articles for the toilet, such as soap and
towels, and were obliged to use our coats and handkerchiefsthose of us who were fortunate enough to still possess them,to dry ourselves after washing. Under such circumstances,
the men soon became indifferent and hopeless as to personal
appearance, and our condition soon became disgusting and
pitiful in the extreme.
T was appointed to draw the rations for our floor, and
every afternoon, with a detail of men, would go with the
details of the other floors, across the street to the commissary
under "Libby Prison," and there get the miserable pittance
that was to keep body and soul together until the next day.
The so-called food generally consisted of water in which meat
had been boiled, with a few fragments left floating in it, that
it might, by courtesy, be called "soup."  A small ration of
bread accompanied it-about enough to give each man
perhaps half-a-pound, aud once in a great while, a few potatoes. A few tin cups and plates were given to each mess,
and we took turns in using them. This life soon became so




9


monotonous, as to be almost unbearable, and the men became
so clamorous to get out from the dreary place into the pure
air of heaven, that I made out a list of the names, and
endeavored to give each one his turn in the " ration detail."
The brief respite was eagerly seized and enjoyed, and
whether in the bright sunshine or the pitiless rain, we would
gladly stand drinking in the fresh air, and looking with
longing eyes towards "God's Country," where freedom and
our dear ones were. For a while we had been buoyed up by
the hope and assurance of an early exchange, but as the days
grew into weeks, and the weeks into months, and no sign of
release came, hope changed to despair, and we grew moody
and despondent. Thus the days passed wearily, each day
the same dreary round, without one gleam of brightness to
lighten the gloom that settled down upon us.
One day a ripple of excitement ran through the room at
the news, that a Sergeant Bell, of the 18th regulars, from one
of the other floors, had succeeded in making his escape from
the ration detail one dark evening, but that he had been
recaptured and was to be shot as a spy. It soon died away,
however, and we sank again into indifference and gloom. A
few days after this, as we were waiting on the pavement outside the commissary for the other details to come out, my
attention was attracted by a singular looking white stone,
which I picked up and after examining it and showing it to
some of the men, threw it away again. Just then I saw an
officer accompanied by a man in citizen's dress, come out from
the Libby Prison Office and walk rapidly towards us, the
man in citizen's dress talking eagerly all the while. I looked
at them curiously, wondering what was the matter, and as
they came up to us, to my amaezment the man pointing to
me said: "This is the man."  They seized me by the arms
and I was taken into the office and ordered to "give up the
note" that I had picked up. I replied that I had not picked




10


up any note, and explained what it was, and told them to call
in some of the men to corroborate my statement. The man
stoutly maintained that he had seen one of the officers confined in Libby Prison, throw down a note from a window and
that I had picked it up. I as stoutly protested my innocence,
and having grown indifferent,-from  the suffering and
wretcledness of the past months of imprisonment, —as to
anything worse that could befall, I told them to search me
and make the most of it. The reply was more forcible than
elegant, and the officer in charge, calling in a sergeant and
file of men, said, "We've got a way of dealing with such
men as you,"and ordered the sergeant to "put this fellow in
No. 1." Up to this moment I had been rather indifferent as
to what might happen, but when I saw the sergeant step
behind the desk and take down one of four keys which hung
upon the wall, the significance of it flashed upon me, and like
an incoming wave of the sea, all the wretchedness and indignities of the past surged over me, and my heart sank within
me. I had tried hard to be brave and cheerful,-to speak
and act as hopefully as possible, for the sake of my fellow
captives, when my own heart was heavy as lead; but now the
revulsion of feeling was more than I could bear and I felt
that I was on the verge of breaking down, but by a strong
effort I controlled myself and waited for what was to come.
Lighting a lantern and going in advance, the sergeant
motioned to the men, who roughly pulled and pushed me out
of the room, and down into the middle cellar underneath the
prison. Going to the upper left-hand corner, the guard
stopped before a door, that, by the light of the lantern, I
could see was strongly barred, and unlocked it.
The door was opened and with an oath I was pushed in,.
stumbling over something on the floor that I felt was a human
being, and the door was locked upon me. The sense of companionship, and that I was not utterly alone in my wretched



11


ness, somewhat comforted me, and in response to the
exclamation "Hello! who are you?" I replied, "Sergeant
Abbott, of the Second Ohio; who are you?" "Sergeant Bell,
of the 18th Regulars, and two men of the 74th New York."
Bell was the man whom we heard had escaped, been
recaptured, and condemned to be shot. Our stories were
soon told. He had gotten as far as Petersburg, had been
taken sick, and while hiding in the woods had been discovered by a scouting party of rebels, brought back to Richmond
and put into this cell. As to the report of his being shot, he
knew nothing of it. The other two men had been confined
for an attempted escape from some other prison. Their first
inquiry was, "Are you not hungry 2" and upon my replying
that I was almost starved, said they had "plenty to eat,"
and gave me some bread and meat. I asked how it happened they fared so well, and was told to wait and see.
After a while, as we sat and talked, I heard the sound of a
bolt pushed softly back, and a low "Hist!" Bell grasped
my arm and led me to the door, and feeling over it, —the
place was dark as night,-I found a small opening, and
putting my face near it, something was thrust in which
proved to be bread, and a voice that I at once recognized as a
negro's, asked if we had enough water? Bell said that we
had, and closing the opening the man went away. I was
then told that ever since they had been there this faithful
negro had brought them food and water every day. Every
morning our food was brought to us and put through the
hole by a guard. The cell was about eight feet square, two
sides being built of heavy planks built against the stone
walls of the corner of the cellar, which were covered with
slime and moisture. One corner was foul with filth, and the
whole place alive with vermin. We passed the time in
sleeping and talking-we could see nothing,-it was one
long night, and we could only tell when it was day by the




12


tread of feet overhead and the rumbling of wheels along the
street. One day we were aroused by the tramp of feet
outside and the jingling of accoutrements; the door was
thrown open, the light from lanterns flashed into the darkness, and we were told to come out. Drawn up in front of
the cell was a guard of soldiers, two of them having a colored
man between them. We wondered what it all meant, and in
answer to our looks of surprise the sergeant, a tall, brutal
looking fellow, said, "This nigger here has been bringing
food to you fellows, and we're going to show you how we
treat your friends." A wooden bench was then brought and
placed before us, and the sergeant, after stripping the shirt
from the poor fellow's back, strapped him securely upon it;
then taking a rope he whipped him until his back was a
mass of raw and bleeding flesh. The poor wretch did not
utter a sound, and, enraged at the courageous endurance
which his inhuman treatment could not conquer, the monster
seized a handful of salt and roughly rubbed it into the raw
wounds his cruel lash had made. A low moan of agony
broke from the lips of his victim, which rings in my ears
to-day, and sick and faint at the horrible sight we staggered
back into the cell, only too glad to shut our eyes to its
horror. The poor fellow, more dead than alive, was taken
up, his shirt thrown to him, and he was ordered with a
curse to "go about his work."  Our hearts were hot with
impotent rage at our helplessness to prevent or avenge the
brutal act, and we sat in silence, each one wrapped in gloomy
and despairing thoughts. How long we sat thus I do not
know,-somte hours, probably,-when suddenly the soft
slipping back of the bolt of the opening in the door and the
familiar "Hist!" broke the silence. I could hardly believe
my ears, and in amazement sprang to the door to find
the faithful black fellow there with bread and meat as
usual. Astounded at his courage and devotion, I begged




13


him to go away and not to come again; his only answer was,.
"It's all I can do, mar'se,-it's all I can do."  He was
"only a negro," but with a soul so heroic that it seems to me
it was of such stuff the martyrs were made.
The next afternoon the tread of marching feet again
aroused us, and as we wondered what new misfortune awaited
us, the door of the cell was thrown open, we were ordered out
and taken up to the street and into the light of day once
more. There we found a large number of other prisoners
with whom we were soon on our way to Belle Island. It was
a bright, cool day, and I think the sun never seemed so bright,
or the sky so blue, as they did that Sunday afternoon. The
streets were full of people, who gazed at us as we tramped
along, some indifferently, some with taunts, and a few with
pity. We soon reached the long bridge, and crossing over to
the Manchester side, continued on our way until we came to
another bridge leading over to Belle Island. This bridge was
strongly guarded at both ends, and as we emerged from it
we found ourselves in the yard of an iron works establishment, and passing through it came into a street lined on
either side with the houses of employes. Suddenly we came
upon a corner of the prison, not a building as I had expected,
but an earthwork, about five feet high, with the ditch on the
inside. We came to a halt at the entrance which faced
Richmond and the river, the Tredegar Iron Works being
immediately opposite, and as we stood there, waiting the
conclusion of the formalities between the officer in charge of
us and the prison officers, I looked curiously at the place I
was to be put into-for God only knew how long. From
where I stood, I could only see the tops of tents, and just
above the edge of the earthwork, a line of gaunt, hollow-eyed
faces, that looked more like death-heads than human beings.
As I looked, one among them called my name, an arm was
waved, and pointing towards the gate, disappeared. Won



14


dering who was there who knew me, I turned to Bell, who
was sitting on the ground with his head resting dejectedly
upon his knees, and in reply to some inquiries of mine, only
said: "It will be worse than Libby in there." It was
but the echo of my own thought, and I stood and waited in
silence. At last we moved forward to the gate, over which
Dante's inscription-" All hope abandon, ye who enter in,"might well have been written.
As I passed in, the ghastly sight that met my eyes almost
made my heart stop beating. Ranged on each side of the
entrance was a line of men-so dirty and ragged,-so holloweyed, and wasted in form and features, —so pitifully abject
in their misery, that I doubt if even a mother's love could
have recognized a son in.any of these poor wretches.  A
confused murmur of voices filled the air, and as we stood
undecided where to go, or what to do, a figure burst through
the line, and running up to me grasped me by both hands
and looking eagerly into my face, expressed his sorrow-and
gladness-at seeing me. I looked at him in puzzled astonishment, and seeing that I did not recognize him, he staggered
back exclaiming:."My God! don't you remember Will
Robinson?"   What wonder that in the begrimed and haggard face, the changed voice, the filthy rags, that I failed to
recognize an old school-boy friend. Taking Bell with us, we
went to his tent, and there told our stories. He had been
captured at the battle of Stone River, and confined here ever
since. His recital of the horrors of the place was enough to
make us wish ourselves back in the darkness of the Libby
Prison dungeon; It was a paradise compared with this hellhole. The tent he was in was filled to its utmost capacity,
so there was no room for us; and in all the other tents we
visited, one after another, the result was the same. Coming
at last to the ditch inside the front of the enclosure, we saw
that numbers of the prisoners had dug holes in the sides of it




15


for shelter, and finding that no other resource remained,
concluded to do the same and immediately fell to work with
sticks and an old tin can. We soon had a hole made in the
soft sand, large enough to contain us both, and crawling in,
endeavored to forget our troubles in sleep. In the morning
we made a complete tour of the place. Everywhere the same
scenes of suffering and wretchedness met our eyes, and we
returned to our burrow sick at heart with the utter and hopeless misery of it all, but with our minds made up to attempt
an escape, no matter how great the risk, or what the result
might be.
The prison was situated on the extreme lower point of the
island, and, as I have said, consisted of an earthwork enclosing an area of about an acre and a half; this space was almost
filled with old tents which afforded shelter to those who were
fortunate enough to be able to get into them. The majority
of the prisoners, however, were entirely unprotected, and
were compelled to sleep upon the ground or in holes which
they burrowed in. In shape the earthwork was an oblong
rectangle, and being built on the point of the island, three of
its angles faced the river about 150 feet from its edge. The
sinks were situated at the water's edge on the south side,
with a board fence to shield us from observation from the
bridge and the opposite shore. At dusk the guards were
removed from them, andd no one was allowed out afterwards.
The tents of the officers in charge, the guard-house, the
commissary and cook-house were on the side facing Richmond, and just above them, where one of the angles of the
prison approached quite near the river, were some boats,
kept by persons living on the island, and used by them in
going to and from the city.  The guards were stationed
about fifty feet apart, and in three places the guard line ran
down to the river's. edge, —one at the boats I have mentioned,
one at one end of the sinks, and the third beyond the sinks




16


and on a line with the other angle of the prison. The dead
line was the top of the works.
The first day after our arrival the guards made a raid upon
us and helped themselves to whatever we had that they considered desirable. Bell and I were unfortunate enough to
have our shoes taken from us, receiving their worn out ones
in return; they were little better than none, but in our
forlorn condition we were thankful to get even those.
Rations were very inadequate and issued to us very irregularly. Some days we had none at all, and I think I can
truthfully say that in the seven days I was in that prison the
entire quantity of food that I received was not enough for
three average meals. The usual diseases resulting from the
want of wholesome food were rife in the place, and the scenes
were horrible. The cruel indignities and sufferings undergone by the prisoners warped and deadened all the generous
impulses of one's manhood, until men seemed changed into
animals that fought and plundered in the fierce struggle for
life. The sick received little attention, and lay upon the
ground, wallowing in their filth, and dying like dogs. No
wonder men lost their reason, and one day a poor fellow,
crazed by hunger and despair, deliberately crossed the dead
line, only to meet the bullet which mercifully released him
from his sufferings. Young and strong as I was, I felt
myself rapidly growing weak and feeble, and could see in
the pinched and sunken face of my companion the reflection
of my own, and knew that unless we could make our escape
our fate would be that of many around us, whose days were
evidently numbered.
The weather by this time was raw and cold, we had had sharp
frosts and a light fall of snow. The river was full of thin,
floating ice, so that swimming was out of the question, even
if we had succeeded in getting'out of 'the prison. Our first
plan was to dig a tunnel on the side next to the village,.




17


which was quite close to the prison, and come up in one of
the yards beyond the guard line, but on telling Robinson of
it, he at once said it was of no use, as it had been tried again
and again and had failed every time, the men being recaptured almost at the moment of emerging from the tunnel;
some one had evidently informed on them, probably in the
hope of getting some food as a reward; so we gave it up, but
watched every opportunity that chance might offer. I had
noticed an old tent-fly lying on the ground near the tent of
the commanding officer, and I had made up my mind to ask
the officer for it at the first opportunity. I knew the terrible
risk I ran, and Bell tried to dissuade me, but we suffered so
much from the cold and exposure that I resolved to try it.
The officer's tent was just across the guard line, and one
day as he stood by the door, just after his dinner, I waited
until the guards had turned and gotten some distance off;
then with a quick dash I sprang across the line and before
the guards could realize what I was doing, was close beside
the officer and too near him for them to fire at me without
danger of hitting him. I took off my cap and politely made
my request. He looked at me a moment before he said
" Yes, you can have it"; and added, in a low tone, " I wish
that I could do more for you."  He then directed the guard
to let me pass, and, thanking him most earnestly, I returned
with my coveted prize to my comrade.
After dark we took two boards from the frame of an old
well that had been abandoned on account of its filthiness, and
putting them across the ditch, threw the fly over them, pulling it down at the sides and tucking it under us, made a
much more comfortable shelter than our poor old hole in the
ground. Here we passed the greater part of the time devising ways and means of escape, only to resign them as
impracticable.  As the days dragged their weary length




18


along and the chance of escape seemed as distant as ever,
hope died within us, and our hearts grew sick with repeated
disappointments.
Going out one day, we wandered around the prison and
down to the sinks, and as we stood there it occurred to us
that if we had some ropes and could fasten them outside the
fence we might hang by them until the guards were taken
off for the night and then take our chances. Returning to
our hole, we tore strips of canvas from the old tent fly and
twisted them into ropes, and also took pieces to throw over
us for concealment as well as for protection.
The next day was Sunday,-the 15th of December, —just
one week from the time of our arrival at the Island, and we
were eager for night to come that we might put our plan into
execution. The day had been cloudy, but towards evening
gave promise of clea;i^g, and hiding our ropes under our
improvised blankets we sauntered down to the sinks, and
after a while succeeded in hanging them outside the fence,
at the same time realizing the utter impossibility of escaping
detection while getting into them. To attempt it was certain
death.
For some reason the guards were left on unusually late
that evening, and as we stood there I noticed that under the
board on which the guard walked out to the fence and backat the end where it left the bank-was a space large enough
for a man to squeeze into if he lay partly in the water. Hurriedly calling Bell's attention to it, he at once saw the
impossibility of both of us hiding there, and as we had agreed
to go or stay together, we were about to give it up, when
looking across the guard line and just beyond it, we saw a
slight elevation in the bank partly concealed by a bush, and
Bell, saying he would hide there, waited until the guard had
turned, and then rapidly crawled over the line and lay flat




19


upon the ground, his grey blanket blending so perfectly with
the color of the sand that I could hardly detect him myself.
Turning to see what my chances were, I saw two of our men
near by watching us. Not knowing what kind of men I had
to deal with, I implored them not to betray us. Providentially they were men not lost to the impulses of humanity,,
and saying they would help us all they could, wished us
"God speed," and going to the upper end of the guard's
beat, kept his attention engaged until I had crawled under
the board. I was in the water almost to my waist, and my
shoulders were tightly pressed between the board and the
ground. I had scarcely concealed myself when I heard the
sergeant of the guard ordering the men into the prison, and
then his footsteps as he came down the line towards my
hiding-place.  As he stepped on the board his weight
depressed it so much that my shoulders seemed crushed into
my body, and I could with difficulty repress a cry of agony.
He came back, stepped down over me, and walking a few
paces, turned and faced me. At this moment the moon
shone brightly out and full upon me. I closed my eyes, expecting every instant to be shot; but fortunately he did not
see me, and, calling the guard, went off, and we were safe so
far. After waiting a few moments, I crawled out, and lying
on the sand rubbed my almost frozen feet to restore circulation. Everything was quiet save the measured tread of the
guards and the confused hum of voices from the prison
beyond. Cautiously looking about, I gave a low "Hist!"
for Bell, but there was no response; again, but still no
answer; and just as I was beginning to fear that he had been
seen and recaptured, a low whistle reached my cars, and Bell
came crawling over the line to me. The ground sloped gradually up from the river to the prison, and from where we lay
we could see the top of the walls and an occasional head




20


beyond them, and the guards as they paced back and forth
upon their beat. Ahead of us the guard line ran down to
the water's edge, and behind us and around the point of the
island was the guard-house with its fire lighting up the surroundings. Escape that way was impossible, and how to
cross the guard line above without being seen was the problem
we had to solve. As we lay there thinking what to do, we
noticed that every once in a while the guard stopped as if
talking with some one in the prison or looking at what was
going on, and we came to the conclusion that our only chance
was to take advantage of one of these pauses and try to crawl
past him.
Time was precious, so lying flat on our faces, with our
bodies partly in the water, we crept through the filth and
water and at last emerged from the sinks. Slowly we worked
our way along, stopping when the moon came from behind
the clouds, and then going on again, gradually drew near the
dreaded line, stopping again as the guard, carelessly singing
to himself, came down the line. My heart was nearly bursting with suspense, but providentially the moon remained
hidden by the clouds until the guard, turning about, returned
to the upper end of his beat and stopped to talk to some one
within the prison; it was our opportunity, and hurriedly
crawling on we crossed the line and concealed ourselves
behind some trees that grew there. Going on, we came to a
boat secured by a lock and chain, and in trying to knock the
staple out, made so much noise that we aroused a dog that
came barking towards us; and fearing that we would also
arouse the inmates of the house, crept around it and up to
the top of a slight elevation where there was a battery which
commanded the prison, and sat down under a bush -to consider our situation.  We knew the bridge was strongly
guarded, the boats were near the guard-house, the river wide




21


and icy cold, and Bell could not swim; even if he could, we
should have perished with cold and exhaustion before getting
half way across. It almost seemed as if nothing was left us
but to give ourselves up. Life was dear, and while it lasted
there was hope; so with our hearts filled with bitter disappointment we concluded to return to that living death of the
prison. Before doing so, however, we thought we would go
to one of the houses and see if we could get something to eat,
and wrapping our coverings about us, went down into the
street of the village. As we walked along, hesitating which
house to try, we met a man, and telling him we belonged to
the guard, I asked him if he could not take us over into the
city as we wanted to get some bread to trade to the " Yanks."
He replied that he could not, but, pointing to a house, said
that the man who lived there-the foreman of the mill-was
going over after some flour, and that probably he would take
us over, and passed on. We approached the gate, and Bell,
saying that it was his turn to take the next risk, left me
standing at the gate and went up to the house and knocked
at the door. It was opened by a kind-faced woman, disclosing a room bright with light and warmth, and the table set.
for supper. Bell went in, closing the door behind him, shutting out from my sight what seemed like a vision of Heaven.
As I stood there waiting, a relief guard came marching by
and I began to whistle "The Bonnie Blue Flag." As they
came up one of them laughingly said, "Hello, pard! waiting
for biscuit?"  Afraid of my voice betraying me, I ojly
murmured "yes," and they passed on. The time seemed
very long, and I was growing anxious and impatient, when
the door opened, and Bell putting out his head, very cautiously called my name. Something in his voice assured me
that things were all right, and going up the path I went in.
Standing in the room was the woman I had seen at the door,




22


and beside her was an elderly woman rocking herself to and
fro with her face covered by her hands. Poor Bell was at
the table ravenously eating; tears runuing down the faces of
them all; and in answer to my look of bewildered inquiry,
Bell managed to say, ' They are Union people, Horrie; they
are Union people." The revulsion of feeling was too much
for me, and breaking down completely, I cried like a child.
The woman came close to me and said, "Thank God you
came here, my poor boy; you're hungry ain't you?" And
pushing us towards a bench partially concealed by the staircase leading to an upper room, she sat down at the table so
that she screened us from any chance visitor, and gave us
warm biscuit and meat. They were the most delicious I have
ever tasted. Bell told me that he had repeated my story,
but the woxman at once said, "No, you are not; you have
escaped from the prison." The rest you know. Our kind
hostess anxiously Watched the door, and presently some one
knocked. In answer to her "Come in," the door opened and
a rebel soldier appeared. Without waiting for him to speak,
she said, "Corporal, the biscuit will not be ready for some
time; you must come again." He turned and went away.
A few minutes later the door again opened and two men
entered, one of whom I at once recognized as the man whom
we had spoken to on the way, and the woman, springing up
from her chair, ran to him, saying, "Oh, John, these poor
fellows have escaped from the prison; we must save them."
The man's face became very grave as he spoke kindly to us,
and then sat down to his supper. We anxiously watched
him as he ate, and talked of the difficulties and risks to us
and to himself. He concluded by saying, "I have always
been a Union man, and this is the first opportunity I have
had to do anything for my country. I will take you over if
I can."  I shall never forget the look of tender love that




23


shone in that wife's face as she went to him, and putting her
arms around his neck, kissed him and said earnestly, "Save
them, John."  The plan was quickly made, and bidding our
kind friends "Good-bye," we went out the back way with
our guide, and the door closed on brave John Murphy and
his devoted and heroic wife.
Our guide cautiously conducted us as far as he dared to go
in the direction of the boats where we were to await Murphy,
whom we shortly afterwards saw approaching from the
farther corner of the prison. Every guard halted him for
the countersign, and as he drew near we sauntered towards
the boats to meet him. We reached the boats without being
noticed and I got into the right one, but Bell by mistake got
into one alongside, and in scrambling from it into Murphy's
slipped and almost fell, making considerable noise, which
attracted the attention of the nearest guard, who approached
the boats and asked Murphy whom he had with him. The
reply, "Some of your men going to the city with me,"
apparently satisfied him, and, leaning on his gun, he watched
us drift out of sight.
We landed at the yard of the Tredegar Iron Works, and,
bidding the noble fellow good-bye who had risked his life
for us, started on our perilous way.
Our plan was to follow the York River Railroad until we
came to the river, where we felt sure we would meet some of
our gun-boats. To do this it was necessary to traverse the
heart of the city, so, climbing over the fence of the yard, we
came to the canal, which we crossed on the tops of the boats
lying there, and came up into the city almost opposite the
Spottswood hotel. It was about nine o'clock in the evening
and the streets were full of people, and instead of creeping
along the alleys we kept boldly in the streets, and to this
fact, probably, owe it that we were not molested.' We passed




24


within sight of our old quarters-Libby Prison,-and turning
to the left soon reached a less frequented part of the town.
We hurried on, looking anxiously for the railroad that
Murphy told us was somewhere in this direction.
On our way we met a man and asked where the railroad
was. He told us we had passed it a few squares back, and
asked why we wished to know, as that road was no longer in
use. In a moment of rashness I told him who we were, and
a moment later could have bitten my tongue off for my folly;
for at that moment we heard the beat of a drum and at the
distance of two blocks the head of a column of soldiers
suddenly turned into the street. We turned and dashed
back in a wild run through the streets and alleys, scarecly
knowing or caring what direction we were taking, until we
came upon a bridge spanning the street, and there, under it,
lay the road we were looking for. Without stopping to calculate the distance, we jumped over the bank and went
tumbling down on to the road. We were badly shaken up,
and in the fall our rags of shoes were torn off and we
stumbled painfully along the road in our bare feet.  We
were soon tired, and before long stopped to rest, as we
fortunately heard no sounds of pursuit. Our feet were cut
and bleeding, and we tore strips from our canvas " blankets "
and wrapped and tied them up as best we could. Across the
road were some large heaps of smoking ashes-from the city
gas-works, I think,-and we burrowed into one of them and
enjoyed the warmth and rest for a little while. Starting on
again we left Richmond behind us, and soon found ourselves
in the open country and near the fortifications that surrounded the city. Looking carefully of all sides for pickets
and seeing none, we passed through the earthworks and finding the road-bed in good condition we pushed rapidly on,
making considerable progress during the night.




25


The faint light of approaching dawn found us close to the
Chickahominy river, and feeling sure of finding rebel pickets
there, we crept cautiously along anxiously scanning every
object and listening to every sound. We soon came to the
edge of the swamp which borders the river on either side,
and in the fast increasing light could see the bridge or trestle
stretching across the stream and not a picket or guard to be
seen. Anxious to put the river between ourselves and Richmond, we hurried across, and, as it was now getting too
light to proceed further in safety, we looked about for a
place of concealment. About half a mile ahead of us was a
high bank covered with bushes; we made rapidly for it and
clambering up the slope and under the bushes lay down and
fell into a heavy sleep. When we awoke the sun was setting;
our limbs were stiff and numb with cold, and our feet so
bruised and swollen and their coverings so stiff with blood
and dirt that every movement pained us exceedingly. Creeping to the edge of the bank, we waited until it was dark
enough to continue our journey. While we were thus
waiting two negroes returning from their work came along
and, hailing them, we told them who we were, and asked
them if there were any pickets about that neighborhood.
They said they had come into the road just a short distance
beyond and did not know. We asked if they had anything
to eat; they said they had nothing but two raw sweet potatoes,
which they tossed up to us, and on which we made our
supper.
After dusk we resumed our way and had gone perhaps a
mile, when, turning a sharp curve in the road to the right, we
saw a picket fire and guards.standing about it. Leaving the
road we made a wide circuit and came up beyond. them on to
the road again. To our dismay we found.it badly torn up,
and our progress was necessarily slow and painful. We




limped along until we came to more open country, and striking a wagon road running along the railroad, took it, and
found the walking much easier.  Seeing a house a little
distance off, we went to it, intending to go to the negro
quarters and ask for some food, but some dogs rushed out
barking loudly and drove us away. Going back to the road,
we followed it until we came to a large open space bounded
on the further side by a dark line of forest, and as we drew
near it we heard the sound of approaching wheels. There
was no place or time to hide, so plunging into a field at the
side of the road we threw ourselves flat on the ground. Our
situation was so critical, being so exposed, that we were oji
the point of making a run for it, when out of the woods came
a cart followed by others and guarded by a few soldiers.
It was too late now to attempt any change, and we lay with
anxiously beating hearts watching them as they drew near.
In the dim, uncertain light they probably mistook our silent
figures for logs or stones, and fortunately for us passed on
and were soon out of sight.
Resuming our weary journey we stumbled on until I
became so exhausted that I could scarcely drag one tired foot
after the other, and finally dropped to the ground and begged
Bell to leave me to my fate and save himself. The brave
fellow-suffering, too, as he was, -tried to cheer my fainting
spirit, and left me to look for a place where we could hide
and rest. He soon came hurrying back to tell me we were
near the river, and cheered by the hope that our pain and
weariness were nearly over, we struggled on and soon stood
on the bank of what we supposed was the York river. We
looked eagerly up and down the stream for the hoped for
gun-boats, but none met our view, and, sick with "hope
deferred," we sat down upon the bank to consider what was
best to do. The bridge had been burned, and only the




27


charred and swaying timbers remained. Cross it we must, so
clinging to each other, crawling and swinging from one
timber to another we at last reached the other side almost
frozen by the icy water. WVe took off our wet and ragged
clothes, wrung the water from them as well as we could, and
putting them on again, ran up and down the shore trying to
get some warmth into our shivering and benumbed bodies.
Some boats were drawn up on the bank, and concluding to
go the rest of the way by water in hopes of meeting our
gun-boats, we selected one that was tolerably fitted out with
oars and paddles, pushed out into the water and started
down the river. It was a fatal mistake, and, as we were told
afterwards, had we adhered to our original plan and followed
the railroad until we came to the York river, we would have
found our gun-boats patrolling the river, and been saved
days of privation and suffering and toilsome wandering; but
forgetting that the Pamunky river was between us and the
York, we supposed this to be the York, and so made the
mistake. The boat leaked badly, and we were compelled to
stop frequently and bail it out with our caps. Our spirits
rose as the miles slipped by, and we kept on until the growing light in the eastern sky warned us that it was time to
stop and hide. We vainly sought a suitable place on the
side opposite that we had left, and. were finally obliged to
return to that side where a fringe of bushes on the bank
offered some slight protection. Drawing the boat up we concealed it as best we could beneath a fallen tree, and finding a
slight depression in the bank partially hidden by the bushes,
we gathered some weeds and brush together and crawling in
covered ourselves, and huddling close to each other for
warmth, endeavored to sleep. We were very hungry, and
so stiff from cold and sitting so long in the wet boat that it
was long before sleep came to our relief. We awoke late in




28


the afternoon, and seeing four persimmons on a little treeoverhead eagerly siezed and ate them, but they only seemed
to make the pangs of hunger the keener. Famishing and
desperate for food, we determined to stop at the first house
we came to, and if food was not given us, to take it at
all hazard.
We could hear a distant sound of chopping il the woods
and the barking of dogs, and knew that a habitation of some
kind could not be far off; so, waiting until it was fully dark,
we pushed our boat out into the stream and started again
down the river. Keeping in the shadow of the bank we
slowly pulled along, and had gone but a mile or two when
we came to a house and two or three boats pulled up on the
shore. Pulling in, I left Bell in the boat and went up to the
house. Several dogs rushed out barking, and as I hesitated
whether to go on or turn back the door opened and a man
with a gun in his hand appeared and called the dogs off. He
asked what I wanted, and I told him that we were two rebel
soldiers who had escaped from Yorktown; that we were
making our way to Richmond, and that we were starving for
food. Coming out and looking cautiously around, he told me
to go in and see the women folks, and as I entered the house
he followed me in. I repeated my story to the two women
sitting by the fire, who, saying that they could only give me
some corn-bread and fish, set about getting the food for me.
Still holding his gun and keeping his eyes. upon me, the
man sat down and began to tell me how they lived,- that
they were peaceable folks, etc., "that a good many 'Yanks'
as well as rebels often stopped at the house, but that if they
did not interfere with him he wasn't going to do anything to
them." He repeated this last expression so often and, as I
thought, laying particular stress upon the "Yanks," that I
began to wonder whether there was any hidden significance




29


in his words. Just then the door opened and another man,
also with a gun, came in, and presently the two went into an
adjoining room where I could hear them talking in low tones.
I felt sure they knew who and what we were, and was considering how I could escape from the house, when they returned
and sat down just as the woman announced that supper was
ready. Here was my chance, and getting up from my seat I
said that I would go for my friend, intending not to return, but
to get out of the neighborhood as soon as possible; but one of
the men bade me sit still and he would bring my friend, and
going out soon returned with Bell. Nothing more was said
while Bell and I ravenously devoured the corn dodgers and
cold fish upon the table, and having finished our meal, and
thanking them for their kindness, we rose to go, and to my
surprise were allowed to depart. The two men, however,
followed us down the path and sitting on an upturned boat
watched us get into our boat and push off. I had hurriedly
whispered my suspicions to Bell and received a significant
nod in reply, so after getting into the boat we started
up stream in hopes of deceiving our watchful friends as to
our real movements, but we had hardly taken a couple of
strokes when one of them said quietly, "Boys, that ain't the
way you want to go; you want to go down the river."  Perceiving that further attempt at concealment was useless, we
ran the boat ashore, and approaching the men I said, " I see
that you know who we are. What are you going to do with
us " The quiet reply-" Help you, if you will let us; we are
Union men ourselves,"- struck us speechless with surprise
and thankfulness'; but the sudden change from suspense and
fear to hope and safety was more than we could stand, and
we burst into tears. Taking us up in their arms like two
children, they carried us back to the house, exclaiming as
they entered, " There, mother! didn't we tell you they were?"




30


In reply to our eager questions, our kind friends told us that
the river we were following was not the York, but the
Pamunky, and that some miles below it emptied into the
York, where the rebels had a chain of picket boats, and it
would be impossible for us to pass them. That our best plan
was to abandon the river and take the river road, or, as they
called it, the "telegraph road," until we came to Clark's
Mill, where an old darky, known as "Blind Charlie," would
tell us what to do. They specially warned us not to take any
roads leading to the right, and to. keep away from the houses,
as the people in that neighborhood were bitter rebels and
some of them very bad characters; that by keeping to the
road we ought to reach the mill' by daylight, and that Blind
Charlie would take care of us. They had given us the last
bit of meal in the house, so could give us no more food; but
giving us an old quilt, took us out and putting us on the
road bade us "good-bye " and left us.
The night was cloudy, and the road running through dense
woods, the darkness was so intense we could not see our
hands before our faces. We groped our way along, feeling
for the smooth telegraph poles in the darkness to know if we
were on the right way. After going on for a long time we
became aware that we had not recently felt any telegraph
poles, and the unwelcome conviction forced itself upon us
that we had lost our way. The woods just before us seemed
thinner, as if there might be an opening of some kind, and
presently we came to the edge of a clearing with some houses
dimly outlined in the distance. Everything was quiet as the
grave, and a foreboding sense of danger fell upon us. Uncertain what to do, we at length concluded to risk a visit to the
negro quarters and letrn where we were. I was to watch the
house while Bell went to the cabins, and dropping on his
hands and knees he cautiously crept away in the direction of




31


the buildings. Presently a low murmur of voices reached
me through the stillness of the night, and I knew he had
found some one. Just at that moment I heard a sound like
the distant click of a latch, and looking intently towards the
large house I thought I could discern a square of deeper
darkness than before, which strongly suggested an open door.
Crouching down behind the fence, I hurriedly made my way
in the direction in which Bell had disappeared, and found
him talking to an old colored woman sitting up in her bed at
her cabin window. I had no sooner told Bell my fear that
some one had heard us, than the old woman exclaimed, fearfully, "Run, massa; for God's sake, run!-that's Mar'se
Jenkins, who keeps the dogs to hunt you po' fellows. Run!
Run!" At that moment a low whistle, followed by the deep
bay of a hound, broke the stillness of the night.  For an instant the blood seemed frozen in our veins, then, realizing the
danger of the situation, we dashed blindly away in a wild
run for life. Our weariness was forgotten in the terror. of the
moment, and with superhuman strength we tore along, for
how long a time I cannot say,-it seemed an eternity. At
length, panting and gasping for breath, we stumbled into the
edge of a swamp filled with a dense growth of bushes. It
proved to be our salvation, and pushing in and struggling
through it until we were up to our necks in water, at last
stopped, not daring to go any further in the darkness. The
yelping and baying of the hounds came to us on the night
air, and we knew they were after us. We could hear them
at the edge of the swamp, and then, losing scent of us in the
water, their voices grew fainter and more distant, and finally
died away altogether. We then slowly and cautiously began
to feel our way, hoping to find solid ground, but bewildered
and lost to all sense of direction, we wandered around for a
long time before reaching the edge of the swamp and finding




32


ourselves in a dense forest. Anxious to put as great a
distance as possible between ourselves and our pursuers, we
kept on until we reached a deep ravine, when, utterly
exhausted, we lay down by a tree and fell into a heavy sleep.
We were awakened by the sound of some one singing, and
springing to our feet found the day just breaking. We were
in a deep hollow close by a little spring-house, and
just above the edge of the ravine a chimney and part
of the roof of a house were visible. A young colored
girl with a bucket was coming down the path to the
spring, and it was her singing which had roused us.
Waiting till she drew near, we stepped from behind the tree
to ask her where we were. Terrified at, our sudden and most
forlorn appearance, she dropped her bucket and ran screaming towards the house. Knowing that her screams would
alarm the people in the house, we clambered up the bank, and
looking back, saw the very house we hadfledfrom during the
night. Wild with dismay, we dashed back into the woods,
and ran we knew not in what direction, when we suddenly
came out upon the road we had lost in the darkness. In
spite of the daylight we recklessly kept on, impelled by the
fear of pursuit, hoping that every turn in the road might
reveal the mill and Blind Charlie's cabin.
Overtaking an old negro driving a cart, we asked him the
distance to the mill. "Just a little further," was the reply;
and telling him to drive on ahead and if he saw any one
coming to begin singing, we followed on behind the cart.
We had gone but a little way when a cavalryman made his
appearance around a bend in the road about a quarter of a
mile ahead, and not waiting to hear' the old darky sing, we
ran into the woods and crouched under a pile of brush. The
rider did not see us and galloped past. ~ We crept from our
hiding-place and plunged deeper into the woods, and heap



33


ing the dead leaves up between two logs, lay down, and
covering ourselves with the leaves, tried vainly to escape from
hunger and cold in the blessed oblivion of sleep. The day
seemed of interminable length, and when we rose at dusk to
continue our journey our tattered clothes were frozen
almost stiff.
Creeping to the edge of the wood near the road, we waited
until it was dark enough to proceed in safety.  As we
waited a. cart came along from the direction in which we
wished to go, and we hailed the negro driver and asked him
how far it was to the mill. He said "only a mile"; and
upon our asking for something to eat, gave us two ears of
corn which we eagerly devoured as we started on the road
towards the mill. Our limbs were so stiff with cold, and our
feet so bruised and swollen, that our progress was very slow
and very painful. The "mile"' seemed endless, and it was
after long and weary walking and anxious watching, that we
saw the dark form of the old mill loom up, and heard the
sound of water falling over the dam.
Cautiously approaching, we looked for Blind Charlie's
cabin. Not a house was to be seen but the mill and its outlying buildings. These we carefully examined but found no
signs of life. Disappointed and discouraged, we were about
moving on, when my eye caught a faint gleam of light, like
the sudden flicker of a fire, across the road, and crossing over
we saw a little log cabin just within the trees and partly
hidden by them. We crept up to it and saw through the
crack under the door th6 glimmer of a fire, and heard the
heavy breathing of some one asleep. We knocked gently
once-twice, before a voice which we at once recognized as a
negro's, said: "Who's there "  I replied: "Two Union
soldiers that have escaped from Richmond, and are starving
for something to eat; are you ' Blind Charlie?' " A woman's




34


voice exclaimed: " Hurry up, ole man, and let 'em in." A
quick shuffling of feet was heard within the cabin and the
door was opened, disclosing an old grey-headed darky, in his
night-shirt, bowing as profoundly as if in the presence of the
adored "Mar'se Lincoln" himself, and saying, "Come in,
Massa; come in," drew us in and shut and fastened the
door. We found ourselves in the presence of two old negroes
-- one a bed-ridden old woman, and the other "Blind
Charlie," who stood before us still bowing and thanking "de
Good Lord" that He had brought us to them. He piled
wood on the fire, and made us sit down and warm our frozen
limbs, while he bustled around, eagerly preparing food for
us. Brushing back the ashes he laid the cakes of meal on the
hot stone, replacing the hot ashes over them. While waiting
for them to bake we told him our story and how we had been
directed to him, he in return giving us information that would
be of use to us in making our way to the Union lines.
At length the cakes were done, and carefully brushing off
the ashes, he gave them to us. It was the sweetest food that
has ever passed my lips, and we ravenously devoured one
"dodger" after another, until the hospitable old negro
refused, for our own sakes, to give us any more. So we sat
there before the fire, drying our wet rags, and warming ourselves, with such a blessed sense of comfort and shelter, that
it made the humble cabin seem like Heaven.
At length, reluctantly forcing ourselves to move, we made
ready to start again on our perilous way. Old Charlie had
told us the road to take, and giving us two more cakes and
a dried fish and a box of matches, the old folks prayed
"de Good Lord" to bless and keep us, and thanking our
kind black friends, we once more started on our journey.
Refreshed by the rest and warmth, and strengthened by the
nourishing food, we pushed on through the rest of the night




without further adventures, and as the dawn began to break
approached a snmall4village. The road branched here to the
right and left, and as our friends had told us to keep to the
left we were about to take the road leading in that direction,
when we perceived some distance down it the flickering of a,
picket-fire at the side of the road. Stealing quietly off to the
right we went around the village and reached a wooded hill
beyond it, and as it was now getting too light to go farther in
safety, we concealed ourselved in a ditch running diagonally
up the side of the hill, and slept soundly until about the
middle of the afternoon.
When we woke we peered cautiously over the edge of our
hiding-place, and could plainly see the village we had passed
at dawn that morning, and occasionally a rebel horseman
appeared in the street. The hill shut off our view to the
right, so that we could not see where the picket post was
stationed, but when it was almost dusk I crept to the top of
the hill to reconnoitre, and see "how the land lay." From
there I could see the fire of the picket post at the edge of the
village just where the road entered it, and as I looked, two
cavalry men rode off, presumably to relieve the outpost. which
I felt sure must be concealed in a group of trees some distance
beyond.
A short distance back from the brow of the hill, and where
the land was cleared, was a large white house, with stables
and negro quarters near it. I was just on the- point of
returning to my comrade when a negro boy on a mule and
driving a cow approached the spot where I was. Dropping
behind the fence and waiting until he came up, I told him who
I was and asked how we could get around the pickets, and how
far it was to Williamsburg. He told me that our men were
in Williamsburg, and that "it was a right smart way down
the road"; and also told me how to go to avoid the pickets.




36


While we were talking I heard some one exclaim: "Who are
you talking to there?"  I looked up and saw a man coming
towards us, and telling him not to betray me, I dropped down
behind the fence, and the boy began to belabor the mule. I
heard him say: "I'm talkin' to dis mule, Mar'se —de ole
fool won't go."  And riding on, they went to the house.
When I got back to the spot where I had left Bell, to my
surprise and dismay he was gone, and as I looked anxiously
about fearing that he had been discovered and captured. I
saw a head stealthily appear from behind a tree and as
rapidly disappear. WAith an instinct of self-preservation, I
also sprang behind a tree and peered cautiously out only to
see the same head jerked out of sight again; this was
repeated two or three times, when it occurred to me that it
might be Bell himself, and that he had not recognized me,
and stepping out from behind my tree, I said "Bell, is that
you 9 " and to my great relief Bell stepped from behind the
other, and in spite of our wretchedness we laughed heartily
over our mutual mistake.  I think that was the only gleam
of (rather grim) humor that lit up for a single moment the
dreary time of all our wanderings.
We again started on our weary way; we had long ago
eaten the food kind old Charlie had given us, and the pangs
of hunger made themselves painfully felt.  Following the
directions given by the negro boy, we kept in the woods until
we reached an old deserted house, and then crossing a field,
entered a lane that led to the road again beyond the pickets.
Listening intently to every sound and closely scanning
every suspicious looking object, we slowly moved along until
we came to a large building, apparently deserted, which we
afterwards found was called "Burnt Ordinary," and being
very tired, we crept under it and tried to sleep.  But a
strange sense of danger took possession of me,-it seemed to




37
me I could feel it in the air; and finding Bell of the same
mind, we crept out and struggled on again until day began to
break when we entered the woods and coming to a convenient
hollow, lay down and tried to forget our misery in sleep.
We were so hungry and cold, and so exhausted by excitement and fatigue, that when sleep did come it was so heavy
that we did not wake until late in the night. *
We had gone but a few miles on our way when day broke,
but feeling confident that we could not be far from Williamsburg, and desperate with hunger, we kept on, within the edge
of woods, as much as possible, and passing old picket posts,
until suddenly we came upon the scene of a cavalry skirmish,
which, judging from the condition of the dead horses, must
have occurred only a few days before.  The country was
becoming more open, and some little distance ahead, and to
the right of the road, we could see an orchard, and the roofs
of some houses among the trees. Thinking we might find
some apples or get some food at the houses, we went into the
orchard and slowly drew near a house which looked deserted,
but as we reached the front of it we saw a young fellow
dressed in butternut clothes, standing in the door.  Starting
slightly at sight of us, he asked rather gruffly, what we
wanted.  We said, "something to eat."  He replied that he
had nothing, but I was sure that I smelt apples, and asked if
he hadn't some.  He said " Yes, a few," and turned into the
house, into which we followed him.
The room we entered was bare of everything save an old
box in one corner, and opening it he showed a few crabbed
apples. While we were eating them he asked where we were
going. We told him "to Williamsburg"; and upon his
*My presentiment was providential, as we learned afterward that this old house was the
headquarters of rebel bushwhackers, who infested that neighborhood.
I




38


saying, "Why, the 'Yanks' are there," said that we knew
it, and that we were " Yanks " ourselves. The man's manner
changed instantly, and saying, "why didn't you tell me that
before? " said that he had some bread up stairs, and turned
to leave the room.  As he turned I saw (what I failed to
notice before) that he had spurs on his shoes, and hearing
sounds overheard as if persons were moving cautiously about,
I felt that we had stumbled into a trap, and giving Bell a
warning glance, we both sprang to the door.  The man ran
up the stairs, crying "Yanks! Hurry down."  We dashed
for the road, and had run but a short distance when a shot
from a revolver whistled after us, and looking back we saw
three or four men standing by the door firing at us with their
pistols, and as we looked, they ran around the corner of the
house towards the stables.
Thinking they had gone for their horses, we dashed desperately on in a wild race for life, looking back from time to
time for our pursuers. At last, after running I know not how
far, nature could endure no more, and gasping for breath we
sank exhausted to the ground, hopeless and despairing.
How long we lay there I do not know, but finally, hearing
no sounds of pursuit, and hope that "springs eternal" rising
once more in our'breasts, we staggered up and on, clinging to
each other for support, and anxiously looking before and
behind us for the first sign of friend or foe.
Our condition was pitiable in the extreme. With clothes
in tatters and covered with dirt, with faces wasted and holloweyed with starvation, we looked more like scarecrows than
human beings.
Suddenly the road turned to the left and leaving the woods,
crossed the open country, and there before us, lay Williamsburg-the goal of our hope, and from the top of a tall




39
church spire, beautiful as "God's bow of promise," floated
the glorious folds of the " Stars and Stripes."
Ahead of us, under some trees by the roadside, we could
see the blue uniforms of our pickets. Cold, hunger and want,
weariness -. everything, was forgotten in the joy of the
moment, and crying and feebly shouting, waving our arms
and caps, we ran towards -them, shouting, as we heard the
command to "Halt," followed by arms drawn up to fire,
"Don't shoot; we are Union soldiers."  A few moments
more and we were welcomed back by loyal hearts, and
tenderly cared for by the loyal hands of the One Hundred
and Thirty-ninth New York, and at last were safe again
under the folds of the dear old flag.








REMINISCENCES
OF AN
ART ILLERY OFFICER.


A PAPER


READ BEFORE THE
MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE U. S.
BY
A. F. R. ARNDT,


MAJOR FIRST MICHIGAN LIGHT ARTILLERY.
January 2nd,. I890.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1890.








1Reminihcencez of an   lrtillerp Officer.


All branches of our great army, except the artillery, have
been heard from. The infantry has come in from the pickets
and skirmishes, the cavalry from their outposts and charges;
the engineer corps, ever ready to destroy and rebuild, has
given us its report - yes, even the navy, slow but sure, has
promised to be ready in the near future; and the artillery,
the last but not least in time of war, I have the honor to bring
before you this evening for inspection.
Michigan sent to the field one regiment and two independent batteries (fourteen batteries in all.) All of these batteries
have seen more or less active service. Many of them became
quite famous, and will ever be pleasantly remembered by the
officers and men to whose command they were assigned to
duty. I will not mention any particular battery, as the
records show that none deserted their post nor disgraced the
State. In this country, and particularly in the beginning of
the war, batteries often worked under difficulties and at great
disadvantage. They were attached temporarily to different
commands, and often looked upon as a fifth wheel to a
wagon, in fact only appreciated in time of immediate or
prospective need. Hence it was a difficult task for the battery
commander to keep his battery in first-class condition for
active service. During the latter part of the war, however,
batteries of each army corps were brigaded, and in command




4


of the chief of artillery, whose duty it was to see that they
were kept in a serviceable condition. All the batteries being
under his immediate command, if a battery or batteries were
needed, it was for the brigade commander to select such a
battery or batteries as he considered best adapted to the
required service. For long range and accurate firing, the 10
pd. Roddman or 10 pd. Parrott gun is by far more desirable
than the smooth bore 12 pd. Napoleon, and for short range
and effective rapid firing, the Napoleon or Howitzer is by all
means the gun. I have heard and read opinions of army
officers, stating that the artillery during the late war was
overrated, and not of as much importance in the field as was
generally considered. This appears to me an error, as there
are numerous well-known instances where artillery saved the
day and gave us victory.   History also cites numerous
occasions in the Napoleonic and late Franco-Prussian war,
where the artillery played a most important part.  An
artillery officer should, above all, remain cool and thoughtful
during an engagement. A colonel of a regiment of cavalry or
infantry, if he finds himself in close quarters, may withdraw
his men, even if panic-stricken and confused, but a battery
commander can only save his battery and men, if cool and
collected, by giving the proper command, and each cannoneer
obeying promptly and correctly.
The first engagement in which our battery participated was
Shiloh, April 6th, 1862, where I was duly initiated into the
realities of warfare.  I was ordered with my section to the
open field near the Shiloh church. Hardly had we come into
action when the rebels advanced in line of battle, determined
to capture our battery.  I gave the command "Cannister —
Double Charge."  When they came within about 200 yards
I gave the order "Low Range-Ready-Fire."    This command was immediately repeated.  By this time the advancing column discovered that "double-charge cannister" at




5


close range was altogether too unhealthy, and made a precipitate retreat.  Had my guns been Roddman or Parrot, the
rebels would have, in all probability, succeeded in persuading
me to move my battery over to their forces.' Each cannister
holds 75 balls, double charge 150, two guns 300 balls; this
scattered in the ranks of advancing troops is apt to hurt a
few, and scare the rest.  Besides a Howitzer or Napoleon
gun is loaded more rapidly than a rifle gun.
Our battery rendered such excellent and efficient service
during the rest of the day, that the rebels insisted on transferring it to their side.  Late in the afternoon of that day,
General Bragg, in person, accompanied by his staff and a
cavalry escort, called upon me with the demand that this
change be made.  Although.we preferred remaining with.Uncle Sam's boys, yet his request was so urgent and pressing
that I was unable to decline.  My decision to yield to his
solicitation was indicated by the command "Prepare to
Mount ---Mount-Forward March."    Escorted by him, his
staff, and a detachment of cavalry, we were taken to the
rebel rear and turned over to Col. John C. Morgan, who with
his command very kindly acted as our escort to Montray.
For eight months I was a guest of the Southern Confederacy.  As such I was given a number of free excursions
through that section, and entertained at various hotels of
world-wide repute, such as Macon, Madison, Montgomery and
Libby.  Although during this time I was not on duty, yet I
felt extremely pleased, joyful and happy when the time came
to bid farewell to my Southern hosts and return home. Eight
months of prison life! What that means only those can
appreciate who have been there themselves.
After allowing us to spend a month or two at home with
our friends, the Government, considering our services necessary in the field, ordered me with the battery to the front.
We proceeded to Corinth, Miss., Pulaski, Tenn., fLa Grange,




6


Tenn., Huntsville, Ala., Chattanooga, Tenn., Snake Creek
Gap, Dalton, Resaca, Rome Cross Roads, and Kingston, Ga.
Gen. Jeff C. Davis with the Fourteenth Corps, having taken
Rome, Ga., a brigade and my battery were detached to occupy
and hold the place, while the army moved on Atlanta. There
being no engineer officer with our command, it devolved upon
me to build the many fortifications protecting the city.  Of
the manner in which this task was executed I shall express
no opinion, but simply say, that the four forts and breastworks were constructed under my supervision.
During our occupation of this place General Wade Hampton
paid us a hurried, although not altogether friendly visit.
Our greeting was so very enthusiastic and so excesssively
warm that he concluded not to tarry, and left unceremoniously.
As one branch of the army has not, and perhaps will not,
be heard from, in connection with this, I beg to call attention
to the Signal Corps, which undoubtedly did some excellent
service. I will mention here an instance where I found even
an excuse of a Signal Corps a great benefit and of much
importance. Our fortification around Rome being considerably scattered, some of them a mile and more from the city,
and fearing that in case of an unexpected attack the communication between the forts and my headquarters might be
cut off, I organized a Signal Corps of my own, and appointed
Lieutenant Ernst, one of my officers, Signal officer and
instructor.  General Vanderver had given orders that all
convalescents in the hospital should at once be placed in the
rifle pits. The surgeon in charge argued that unless the men
were permitted to remain in hospital they would be worn out
and unfit for duty when needed. Feeling satisfied that such
would be the case, I endeavored to find General Vanderver to
ask permission to dismiss the men until such time as they
might be needed. The General, however, could not be found.




7


I signaled from my headquarters to the Fort on Cemetery Hill
across the Etuwah river (from the direction whence Hampton
was expected) to find out if the General had passed the
bridge across the Etuwah. In a few minutes the reply came
that he had.  I then sent an officer with the request of the
surgeon to the General; in less than ten minutes I was
directed by signal from the Fort to dismiss the men until
further orders.  Without this signal, the sick men would
have been obliged to remain in the rifle pits, perhaps for
many hours.  Hampton's forces were repulsed before reaching the city, hence their services were not needed.
On the 14th of October, 1864, we were ordered to Cave
Spring, Ga., via Calhoun, Resaca, Snake Creek Gap, &c.
(having an engagement with the enemy at Turkey Creek Oct.
26th.) Leaving Cave Spring on the first of November for
Smyrna, Ga., whence we started on the ever famous march to
the sea.  On this march we experienced the most severe loss
of men and horses in one engagement, lasting only about
one half day.
General Wheeler with his cavalry was annoying the rear
and flank of our corps, which more or less disturbed our
marching column.   General Osterhouse ordered General
Wolcott, with his brigade and one section of my battery, to
make a stand at Griswoldville, to check Wheeler's move (had
this been at the beginning of the war I am sure that our
entire command there would have been easily captured), but
immediately after having taken our position the infantry at
once commenced to build temporary works, and not any too
soon were they finished. Our infantry laid behind their works
to the right of the road leading to Griswoldville facing an
open field. My two pieces were in the road to their left.
Expecting that if they would make an attack on us at all
that they would come across this open field, I told General
Wolcott that my battery would be of more service if I could




8


place one piece in the center of the infantry, which would
enable me, in case they should charge across the field, to give
them a cross fire. The General considered my proposition
advisable and ordered the infantry to clear a road, so as to
enable the piece to come into position, but before they could
accomplish this, General Wolcott sent for me, calling my
attention to the fact that the enemy were forming in the edge
of the woods, to the right of a log house, and requested me to
send a few shells in their ranks. This we did, and succeeded
in driving them from their position  Seeing now that they
were going to attack us across the field, I made haste to get
my pieces into their places. Before this was fully done, and
while I was crossing the road, I noticed a rebel battery
advancing upon the field. I turned, intending to give orders
to prevent the battery coming into position. An infantry
officer stopped me, calling my attention to the approaching
battery. I told him that I had noticed it, but before I could
say another word, a rebel soldier leveled his gun at us, and
the first thing I knew after that, was finding myself lying
behind a stump, with one of my men leaning over me
unbuttoning my clothes. Recognizing him as the gunner of
one of the pieces, I requested him to return at once to his
gun.  Seeing the bullet had passed through my overcoat,
blouse and vest, I could not think otherwise than that the
ball had passed straight through my body, which apparently
indicated the summons for me to appear for muster upon the
other shore. Being resigned to my fate, I dropped back in
my lying position, awaiting the 'end. In the meantime the
rebel battery had taken their position on the field, and were
shelling our forces, the shells exploding in all directions
around me. At the same time their infantry came charging
and re-charging across the the field, determined to capture
our commands, which they would have done if it had not
been for one regiment of infantry behind the works with




9


their 16-shooters, and the pluck and determination of General
Wolcott to hold his ground. Here it was where my battery
or the section which was engaged, suffered such a severe loss
-two men lost each a leg, one man an arm, and several
others were slightly wounded, besides we lost six horses, so
that the men were obliged to draw the guns from the field by
prolong. Expecting every minute that our men would be
driven in, and that the rebels in driving them back would
either trample over me or finish me with their bayonets, and
imagining that I was swimming in my own blood, feeling in
fact the blood oozing from each finger and toe, I managed to
raise up and examine the fearful hole through my body.
Pulling my shirt apart, I found a red spot to the left of my
stomach, but could not find either hole or blood. I did not
remain long behind that stump. The ball having struck my
pipe in my overcoat pocket, glanced off and went through my
blouse in a downward direction, then through my vest and
under my vest struck the saber belt plate, which saved my
life. I am positive that if I had not examined my supposed
severe wound, I would have died right there, as I felt myself
gradually sinking.
The march to the sea, with its engagements, the taking of
Fort McAllister, and other incidents of interest, have been so
fully recited by some of our most prominent officers of that
army, that I will only, before closing my paper, mention a
few engagements (showing the importance for artillery to be
cool under fire), and close with our entry into Savannah;
also cite an interview with a prominent Southern gentleman
at Savannah.
On the march from Atlanta to Savannah, the Confederate
army were firing from behind strong earthworks.  I was
ordered to take my battery upon a knoll, and assault fire
upon their works. Before we were in position they opened
quite a strong fire, throwing camp kettles (twenty pounders)




10


all around us.  Their exploding shells cutting the branches
off the trees to our right and left, it was indeed a most dangerous place, and took strong nerve to stand erect to load and
sight the guns.  All men save one behaved splendidly, but
this one man, although one of my best and most trustworthy,
became so nervous and excited, that it was absolutely impossible for the gunner to sight his gun (he was No. 5 with trail
hand spike). I told him that he must coolly attend to his
post, or I would have him tied to the tree, which had been
partially cut down by pieces of exploding shells in the rear
of the battery.  Knowing the consequences he rallied, and
endeavored to do his best.  I felt indeed sorry for this man.
Never before had he broken down nor seemingly feared
danger more than the rest of the men.  After the engagement I sent for him.  Thinking perhaps that I intended to
scold him for his action, he apologized, saying that he felt
ashamed of his conduct, but that he lost all control of himself. I told him that I did not desire any apology, as I had
always known him to be a brave and faithful soldier, and
that I felt sorry for him at the time, and would have much
preferred sending him to the rear, than to talk to him the
way I did, but that he could easily see it was the only thing
that I could do, under the circumstances, for had I sent him
to the rear, every one of my men might have left their post,
as all were exposed as much as he was, and feared death as.
much as he did.  I found during the four years of my army
life, that the most reckless and daring soldier, is not always
the bravest and most trustworthy.
Before Savannah, the rebels were shelling General Sherman's headquarters, several shells striking near the General,
when all at once one exploded uncomfortably close to the
camp chair upon which he was sitting.  This was more than
the General could endure.  Saying that the firing was too
careless and might hurt somebody, he requested General




11


Osterhouse to order one of his batteries upon the open field,
and silence the d-   rebel battery.  General Osterhouse
sent for me, and upon reporting, was instructed to take my
battery at once to the said field, and silence the rebel guns.
Considering it impossible to get my battery into action, I
told the General that I would have thanked him had he
selected some other battery.  General Osterhouse replied,
"General Sherman requested me to order my best battery,
and I have selected you."  Thanking him for the honor, I
assured him that I was not at all jealous, and would gladly
see the honor bestowed upon any other battery commander,
but he advised me that it was my battery he wanted. Reluctantly I obeyed; had my men fall in; told them the order I
had received; at the same time impressing upon them that
this order meant either victory or death; also the importance
of each man being promptly at his post, so that the battery
without delay might come into action immediately upon
entering-the field.  We went in full trot to the front, and as
soon as we reached the field, gave the command, "In battery
trot - March."  Hardly had we unlimbered, when they
opened fire; but they had not long to wait before receiving
response, and to my great surprise and delight our battery
silenced their guns.  As they had the advantage over us in
every particular, we being in the open field, they under the
cover of the woods, we without the slightest idea of the distance between us, they knowing the exact distance, I always
looked upon our success then, and still do, as if the hand of
Providence guided our shots, or to say the least, it was more
blind luck than science.  However, it added a big feather to
my cap, which in reality belonged to my brave and faithful
men.   To-night, it is hardly necessary to assure you that I
enjoy the atmosphere of my present surroundings decidedly
better.  Though Generals Sherman and Osterhouse perhaps
credited me with more military ability and skill than you




12


may be willing to allow, yet it is a matter of no moment, as
I am less ambitious now than formerly, and seek safe quarters to-day more than honors, which may cost life or limb.
On the evening of the 22d of December I received orders
to open fire on the enemy's works early the next morning.
Accordingly everything was in readiness, though before we
did so one of my officers, Lieut. Ernst, called my attention to
the fact that the rebel works had been deserted during the
night.  Further investigation proved such to be the fact.
Soon orders were received from headquarters not to commence
firing.  Going to headquarters I found that General Osterhouse was preparing to enter Savannah with his staff and a
cavalry escort, which I joined and without meeting obstructions or interference we marched into Savannah, while the
Confederate troops evacuated the city in great haste. I took
my headquarters on the corner of Taylor and Aberdeen
streets.  The second house from my headquarters was occupied by Mr. Couversie, a thorough gentleman, English by
birth.  The negroes, having entered the rear of their premises, helped themselves to whatever they could lay their
hands on.  Miss Ella Couversie, his daughter, a very beautiful and accomplished young lady, requested me to enter their
house.  Complying with her request, she took me to the
back door, pointed to the negroes, and asked me if it was the
desire of our Government and the army, that they should do
so. I assured her that it was not, ordered them to put everything back where they found them, and told them they would
be arrested and severely punished if found robbing and
pilfering citizens. The young lady then asked me if I would
please step into the house, as she desired to introduce me to
her parents.  Of course I accepted the invitation.  Having
had a friendly chat with her father he asked me if I ever
indulged.  I told him that I knew the time when I did, but
that it had been so long'sincej that I could hardly remember




13


the taste.  He said that good liquor was indeed scarce even
with them, but that he had a little left, which he only divided
with his most intimate friends, and although he did not claim
friendship, yet he considered me a gentleman, and would
be pleased to divide with me, and requested me to follow him
to his library.  After having taken a smile, he confidently
asked me what my opinion was about this war; if I thought
it was right of our Government to send an army to destroy
and ruin their country, and kill their best sons.  I told him
that I was at a loss to understand him; only a few moments
ago he assured me that he considered me a gentleman.  If
such was the case, how could he ask such a question. My
office and rank should be sufficient to answer that, for if I
considered it wrong to come with an army to destroy their
country, as he said, and still participated in the destruction,
I could not possibly be a gentleman.  In my opinion it was
not a question if the South was right or wrong, the question
was, if we could suffer to have this great country broken up,
or if it was the duty of every loyal citizen to prevent this.
The North surely did not commence this war. The South
fired the first shot, determined to destroy this country.  Our
Government had endeavored to prevent this calamity, and
appointed a peace conference desiring an amicable settlement,
which they or their leaders absolutely refused to confer with,
and to our great surprise insisted upon this unnatural war.
Under these circumstances we were compelled to meet them.
Personally, I assured him I had no ill feeling towards him, or
any Southern man.   He then assured me that his greatest
and most sincere desire was peace - peace by all means. He
said, "I am convinced we have been badly deceived by our
leaders, our press, and army officers. Only last night I asked
General Beauregard, whom I considered a personal friend,
'General, how do we stand, and what are our prospects?'
and he replied, 'Sherman with his army starved and demor



14


alized lay in front of Savannah, Hood with his army is in
their rear; it is only a matter of time when we will capture
them all,'  During the night I heard considerable moving
and stirring about upon our streets, which satisfied me that
our army was getting ready to make the attack upon your
forces.  In the morning when I got up and stepped to my
window, I could hardly believe my eyes. In places where I
had seen our stars and bars in the evening, I saw the stars
and stripes floating, and where I saw our boys in gray a few
hours ago, I saw' your boys in blue.  I am fully convinced
now that if your army was able to march right through the
very heart of our Confederacy without meeting any resistance, that our struggle is in vain, and we sacrifice our best
blood for naught.  Hence I wish this war to close.  And I
might say right here, that I and many of our best men of
this State bitterly opposed war, and instructed our delegates
to the Tennessee convention to vote against secession.  Not
at all because I loved the North so much, nor that I felt we
could not live without you, but only because I knew that our
struggles would be useless.  However, our delegates were
overpowered or misled and voted for secession, and'when my
State seceded, where my family, my relatives, my friends
and my financial interests were, I had to go with my State.
If I should tell you that I was pleased to see your army here,
which means destruction to ours, and success to yours, I
would lie, and God forbid I never knowingly told a falsehood.
But I say this, and you can take my word for it, that I shall
become a law-abiding citizen; humiliating as it may be, I
will submit to those in authority."
He then said, "By the way what do you consider my duty
under the following circumstances: 1 am the treasurer of the
Georgia Central R. R., and have a large amount of money in
my possession belonging to the Company.   If your men
should demand for me to turn this sum over to them, what




15


should I do?"  I told him, that if his little son had something which he had given in his care, and a strong man
should come and insist upon his turning it over to him, would
he not advise him rather to give it up at once, than to have
the strong man take it by force and abuse him for refusing to
do so? And that his case was the very same. If an officer
with authority comes and requests you to hand the funds
over to him, I would advise you to do so at once, and ask
him to give you a proper receipt for the same, to put you
right with your Company.  He thanked me and said that
he should do so.
From Savannah I was ordered North to attend to some
duty there connected with the army, and Lieut. Ernst took
command of the battery.  Returning to the field I was
ordered on General John A. Logan's staff, and later took
command of the artillery brigade of the Fifteenth.  A. C.
General W. B. Hazen commanding the Corps.








RECOLLECTIONS
-O FStone's River.
A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE THE
MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the U. S.
BY
JOHN G. PAR.K HURST.
Col. 9th Reg't Mich. Inf'y; Br't Brig.-Gen'l U. S. V.,
February 6th, 1890.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1890.








IRecollections of Stone' 1River.


Recognizing the orders of this Commandery as obligatory
upon all companions, and having some time ago been ordered
to write a paper, and upon a named subject, I proceed to give
my " recollections of the Battle of Stone's River."
As the writer had been boarding at the expense of Jefferson
Davis' Government for some months previous to the Stone's
River campaign, he will not be able to give many of the particulars of the preliminary arrangements for the battle.
Upon rejoining his regiment, the Ninth Michigan Infantry,
at Nashville, on the 24th day of December, 1862, the regiment was assigned to General George H. Thomas as the provost guard of the center of the Army of the Cumberland.
The next morning he found his Christmas present in the
form of an order placing him in command of the provost
guard of the Fourteenth Army Corps, with instructions to
report to General Thomas, and to advance to the front on the
following morning with the center of the army.
The Army of the Cumberland had recently been placed
under the command of General W. S. Rosecrans, and had been
reorganized with a view to an advance toward that stronghold,-Chattanooga.
The right wing of the army was placed under the command
of General A. McD. McCook, and was composed of the
divisions of General P. H. Sheridan, General Jeff. C. Davis,
and General R. W. Johnson.




4


The center of the army was placed under the command of
General George H. Thomas, and was composed of the divisions of General Rousseau, General J. S. Negley, and General
S. S. Fry.
The left wing of the army was placed under the command
of General Thomas L. Crittenden, and was composed of the
divisions of General H. P. Van Cleve, General T. J. Wood,
and General John M. Palmer.
The cavalry was under the command of General D. S.
Stanley.
The aggregate strength of General Rosecrans' army was
not far from 48,000 men.
It was known to General Rosecrans that the rebel army
under General Bragg was intrenched in the vicinity of Murfreesboro, thirty miles southeast of Nashville, and that
Bragg had established winter quarters at that point with a
force of about 45,00) men.
At 6 o'clock on the morning of December 26th, 1862, the
army of General Rosecrans moved out of camp at Nashville,
supplied with ammunition and ten days' rations, and
advanced upon the position of the enemy.
This advance was made upon the Franklin, Nolensville,
Wilson, Edmonson, Murfreesboro and Jefferson Pikes.
An evidence of the watchfulness of General Bragg is found
in the fact that, in no direction had the army of Rosecrans
moved two miles before it met with a stubborn resistance
from the enemy; but the army of Rosecrans was so full of
vigor and fight that, although the rain poured down in torrents, no complaints were heard, and the enemy was pushed
back upon all the pikes.
On the 27th the right wing, under McCook, met with a
strong resistance at Nolensville and at Triune, General
Hardee having his corps in line of battle at the first named
point.




5


The left wing also met with a strong resistance at Lavergne
and at Stewart's Creek. The center threatening Hardee on
our right, and sending troops in either direction, as they were
required, to force the enemy back.
Thus the Army of the Cumberland pushed its way against
and over the enemy for nearly thirty miles, and until he was
driven into his line of intrenchments before Murfreesboro.
General Rosecrans having assumed an offensive position,
Bragg looked for an attack upon his lines on the morning of
the 30th, and made several demonstrations during the day to
test the position and strength of the Union lines.
General Rosecrans divided his time during the 30th between
developing the position of Bragg's troops and establishing
his own line of battle. This he did by placing Wood's division on the left of his line, Wood's left resting on Stone's
River, and his right on the Nashville Pike; Palmer's
division, on Wood's right; Negley's division, on Palmer's
right; Sheridan's division, on Negley's right; Davis' division,
on Sheridan's right; and the brigades of Generals Willick
and Kirk on the right and rear of Davis, with Baldwin's
brigade held in reserve in rear of the right.
General Van Cleve was held in reserve on the west bank of
the river in rear of the left.
General Rousseau was held in reserve in rear of the center.
The trend of this line was in a northwest and southeast
direction, and conformed to the rebel line of battle.
Bragg's left wing was on the west side of Stone's River, and
was commanded by General Polk, and consisted of the divisions of General Withers and General B. F. Cheatham.
Bragg's right wing was on the east side of the river, and
consisted of the divisions of General Joln C. Breckenridge
and General Pat Cleburn, and was commanded by William
J. Hardee.




6


McCown's division was held in reserve in rear of the rebel
center.
And Jackson's troops were held in reserve in rear of the
rebel right.
Wheeler's rebel cavalry was operating on the right, and
Wharton's rebel cavalry was held on the rebel left.
This was substantially the position of the enemy when
General Rosecrans, established his own lines and issued his
order of battle, which contemplated engaging the enemy's
left and holding it in position, while with his own left and
center he would attack the enemy's right flank and center
and drive him into the woods west of Murfreesboro, while he
would move into the town and hold it.
On the morning of the 31st, General Rosecrans issued an
address to the soldiers of the Army of the Cumberland, which
was distributed to the troops, in which he said:
' Soldiers, the eyes of the whole nation are upon you, the
very fate of the nation may be said to hang on this day's
battle. Be true, then, to yourselves, true to your own manly
character and soldierly reputation, true to the love of your
dear ones at home, whose prayers ascend to God this day
for your success. Be cool, do not throw away your fire, close
steadily in upon your enemy, and when you get within
charging distance, rush upon him with the bayonet."
The Ninth Michigan Infantry, the provost guard, was in
position at General Thomas' headquarters in rear of the
centre, and the writer was occupied in reading this stirring
appeal to the valor and patriotism of the soldiers of the
Army of the Cumberland, and in listening to the raging
battle, when his attention wa[s directed to the approach of a
lot of teamsters, riding their harnessed mules on a keen run
to the rear, and in advance of the running mules was one
particular negro, who, though very black, had an absolute
pallor upon his countenance, and about four inches of tongue




7


protruding from his mouth, his eyes bulging nearly out of
his head. If any companion has ever seen an intensely tired
and frightened darkey he can draw the picture for himself.
Following this advance of alarmist, crying "all is lost,"
came first, cavalrymen, then teams cut loose from wagons,
with each mule bearing from two to three riders, then came
panic-stricken infantrymen.
It being a part of the writer's duty to prevent straggling,
and to keep' men with their respective commands, he sent out
details to pick up these terrified troops, but the picking up
soon became pretty lively business, and he found it necessary
to place the Ninth Michigan in line of battle across the Nashville Pike, extending its flanks to the utmost limit, and he
was none too soon in this movement. Cavalry, artillery,
infantry, suttlers and camp followers came rushing with the
force of a cyclone, and the Ninth Michigan was ordered to
fix bayonets and charge upon this panic-stricken mass of
men.
The charge was made, and the result was gratifying, the
stampede was checked and the fleeing mass of troops were
halted, put in line facing the enemy, until a force of some
thousands of infantry, eight pieces of artillery and several
hundred cavalry were placed in a favorable position, from
which this recently terrified force several times repulsed the
charges of the pursuing enemy, and finally, after General
Walker, with his brigade, including the Fourth Michigan
Artillery, came forward from Stewart's Creek, we were
enabled to drive the enemy back to his lines, and to some
extent relieve the right of Rosecrans' Army, after which, the
troops which had been driven from McCook's right, were
enabled to rejoin their command, and subsequently, and
before the battle ended, exhibited as much bravery, heroism
and fighting qualities as the best American soldiers.




8


As indicated, General Rosecrans' intention was to attack
and turn the rebel right.
General Bragg, somehow, seemed to have about the same
idea of the direction of the impending battle that Rosecrans
had, except that Bragg aimed to rush upon the Federal right
flank and rear, and get on the Union line of communication
with Nashville.
With this object in view Bragg, during the night of the
30th, withdrew Cleburn's division from his right and placed
it upon the left of Cheatham, and withdrew McCown's division from the reserve and placed it on the left of Cleburn, and
beyond McCown placed his cavalry under command of General Wharton.
Bragg also called Hardee from his right wing, and placed
him in command of these troops on the left of Polk, with
instructions to attack the Federal line on the right flank and
rear at dawn of the 31st.
This new position of Bragg's troops extended his left at
least a mile beyond the Federal right, leaving his own right
to be protected and held by Breckenridge division, supported
by Adams.
As early as 6 o'clock on the morning of the 31st Wharton's
cavalry had, without being discovered, passed around Rosecrans' right, and reached the Wilkinson Pike nearly two
miles in rear of the lines of battle as had been established by
Rosecrans and Bragg.
From this position the enemy made a desperate charge,
with a force of over 2,000 cavalry, upon the unprepared
brigades of Generals Kirk and Willick.
This bold charge of the enemy threw Kirk's and Willick' s
brigades into disorder and confusion.
Willick was so far in rear of his command when this dash
of the enemy was made upon his troops, that the resistance
made by his brigade was without any order or concert of




9


action, and Willick himself, riding into the confused lines,
began to give very imperative orders in his peculiar English,
when (as it would seem), out of consideration for his rank,
only his horse was shot, and it was intimated to him, by the
troops to whom he was giving orders, that their commanding
officer wore a different uniform, and that they had been
instructed to provide quarters for him inside the rebel lines.
Willick was a prisoner, while he supposed himself commanding his own troops.
At the moment Wharton's cavalry rushed upon the rear of
Willick's brigade, McCown's division of four brigades
charged upon Willick's front, and at the same time Cleburn's
division of four brigades came rushing with the usual rebel
yell upon Kirk's single brigade.
Notwithstanding the overwhelmling force of these brigades,
the troops of Kirk were, for a time, kept in order and did
some desperate fighting, but General Kirk was wounded and
compelled to leave the field, and the regiments of Kirk's and
Willick's brigades were overpowered by numbers, each regimental commander reporting that he was attacked in front
and upon either flank, and cut off from all support.
The troops of these brigades which had not been killed,
captured or wounded were rallied upon the reserve brigade of
Baldwin, Colonel Gibson succeeding Willick, and Colonel
Podge succeeding Kirk, and, under the direction of General
Johnson, the division inflicted considerable punishment upon
the enemy, but were finally forced back a distance of two
miles to the Nashville Pike.
Following the defeat of Johnson's division the troops of
Cleburn fell upon Davis' flank and rear, while Cheatham
assailed his front. Being attacked from three directions,
Davis with a good deal of difficulty fell back and formed his
division on a line at right angles with Sheridan.




10


At the angle of these lines the enemy brought to bear his
heavy forces, including several batteries, and seemed to put
forth his greatest efforts.
Several desperate charges were made which were handsomely repulsed. It was in charging upon this point that
the rebel General Vaughan lost over a third of his brigade,
and every horse but three in his command. But the strength
of the rebel lines was too great to be longer withstood, and,
being again flanked, Davis with much difficulty drew out of
the conflict, which left Sheridan's division to suffer similar
treatment, having to meet attacks from all directions, which
it did manfully, frequently repulsing the enemy and inflicting
terrible punishment upon him, until, getting out of ammunition, Sheridan's division had to cut its way through the
enemy and fall back upon the Nashville Pike.
The most desperate fighting now occurred on the flank and
front of Negley and Palmer, upon whose divisions the enemy
seemed to throw all his available force.
The right wing of Rosecrans' army, which was to hold
Polk's corps in check, while with his left he was to gobble up
Bragg's right and center, having been driven from the field,
Rosecrans began to realize the imminent danger of losing the
battle and his army. He therefore abandoned the offensive,
and hastened to the center to establish a defensive position,
where, with General Thomas, he arranged for establishing a
line of defense running nearly parallel with the Nashville
Pike and perpendicular to his original line.
As soon as Thomas had selected the ground for the new
line he ordered Negley and Rousseau (who had been placed
in position to aid the withdrawal of Sheridan) to withdraw to
the new line, and at a time when it seemed that the entire
force of the enemy had enveloped and were' about to
annihilate these divisions.




11


The task was a fearful one, but these divisions cut their
way through the ranks of the enemy to the line.where
General Thomas had placed his artillery.
This new line with Negley on the right of Palmer, Rousseau
on Negley's right, and a portion of Van Cleve's and Wood's
division, which Rosecrans had hurried from his extreme left,
had barely gotten in position, when the enemy, encouraged
by his success and certain of victory, made the most desperate
charge of the day upon this new position.
But the divisions of Thomas, assisted by troops of Van
Cleve and Wood, and by the double-shotted guns of Loomis
and Guenther, repulsed this charge with gratifying destruction of life. Four times the enemy attempted to drive
Thomas from his position, and as many times was he sent in
a dizzy whirl back into the cedars. Thomas held his position,
maintained his line, from which, for the balance of the fight,
he put the enemy on the defensive, thus saving the day and
the Army of the Cumberland.
Bragg becoming satisfied that he could not carry the new
line, next made several attempts to turn Rosecrans' left, as
he had driven his right, but Rosecrans now having his centre
and right in a firm position, gave his attention to his left and
repulsed the enemy as often as he attacked him, and the left
of Rosecrans' army, by desperate fighting, was maintained
during the day.
The success of Bragg in driving three of Rosecrans' divisions a distance of over two miles, and in driving three other
divisions from their lines, was alarming. This was not
accomplished, however, without terrible loss of life on both
sides.
The enemy lost in this day's battle 7,500 men in killed and
wounded, while our loss in killed and wounded was over
8,000,. including 500 officers, 100lof whom'Jwere killed. A




12


single federal brigade suffered a loss of 22 officers and 518
men in maintaining the new line established by Rosecrans.
After such a day of bloody fighting, with such a fearful
loss of life and exhaustion of troops, the commander of each
army was satisfied to take a rest and reflect upon the situation.
Bragg hoped Rosecrans would retreat to Nashville, and
sent his cavalry round to his rear to intercept.his troops and
destroy his trains. Rosecrans expected Bragg would renew
the offensive on the following morning, and, considering the
losses sustained, and the unexpected result of the day's
battle, was quite undetermined as to his orders for the morrow. It may be regarded as somewhat significant, however,
that, at three o'clock on the morning of January 1st, orders
were given the Ninth Michigan Infantry to take headquarters
train to Nashville, and to clear the road of all obstructions,
except moving trains.
General Rosecrans, having adjusted his lines and provided
for the safety of his headquarters, determined to await the
action of the enemy. Nothing was done on the first but the
strengthening of lines by Rosecrans, and some rather heavy
demonstrations by Bragg to find Rosecrans' position.
A little after noon on the second of January, General Bragg,
to attract the attention of the federal army, commenced a
heavy cannonading on Rosecrans' right and centre, and soon
thereafter moved Breckenridge's entire force in heavy masses,
and with great vigor, upon Rosecrans' left, which was now
established on the east side of the river; this attack was
made with such force and such masses as to send Beatty's,
Price's and Grider's brigades, of Rosecrans' left, back to the
river in confusion.
As Breckenridge's troops came rushing and yelling after
the retreating federals, to the river bank, they were confronted
by Negley's division, and Hazen's and Cruft's brigades of




13


Palmer's division, and 58 guns which Rosecraus had placed
in position.
The storm of iron and lead from these fifty-eight guns at
short range, and from these troops, sent the enemy reeling in
retreat, and Rosecrans charged the panic-stricken rebels with
Miller's and Stanley's brigades, capturing four guns, the
colors of a regiment, and many prisoners; the gallant
Stoughton of the Eleventh Michigan bringing in, as a trophy,
the sword of the captain of a rebel battery.
Rosecrans held this advanced position and intrenched his
lines on the east side of the river. This action terminated
the fighting for the day, and no heavy fighting was done
thereafter.
Notwithstanding the peril in which the enemy had put
Rosecrans' army, during the night of the third Bragg withdrew his army from the front of Murfreesboro, and retreated
south of Duck River, leaving Rosecrans the victor, and the
possessor of Murfreesboro and some 3,000 wounded rebels.
Why was Rosecrans put to such straits, and a large part of
his army driven from its position, and some of it in a rout, in
the early part of the battle of the 31st?
Among the reasons given are:
First-The line of McCook, the right of the army, was in
great fault, and he was too obstinate to correct it when his
attention was called to it by Rosecrans.
Second-There was no adequate cavalry on the federal
right to observe the movements of the enemy, the most of the
federal cavalry having been sent under Stanley to the vicinity of Lavergne to protect the trains.
Third-Rosecrans' contemplated movement upon the rebel
right was delayed too long by Crittenden, but Crittenden's
delay, in this case, may perhaps be said to have been fortunate. Time will not permit a discussion on this point. It
was an agreeable surprise to Rosecrans when the report came




14


on the morning of the 4th that the rebel army had retreated,
giving him the victory of the battle.
The reason for Bragg's retreat, after having achieved what
he regarded as a great victory, has never been satisfactorily
explained.
I trust it will not be regarded immodest in the writer, at
this remote period, to furnish the companions of this commandery,-but the information must go no further,-the
occasion which influenced General Bragg to abandon a
claimed victory, and withdraw his army from the front of
what he officially proclaimed a defeated foe.
It will be remembered that at 3 o'clock on the morning of
the first day of January, the Ninth Michigan Infantry was
ordered to open the road to Nashville, and to place headquarters train in a secure position, which was successfully
accomplished.
In the evening of the second day of January, the writer
being at Nashville, received an order from General Thomas to
return to the front, with the Ninth Michigan and the headquarters and an ammunition train.
As early as 4 o'clock on the morning of the 3rd the Ninth
Michigan moved out of Nashville for Murfreesboro in charge
of the trains, also having under its command as many of the
routed troops of McCook's corps who had reached Nashville
as could be cpllected.
On reaching Lavergne, we found Colonel Innis' command
in line of battle, awaiting a threatened attack from Wheeler's
cavalry, which attack was abandoned by Wheeler on the
appearance-apparently in support of Innis-of the Ninth
Michigan with McCook's stragglers and    its train of
ammunition.
Wheeler not only abandoned his attack upon Innis, but
hastened a report to Bragg that large reinforcements were
being sent to Rosecrans from Nashville. No other troops




15


came to Rosecrans from Nashville on the 3d, and the inference is at least a fair one, that he referred to the Ninth
Michigan.
General Bragg, in his official report says: "Reports from
Brigadier-General Wheeler satisfied me that the enemy,
instead of retiring, was receiving reinforcements. Common
prudence and the safety of my army, upon which even the
safety of our cause depended, left no doubt in my mind as to
the necessity of my withdrawal from so unequal a contest."
Thus, you see, that not only was Innis saved by the opportune arrival of the Ninth Michigan at Lavergne, but Wheeler
was so impressed with its extended columns as to induce him
to hasten a report to Bragg of its march to reinforce
Rosecrans.
History has recorded the result of the battle; and whenever you refer to the published histories of the battle of
Stone's River, and read the message of the General-in-Chief
to the brave commander of the Army of the Cumberland, expressive of the results of the battle, saying, " the victory was
well earned and one of the most brilliant of the war; you and
your brave army have won the gratitude of your country and
the admiration of the world,"-and read the congratulatory
message of the great Lincoln to the gallant Rosecrans, in
which he says: "Your despatch, announcing the retreat of
enemy, has just reached here. God bless you, and all with
you.  Please tender to all, and accept for yourself, the
Nation's gratitude for your and their skill, endurance and
dauntless courage," —don't forget the Ninth Michigan Infantry's return to the front.




I




A JULY MORNING


WITH THE REBE-L RAM
"ARKANSAS" S
A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE THE
MICHIGAN COMM IANDEcRY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE U. S.
BY
S. B. COLEMAN,
ACTING NMASTER U. S. NAVY.
MARCH 6TH, 1889.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1890.








a  3ul   fnDorniino witb tbe iRebel 1Ram
"44rkansao."
In the summer of 1862 a formidable fleet of war vessels lay
at anchor in the Mississippi river just above the city of,
Vicksburg.
Farragut, flying his broad pennant from the "Hartford"
was there with a number of his crack vessels, and Davis
with his Mississippi squadron of iron clads and rams.
Naval operations were at a lull just at this time in the
West, for the confederate navy below New Orleans had been
destroyed by Farragut, and that below Memphis had been
knocked out in one round by the Mississippi squadron, aided
by the rams improvised on the spur of the moment by Col.
Ellet:
Taking advantage of the security offered by this condition
of affairs, as well as on account of the fierce July heat, fires
had been drawn throughout the fleet and the cleaning of
boilers was in progress, as well as the various little repairs
that engineers are always wanting to make after a season of
arduous service.
Information had reached us that somewhere up the Yazoo
river, which empties into the Mississippi about seven miles
above the anchorage, there was, in hiding, an iron-clad confederate ram known as the "Arkansas," one of the vessels




4


which had escaped destruction at Memphis by having previously been sent for completion up the Yazoo.
To ascertain something definite of her whereabouts the
gunboat "Tyler," under Lieut. Commander Wm. Gwin, was
directed to make a reconnoissance up the Yazoo accompanied
by the iron-clad "Carondelet," and one of Ellet's rams, the
"Queen of the West," the two latter to aid in destroying
the ram, should the "Tyler" find her and bring her into
action. The plan agreed upon was for the iron-clad to take
station up the Yazoo, about seven miles from the Mississippi,
while the "Tyler" and Ram proceeded on up. The departure of the expedition from the fleet was timed so that it
entered the Yazoo at daylight on the morning of July 15th,
the "Tyler in the lead.
About seven o'clock, while the crew were breakfasting, the
officer of the deck reported the smoke of a steamer in the
distance coming down the river. Capt. Gwin came on deck
and as soon as the vessel came in sight around a bend ordered
a shot from a light howitzer fired across her bows as a hint
to come to a halt and await his approach, but the stranger
paid no attention to this, and the morning haze lifting just
then discovered the vessel which was first supposed to be a
river steamboat coming down to give herself up, to be an
iron-clad running out guns, and presently the smoke from
her bow, the roar of her guns and the noise of shells passing
over the- "Tyler," notified us that we need go no further on
our search.
The men sprang to the guns without waiting for the boatswain's whistle; the breakfast things were hastily brushed
aside; and in a few minutes the "Tyler" was cleared for action
and responding to the challenge with her heavy battery of
sixty-four pounders, and the fight was soon fairly under way.
The "Tyler" had slowed down her engines when the engagement began, and the current was taking her toward the




5


"Carondelet" and the "Queen of theiWest," then some distance behind.
After considerable firing, the "Carondelet " forged by, both
vessels using their guns as rapidly as possible.
The "Arkansas " had kept slowly on all this time, her progress arrested only by the concussion of her guns and by swinging from side to side to use her broadside battery, just as the
"Tyler" was doing, while the guns in her bow were served
as rapidly as possible, directed at the "Carondelet" or
"Tyler" as each offered the best results.
The "Carondelet " had not made much progress ahead of
us when, to our surprise and consternation, she suddenly ran
into the bank.
The "Arkansas" moved over towards her, and when almost
abreast, let go all the guns she could bring to bear.
Our last view of the " Carondelet " was through a cloud of
enveloping smoke with steam escaping from her ports, and of
her men jumping overboard.
Until it was evident that the ram was intent upon continuing her journey down the river, we considered the capture of
the " Carondelet" as certain.
She, however, turned her attention exclusively to the
"Tyler" from this on, and moved over to strike us.
The " Tyler" was a wooden vessel, originally a river steamboat, cut down and altered to suit her new character, and
carried a broadside of six eight-inch sixty-four pounders and
a thirty-two pounder Dahlgren in the stern, but her guns and
machinery and boilers were unprotected against anything
more formidable than musketry.
Her opportune presence at Shiloh was, it will be remembered, of great service during that battle, when the Confederate advance on the left was checked by the fire of her guns
and that of her consort, the "Lexington."
She had covered the landing of Grant's troops and his




6


retreat from Belmont, where he made his first fight; and did
her share of the work at Ft. Henry and Ft. Donelson.
A few weeks before the " Mound City," an armored vessel,
had her steam-chest perforated while engaged with a battery
up the White River, and of her crew of one hundred and
seventy-five men, one hundred and thirty were dead and
twenty-five badly injured, within a few minutes after she was
struck.
There was nothing reassuring in the present situation, for
we were even more vulnerable than the "Mound City," and
it was evident that the "Tyler" was 'no match for an
armored vessel such as was her antagonist.
Her main reliance, the "Carondelet," was already disabled
and evidence was accumulating on the "Tyler" that the
'Arkansas'" guns were heavy and well served.
The "Arkansas" was protected by an armor of railroad
iron well greased down, set at an angle and backed by
several feet of heavy timbers, and the openings for her guns
and smoke-stack were the only vulnerable points about her
that our guns could search out.
The "Queen of the West," in the meanwhile, was a few
hundred yards astern of the "Tyler," having kept about
that distance since the engagement began, apparently waiting
for orders.
Capt. Gwin now called out to her commander, to move up
and ram the "Arkansas." IIis only response to this was, to
commence backing vigorously out of range, while Gwin was
expressing his opinion of him through the trumpet in that
vigorous English a commander in battle sometimes uses,
when things do not go altogether right.
The ram commander was badly scared and demoralized by
the loss of the "Carondelet," and he let slip a golden
opportunity, for he could have struck and sunk the enemy,
had not his valor given way at the critical moment. He




7


pointed his vessel for the fleet and the last we saw of him
he was making off at the top of his speed, followed until he
was entirely out of hearing by a storm of what the darkey
called the "wustest kind of language" from Gwin, who was
boiling over with rage and mortification at the turn affairs
had taken and the imminent danger he was in of losing his
vessel. By the time the "Tyler" got headed down stream
and her engines moving, the "Arkansas" was close up and
throwing grape, while the "Tyler" as she swung around,
replied with each gun as it could be brought to bear, and
with musketry from a detachment of sharpshooters we had
taken on board the night before.
Things looked squally.  Blood was flowing freely on
board, and the crash of timbers from time to time as the
"Arkansas" riddled us seemed to indicate that some vital
part would be soon struck. In fact our steering apparatus
was shot away, and we handled the vessel for some time
solely with the engine until repairs could be made.
Here is where Gwin showed his high qualities as a commander. He was ablaze with the spirit of battle. All knew
that the vessel might go down and all of us be killed, but
there would be no surrender. InL fact he made that reassuring remark to the first lieutenant in my presence, when that
officer suggested such a possibility. We were fighting for
existence and we all knew it.
The "Tyler" had been pounding the "Arkansas " all
this while, but with little apparent effect; but her smokestack, close to the armor, had been shot through and through,
and the smoke pouring out had lessened the draft from her
fires and slackened her speed and we began to gain a little
on her.
There are few circumstances more trying than to be exposed
to a heavy fire and not be able to hit back.
The unpleasant features of battle are not so apparent while




8


the fight is on; then, one is busy, his pride is aroused, and
the strain upon his nerve enables him to look upon death
and bloodshed with some little indifference; but exposed to
danger, seeing your comrades shot down and idle meanwhile,
is trying in the extreme. There is but one thing to do under
such circumstances and that is to stand up manfully and
take what comes. On board a man-of-war there is no other
course. This trying ordeal we went through for the next
hour, most of us with practically nothing to do but watch
the gunners of the "Arkansas" as they handled their battery, render such assistance as was practicable to the wounded
encumbering our decks, occasionally sounding the pumps to
see if we had been struck below the belt, and the crew of
our one stern gun working it for all it was worth.
The "Tyler" at last turned out into the Mississippi with
the ram close at her heels, and soon the smokestack and
masts of the fleet 'appeared in sight. The code signals were
run up in warning of the character of the company we were
keeping, though the firing constantly approaching nearer,
had been so continuous that it was supposed they would be
in readiness to give her a warm reception. This was not the
case. In fact one of the naval officers, ashore at the time,
remarked, when we first came in sight: "There comes the
'Tyler' with a prize."
Tle heavy firing had been heard of course, but it was
supposed that the expedition was on its return and shelling
the woods, and no preparations were made to meet the
emergency.
In the early days of the war we used to let off our surplus
loyalty by shelling the woods, where we thought the enemy
might be, when there was no enemy actually in sight to
practice on.
In fact there was hardly time to have gotten up steam, and
the combined fleets were entirely taken by surprise. The




9


first intimation of the situation came when the "Tyler" and
"Arkansas" appeared in sight, exchanging fire and signals
flying.
As the "Tyler" steamed along the line, the crews of the
different men-of-war were crowding on deck in hurried efforts
to cast loose their guns.
The "Tyler" passed under the stern of the "Hartford"
receiving a parting shot from the "Arkansas," freighted
with death for one unfortunate who had rested his head
against the bulwark, only to have it taken off, while she kept
*on down the entire line within pistol shot, receiving the
broadsides of such of the men-of-war as were ready, as she
-came within range and blazing herself with fire and smoke
with her return compliments, and soon was safely under the
guns of Vicksburg.
The "Tyler" in the meantime had come to anchor, and
boats began pulling over with surgeons offering assistance,
and officers, out of curiosity, to note the results of the
encounter.
The "Tyler's" decks presented a shocking spectacle.
During the fight she had been hulled eleven times, besides
being cut up by grape, thrown at very close range, and by
exploding shells. Her decks were literally running with
blood, and the killed and wounded lay around in every
direction.
At the very commencement of the fight in the Yazoo, the
"Arkansas" had exploded a shell from one of her forward
guns directly on our crowded deck. It had horribly mutilated
and instantly killed a commissioned officer and five men,
piling them up in one sickening heap. Four of them were
headless, and for many feet on both sides of the deck, the
wood-work was spattered with blood and shreds of flesh and
hair, while few of us escaped without bloody evidences on,




10


our clothing and in our faces of the destruction of our
comrades.
The "Tyler" had lost in the engagement four officers and
twenty-one men, killed and wounded, while the injuries to
the vessel were of such a character as to require extensive
repairs before she was again able to enter into active
service.
The "Carondelet," which had been left disabled in the
Yazoo, repaired damages and reached the fleet later in the
day. She, too, had a large casualty list. The mortification
of the two admirals was excessive, but both owned up manfully that they had been caught napping.
I have read several reports of this fight and it is unnecessary to say that none of them agree! From the "Carondelet" point of view that vessel did all the fighting. The
"Tyler" is mentioned incidentally, I think, as having some
trifling connection with the affair.
The report of Brown, the commander of the "Arkansas,"
would lead one to suppose that he did most of the fighting,
while from this sketch of mine it may seem as though the
"Tyler" was not entirely a looker on.
The commander of the " Queen of the West" has not yet
shown up in war literature with his claim for the laurels.
Perhaps he is still running.
There was no pluckier exploit in the war than this of the
"Arkansas," in running the gauntlet of these two formidable fleets. Fortune favored the brave in this instance, in
her finding them unprepared to receive her, and her audacity
and pluck did the rest. She had, on her way down, disabled
an iron-clad of her own size, which she could have compelled
to strike her flag, had she the time to wait.  She had
badly injured and all but sunk the:' Tyler," and as she was
passing through the fleet had blown up another ram, which,




11


having steam up, had gotten under way to strike her and had
herself escaped without material injury.
In her encounter with us, however, and in passing the fleet,
she had lost in all, killed and wounded, a large number of
her crew, amongst the latter her gallant commander, Isaac
N. Brown of the old navy, who was barked by one of our
sharpshooters in the Yazoo while standing.on deck by the
pilot house directing the movements of his vessel, and for
some little while was insensible.
Capt. Gwin received many congratulations on the gallant
manner in which he had stuck by the "Carondelet" and
fought his vessel, while those who were fortunate enough to
escape alive received substantial recognition in promotion.
Not long after this we lost Gwin, then in command of the
"Benton," while fighting a battery in the Yazoo, not far
from the place where we encountered the " Arkansas," struck
by a shell just as the rebel guns were silenced.
Gwin was a man of fine personal appearance, of elegant
and winning manners, and courageous to the last degree.
He was one of that class of officers who loved a fight, and
never, knowingly, lost an opportunity to engage his vessel.
During the operations up the Tennessee river, previous to
the movement of Grant's army to Pittsburg Landing, he
found congenial occupation in keeping the confederates
from making a lodgement on the river with their batteries.
At Pittsburg Landing, he fought a six-gun battery with
the "Tyler" and "Lexington" and silenced it, though not
without a loss, for which he feared a reprimand on the score
of rashness.
He had the old-fashioned idea, that the place for the
commander of an iron-clad in action, was outside the armor,
and was killed while carrying it out. It is hard to estimate
the value of an utterly fearless officer in action, in holding
subordinates up to their work.




12


No one ever thought of anything but strict devotion to
duty when under fire with him. None of us dared to duck
our heads, no matter how close and fast the balls came, or
act otherwise than as though we thoroughly enjoyed it.
Perhaps a word in this connection would not be out of
place, as regards the service of which he was such a fine
representative.  From the commencement of active operations at Belmont the Mississippi squadron never failed in a
loyal support of the army, clearing the way for its operations,
convoying its troops and supporting it under fire, and its
fights were frequently bloody ones.
It was one of the sights, after a prolonged engagement,
like that at Donelson, Grand Gulf or Vicksburg, to go on
board any of our fleet, but more particularly the flag ship.
The sanguinary character of the service, evidenced by broken
and blood-stained wood work and dead and mutilated men,
was generally more apparent there, for carrying the admiral's
flag she was always a more or less conspicuous mark for the
confederate gunners.  From the character of the service
there could necessarily be no flinching, every man had to
stand to his gun, no matter how ghastly the sights presented
by his mutilated comrades.
There never was a more determined or pluckier fight than
the fleet made atA Grand Gulf, where for five and one-half
hours it was under the fire of confederate guns, nor at Vicksburg, when supporting Grant's assault, by engaging the
water batteries of that place at close range.
It operated in a climate where a formidable sick list had
always to be contended with and where men were constantly
breaking down from exposure, and where, too, quinine and
whisky were indispensable parts of our rations; but, in spite
of fever-racked bodies and weakened gun crews, the squadron
always came up smiling to a fight, and history now associates
its name with our successes at Belmont, Ft.'Henry and Don



13
elson,* Island number 10, Vicksburg and the numerous
encounters that eventuated in the opening of the Mississippi.
The action of the play was always rapid, and when the
curtain was finally rung down we were all ready and willing
to bid a final adieu to the swamps and bayous, where for four
years we had been slowly getting poisoned.
It was pleasant to take up again the duties of civil life in
a climate where quinine was known only as a drug -not as
an article of diet; where people drank whisky because they
liked it, and not to sustain life; and where one could take
his "'constitutional" without the crack of a sharpshooter
rifle to shake up his nerves and impress upon him the
uncertainty of life.








TH E


*BATTLE OF KERNSTOWN,
March -23, 1862.
A PAPER
PREPARED AND READ BEFORE THE
MICHIGAN COMMANDE RY
OF THE
M!,ITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE U. S.
BY
BVT.-COL. GEO. K. JOHNSON,
Late Medical Inspector, U. S. Army,
AT GRAND RAPIDS, DECEMBER 4, 1890.


DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS, BINDERS, ENGRAVERS,
1890.








Cbe I3attlc of 1kternmtown,


MARCH 23, 1862.
The story of the campaign of Gen. Banks in the Valley of
the Shenandoah in '62 has never been circumstantially told.
That campaign was without any very decisive military
results; it was distinguished by no great feats of arms nor
by striking exploit; and it was followed by three years of
stupendous strategy and gigantic struggle.  For these
reasons its events have been in a great measure cast into
dim perspective, and have fallen out of public thought.
Nevertheless, it is in some respects a noteworthy chapter
in the lengthened chronicles of the war. It was characterized
by great activity and crowded with incidents, many of which
were stirring and some of which were of no little importance.
That campaign opened when, on the 24th of February, '62,
Gen. Banks, with 25,000 men of all arms, crossed the
Potomac at Harper's Ferry. It ended when, about the 1st of
July following, that general, with about 15,000 men, traversed
the gaps and valleys of the Blue Ridge to unite his arms with
those of Gen. Pope, who was then organizing his army of
Virginia and boasting of the great things he was about to do.
During all this time the 1st Michigan Cavalry, of which the
writer was surgeon, was on service with Gen. Banks. From
the moment it touched the soil of Virginia it was incessantly
occupied; sometimes in scouting and on picket; sometimes
on perilous reconnoissance, and always in the van.




4


But it is not the present design to review the Banks
campaign, nor to follow the footsteps of the 1st Cavalry
through it. It is rather my purpose to call up a single
episode of that campaign, namely, the battle of Kernstown,
fought on the 23d of March, 1862.
What I have to say is largely reminiscent,-a jotting down
of some personal recollections and impressions. As that was
the first considerable engagement I witnessed, and as some of
the circumstances were exceptional and peculiar, it made an
impression on me which has remained fresh and vivid through
the lapse of twenty-eight years.
The Union force consisted of the division of Gen. James
Shields and the 1st Michigan Cavalry. Shields had thirteen
regiments of infantry, organized into three brigades, and
commanded by Col. Nathan Kimball, Col. Tyler and Col.
Sullivan, respectively. He had twenty-four guns organized
into five batteries, and all under Capt. Daum. His total
force, about which there has been some discrepancy of
statements, was not far from ~O,500 men.
The enemy had, under Stonewall Jackson, one division of
infantry consisting of eleven regiments, organized into three
brigades, commanded by Generals Garnett, Burks and
Fulkenson, respectively. He had also Col. Ashby's regiment
of Cavalry, twenty-seven guns and some fragments of troops,
making a total of not less than 5,500 men.
A few days before the affair now considered, Gen. Banks
had been directed by Gen. McClellan to send the most of his
force to Manassas to co-operate with McDowell. All had
gone except the division of Shields and the 1st Cavalry.
Only two days before the battle Gen. Alpheus S. Williams,
of Michigan, that superb soldier, had left us with his fine
division. Gen. Banks himself, wholly unaware of the
approach of Jackson, left us the very morning of the day of
battle.




5


On the 22d of March Shields lay encamped with his main
force three miles north, or on the Potomac side, of
Winchester. The town was held by a small force, as guard
to the immense stores gathered there. The 1st Cavalry was
on the south, or up-valley, side of the town. Its hospital
was a Dunkard church in the south edge of the town, and its
headquarters near by. It had pickets on all the roads
running out from that side of the town. During the forenoon
Ashby's cavalry began to annoy our pickets, and, as the
day wore on, became more and more demonstrative. By
2 or 3 P. M. Col, Brodhead of the 1st Cavalry became convinced
that the enemy was in force not far away and that his designs
were aggressive.  He so advised Gen. Shields, but the
general discredited and scouted that view. But a little later
the cavalry officers on picket, cool, steady, intelligent men,
became certain of the imminence of the situation. Again a
message of advice and warning was sent to Shields, three
miles the other side of the town. Then, with a part of his
staff, he came galloping up to the cavalry headquarters, and,
still with an air of incredulity, demanded to know where the
enemy was who had so disturbed the cavalry. The Colonel,
a little nettled at the manner of the general, pointed to a
range of hills three-fourths of a mile away, and running
directly across the valley pike. The general, still doubting,
rode on at full pace toward the hills, accompanied by his
staff, Col. Brodhead and myself. When within a short
distance of the hill he halted and placed his field-glass to
his eyes. He had scarcely done so when a shell from the
ridge exploded within a few feet of our group. Gen. Shields
fell from his saddle and struck the earth several feet away.
In a moment I was at his side and found him limp, blanched,
senseless. A fragment of shell had struck his chest and
made sad work with his left shoulder. In a few moments he
began to revive, and as quickly as possible was removed to




6


Winchester, where for several days he suffered greatly. As
he was the only general officer in the vicinity the command
devolved on Col. Nathan Kimball, of the 14th Indiana.
Troops were rapidly brought from the north to the south
side of the town, and were during the night advanced so as
to press the enemy's pickets and cavalry back two miles or
more. It was now known that the force in immediate contact
with us was Ashby with three or four guns, and that Jackson,
whom Shields thought to be many miles away and headed
from us, was in fact in the immediate vicinity and heading
rapidly towards us. Col. Kimball. after some maneuvering,
established his lines close up to the little hamlet of Kernstown, three miles from Winchester. There, on the morning
of the 23d of March, he waited for the enemy to disclose his
strength and purposes.
The position taken by Kimball was a very good one. The
line crossed the valley turnpike at nearly a right angle, and
extended a considerable distance on either side of it. On our
left and in front of our left the country was level and
cultivated, with patches of wood-land. Our right rested in
the woods. In our center and just to the right of the turnpike was a high, conical elevation, called Pritchard's Hill.
This hill was under cultivation. From its slopes and summit
there was a fine view of the entire field. It furnished good
positions for some of our batteries and an admirable screen
for troops and maneuvers. Col. Kimball took his personal
position on this hill and kept it all day, though often the
target for Confederate guns.
In front of our right, about one-half mile distant, was a
ridge of considerable height, which ran nearly parallel with
our lines. Along the crest of this ridge was a heavy stone
wall.  Extending back from it was a wooded and rocky
plateau. In front of it was a cultivated field which sloped
down to the woods in which our right lay.




7


During the forenoon Ashby, with his guns and dismounted
troopers, struck our lines at various points, in his sharp and
waspish way; but all these were beaten off with spirit and
resolution. So the hours passed with alternate lull and stir.
About 1 P. M. Jackson himself came upon the field, with
his full command; and soon movements of greater force and
with more definite plan began. The first of these was
directed against our left. Here the enemy put forth a strenuous effort, apparently with a view to crush that wing and
to flank our main position. But after a sharp encounter he
was thrown back. Our Col. Sullivan, commanding a brigade,
did excellent work here. So far the enemy had gained
nothing. We had repelled every assault and fully maintained our lines, but we had remained on the defensive.
The final struggle was yet and soon to come. It has been
already said that in front of our right, and distant one-half
mile, was a ridge running nearly parallel with our line, and
crowned by a strong stone wall. Back of the stone wall was
rough, wooded ground.  In front of it, and separating it
from our right, was a cultivated field. One with a military
eye, or with military experience, will at once forecast that
that position played an important role in the drama of the
day. And so it did. On this plateau and behind this wall
Jackson had massed his muskets and planted his batteries.
Whether he intended here to stand on the defensive, or to
make this the point from which to assail and crush or turn
our right, must be left to conjecture. But the option did
not remain long open to him. The events of the day had
emboldened Kimball. His self-confidence had been strengthened, and the spirit and conduct of officers and men had
inspired him with full confidence in them. He therefore
resolved to force this stronghold of the enemy, and thus
bring the day to final decision. So about five o'clock he
ordered the assault. The brigades of Colonels Sullivan and




8


Tyler formed partly under screen of the conical hill already
described, and partly in the woods on our right. Sullivan
was on the right, and on his extreme right were five companies of the 1st Cavalry. Thus formed they advanced to
the edge of the wood, and then steadily, but with quickened
step, through and up the open field to the stone wall. All
this time, after leaving the woods, they were under a furious
fire of cannon and musketry. At moments our lines bent
and swayed under the blast, but on they went. At one
instant Sullivan's line seemed badly shaken and about to
break, but, under the stimulus of good command, it stiffened
and went on.
The stone wall was reached and scaled, and then came a
brief struggle at close quarters. At the same moment the
cavalry on our right came sweeping in on the enemy's flank,
and his discomfiture was complete. Broken and panicy
he fled in disorder Then, above all the uproar, rang out
the shouts of the victors. Men like those whom I address,
who have seen war and felt its inspirations, need not
be told of the irrepressible elation of such a moment.
If, soldiers, the shadows could be left out of the picture;
if the dead, and the dying, and the mangled were not there,
then victory, then martial triumph, won by brave arms,
uplifted for a cause and for country, would, indeed, be
glorious.
Our loss in killed and wounded was about 590.
The enemy's loss in killed, wounded and missing, was
about 718. Of these 250 were prisoners in our hands.
Here, admonished that this is put down as a short paper,
I stop my narrative, in order to refer for a moment to some
circumstances which, it seems to me, deserve to be noted.
This was the only occasion during the war in which
Stonewall Jackson met decisive defeat; the only occasion on




9


which he and his command were swept in disorder from the
field.
It is also, so far as I know, the only occasion on which a
colonel had the independent command of so large a force in
battle.
The conduct of Col. Kimball was admirable. He had not
been trained to arms, and he had but little experience. He
had seen some service in West Virginia under the longlamented Gen. Lander. That was his only preparation for
the work now in hand. This responsible command devolved
upon him suddenly, at a most critical moment, on the eve of
battle. He found himself pitted all at once against a general
already rated as the most vigorous and successful fighter in
the rebellion; one, indeed, whose renown as a field commander was soon to make the circuit of the globe.
During all that long day of anxiety and tension Kimball
did not weaken, nor falter, nor blunder. During all those
hours, cool, clear-headed, resolute and circumspect, he played
the game of war, and at last, as the sun declined, by a bold
feat of arms he wrung favor from fortune.
But Col. Kimball was magnanimous as well as brave. He
so phrased his report as to allow most of the credit to pass
to Gen. Shields, who lay wounded and suffering some miles
away; and Shields accepted the laurel. Most of the accounts
of this affair which I have seen, speak of it as Shields'
victory; and so history has, in this, as in many other
instances, misdirected her credits.
Shields was, of course, in nominal command; but he did
not, as I believe, exercise any actual command in this action.
He was three miles away, in bed, suffering greatly and
incapacitated. The actual command, the responsibility and
the credit were Kimball's.
Jackson charged his defeat to the weakness of Gen.
Garnett, whose brigade felt the brunt of our attack and




10
yielded to it. Garnett was relieved of command and his
conduct subjected to inquisition. For months he was under
a cloud, but finally was reinstated, and at last, at Gettysburg,
while leading a brigade in Pickett's historic charge, met
his doom.




THE
BATTLE OF ALLATOONA,
OCTOBER 5TH, 1864.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE
MICHIGAN CONINMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE U. S.
-BYWILLIAM LUDLOW,
Major Corps of Engineers; Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. A.
AT
DETROIT, APRIL 2D, 1891.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS,
1891.








ALLAT'oolA.


Companions and Gentlemen:
It appears strange to me that an action which all who
mention it-and they are many-agree in characterizing as
one of the most brilliant exploits of a war as thickset with
deeds of gallantry as a rose bush with its blossoms, should
not long since have had its adequate historian and monographer.
The contest was so famous, the issue so glorious, 'the
recollection of the day still must be so vivid in the minds of
the survivors, that I could not anticipate any lack of material
wherefrom to procure data to formulate a reasonably satisfactory narrative of such a gallant feat of arms, and in such
detail as to give it life and color. But of all the war papers
that,have been written on affairs great and small, none that
I know has had Allatoona for its special subject, and from
the sources of information at my command, I have found it
quite impracticable to construct an account that is not in
some respect at variance with others made by authority.
The official reports, while giving the general features, of
necessity exclude most of the minor but equally interesting
details, and the omissions, inaccuracies and discrepancies, not
important in some particulars and material in others, for the
purposes, at least, of a fully detailed and authenticated nar3




4


rative, cannot at this time be corrected.  And even the
numbers engaged on each side, and of those who fell as
victims, are not known with certainty.
This paper, therefore, can pretend to be no more than an
outline sketch, which an abler hand must put itself to filling
out and completing. When the war records shall have been
made fully public, as they will be presently, and at least all
the official material be available, the historian of Allatoona,
by extended research and correspondence with survivors,
should address himself to the task of preparing an authoritative narration in order to preserve to posterity the record of
a memorable and typically American event.
For an event it was; a vital one, as it would appear, to
the full success of Sherman's campaign, and with the " March
to the Sea" hung in the balance and awaiting the issue.
The importance of a given moment in the world's history
is not of necessity to be estimated by the numbers occupying
the stage at the time, nor even with the degree of activity or
turmoil with which their parts are playing.
Much labor is wasted in the lives of men, and mountains
of effort result often in mere noise or discomfiture, making no
real history. The center of gravity of two worlds may be an
immaterial point, and the earth itself revolves upon a slender
axis. So a turning point of history may be concentrated
upon a comparatively narrow field, while the reverberation of
its potency shall resound forever, as the silent nod of Jove
lets loose the thunders of Olympus to shake the earth and
change the fate of nations.
Some preliminary remarks are in order, explanatory of
the general situation and its relation to the Battle of Allatoona.




5


THE GENERAL SITUATION.
It was the fall of '64. The fiery comet of secession that,
blazing out in '61, for three long years had scorched the firmament, spreading death and pestilence over all the land,
was waning in its course; doomed presently to disappear
forever in Chaos, but emitting malignant emanations to its
latest spark. The structure of the Confederate Government,
practically a military despotism, founded on the enforced
servitude and sale of human beings, reared and upheld by
the lives, the fortunes, and the constrained or misguided
energies of a deluded and chivalrous people, to feed the vain
ambition of an oligarchy, was toppling to the ruin that six
months later overwhelmed it. Great was to be the fall
thereof, and not even to-day is the atmosphere fully cleared
of the dust of its destruction.
Two famous, and as the outcome proved, morally conclusive campaigns had been fought and closed.
In the East, Grant, moving against Richmond through
the wilderness and swamps of Virginia, all the long summer
had been dealing trip-hammer blows, as deadly and sickening to his foe as the stroke of the axe in the shambles, and at
length resting from the slaughter, lay before Petersburg and
astride the James; feeling out with his left to cut Lee's
lines of communication to the South and West, and pressing
him close that he should not detach any of his force to act
against Sherman.
In the West, Shermah, starting from Chattanooga, with
an antagonist the wariest, wisest and most skillful captain of
the rebel host to oppose him, had overreached his foe at
every point, and stretching out his sinewy arm, had seized in
a relentless grasp the "Gate City" of the South; and elec



6


trifled the country with the exultant shout, "Atlanta is ours
and fairly won;" opening wide the door into the hollow
trunk of the Confederacy and exposing its eir ptiness.
Of this campaign Halleck wrote: "I do not hesitate to
say that it has been the most brilliant of the war," and Grant
himself, with that mutual magnanimity that characterized
the two great friends and competitors for fame, declared to
Sherman, "You have accomplished the most gigantic undertaking given to any general in this war, and with a skill and
ability that will be acknowledged in history as unsurpassed,
if not unequalled."
But much remained.
The dragon of rebellion, though sorely smitten, still lay
writhing and would not die until his time was fully come.
Lee, sullen and desperate, lay within the still invincible
intrenchments of Richmond, nursing his wounds, but with
power able yet to strike a heavy blow, and gathering his
remaining strength for the final effort.
Sherman's antagonists, though demoralized and bewildered, were still unconquered; and forced out from Atlanta,
filled the open country with an angry buzzing, as of an
overturned hive. To add to their discomfiture, the astute
Johnston, the most intellectual soldier of the Confederacy,
whose stubborn dispute of every inch of territory, perfect
skill in defending his successive positions, and marvelous
success in withdrawing without loss at the latest moment,
displayed a capacity second only to that of his opponent, and
whose patient policy of drawing Sherman after him, to a constantly increasing distance from his base, without himself
risking the disaster of a defeat, was, as history has proved,
the last crutch of the Rebellion,-had been plucked from his
command by the narrow-minded Confederate President and
replaced by Hood, whose fighting qualities had been proved




7


on many a field of battle, but who otherwise lacked every
requisite for leadership in such a contest.
But a thousand long miles still separated Atlanta from
Richmond; and these must be traversed before that proximate conjunction of forces could take place that was needed
to give rebellion its coup de grace, and to tear forever from
the free sky of America the fluttering and ragged emblem of
a maleficent and arrogant domination.
Sherman, in Atlanta, was resting, granting well-earned
furloughs to his veterans, recruiting his ranks, guarding
from the cavalry, who swarmed in his rear and sought to
break it, the extended line-over 250 miles-of railroad from
Nashville to Chattanooga, and thence to Atlanta, upon which
he depended for his supplies, and incessantly planning his
next move, which he had already determined would be to the
Sea, with Savannah as an intermediate base for the farther
march to the rear of Lee's Army, and a conjunction with
Grant;-upon whom, in his correspondence, he repeatedly
urged assent to his proposal, and suggested the capture of
Savannah by the Eastern forces in advance of his own
arrival there.
The W ashington authorities, always timorous and vacillating, were not yet brought to assent to this superb strategic
project, based upon the military theorem, "An Army operating offensively must maintain the offensive," and constructed with Sherman's solid judgment that he must go
onward, since to withdraw would be to lose all the morale of
his success up to that point.
Even Grant, with all his confidence in and reliance upon
Sherman, expressed unwillingness that he should embark
upon it while Hood's Army was still undestroyed.
Meanwhile, Sherman, in full conviction that the necessity
would presently be demonstrated, was watching Hood, who




8


lay some thirty miles to the Southeast of Atlanta, and whose
intentions he could not even guess at,-and with tremendous
energy was endeavoring to accumulate supplies in excess of
daily needs, in order that when the time was ripe he should
be ready to start.
GRAND TACTICS.
On his zigzag way South, early in June, with Atlanta
as his then objective point, Sherman, with that wonderful
mental vision of the whole horizon that characterized him,
seeking for a depot where supplies could safely be accumulated, near enough at hand to be of ready access, but sufficiently removed from the scene of actual conflict to be secure
from casual attack, had selected the famous Allatoona Pass,
and directed that it be "prepared for defense as a secondary
base.'
The place was well chosen.
The diminishing extension of the Great Smoky Mountains
stretches across the Northern end of Georgia, from Northeast
to Southwest.
The Range is traversed at Allatoona Pass by the Etowah
River, flowing West and North to unite at Rome, thirty
miles distant, with the Oostenaula and form the Coosa. The
railway, coming down from Kingston,-whence a branch ran
Westward to Rome, —and crossing the Etowah, winds Southeasterly among the hills, and at Allatoona station, about four
miles from the river, penetrates a minor ridge and emerges
from a cut some sixty-five feet in depth. It was at this
point-referred to by Sherman as a "Natural Fortress"that the "secondary base" was established, and the surplus supplies were accumulated.
The advantages for defence were admirable. The entire
region is hilly and heavily timbered, rolling off to the South



9


ward to a less rugged country, and from the Heights of
Allatoona looking Southeasterly, down the line of railway
towards Atlanta, are visible ten to fifteen miles away, the
noble, isolated masses of Kenesaw, Lost Mountain and Pine
Mountain, which, raising their wooded crests high above the
neighboring forest, command a wide prospect towards every
quarter. The narrow ridge cut by the railway is abruptly
terminated to the Northeast by the valley of Allatoona
Creek, crooking among the hills to join the Etowah, and its
slopes facing Northwest and Southeast are steep and difficult.
Towards the West and Southwest the descent is more gradual, and a country road follows the rolling crest of the ridge
along which from the Westward the main attack was ultimately to be made.
The storehouses for the supplies stood near the railway
station and were fully commanded from the dominant elevations rising immediately behind them. Upon these elevations the defensive works were located by Colonel Poe, the
Chief Engineer of Sherman's army. Their plan was in
conformity with the requirements of the ground and of the
service to be expected of them, and while the actual
construction by the troops left somewhat to be desired, and
could have been bettered had Poe been able to supervise the
completion of his work, when it came to the test, well did
they serve their purpose. The main features were two
Redoubts, about 1000 feet apart at easy supporting distance,
one on each side of the railway cut, with ditches and outlying intrenchments near at hand covering the approaches, and
overlooking the storehouses for the defence of which they
were built.
Near the close of September, Sherman, in Atlanta, was
roused by indications of activity on the part of Hood, who




10


had sent his cavalry North across the Chatahooche and into
Tennessee, and had moved his infantry to a more Westerly
camp; thus leaving the Savannah road open to Sherman,
had he seen fit to take it.
Habitually sensitive as to his railway base, Sherman surmised that Hood's intention was to move round him to
threaten his rear. September 24th he telegraphed Howard,
"I have no doubt Hood has resolved to throw himself on our
"flanks to prevent our accumulating stores, etc.," and September 25th to Halleck, "Hood seems to be moving as it
"were to the Alabama line, leaving open to me the road to
"Macon as also to Augusta, but his cavalry is busy on our
"roads. "
He therefore reinforced the detachments guarding the
numerous railway stations and bridges, sent a division of the
4th corps and one of the 14th Northward to strengthen
Chattanooga, and put Thomas in command there, and thence
back to Nashville to guard against Forrest, the noted rebel
cavalry leader, who was ravaging Tennessee and capturing
gunboats with horsemen.
Corse's division of the 15th corps was sent to occupy
Rome on the extreme Western flank, with instructions to
complete the defensive works and hold it against all comers;
meanwhile observing closely any movement of the enemy in
his vicinity.
A glance at the map is desirable for the better understanding of the immediately ensuing events.
From Atlanta to Allatoona, near the railway crossing of
the Etowah, is, as the crow flies, 32 miles Northwest by
West. From   Allatoona to Rome is 30 miles W. N. W.
Thirteen miles from Allatoona towards Atlanta is Kenesaw,
the railway sweeping round its North and East flanks.
Fifteen miles West by South from Kenesaw, and the same




11


distance Southwest from Allatoona, is Dallas, in the vicinity
of New Hope Church, where had been three days of heavy
fighting late in May. Rome again is equi-distant from
Dallas and from Allatoona 30 miles. The central position of
Allatoona is evident; and it will also be seen that a force at
Dallas occupied, in a sense, a strategic point, whence a
rapid movement could be made either upon Allatoona or
Rome, with the West and Southwest to fall back upon in
case of need.
By October 1st, the ambiguity as to Hood's plans was in
part relieved. It was at least certain that he had crossed
from the South to the North bank of the Chattahooche,
although it was impossible to surmise whether he intended
to make a direct attack on the railroad or to undertake an
invasion of Tennessee from the Westward. In any case it
behooved Sherman to bestir himself, and promptly, too. It
was absolutely necessary to keep Hood's army off the
railroad, so long as the question of cutting loose for Savannah remained undecided, and at Allatoona was stored an
accumulation of nearly three millions of rations of bread,
the loss of which, with the railway endangered, would be a
serious blow, and one possibly fatal to Sherman's cherished
project. Leaving, therefore, the 20th corps in Atlanta, to
hold it and to guard the bridges across the Chattahooche
above and below the railway bridge, Sherman put the rest of
his forces in rapid motion Northward towards Kenesaw, 20
miles distant, and October 1st telegraphed Corse at Rome
that Hood was across the river and might attack the road at
Allatoona or near Cassville, on the North side of the Etowah,
about midway between Rome and Allatoona. If Hood went
to Cassville, Corse was to remain at Rome and hold it fast;
if to Allatoona, Corse was to move down at once and occupy
Allatoona, joining forces with troops in the vicinity for its




12


defence, while Sherman co-operated from the South.
Repeated dispatches were sent to Allatoona, directing the
commanding officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Tourtellotte, to hold
the place at all hazards, and that relief would be speedy.
These have been paraphrased into " Hold the Fort, for I am
coming," which, set to an inspiring air, caught the ear of
the country, and is still in active service.
Sherman crossed the Chattahodche October 3rd and 4th,
and finding his wires cut North of Marietta, signaled to the
station on Kenesaw and thence to Allatoona, over the heads
of the enemy, a dispatch to be telegraphed to Corse at Rome
to move at once with all speed and with his entire command
to the relief of Allatoona. Sherman himself reached Kenesaw early on the morning of the 5th, and from the summit,
to use his own language, "had a superb view of the vast
"panorama to the North and West. To the Southwest,
"about Dallas and Lost Mountain, could be seen the smoke
"of camp fires indicating the presence of a large force of the
"enemy, and the whole line of railroad from Big Shanty up
"to Allatoona (full fifteen miles), was plainly marked by the
"fires of the burning railroad. We could plainly see the
"smoke of battle about Allatoona and hear the faint rever"beration of the cannon."
The fact was disclosed that Hood lay in force near Dallas.
15 miles to the West and South of Kenesaw, and had
detached a heavy column Eastward to destroy the railroad
and capture the scattered garrisons including the all-important post of Allatoona.
About 8:30 a. m. Allatoona signalled Kenesaw, "Corse is
here with one brigade; where is Sherman?" As received at
Kenesaw this message read, "Corse is here with."  My
recollection is that while the signal officer was working his
flag it was cut from his hands by a fragment of shell, inter



13


rupting the message, the latter part of which was not
received, or at least not recognized. I find, however, no
official confirmation of this. The mutilated report gave
Sherman immense relief, but left him to suppose that Corse
had arrived with his entire division. Had he known that the
reinforcement was only a portion of one brigade, his satisfaction would have been less. As he says himself, "I
"watched with painful suspense the indications of the battle
"raging there, * * * but about 2 p. m. I noticed with
"satisfaction that the smoke of battle about Allatoona grew
"less and less, and ceased altogether about 4 p. m. * * *
"Later in the afternoon the signal flag announced the
"welcome tidings that the attack had been fairly repulsed."
The signal officer at Kenesaw reports that Sherman at the
time, pronounced these signal messages "Worth a million
dollars."
CORSE.
Leaving now this bird's eye view of what was happening,
let us go back a little and follow Corse's movements. He had
arrived at Rome from Atlanta September 27th, with two of
his brigades, the third being already there,-and thereafter
had been busy, in accordance with his general instructions
and frequent communications from Sherman, in organizing
and equipping his command for the special work entrusted
to him, which was in effect to reconstruct and perfect the
earthworks and defences, so as to make Rome impregnable
to assault, and at the same time to act as a corps of observation, constantly feeling out for and spying after the enemy,
and ready, should occasion offer, to strike a heavy blow in
any direction where he should be discovered.
It was isolated, difficult and responsible service, and a
dangerous one, since the first contact might be with Hood's




14


whole strength, but of the very first importance to Sherman,
whose ignorance of Hood's schemes and inability to anticipate his movements, perplexed and harassed him, and upon
Corse he mainly relied to discover, by any or all means, the
movements and presence of the enemy.
Corse was well equipped for such service. He Lhad acted
as inspector on Sherman's staff, and stood high with his
chief, both in personal regard and professional estimation.
Of medium height, erect, active and alert, ambitious, combative, decided, of sound judgment and indomitable courage,
the task of holding Allatoona could have fallen into no
better hands. As Grant, giving over a page of his memoirs
to mention of the battle, says of him, "Corse was a man
who would never surrender."
On the third of October Sherman sent him a warning to
be wary, that Hood was meditating some plan on a large
scale, and at noon of the 4th Corse received the message
already mentioned, by signal from Vining's to Kenesaw,
thence to Allatoona, and thence by wire to Rome, summoning him instantly to the rescue of the threatened garrison.
Corse had fortunately already telegraphed to Kingston that
cars be sent him. The train in moving to Rome was partly
derailed, but the single engine and about twenty cars were
ready by dark.
On these was loaded a portion of one of his brigades
under command of Colonel Rowett, viz; Eight companies,
39th Iowa, 280 men, Lieut.-Colonel Redfield, commanding
9 companies, 7th Illinois, 291 men, Lieut.-Colonel Perrin,
commanding; 8 companies, 50th Illinois, 267 men, Lieut.Colonel Hanna commanding; 2 companies, 57th Illinois, 61
men, Captain Van Stienberg, commanding; detachment of the
12th Illinois, 155 men, Captain Koehler, commanding, making
a total of 1,054 men, which, with the ammunition for the








SKETCH OF THE BATTLEFIELD.




15


division, was all that the available transportation could accommodate. The train left Rome at 8:30 p. m., and reached Allatoona a little after midnight. The troops were debarked, the
ammunition unloaded with all speed, and the train immediately
started back to Rome for another cargo of troops. As it
happened, in returning, possibly with undue haste, considering the rough and insecure condition of the track and
roadbed, the train was again derailed, and in consequence no
further reinforcements reached Allatoona until about 8 p. m.
of the 5th,-four hours after the battle was over.
Corse immediately took command, and after a rapid
survey of the field with Tourtellotte, in the quiet of the starlit night, proceeded to make his dispositions for defence.
THE DEFENCES OF ALLATOONA.
Alatoona was garrisoned as follows: Ten companies, 4th
Minnesota, 450 men (of whom 185 were recent recruits),
Major Edson, commanding; 10 companies, 93rd Illinois, 290
men, Major Fisher, commanding; 7 companies, 18th Wisconsin, 150 men, Lieut.-Colonel Jackson, commanding, a total of
890 men, organized as a brigade, with six guns of the 12th
Wisconsin Battery, under Lieutenant Amsden (number of
men not given), and all under the command of Lieut.-Colonel
Tourtellotte of the 4th Minnesota, as earnest, brave and
steadfast a man in the discharge of duty as ever drew a
sword.
Prior to Corse's arrival, the little garrison, with a full
consciousness of its responsibility for the defenqe of the Post
and of the safety of the huge accumulation of rations stored
in the neighboring warehouses, warned of danger, and later
stimulated to the utmost endeavor by messages from Sher



16


man, and inspired by the calm and fearless determination of
its commander, had been busily preparing for the attack.
The two small redoubts, one on each side of the railway
cut, have been mentioned. The Eastern one, perhaps 75 feet
in diameter, stood at the extreme Eastern end of the ridge,
looking into the valley of Allatoona Creek, and distant
about 280 yards from the railroad and 340 yards from the
Western redoubt, towards which it had an open view.
Guarding the crooked crest between the railroad and redoubt
were three detached lines of entrenchments, one looking
Southward towards the storehouse 200 yards distant, and two
guarding the Northern aspect, with flanks refused on each
side of a ravine that lay between them and down which went
a road to the Northward.
On the West side of the railway cut, and almost on its
verge, stood the other redoubt, about 90 feet in diameter,
occupying an elevation from which the ground fell in all
directions. Westwardly, after a moderate dip, the ground rose
again to a second elevation or spur, on which stood a house,
distant from the redoubt about 170 yards. Beyond this the
ground again fell, and the road ran West and Southwest,
undulating with the roll of the ground.  The exterior
defences of the West side, in addition to the ditches surrounding the redoubt, were a short line of entrenchments
near the crest Southwest of the redoubt, and a longer line of
rifle-pits lying completely across the ridge, beyond the house
and about 260 yards distant from the redoubt. These riflepits, held by the 39th Iowa and the 7th Illinois, were later
the scene of one of the most savage encounters in the history
of war.
About three-quarters of a mile out on the road, occupying
an open elevation, were still other small works and rifle-pits,
not, however, any portion of the regular defences. They had




17


low parapets and were supposed to have been constructed by
Johnston's army when it occupied the locality in June previous. It was from these outer works, which there was, of
course, no serious attempt to hold, that our outposts were
driven in by the arrival of French's troops on the morning of
the 5th.
Tourtellotte was made aware on the 3rd that the enemy
was operating on the railroad South of him, and on the 4th
was signalled by Sherman through Kenesaw that the enemy
was moving upon him, and that he must hold out, but not
till the evening of the 4th was any direct demonstration
made on Allatoona.
Feeling the paucity of his isolated force, he had worked
night and day to construct and strengthen his defences and
mature his plans.
The two redoubts were well located for mutual support,
each being able to take in flank an enemy assaulting the
other from the North or South. The relative disadvantage
of the West redoubt, irrespective of its exposure to the
probable brunt of an attack, was the fact that higher elevations to the West and Southwest partly commanded it.
Tourtellotte therefore built the rifle-pits across the crest of
the ridge to the Westward with the object of holding off the
enemy as long as possible, and if the crest were taken, of
retiring to the redoubt, to reach which the enemy must cover
a distance of some 220 yards without shelter. In addition, he
partly enclosed the West redoubt with a stockade, at the
junction of the outer slope and the surrounding ditch, to
prevent escalade if the enemy should reach it, slashed such
timber as remained for abattis, and collected some cotton
bales with which to close the entrance.
His gunners in the East redoubt, and the infantry as well
on the East side of the cut, were charged to watch the flanks




18


of the West redoubt, and direct their fire so as to cover the
slopes to the North and South of it.
His garrison was depleted by his orders to maintain a
force to guard the block house at the bridge across Allatoona
Creek, about two miles South of the post, where three companies of the 18th Visconsin were stationed.
They were summoned by French on his way to Allatoona
to surrender, but refused, and held the block house, but as
French was sullenly withdrawing after the battle, the post
was heavily shelled and set on fire, and when the roof was
blazing and the men suffocating with the heat and smoke,
they surrendered; 4 officers and 80 men being taken
prisoners. These men, though included in the return of
casualties of the 18th Wisconsin, were not concerned in the
Battle of Allatoona.
Tourtellotte, on the evening of the 4th, apprehending a
night attack, which would impair the advantages of his position, strengthened his grand guard, barricaded as well as he
might the roads to the South and West, and made arrangements to fire a house or two so as to illuminate the site of
the little village and the storehouses; but about midnight
was immensely relieved by the arrival of Corse, which more
than doubled the strength of the garrison and made it possible to man the defences with some measure of effectiveness.
THE MORNING OF THE BATTLE.
There was but little delay in getting down to work. By
2 in the morning a rapid fire was opened on the skirmish
lines South of the post, as though the enemy were pushing
up the railroad straight at the stores. Tourtellotte immediately dispatched the 18th Wisconsin to reinforce the
outposts in that direction, and an hour later Corse threw out
a battalion of the 7th Illinois in further support. Five coin



19


panies of the 93rd Illinois were also sent out to the Westward near the outlying works already referred to.
At daybreak, under cover of a strong skirmish line, Corse
withdrew the troops from the open ground in the vicinity of
the village to the summit of the ridge, placing the 4th Minnesota and the 12th and 50th Illinois in the redoubt, and
intrenchments on the East side of the railway cut, under the
immediate command of Tourtellotte, and himself occupying
with the rest of his force, under the immediate command of
Rowett, the Western side, upon which it was evident the
weight of the attack must fall. The 7th Illinois and the 39th
Iowa, on the left and right respectively, facing West, were
ordered to occupy the line of rifle-pits crossing the ridge
about 250 yards in advance of the redoubt. As no defences
intervened between this line and the ditch encompassing the
redoubt itself, it was of vital importance to hold it and keep
the enemy in check to the last moment, and the two regiments were instructed to maintain their position at all
hazards. The event proved with what fidelity and devotion
the trust was discharged.
Three companies of the 93rd Illinois were stationed in the
rifle-pits adjacent to the West redoubt, and the remainder of
the troops were distributed forward on skirmish and outpost
duty. The six guns of the battery were equally divided, two
being stationed in each redoubt, with the third outside
behind a low parapet.
The day broke calm and clear, with the crisp air and
bright warm sun of that superb mountain region. Sherman,
on Kenesaw, takes occasion to record it as a "beautiful day "
with some vague consciousness in his mind, perhaps, of the
ocntrast between the shining peace that reigned above and the
-devil's work that in smoke and fury waged below. At halfpast six a rebel battery of 12 pieces opened from an eleva



20


tion three-quarters of a mile South and East of Allatoona,
and for two hours maintained a furious cannonade, that,
concentrated upon the two redoubts, filled the air with
smoke and fragments of shell, and deafened the ear with
almost incessant detonations. Meanwhile French's skirmish
lines were vigorously pushed round to the West and North
until, with the exception of the steep and timbered valley of
Allatoona Creek on the extreme East, the garrison was completely invested.
At 8:30, amid a temporary lull of the uproar that had prevailed, a flag of truce was sent in bearing the following message: It was dated
Around Allatoona, Oct. 5, 1864, 7 A. M.
Commanding Officer, U. S. Forces, Allatoona.
Sir:
I have placed the forces under my command in such position that
you are surrounded, and to avoid a needless effusion of blood, I call on you to
surrender your forces at once and unconditionally. Five minutes will be allowed
you to decide. Should you accede to this, you will be treated in the most
honorable manner as prisoners of war. I have the honor to be
Very respectfully yours,
S. G. FRENCH, Maj.-Gen'l C. S. A.
In making his report subsequently, French endorses on a
copy of this summons, the following:
Maj. Sanders, the bearer of this communication, was attacked while bearing
the flag of truce. He delivered the communication to an officer and told him he
would wait outside the works fifteen minutes for an answer. None came; none
was sent, and so the attack was made.
S. G. F., Maj.-Gen'l, Commanding.
Whatever may have been the external conditions that led
to this view  of the matter on the part of General French,
there is no question that Corse did reply, and promptly and
to the point. He wrote his answer on the top of a neighboring stump, and a splinter or two may have gotten in it:




21


Maj.-General French, C. S. A., etc.:
Your communication demanding surrender of my command, I acknowledge
receipt of, and respectfully reply that we are prepared for the 'needless effusion
of blood' whenever it is agreeable to you.
I am very respectfully your obedient servant,
JOHN M. CORSE,
Brigadier-General, Commanding U. S. Forces.
When this reply had been dispatched, Corse remarked,
"They will now be upon us," and nothing remained but to
notify the several commands of the purport of the correspondence, and to prepare for the bloody work that lay
before them.
French commanded a division in the corps of LieutenantGeneral Stewart, which had been dispatched by Hood Eastward from Dallas to destroy the railroad, as witnessed by
Sherman from the summit of Kenesaw, and his report, dated
Nov. 5, from which the following particulars of his movements are derived, is of great interest.
Stewart had struck the railroad at Big Shanty, four miles
North of Kenesaw on the evening of October 3rd, and his
three divisions labored all night at their task, completing it
as far as Acworth. This work accomplished, French's division was sent Northward under direct orders from Hood,
which are given in French's report, and have some peculiar
features.  Both orders are dated October 4th, and were
handed to French at Big Shanty by Stewart at noon. The
earlier one said that French " Shall move up the railroad and
fill up the deep cut at Allatoona with logs, brush, dirt etc."
Also that when at Allatoona, French was, if possible, to
move to the Etowah Bridge, the destruction of which would
"be of great advantage to the army and the country."  The
The second order again urged the importance of destroying
the Etowah Bridge, if such were possible, and that as the




22


enemy (Sherman), could not disturb him before the next day,
he was to " get his artillery in position and then call for volunteers with 'lightwood' to go to the bridge and burn it."
The curious points about these instructions are, in the
first place, the absurdity of a wearied body of troops undertaking such a task as that of filling up a railway cut 65 feet
deep and some 300 or 400 yards long, in the way described,
with "logs and dirt" and the futility of doing it, if it were
possible. It would have taken French several days to fill up
that cut, even assuming him to be uninterfered with, and one
day's labor would open it again.
The second point is the absence of any reference to a
garrison at Allatoona, or to the accumulation of stores there.
French was a good soldier, and after stating in his report
that as both he and Stewart knew the facts in the case and
were aware of the large amount of stores, they considered it
important that the place be captured, contents himself with
saying, dryly, "It would appear, however, from these orders,
that the General-in-Chief was not aware that the Pass I was
sent to have filled up was fortified and garrisoned." The
fact is that it requires something more than mere courage to
command an army, and it seems likely that a few such specimens of leadership cost Hood the confidence of his subordinates, and thoroughly justified Sherman in a disparaging
remark he made respecting him a day or two later.
Stewart gave French 12 pieces of artillery under Major
Myrick and at 3:30 P. M. of the 4th he marched away to
Acworth, but was detained there until 11 at night by lack of
rations. The night was dark, the roads bad, and he didn't
know the country. From Acworth he reports seeing night
signalling between Kenesaw and Allatoona, and fearing that
reinforcements might be sent fron the Northward, he
dispatched a small cavalry force to reach the railroad as close




23


to the Etowah as possible and take up. the rails. It was a
wise precaution, but undertaken too late, as Corse was at
Allatoona by midnight. French arrived there about 3 in the
morning, and, as he writes, '"' Nothing could be seen but one
or two twinkling lights on the opposite heights and nothing
was heard except the occasional interchange of shots between
our advance guards and the pickets of the garrison in the
valley below."  He placed his artillery in position at
Moore's, 1300 yards south and east of the Post, an admirable
location for the purpose intended, having an open view of
the defences across the intervening hollow, left with it the
39th North Carolina and the 32nd Texas, of Young's brigade,
as supports, and sought to gain the ridge west of the fortifications, intending to attack at daybreak, but after floundering in the Egyptian darkness of the forest, with no roads
and over a rugged country, and unavailingly seeking,
notwithstanding the aid of a guide, to get upon the ridge
westward of the works, was compelled to wait for daylight.
Finally at 7:30 the head of the column arrived about 600
yards distant from the West Redoubt, and here French got
his first view of the works, which impressed him at once as
much more formidable than he had anticipated. Instead of
one small redoubt on each side of the railroad cut, as he had
been led to believe, he declares he saw no less than three on
the west side and a "Star Fort " on the east, with outworks
and approaches, defended to a great distance by abattis, and
nearer the forts by stockades and other obstructions.  It
may have been the weariness of a long night march, or
perhaps the too early morning air, that conjured these formidable defences to French's eyes, or possibly, it is the exterior
aspect of these works that to a covetous and hostile apprehension enlarges their numbers and proportions.
It must be admitted that from the interior standpoint




24
they shrunk mightily from French's description, and the
defenders at least would have been hugely gratified could
they have had the privilege of occupying what French
thought he saw.
He rapidly made his dispositions for assault, sending
Sear's Mississippi Brigade round by the left to gain the
north flank of the works, while Cockerell's Missouri Brigade
formed line across the ridge, with Young's Texas Brigade
behind it to support and follow up the attack. Myrick had
been ordered to open up with his guns and continue his fire
until the attacking troops were so close up to the works as to
prevent it. Sears, having the longer distance to traverse,
was to begin the assault when Cockerell would immediately
move forward. Sears was delayed by the ruggedness of his
route to the north side of the works, and in fact for a time
lost his bearings among the wooded hills, and was not in
position until 9 a. m. by French's time. French says that
when he sent his summons to surrender, the Federal officer
entrusted with the missive was allowed 17 minutes within
which to bring the answer, and this time expiring, Maj.
Sanders returned without any. Nothing is said in the
report as to the firing upon him, noted in the endorsement
on the copy of the summons already Imentioned.
THE ASSAULT.
Cockerell was at length ordered forward and the attack
began. According to French's account, everything went as
succeesfully as possible.  He represents the triple lines of
intrenchments and Redoubts on the west side as being captured one after another, his troops resting but briefly at each
to gather strength and survey the work before them, and
again rushing forward in murderous hand-to-hand conflict




25


that left the ditches filled with dead, until they were masters
of the "Second Redoubt," and the "Third or Main Redoubt"
was filled with those driven from the captured works and
further crowded by the refugees from the eastern fort and its
defences, who had been driven out by the attack of Sears.
He represents the Federal forces, their fire almost silenced,
as being herded into the one Redoubt on the west, of which
French's troops occupied the ditch and were preparing for
the final attack.
At this critical moment, with the garrison and the precious
stores, as it were, in the hollow of his hand, French received
word that General Sherman, who had been "repeatedly signalled during the battle," was close behind him         with his
whole army, and within two miles of the road he would have
to take to rejoin his corps.
On this point of Sherman's proximity to French as his
reason for leaving, we have not only full knowledge of the
exact position and movement of our troops to show that such
was really not the case, but a brief piece of testimony from
the other side in the shape of a dispatch from Major Mason,
Hood's adjudant-general, from       which   it is evident that
French, becoming hopeless of success, had sought in advance
to justify at headquarters the failure of his enterprise. The
date and hour of this dispatch, which reads as follows, are
of interest:
"CARLEY'S HOUSE, Oct. 5, 1864. 8:15 p. m.
Lt. Gen'l Stewart,
Com'd'y Corps.
General French's dispatch, forwarded by yourself, is just received. Gen.
Hood directs me to say that he does not know where a division could march at
this time to give any assistance to Gen. French, but that you will endeavor to
send some scouts to him, and direct him to leave the railroad and march to the
West, to New Hope Church.
Gen. Hood does not understand how Gen. French could be cut off at the
point he designates in his dispatch, as he should have moved directly away from
the railroad to the West, if he deemed his position precarious.  A. P. M."




26


It is of course obvious from the map that if French found
Sherman approaching from the South, he had only to follow
westward the road up which he had been charging at Allatoona all day and free himself from danger in an hour. It
would be of interest to see this dispatch of French's and
observe the hour when sent, but it is not forthcoming. The
hour of the reply is significant. It need not have taken a
mounted man three hours to get word to Stewart, then near
a junction with Hood and to Hood himself, less than 15 miles
away. The reply, made at once, is written at 8:15 p. m., and
French's message must certainly have been sent later than
4 p. m. French had probably been gone from Allatoona an
hour or more when he bethought him to send the request for
a division to extricate him.
The facts are, that it was not until the night of Oct. 5th
that the nearest troops of Sherman's went into camp at
Brushy Mountain, 11 miles distant in an air line, and none
reached Allatoona until the 7th.
But to return to French. It was really an immense pity
that he should feel obliged to leave just when he had but to
put forth his hand to snatch the prize; but then it would not
do to have his division cut off from the army, and on the
whole it might be well to start, and if so, why not at once?
So about 1:30 he says an order was sent to Sears and
Cockerell to withdraw. The ground was too rough to carry
badly wounded men over it, so that those who could not get
away on their own feet had to be left.
The artillery, unable to operate effectively with the assaulting column close up on the works, had already been in part
ordered to take the road, and after the assaulting troops had
left. French went to the two regiments who had supported it,
and sent a battery to the block house at the railway crossing
of Allatoona Creek, fired fifty shots at it, knocked it about




27


the ears of the garrison, and setting fire to it, smoked them
out and marched them off as prisoners.
French's report of this affair, written a month later, from
which the above is condensed, is very interesting and dramatic, and regarded as a literary composition, of no mean
merit. He has certainly made the best of a bad business,
and if his facts do not quite tally with those of his opponents, at least the discrepancies were not officially noticed at
headquarters, nor probably would a gloomier account of the
affair have been considered more inspiriting. Those rations
would have been extremely convenient, could they, or even a
part of them, have been hauled away for distribution among
the hungry Confederates, and if that were impracticable, it
would have been at least a noble stroke to have destroyed
them. On this head French's report is silent; nor does he
endeavor to explain how it happened that so vital a part of
his own program was omitted. In effect, the play had been
badly broken up by the attentions of the gallery, and Hamlet
had slipped out of it.
French is without excuse for his fear of Sherman's
approach, baseless as we know it to have been. Armstrong
is responsible for despatches to him suggesting it. All the
same, the evidence is conclusive that French was beaten, that
he knew it, and that he had to withdraw quite independently
of Sherman's movements.
A Confederate historian, R. S. Bevier, writes as follows on
this point: "The men of French's Division had now become
so much scattered that it was impossible to gather a sufficient
number to give any hope of successful assault on the Fort."
What can wholly be pardoned to French is the unstinted
commendation he bestows on the gallantry of his men.
These poor fellows, ragged and hungry, with but a handful or two of parched corn in their haversacks, had marched




28


all day on the 3rd; had worked all that night destroying the
railroad; had worked and marched all day on the 4th; had
marched to Allatoona during that night, and had fought
nearly all day on the 5th. Nor is it forbidden to those who
felt the vigor of their dashing onset and the undaunted determination with which they rallied again and again to the
assault of the intrenchments, or who witnessed the hand-tohand encounters with sword and bayonet, with bitts of guns,
and even with loose pieces of rock, to appreciate the intrepidity and resolution with which they hung to their bloody
and fruitless task.
Brave men may honor bravery the world over. We can
in all sympathy and common brotherhood say: "They were
of our blood and race. Peace to their ashes. Give us the
like to stand side by side with us, and we could fear no
quarrel, were it with the whole round world."
THE DEFENCE.
Having glanced at the situation from French' s standpoint,
let us step over to the other side, as we may safely do at this
lapse of time, and see how it actually fared with the beleaguered garrison which we left in momentary expectation of
attack; and since General French has been heard, it is no
more than fair to quote from the graphic reports of the
federal commander.
After narrating his preliminary movements, and the stations of the troops, he proceeds:
"I directed Col. Rowett to hold the spur on which the 39th Iowa and 7th
Illinois were formed, * * * and taking two companies of the 93rd Illinois
down a spur parallel with the railroad and along the bank of the cut, so disposed
them as to hold the north side as long as possible. Three companies of the 93rd,
which had been driven from the west end of the ridge, were distributed in the
ditch South of the Redoubt, with instructions to keep the town well covered by




29
their fire, and to watch the depot where the rations were stored. The remaining
battalion of the 93rd, under Major Fisher, lay between the Redoubt and Rowett's
line, ready to reinforce wherever most needed.
" I had barely issued the orders when the storm broke in all its fury on the
39th Iowa and 7th Illinois. Young's Brigade of Texans had gained the west end
of the ridge and moved with great impetuosity along its crest till they struck
Rowett's command, when they received a severe check, but undaunted came
again and again. Rowett, reinforced by the gallant Redfield., encouraged me to
hope we were safe here, when I observed General Sears' brigade moving from the
North, its left extending across the railroad (opposite Tourtellotte). I rushed to
the two companies of the 93rd Illinois, which were on the brink of the cut running north from the Redoubt, they having been reinforced by the retreating
pickets, and urged them to hold on to the spur; but it was of no avail; the
enemy's line of battle swept us back like so much chaff, and struck the 39th Iowa
in flank, threatening to engulf our little band without further ado. Fortunately
for us, Col. Tourtellotte's fire caught Sears in flank, and broke him so badly as to
eenable me to get a staff officer over the cut with orders to bring the 50th Illinois
over to reinforce Rowett, who had lost very heavily. However, before the regiment sent for could arrive, Sears and Young both rallied, and made their assaults
in front and on the flank with so much vigor and in such force as to break
Rowett's line, and had not the 39th Iowa fought with the desperation it did, I
never would have been able to get a man back inside the Redoubt; as it was, their
hand-to-hand conflict and stubborn stand broke the enemy to that extent that he
must stop and reform before undertaking the assault on the fort. Under cover
of the blows they gave the enemy, the 7th and 93rd Illinois, and what remained
of the 39th Iowa, fell back into the fort.
" The fighting up to this time-about 11 a. m.-was of the most extraordinary
character. Attacked from the north, from the west and from the south, these
three regiments-39th Iowa and 7th and 93rd Illinois-held Young's and a portion
of Sears' and Cockerell's brigades at bay for nearly two hours and a half. The
gallant Col. Redfield, of the 39th Iowa, fell, shot in four places, and the extraordinary valor of the men and officers of this regiment, and of the 7th Illinois,
saved to us Allatoona.
"So completely disorganized were the enemy, that no regular assault could
be made on the fort till I had the trenches all filled and the parapets lined with
men. The 12th and 50th Illinois arriving from the east hill, enabled us to occupy
every foot of trench, and keep up a line of fire that, as long as our ammunition
lasted, would render our little fort impregnable. The broken pieces of the enemy
enabled them to fill every hollow and take every advantage of the rough ground
surrounding the fort, filling every hole and trench, seeking shelter behind every




30
stump and log that lay within musket range of the fort. We received their fire
from the north,'south and west of the Redoubt, completely enfilading our ditches,
and rendering it almost impracticable for a man to expose his person above the
parapet. An effort was made to carry our works by assault, but the battery
(12th Wisconsin) was so ably manned and so gallantly fought as to render it
impossible for a column to live within one hundred yards of the work. Officers
labored constantly to stimulate the men to exertions, and almost all that were
killed or wounded in the fort met their fate while trying to get the men to expose
themselves above the parapet and nobly setting them the example.
"The enemy kept up a constant and intense fire, gradually closing around us
and rapidly filling our little fort with the dead or dying. About 1 p. m. I was
wounded by a rifle ball that rendered me insensible for some thirty or forty
minutes, but managed to rally on hearing some persons cry, 'Cease firing,' which
conveyed to me the impression that they were trying to surrender the fort.
"Again I urged my staff, the few officers left unhurt, and the men around
me, to renewed exertions, assuring them that Sherman would soon be there with
reinforcements. The gallant fellows struggled to keep their heads above the
ditch and parapet in face of the murderous fire of the enemy, now concentrated
upon us. The artillery was silent, and a brave fellow, whose name I regret
having forgotten, volunteered to cross the railway cut which was under fire of the
enemy and go to the fort on the east hill to procure ammunition. Having executed his mission successfully, he returned in a short time with an arm load of
canister and case shot. About 2:30 p. m. the enemy were observed massing a
force behind a small house and the ridge on which the house was located distant
northwest from the fort about 150 yards. The dead and wounded were moved
aside so as to enable us to move a piece of artillery to an embrasure commanding
the house and ridge. A few shots from the gun threw the enemy's column into
great confusion, which being observed by our men, caused them to rush to the
parapet and open such a heavy and continuous musketry fire that it was impossible
for the enemy to rally. From this time until near 4 p. m. we had the advantage
of the enemy, and maintained it with such success that they were driven from
every position and finally fled in confusion, leaving their dead and wounded, and
our little garrison in possession of the field.
"The hill east of the cut was gallantly and successfully defended by Col..
Tourtellotte, with the 4th Minnesota and a portion of the 18th Wisconsin (which
was drawn from outpost duty towards the south about 10:30).  >  *  *  Col.
Tourtellotte, though wounded in the early part of the action, remained with his
men until the close, and rendered valuable aid in protecting my north front from
the repeated attacks by Sears' brigade."




31


A notable struggle truly and stirringly told, even though
the limitations of an official report forbid that amplification
of incident that would make as thrilling a tale as tongue
could utter. From start to finish, seven solid hours of as
desperate fighting as ever was done under the sky of heaven,
and with multiplied acts of individual heroism that would
tax the pen of Homer to narrate.
With the exception of about 250 rounds, the supply of
ammunition brought from Rome for the entire Division, had
been expended by a portion of a single brigade.
Every one of the subordinate commanders' reports on both
sides bears testimony to the unparalleled fierceness and concentration of the struggle, and the closeness and duration of
the action, and the terrific slaughter; and these reports, it
may be noted, are made by the ruggedest of Sherman's and
French's veterans-men inured to war in every aspect, and
as familiar with bloody battle-fields as we of to-day with the
street we daily tread. In reading these scant records, one
scarce knows whether to admire the more the daring vigor
and persistence of the attack, or the spirit, valor and heroic
determination of the defence. With both it was "To do or
die," and each can feel that none, save his rival, can challenge
supremacy in war-like exploit.
Corse's signal dispatch to Sherman after the fight can
therefore well be excused, " I am short a cheek-bone and an
ear, but able to whip all h-1 yet."
INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.
It is a thousand pities that the many notable incidents
of this fight are not on record; but, so far as I am aware, no
one has sought to gather them in any complete and authentic
form.




32


Corse caught his wound about 1 o'clock while scanning
the movements and position of the enemy from the Redoubt.
It was a close call ifor his life, the ball ploughing his cheek
and splitting his ear, and, as might be imagined, dazing him.
A surgeon took him in charge and ministered as well as the
circumstances permitted. At intervals Corse was unconscious,
but rallied from time to time, as though the spirit within him
crowded itself up through the physical deadening of his
senses. At one of these occasions he caught the words
"Cease firing," and as mentioned in his report, feared some
attempt to surrender. On this point, in a private letter, he
speaks as follows: "Do you remember our losing a large
number of Springfield rifled muskets that exploded near the
muzzle after becoming foul from over-shooting? I saw some
that had exploded, say about the shank of the bayonet. It
was so phenomenal as to make a decided impression on my
mind at the time. I think a large number of these must have
been lost, and when the order was given to cease firing, it
was under the impression that if the men were not given a
chance to clean their guns, we would lose them all and be
overwhelmed. My impression, you remember, at the time
was that the order to cease firing meant surrender, but
Rowett removed that impression in subsequent interviews,
during and after the war."
Rowett's order to "Cease firing" had, of course, nothing
to do with the cry of "Surrender." It is true that there
were men in that Redoubt ready to surrender or to do anything else in order to get out of it alive. Happily these were
few, and most of them lay prone, close under the parapet,
"playing dead," with the combatants and wounded standing
and sitting upon them. If I mistake not, Corse himself, at
l. east for a time, was holding down of these "living corpses"
wi wo:pref-erred to endure all the pain and discomfort of his




33


position rather than get up and face the deadly music that
filled the air with leaden notes. It came about this way:
The Redoubt was crowded, and as bloody as a slaughter pen.
In its actual construction the parapet encircled a higher elevation in the center, which had not been sufficiently excavated, so that a man standing, or in fact, lying, in the middle
of the work was exposed to bullets coming in close over the
parapet. It was absolutely necessary to keep room for the
fighting force along the parapet, so the wounded were drawn
back, and in some cases were shot over and over again. The
dead were disposed of in the same way, except that as the
ground became covered with them they were let lie as they
fell, and were stood or sat upon by the fighters. Several of
the " skulkers " lay among these, but a few were in the ranks.
The slaughter had been frightful. One of our guns was disabled from the jamming of a shot, and we were out of ammunition for the other two, thereby losing both the deterrent
effect upon the enemy, and the moral encouragement that
the friendly roar of cannon always gives to infantry in
action. I recall distinctly the fact that a regimental flagstaff
on the parapet, which had been several times shot away, fell
again at a critical moment towards the end of the action.
There was a mad yell from our friends outside and a few
cries of "Surrender" among our own people, but a brave
fellow leaped to the summit of the parapet, where it did not
seem possible to live for a single second, grasped the flagstaff,
waved it, drove the stump into the parapet, and dropped
back again unhurt. Of course nobody knows the name of
that man, but his action restored confidence, and a great
Yankee cheer drowned the tumult, and no cry of "Surrender"
was afterwards heard.
What saved us that day-among forty other things-was
the fact that we had a number of Henry rifles (16-shooters),




34


since improved and known as " Winchesters."  These were
new guns in those days, and Rowett, as I remember, had held
in reserve a company of an Illinois Regiment that was armed
with them until a final assault should be made. When the
artillery reopened, after the incident related by Corse of the
man crossing the cut and coming back with an armful of case
shot, this company of 16-shooters sprang to the parapet and
poured out such a multiplied, rapid, and deadly fire that no
men could stay in front of it, and no serious effort was thereafter made to take the fort by assault.
It is not possible, within any reasonable limits, for a paper
already too long for your patience, to undertake the recital
of the numerous thrilling incidents. One may be mentioned:
An artillery sergeant, whose gun was at first stationed outside the fort behind an exterior parapet, was driven in by the
rush of the enemy, and his men being all killed, he had to
abandon it.  Wounded himself in several places, he came
into the Redoubt, frothing with rage at the loss of his piece,
and demanded a crew of volunteers to go out with him and
get it. Notwithstanding the deadly fire, he got them, and in
three minutes was back with his recovered prize with more
wounds to his account. A bloodier man was never seen, but
he kept at his work, loading and firing, until a musket ball
passed through his neck, and he dropped dead. The same
ball traversed the.body of an Iowa officer, with whom I was
standing further back, and then struck me with force enough
to take my breath. That ball had killed two men, and I
preserved it with the name and date of the battle scratched
on its but slightly distorted surface.
On Tourtellotte's side a grim war comedy was enacted.
The remains of two Mississippi Regiments-the 35th and
39th of Sears' brigade, that had charged with desperation,




found themselves as the surge of battle that broke upon the
hill went back, lodged in a sheltered depression of the north
front, whence they could move neither up nor down without
concentrating upon themselves the fire of Tourtellotte's whole
front. Unable to determine what course to take, they
remained where they were to think it over, and Tourtellotte,
observing their embarrassment, thoughtfully sent a portion
of the 4th Minnesota to their rescue and invited them to come
in. One field and several line officers and 80 men with the
colors of the two regiments were the reward of the Yankee
courtesy.
After the fight was over we thankfully emerged from the
shambles and went out to survey the field. The dead, the
dying and the wounded lay everywhere. The ditches immediately outside the Redoubt were crammed with corpses.
There were dead rebels within 100 feet of the work, and they
were piled in stacks near the house where they had massed
for the final assault which was never made, against the
reopened artillery, and the rattle of the Henry rifles. But
the appalling center of the tragedy was the pit in which lay
the heroes of the 39th Iowa and the 7th Illinois. Such a
sight probably was never before presented to the eye of
heaven. There is no language to describe it. With all the
glad reaction of feeling after the prolonged strain of that
mortal day, and the exultant surge of victory that swelled
our hearts, it was difficult to stand on the verge of that open
grave without a rush of tears to the eye and a spasm of pity
clutching at the throat. The trench was crowded with the
dead, blue and homespun, Yank and Johnny, inextricably
mingled in their last ditch. Our heroes, ordered to hold the
place to the last, with supreme fidelity, had died at their posts.
As the rebel line run over them, they struck up with their
bayonets as the foe struck down, and rolling together in the




36


embrace of death, we found them in some cases mutually
transfixed. The theme cannot be dwelt upon.
For relief, take another one, so unique in the circumstances
that I doubt at times my own recollection of it. It was in
the morning when French first gained the west end of the
ridge. The 93rd Illinois was in the vicinity of the outworks,
a quarter of a mile or so from the Redoubt. I had been
reconnoitering the ground, and the rebel column charged us
sharply and without warning. We ran, of course, but in
passing through or rather over an old work of low relief, one
of our men stooped, grabbed a brick and turned. Curiosity
overcame discretion, and I had to look. He threw the brick
straight as a bullet at a rebel running toward us, and if I
may be believed, the brick caught the man full in the face,
and he went down like a log.
One more incident, and I am done. After the battle the
wounded of both sides were collected, housed and cared for.
One of the surgeons invited me to come to the hospital with
him, and on the way said he had a wounded woman there.
I expressed surprise, and he said: "See if you can pick her
out." We went through the hospital, and I saw no woman,
but passing through again on the way back, the doctor
stopped at a bed where a tanned and freckled young rebel,
hands and face grimy with dirt and powder, lay resting on
an elbow, smoking a corn-cob pipe. The doctor inquired,
"How do you feel " and the answer was, "Pretty well, but
my leg hurts like the devil." As we turned, the doctor said,
"That is the woman," and told me that she belonged to the
Missouri Brigade, had had a husband and one or two brothers
in one of the regiments, and followed them to the war.
When they were all killed, having no home but the regiment,
she took a musket and served in the ranks. Like an actor
of the old Greek dramas, war has its two masks of tragedy




37


and comedy, although it is difficult at times to determine to
which the antiphonal scene belongs-so of this case. It is
perhaps not proper in such a paper as this to expose or call
attention to the shifts to which the Confederates were forced
to fill their ranks, but the incident may be told nevertheless.
THE STORES SAVED.
The stores which had cost such heroic endeavor and
expenditure of life, were saved; the stores, which, as Corse
says in a private letter, "would have been such a prize as
Hood in all his long and bloody career as a soldier had never
secured."  This fact is due, independently of the main
action, largely to the coolness and vigilance of Tourtellotte,
who in addition to fighting Sears on his north front and
flanking the attacks on the west Redoubt, kept his mind
charged with the protection of the warehouses, even while
his wound forced him to physical inaction. As has been
stated, he pushed out the 18th Wisconsin to the southward
to hold back the two regiments which were in front of the
rebel batteries, and only withdrew them at 10:30 when the
assaulting column had reached a point in front of the west
Redoubt, whence it had a fire upon the rear of the outlying
command. Thereafter Tourtellottee kept a wary eye out
towards the stores, with men in his southern rifle pit and its
vicinity constantly on guard, and cautioned to unceasing
vigilance, and although several attempts were made by individuals and small parties to reach the warehouses and fire
them, they died on the way and none of them ever attained
their destination. We found several bodies scattered about
in the vicinity, and one of them within 20 feet of the buildings, with the implements in his hand for firing them.
As to the amount of these stores, General Sherman, in
his Memoirs, says there were "over a million rations of




38


bread," probably with Corse's report at hand, in which the
number is incorrectly stated at that amount. Cox, in his
"Atlanta," gives it more accurately at "nearly three millions."  The actual figures (2,700,000) are given in a letter
from Sherman to Corse in acknowledging, on October 7th,
Corse' s preliminary report of the same day.
THE LOSSES.
Corse's losses in this battle, from the full official records,
were 142 killed, 352 wounded, and omitting those captured
at the block house two miles away, 128 prisoners; a total loss
of 622-nearly one-third his entire command.
French in his report estimates that he had killed and
wounded 750, and captured 205-which, with the block house
prisoners, would make a total loss inflicted on Corse of over
1000, which is over 50 per cent. too much.
French's losses are not known. With his report he gives
a tabulated list of casualties by brigades, which shows footings of 122 killed, 443 wounded and 243 missing-a total of
799. Sears, however, whose report of casualties is the only
one accessible to me, reports in his brigade alone a total loss
of 425-as against 351 attributed to him in French's schedule,
which is an increase of 21 per cent. Young and Cockerell
must have lost at least as heavily as Sears, and having charged
our line repeatedly and had several encounters at close
quarters, probably more so. Allowing for these facts, it is
perhaps nearer correct to increase French's statement of loss
by 25 per cent., which would make it almost exactly 1000
men. As Corse actually buried 231 rebel dead, captured 411
prisoners, well and wounded, and picked up 800 stand of
arms, and as French left behind him, according to his own
account, only those of his wounded who needed litters to




39


move them, we must add to the 644 rebels accounted for by
Corse at least 400 or 500 wounded who got away when French
left, or previously. French's total loss could not have been
much less than 1100 or 1200.
The number of troops with him cannot be determined.
He gives it as "but little over 2000 men," in which case he
lost more than half his entire number, but he omits three
regiments as forming no part of the assaulting column. He
refers to those supporting the artillery, but these men were
in the engagement, kept the 18th Wisconsin in their front,
and French thanks their leader, Col. Andrews, "who commanded on the south side," and Major Myrick, who commanded the artillery. French's field report for Sept. 24th
showed "Present for Duty" 331 officers and 2945 men; an
'Effective Present" of 3626, and an "Aggregate Present"
of 4347. He probably had not less than 3000 with him at
Allatoona engaged in action, in which case his total loss was
proportionally the same as ours, viz., about one-third.
REPORTING TO SHERMAN.
On the morning of the 7th Corse sent me down to Kenesaw to take his report to Sherman, and supplement the gaps
in the information which his wound forbade elaborating. As
I reached the summit of the mountain, conscious of bearing
welcome and important tidings of great joy, and considering
what special form Sherman's delight might take, I found
him surrounded by a group of generals and staff scanning
with binoculars the long clouds of dust that, rising above
the forest to the westward, betokened a great movement of
troops. It was Hood en route northward. As Sherman
turned and saw me, his greeting was, " Hello! How's Corse?"
I answered that he was doing very well, and Sherman glanced




40


over the report which I handed him, and inquired, "Pretty
hot, wasn't it? " and without waiting for an answer, said,
"I knew it was all right when Corse got there; I'll write
him presently." As I stood, anxiously waiting an invitation
to unbosom myself of the accumulated information that it
wearied me to carry, he turned back to take another look at
Hood, and some one asked, "General, what do you think
Hood is going to do "  Sherman replied, with an outburst
of irritation, "How the devil can I tell? If it were Joe
Johnston now-Johnston was a sensible man and did sensible
things. Hood is a d-d fool and is liable to do anything."
This view of his antagonist is, it will be observed, paraphrased
in his letter to Corse, written immediately after, into "Hood
is eccentric," but his off-hand response was substantially as
I have given it.
My interview was over. Nor since that time, until this
evening, have I had a chance to "unload."
CONCLUSION.
This practically closes the sketch of Allatoona. I can
only hope that it will avail to furnish some material for a
proper history of that memorable affair.
Sherman published his congratulatory Special Field
Orders, No. 86, dated Oct. 7th, proclaiming the vital military
principle that fortified points must always be defended to
the last, regardless of numbers, declaring the "effusion of
blood " at Allatoona not "useless," as the position "was and
is very important to present and future operations," and
thanking Corse and Tourtellotte and their men for their
determined and gallant defence.
Just how important to his future operations was the suc



41


cessful defence of Allatoona may be judged from what followed.
October 9th Sherman telegraphed to Grant with renewed
urgency that the march to Savannah must be made, and
stated, to show his preparation, "We have on hand over
8000 head of cattle and three million rations of bread."
In other words, the Allatoona stores, 2,700,000 rations,
were practically all he had.
Sherman impatiently chased Hood northward, seeking to
corner and devour him. But Hood, living off the country
and traveling light, could go two miles to Sherman's one, and
there was no catching him. Weary of the harassing and
fruitless hunt, Sherman insisted that his March to Savannah
be not delayed, and on Oct. 19th to be in readiness for it,
telegraphed his chief commissary at Atlanta, "Have on hand
30 days' food." Say, 1,800,000 rations, two-thirds of the
Allatoona stores, which were supplies for 60,000 men for
45 days.
November 2nd Grant for the first time authorized the
March.
Sherman abandoned Hood to his own devices, and the
unhappy rebel leader, pressing northward, was heavily
thrown in his encounter with Schofield at Franklin, and
finally dashed himself to pieces against the '" Rock of Chicamauga," the noble George H. Thomas, lying vigilant within
the defences of Nashville, and like an old lion, silently licking his chops as he watched his prey draw nigh.
November 12th Sherman, having stripped his railroad, cut
the telegraph wires that no message of delay might reach
him, loaded his teams, marched his 60,000 men for Savannah,
and, although he "lived off the country," got there with
empty wagons.




42
With Hood and Forrest in his rear and on his railroad,
how was he to accumulate a fresh store of provision, and
what would have become of the "March to the Sea" if
Allatoona had been lost?
WILLIAM    LUDLOW.




PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
OF THE


EARLY DAYS OF
A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE


I86i.


MICHIGAN COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE U. S.
BY


COMPANION JAMES T. STERLING,
BVT. COLONEL U. S. V.
AT
DETROIT, MARCH 3D, 1892.


DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS,
1892.








personal ~yperience6 of the     iarlp  )aps
of 1861,
Commander and Companions
In an unguarded moment, fascinated by the eloquent
appeal of our commander, I consented to prepare and read a
paper of some kind to you at this meeting. A thousand
times since would I have given anything to have been relieved
from that promise, not but that I was perfectly willing to
spend the time necessary in preparing something for your
edification; not that I did not fully appreciate the duty we
owe one to the other, but the feeling of my inability to make
it a palatable dose. Therefore, "don't view me with a critic's
eye." In looking backward to the days I started out for a
soldier, if I succeed while relating any of my experiences in
recalling to your minds any pleasant recollections of those
days, or if this act of mine will lead any of you to tell your
reminiscences, I shall be fully paid for the time spent.
It has been said, and never disputed, that the Union Army
could furnish men equal to any undertaking, mechanical or
engineering, and carry it to a successful issue. As soldiers
in '61, how ignorant? My soldier life began at Camp Taylor,
Cleveland, Ohio, in April, '61, where every morning could be
seen the portly form of Gen. Fitch, with his staff resplendent
in blue and gold, on foot, leading the band as it beat off at
guard mounting! What an enthusiastic welcome we gave




4
Jim Steadman when he entered our camp at the head of what
appeared to be a mob, which after became one of the most
gallant regiments from Ohio, their leader's only badge of
office being a huge club.  Again I seem to hear the very
pleasant voice of the captain-of Company C, saying, "Gentlemen, please to shoulder arms, "and yet these men of ignorance
afterward distinguished themselves as soldiers. I doubt if
there is a man before me who could not give some example of
a personal nature (regulars excepted) that would equal for
ignorance anything I may be able to tell. At the same time
I am aware I am relating my experience, not yours, that I
am the victim, not you.
Early in May I left Cleveland with the 7th regiment O. V.
I. as 1st Lieutenant, Company B. The following day we
reached Camp Dennison. Up to this time we had been
furnished cooked rations and a table to eat from. Here we
found everything different. It was simply a question to cook
our rations, eat them raw or go without. The captain ordered
me to detail some men and draw rations for the company. I
found the commissary located in a barn not far from our
camp. Boldly, with no thought of refusal, I presented myself
before him and demanded rations for one hundred men of
Company B, 7th O. V. I.  "Where is your requisitiony "
What's thats I never heard of it before. I want rations
for a company of hungry men. "Well you can't have
them until you furnish a proper requisition. " And how
am I to get one? "Out df the book."  As if there wasn't
but one book in the world. I know of several, I said.
Never saw a requisition in any of them. "The Blue Book,
didn't you ever hear of that?" and such a look of pity as he
gave me for my ignorance. Under his direction I found the
precious volume of the indigo hue, and he was kind enough
to point out the proper form, but as it turned out not quite




5


as particular as he should have been, he objected to my tearing out the leaf, said I must copy it; I borrowed a sheet of
paper and using a barrel head for a table, succeeded after
much labor in transferring the form upon paper and having
filled it out with what I wanted in the way of eatables, as I
had been instructed, I again entered the presence of my
friend the commissary, confident that I would get my provisions now. He looked at the result of my labors and said,
"It must be approved."  I'll do that, I calmly said. "No,
that won't do. The commandant of the camp must approve
all requisitions. "- His headquarters were a mile away,
through the worst kind of mud. It had to be done. I waded
up there and back, got my requisition approved, and once
again was in the presence of the presiding genius of the ration
department, certain in my own mind that I was to get what I
had labored so diligently for. I said, please hurry up, the
boys are getting very hungry. I never shall forget the look
he gave me, and how my heart went right down into my boots
when he said, 'i can't give you anything on that. You have
made a requisition for commissary supplies on a quartermaster's blank for stores."  I never forgot that lesson. It
was some time before Company B forgot it, or I heard the last
of it.
It is not my intention to weary you by a detailed history of
the movements of the 7th, only to relate the account of one
march of Companies H and B.   Our regiment left Camp
Dennison the afternoon of June 26th, 1861, the following day
crossed the Ohio river at a little town called Benwood, a few
miles below Wheeling. Then we felt that we were in the
enemy's country. We continued our ride until the following
day, when we went into camp near the small village of
Clarksburg, and it was many months before we-again saw a
railroad.  Here we remained several days, then made a




6


forced march of thirty miles to Weston, where we captured
thirty thousand dollars of rebel gold. At least that was what
we went for, and what we were told we accomplished,
although none of us saw any of it, I mean the rank and file.
We had just begun to enjoy ourselves in camp when Companies H and B were ordered to proceed to Glenville and
relieve Colonel Pond who was in command at that point with
a part of the 17th Ohio Infantry, three months' men, whose
time was about to expire.  Glenville was the county seat of
Gilmer County, and had been a red hot rebel town when Col.
Pond occupied it. Bright and early Sunday morning, July
5th, Companies H and B moved out of camp and took up the
line of march for Glenville, expecting only a monotonous
tramp of twenty-seven miles, not anticipating anything in the
way of excitement, or that would impress it upon our
memories for long years after, and in '64 or '65 it would have
been of no account, but I am trying to recall events of '61 as
they seemed to us then.  Capt. Asper, of Company H,
ranked the Captain of Company B,(I forgot to state that I had
been promoted to captain before leaving Camp Dennison) and
was in command of the expedition.
Marching in our very best style, for the people were all out
to see us, we soon left the town of Weston behind, and with
route step and frequent halts, we plodded along till about
eleven, when, after being halted and guns stacked, we were
informed that owing to the oppressive heat we were to
remain there until 4 p. m. With the usual shout ranks were
broken and the boys scattered through the grove where we had
halted, seeking all the comfort the situation offered. Hardly
had we settled down for our rest when the rapid approach
of horses' feet was heard, and suddenly round the bend came
a solitary horseman at the top of his speed. Seeing the
troops he drew rein, and asked for the commanding officer.




7


Capt. Asper was called, when the stranger stated that Col.
Pond had been surrounded at Glenville by Gen. Floyd with
fifteen hundred to two thousand men, that they had been
fighting since daylight and wanted help. "Fall in" was
sounded and in a few minutes we were again on the road.
Heat and fatigue were forgotten; the one thought was, our
comrades are in danger, have asked for help, and go we must.
The news was at once sent back to Col. Tyler, commanding
at Weston, with the information that we would push on as
far as possible and endeavor to communicate with Col. Pond
and let him know that reinforcements were on the way.
With occasional short halts, we continued our march until
dark, when it was deemed prudent to go into camp until
something definite could be heard from Pond. All the afternoon we had been entertained by the most heartrending
accounts of the slaughter going on at Glenville. As we could
hear no firing, aid having reached a point where it had been
heard, so the natives told us, the problem left for us to solve
was, had darkness caused the cessation of hostilities, or had
Pond surrendered? The writer had been taken suddenly ill
and had to find a bed. Capt. Asper with a few men went
out seeking some definite information, and returned in about
one hour, knowing but little more than when they started.
They had, however, secured the services of about fifty men
who claimed to be loyal. These had been stationed at a
point on the road to Glenville about one mile from camp as a
guard, and they had promised to remain until relieved, so we
felt secure from that quarter. As Capt. Asper was unwilling
to assume the responsibility of his position and act accordingly, it was decided to hold a council of war and the officers
of both companies were invited to be present, and for my
convenience they were asked to meet in my room. All the
officers came, and after a full discussion we were united upon




8


one plan, and that was that communication with Col. Pond
must be opened. The question then was who would go?
Your humble servant was chosen, and. the events I am about
to describe I will vouch for as a sure cure for bilious colic.
Capt. H. had secured a guide who said he was a Union man
and a horse for me to ride. We started, as far as I was concerned, determined to reach Glenville or die in the attempt.
Charge that to youthful enthusiasm. Riding quietly along,
suddenly we were greeted with the summons of "who goes
there."  Reply went back, "friends."  Then came the
question, "friends of who?" There was the sticker! Were
they Rebels, were they Union? Remember, this was the
first time I had had the pleasure (?) of looking at a loaded
musket pointed at me by a being that might glory in the
thought that he had killed a Yankee. You that have been
there know how fast one's thoughts travel under such surroundings. Among other things I remembered that my good
mother had told me always to tell the truth. Then I wondered what she would do under the same circumstances.
Then came the thought, how glorious to die for having
spoken the truth. I could have a little hatchet engraved
on my tombstone. At any rate, feeling that my mother would
be responsible for the result, I sung out "friend of the
Union." Then came the welcome reply, "advance, friends!"
It seemed I had struck the countersign, Union, and these
were the home guard stationed by Capt. Asper. In my hurry
of leaving I had neglected to give the countersign, indeed
had forgotten all about the men, or I should not have
been so scared when we met. They treated us to a hearty
reception, but when told what we proposed to do, said it was
impossible, we would be captured, if not killed, that there
was in that county a company of rebel home guards, that
they were in the habit of meeting in a house at the foot of the




9


hill which we would be compelled to pass. One of the party
was quite sure he had seen a number of men going in that
direction that very afternoon. Undoubtedly they were to have
a meeting that night. Had I consulted my own inclination I
should have turned back then and there.  Finding that my
guide was willing to go on I concluded to take the chances.
Should have felt better had I been sure whether my guide
was rebel or Union, but I was in for it. Silently we picked
our way down the hill until the outline of the house above
referred to could be seen.  Suddenly the guide stopped,
saying, "Did you see that?"  What? I replied.  "The
lights in the house." Sure enough, I saw what appeared to
be several lights moving from room to room. Again came the
temptation to turn back. If they are there they undoubtedly
have a guard in the road, possibly in the fields, I thought. I
prefer to take my chances in the road. Turning to my companion I said, You are a stranger to me.  I know not
whether you are what you claim to be or not. I propose to
run the guard that undoubtedly is in front or near that
house. You will lead. If you attempt to stop I will try the
effect of my pistol on you. I gave the word, and with the
help of our spurs we succeeded in getting up "right smart"
speed. Reaching the front of the house I called a halt and
burst out laughing. The lights that had scared us so were
fire-flies. Nothing farther of interest occurred for some time,
when turning a sharp corner we with one breath called out
"halt, surrender," which command was obeyed at once and
we discovered that we each had a prisoner, good loyal men as
they claimed and afterward proved to be, and it was well
for us that they were, for we, anxious to get information,
dismounted and accompanied our captives to the house of one
of them. They pratically substantiated the rumors we had
heard during the day, but were unable to say how the fight




10


had terminated, but were of the opinion that Pond still held
the town, although his usual picket was not to be found at
the point previously occupied by them. They had been down
to see. That Floyd's forces surrounded the place they had
no doubt, and no offer I could make would induce either of
them to guide me through the woods to Pond's camp.
According to their statement the road was impracticable.
My guide knew of no other route, and neither of these men
would go with me, I concluded, in view of the situation, and
the approach of daylight, it was better to bring up our men
than to take any chances of being captured, which would not
help either Pond, or Asper. Very reluctantly we mounted
and turned our faces toward camp, our friends, however,
promising to communicate with Pond if possible before we
returned. Just at sunrise we reached camp, hurried through
our coffee and hard-tack, and at the head of the company I
was once more a foot soldier. By rapid marching we soon
reached the point where I had turned back, and there were my
two friends. They reported that they were satisfied that
Floyd was in possession of the town.  Asper wanted to wait
for reinforcements. In the meantime we were in elegant
position to be surrounded. We must either go ahead or
return. While discussing this question one of the boys
reported a fine defensive position.  It was a projecting rock
directly over the road and commanded it perfectly.  To this
place the two companies hurried, having first detailed twenty
men from each who were to push forward towards town as
skirmishers, under my command. We were in a valley with
almost impassible ridges on each side. I deployed my men
on either side of the road covering the ground between the
ridges. We had not proceeded far when we discovered what
seemed a large rock directly in our front, and nearing it
found that the road led by a circuitous route up the sides of




11


this rock. Not until we had reached its base did we see a
living being except our own party,,when lo! we discovered men with guns in their hands trying to cross
the road at the top without being seen.  I immediately
called in my force, and waiting their assembling, watched
the rocks above us, the result being that I was sure
that the men we saw were our friends. Convinced of this I
stepped out into the road and awaited the result. In less
time than it takes to write it, the whole party at the top of
the hill came out into the road, and beckoned me to advance.
In a few moments we were shaking hands and I was conducted to Col. Pond. He was in entire ignorance of any
attack, wondering at our delay. The day before there had
been the usual amount of picket firing, nothing more. Possibly Floyd had shown up more of a force than usual and
Pond had withdrawn his picket, knowing we were coming on
that road and were covering it. Word was sent back to
Capt. Asper, who soon marched into town, and went into
camp. The balance of the regiment arrived at various times
during the day, as one company after the other had been
started to our relief as the news of the magnitude of the
conflict reached Col. Tyler. They were much relieved to find
us safe and sound, for reports had reached them of desperate
fighting, in which we had been terribly worsted. Thus ended
the relief of Col. Pond and his three months men, who shortly
returned home. While we accomplished our purpose without firing a gun, t6 our verdant minds we had realized in a
measure what it meant to be soldiers and had been thoroughly scared. As it turned out we had not seen the last of
Gen. Floyd, for in August following he caught us napping,
surrounded us with over three thousand men and early in the
morning disturbed our slumbers by firing on us from every
direction. Then we learned what fighting was under the




12


most unfavorable circumstances, and how small our Glenville
affair appeared. How we ever got out of that hole was and
ever has been a mystery. Five of the eight hundred escaped;
the balance were killed, or went to Richmond. Charging
through one point in the enemy's line, we captured a rebel
flag, and in our hurry brought its bearer along. I never
shall forget how proud we were of that rag, or rather of having captured it.   No amount of money would have purchased
it, and next to our own flag how we would have fought to
retain it; and yet we who are assembled here to-night have
lived to see the time when a request to return these emblems
of a lost cause has been made in all earnestness.     At the time
this matter was being agitated through the country I came
across the following verses, which answer the question to
my satisfaction at least:
When they send us the tears of the widowed
And the anguish of those that have bled,
When they wake from their low mossy pillows
The host of our warriors dead,
When they fill up the war washed faces,
And gather, all covered witl scars,
The limbs that were lost in the conflict,
Then we'll send back the stars and the bars.
When we send back the gyves and the fetters,
The lash, and the block, and the yoke,
When we give up the pen of the hero
That made men of brutes with a stroke.
When we gather from hillside and valley
The dark skinned, both mother and son,
And give back the slave to his master,
Then we'll give up the colors we won.




13


When we tear down the homes we have builded
To sheller the feeble and mained,
When our love for our country grows feeble
And the sons of their sires are ashamed,
When we unlearn the lesson of duty,
By patriot forefathers taught
Then we'll send back the dust-covered banners
That our blood and our treasures have bouglt.
We'll not give up the flags that were flaunted
When treason's war raised its loud din,
We have love for penitent sinners,
But we have nothing but hate for the sin.
Put them back till the dust as it gathers
Renders misty the blue and the gray,
Put them back till the worm and the canker
Have eaten their blood stains away.
By the mem'ries of Monmouth and Yorktown
By the bones of our loved Washington,
We have but one flag and one country,
And our motto is " many in one. "
Then send to our brethren, once foemen,
For their feasts of Minerva or Mars
If they need them, send banners unstinted,
But send them the Stripes and the Stars.








A SKETCH OF THE ORIGIN


OF THE
SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI.
A PAPER READ BEFORE THE
GOMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGRAN
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE U. S.
BY


COMPANION FRED. T. SIBLEY,
First-Class Member by Inheritance.
At Detroit, April 7, 1892.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
I892.








At ihetcb of the Origin of the society of
the Cincinnati;
ON the Feast of St. John the Evangelist, December 28, 1778, the
-celebrated Dr. William Smith, at a service held in old, Christ Church,
Philadelphia, at which the commander-in-chief of the armies of
Continental Congress was present, referred to him in his discourse
as the "Cincinnatus of America," voicing then and there for the
first, time in public, it is believed, the idea that nearly five years
later took shape in the organization of the "Society of the
Cincinnati."
On the 6th of October, 1781, General Lincoln had the honor of
opening the first parallel before Yorktown. On the 19th of the
same month at 2 P. M. the British forces led by General O'Hara
(Lord Cornwallis being confined to his quarters through indisposition) marched out from their entrenchments and laid down their
arms, the War of the Revolution was virtually ended,. and the
United States of America was "fait accompli."
The allied army was then gradually transferred to cantonments at
* Newburgh on the Hudson; preparatory to its final dissolution; and
awaiting this event the officers of the patriot army viewed with
sorrow the parting of the ties that eight years of service, shared in
common and nobly sustained, had welded. their hearts so closely
together and made it hard to rend themselves asunder.
General:Henry Knox, who, from a position as clerk- in a BQstn
book shop, had, by bravery and faithfulness, risen to the position
of a Major-General, prompted by feelings of generous impulse,
3




4


conceived the idea of keeping alive the brotherhood of the camp
through the formation of a society composed of the officers of the
army. The first suggestion of such an organization appears in a
paper in his handwriting, entitled "Rough draft of a Society to be
formed by the American officers, and to be called the Cincinnati,"
dated "West Point, April 15th, 1783," the eighth anniversary of that
month when at Lexington and Concord "the. embattled farmers
stood and fired the shot heard round the world.".
Meetings were held at which the Baron Steuben as senior officer
presided, a plan was drafted by a committee composed of Generals
Knox, Hand and Huntington, and Captain Shaw, and the Society
was organized at a meeting held on the 13th of May, 1783, at Baron
Steuben's headquarters at the old Verplanck House near Fishkill.
General Knox's paper, circulated at the time among the officers
of the army, is understood to be referred to in the preamble to the
institution of the Society as the "proposals" which had been communicated to the several regiments of the respective lines. What
is now known as the " Institution " was evolved from it.
The original paper of General Knox and the "Institution," as
adopted, both aimed at the same bond which would still unite those
who, for long years, had shared the hardships of the camp and the
dangers of many a battlefield, now about to separate, many of them
penniless, to find homes ruined, and families dispersed or dead;
they sought some tie that should bring them together at intervals
in social reunions —above all they sought the means of providing
for the necessities of the more unfortunate of their number, and forthe support of the indigent widows and children of deceased associates. They wished that their children should inherit and maintain
the friendship which bound them together. And conscious of their
disinterestedness and proud of their claim to public gratitude and
consideration, they followed in the line of that desire for recognition
which is the life of the soldier's ambition, and adopted a " badge"
or "order " to be worn by the members, and which, in but too many




5


instances, was all they might transmit as a visible, actual inheritance
to their children.
This badge was designed by Major Pierre Charles L'Enfant, a
French Engineer officer, afterwards assigned to the duty of laying out
the Federal city of Washington. The writer submits herewith
extracts from a translation of Major L'Enfant's letter to Baron
Steuben, as set forth in the records of the New York Society,
giving his reasons for the insignia adopted by the society, which
may prove of interest:
"PHILADELPHIA, 10th June, 1783.. MY GENERAL,-Immediately on receiving your letter of the 20th
May, which I met by accident at the postoffice, on the 7th inst., I
set myself about the plan of the medal. I send you both faces of
the design, which I have made large, so that you may better judge
of them. In the execution they can be reduced to a convenient
size, which, on account of the precision required in the design,
ought not to be less than a dollar, the subject being too complex
to admit of its being properly detailed on a smaller compass.
I have not made it oval, agreeably to your desire, as such form
is not proper for a medal; besides it can be done in the execution,
if the idea should be persisted in of having the order in that form,
to which, however, I think any other preferable. I also believe
and hope that you will be persuaded of this, and endeavor to convince
the gentlemen of it who compose the committee for forming the
Institution, and to whom I beg you to communicate the following
observations:
A medal, whether round or oval, is considered, in the different
states of Europe, only as a reward of the.laborer and the artist, or
as a sign of a manufacturing community, or religious society;
besides, the abusive custom prevailing particularly in Germany and
Italy, of sending to France mountebanks, dancers and musicians,
ornamented in this manner, renders it necessary to distinguish this
order by a form which will be peculiar to itself, and which will




6


answer the two-fold purpose of honoring those invested with it,
and making it self-respected for its simplicity, by. such as may be
in a situation minutely to examine its different parts.
Not that I suppose one form or another will change the opinion
of a republican people, accustomed to think; I only say, that in an
institution.of this sort, the main design should be to render it
respectable to everybody, and that it is only in appealing to the
senses that you can engage the attention of the common people,
who have certain habitual prejudices which cannot be destroyed.
A gentleman already invested with any European order would be
unwilling to carry a medal, but if, flattered by receiving a mark of
distinction from a respectable society, he should do it, the manner
of it would by no means decrease the value of the order. On the
contrary, giving it a new, a particular form, will be adding a recom:
mendationto its real value, and engage those invested with it to
wear it in the same manner as their other military orders, which is
the surest means of putting it at once upon a footing with them.
The bald eagle, which is peculiar to this continent, and is distinguished from those of other climates by its white head and tail,
appears to me to deserve attention.
I send you: two essays which I have made, and desire one of them
may be adopted instead of the medal, In one I make the eagle
supporting a star with.thirteen, points, in the center of which is the
figure of the medal, with its inscriptions, as well in front as on the
reverse. A, legend might be added in the claws and go round the
neck of the eagle, with a particular inscription, or the contour of
the medal transferred there. In the other I have made simply the
eagle, supporting on its breast the figure of the medal, with a legend
in its claws and about the neck, which passes behind: and sustains
the reverse. I Would prefer the latter, as it does not resemble any
other order, and bears a distinct character; nor will it be expensive
int its execution. The.first, device, although more complex, would
not, be: so dear as people might, imagine, especially if the execution
of it should, be committed to skillful persons by sending it to Europe,
where it wouldnot take up a great deal of time,nor be so expensive
as to trust the execution of it here to workmen not well acquainted
with the business.




7


So far from proposing to change the oval medal into an eagle, on
which should be impressed the medal, I do not pretend to say medals
cannot be made. On the contrary, my idea of the subject is that
silver medals should be struck, at the common expense of the Society,
and distributed, one to each member, as an appendage to a diploma
of parchment, whereon it would be proper to stamp the figure of
the medal, the eagle, or the star, in its full dimensions, and properly.
colored, enjoining on the members to conform to it, though leaving
them the liberty, provided it be at their own expense, of having it
made of such metal and as small as they please, without altering
any of the emblems. It seems to me by no means proper that the
honorary members should wear the order in the same manner as the
original members, it would be necessary that they should wear the
medal, the star, or the eagle, round their necks, and the original
members at their third button-hole.
These remarks, I beg you, my General, to have translated and
submitted to the gentlemen concerned. I shall be obliged to you
to let me know the issue of this letter, and their decision upon it.
I have, etc., etc.,
L'ENFANT.
N. B.-The head and tail of the eagle should be silver,, o
enamelled in white, the body and wings gold, the medal on its breast
and back enamelled in the' same color as the legend; springs of
laurel and oak might be added in the wings enamelled in green; the
star should be pointed in gold, or enamelled in blue and white;
those who should be- at the expense might, instead of white, have
diamonds. The riband, as is customary in all orders, should be
watered."
The "Institution" prescribes the insignia and accompanying
ribbon to be worn by the companions of the Order in the following
terms:
"The Society shall have an Order, by which its members shall be
known and distinguished, which shall be a medal of gold, of a




8


proper. size to receive the emblems, and suspended by a deep blue
ribbon, two inches wide, edged with white, descriptive of the union
of America and France, viz.:
The principal figure of Cincinnatus.
Three Senators presenting him with a sword and other military
ensigns; on a field in the background his wife standing at the door
of their cottage; near it a plough and implements of husbandry.
Round the whole:-Omnia Reliquit Servare Rempublicam.
On the reverse:-Sun rising; a city with open gates and vessels
entering the port.  Fame crowning Cincinnatus with a wreath,
inscribed Virtutis Prcemium.
Below:-Hands joined, supporting a heart, with the motto, Esto
Perpetua.
Round the whole:-Societas Cincinnatorum Instituta, A. D. 1783."
The proposed medal appears on the original diplomas, one of
which I have brought for inspection.
As to membership the Institute proceeds:
"It having pleased the Supreme Governor of the Universe, in the
disposition of human affairs, to cause the separation of the colonies
of North America from the domination of Great Britain, and after
bloody conflict of eight years, to establish them free, independent,
and sovereign states, connected, by alliances founded on reciprocal
advantages, with some of the greatest princes and powers of the
earth.
"To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remembrance of this vast
event, as the mutual friendships which have been formed under the
pressure of common danger, and in many instances cemented by the
blood of the parties, the officers of the American Army do hereby,
in the most solemn manner, associate, constitute, and combine
themselves into one SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, to endure as long
as they shall endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, and in




9


failure thereof, the collateral branches, who may be judged worthy
of becoming its supporters and members.
"All the officers of the American Army, as well as thbse who
have resigned with honor, after three years' service in the
capacity of officers, or who have been deranged by resolutions of Congress upon the several reforms of the army, as
those who shall have continued to the end of the war, have the
right to become parties to this Institution; provided that they
subscribe one month's pay, and sign their names to the general
rules, in their respective State Societies —those who are present
with the army, immediately, and others within six months after the
army shall be disbanded, extraordinary cases excepted. The rank,
time of service, resolutions of Congress by which they have been
deranged, and place of residence, must be added to each name; and
as a testimony of affection to the memory and the offspring of
such officers as have died in the service, their eldest male branches
shall have the same right of becoming members as the children
of the actual members of the Society."
As will be seen by the foregoing extracts, under the Institution,
the officers of the American Army, in the most solemn manner
combined themselves into one society of friends, to endure as long
as they should endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, and in
failure thereof, then their collateral branches who might be judged
worthy of being its supporters and members. This latter clause,
u' collateral branches," has caused considerable confusion, but it was
finally decided that its whole tenor is to confine the succession to
the descendants of original members.
The Society had also another aim, viz: to particularly extend the
most substantial acts of beneficence according to the ability of the
Society towards those officers and their families who should
unfortunately be under the necessity of receiving it.




10


In order to obtain funds for these purposes, each officer contributed
one month's pay, the interest thereon only to be appropriated to the
use of the unfortunate.
The right of membership was also under the Institution tendered
to certain French officers under the following terms:
"The Society, deeply impressed with a sense of the generous
assistance this country has received from France, and desirous of
perpetuating the friendships which have been formed, and so
happily subsisted, between the officers of the allied forces, in the
prosecution of the war, direct that the President-General transmit,
as soon as may be, to each of the characters hereafter named, a
medal containing the Order of the Society, and acquaint them that
the Society do themselves the honor to consider them as
members: His Excellency the Chevalier De La Luzerne, Minister
Plenipotentiary; His Excellency the Sieur Gerard, late Minister
Plenipotentiary; their Excellencies the Count D'Estaing, Count
De Grasse, Count De Barras, Chevalier De Touches, Count De
Rochambeau, Admirals and Commanders in the Navy, and Generals
and Colonels in the Army." The organization in France was swept
out of existence in the troublous times of the Revolution; it has,
however, of recent years been revived by the descendants of the
original members, and was received again into full communion at
the meeting of the General Society held at Newport, Rhode Island,
in July, 1887, the Marquis de Rochambeau being the President of
the Society.
Honorary membership in the society was permitted to individuals
of the respective states distinguished for patriotism and talents.;
this, however, was for life only, and, their numbers were never to
exceed a ratio of one to four of the hereditary membership.
The original institution which was written on parchment and is
now in the possession of the General Society, bears the signatures
of ninety-seven officers, seventy-two of whom are American and
twenty-five in the French service.  Gen. Washington's signature




11


heads the list, and among other historical names, appear those of
Generals William Heath, Benj. Lincoln, Nathaniel Greene, Steuben
Alexander McDougall, Henry Knox and Kosciuszko.     Of the
officers abQve named Gen. Heath was the only one of the original
signers who renounced the Institution and gave up his eagle, through
the political influences brought to bear against the Society, to which
I shall hereafter allude.
At the general meeting of 1784 an amendment to the Ipstitution,
was offered abolishing the hereditary succession, and placing
the several state funds raised for charitable purposes under
the cognizance of the   Legislatures of such states.  These
amendments were never affirmed, and consequently the Institution
remains as originally adopted. The first general officers of the
Society were George Washington, President-General; Horatio
Gates, Vice-President-General; Henry,Knox; Secretary-General;
Alexander McDougall, Treasurer-General.
'The general Society was divided 'into thirteen branches representing each of the Revolutionary States, but it is a singular fact,
attested by Mr. John Schuyler of the New York Society and
present Treasurer-General, the compiler of the work known as the
"Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati," from which the writer
gratefully acknowledges to have d'awn largely for this paper, that
only once did representatives from all of the State Societies convene
at-their triennial conclave, viz: in May, 1784, at Philadelphia; the
next largest gathering was in 1787 in the same city, when delegates
from ten of the states were present; the minimum was reached in
1835 and 1838, when the Pennsylvania' Society was the only one
responding to the roll of the states.   '              '
The question will at' once arise, what was the cause of this apparent disaffection?'.;
The answer given by Mr. Schuyler is, as follows:
"But this (the formation of the Society) was too much for the
civilian politicians, who had secured a country and a field for




12


political ambition without any of the dangers or privations of the
camp.
"For eight years the army had stood between them and the
enemy. The enemy gone-what need of the army? It may
become dangerous; 'it is poor; the soldiers may become the objects
of popular favor-and then came the outcry against the innocent
purpose of the poor, unpaid, homeless and penniless soldiers of an
occasional reunion and of the opportunity of contributing to each
other's wants and necessities."
Mr. McMaster, in his "History of the People of the United
States," states that the people of 1783 were timorous lest the Order
of the Cincinnati should be a cause of danger to the rights of man,
and established to make a complete personal distinction between
the military dignitaries and the people, who would henceforth
be dubbed plebeians; that it tended to the rapid introduction of
nobility into America, and that kind of nobility which for centuries
plagued and domineered over Europe.   Among the foremost
opponents of the Society were Benjamin Franklin, who, however,
so far recovered from his patriotic fears as later on to accept an
honorary membership therein; John Jay, afterwards Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court; Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, who
considered it " the deepest piece of cunning yet attempted "; "it is,"
he said, "sowing the seeds of all that European courts wish to grow
up among us, viz., of vanity, ambition, corruption, discord and
sedition." And yet even he, at a later period of his life, in response
to a complimentary address from the Society of South Carolina,
spoke of them as enjoying " the sweetest of rewards in the grateful
affections of their fellow citizens," and, forgetful of the Pandora's
box which he thought the Society would inevitably prove, closed
by saying, "When the Cincinnati of South Carolina pledge their
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors, I believe that no man
will doubt their integrity."




13


But the most vehement opponent of the Society was AEdanus
Burke, Justice of the Supreme Court of South Carolina, an Irishman
by birth, who had been educated at St. Omer for a priest. As an
Irishman, he felt an intense hatred of aristocratic pretensions in
general; as a staunch Whig, he felt a peculiar hatred of aristocratic
pretensions in America in particular. In October, 1783, he issued
a pamphlet under the signature of Cassius, in which he proved to
his own satisfaction, at least, that the "Institution" created an
"Hereditary Peerage,?' that the Cincinnati would soon have and
hold an exclusive right to office, honors and authority, civil and
military. " The number of Peers," said he, "is not far short of ten
thousand, and every generation will be adding to their numbers."
As a matter of fact, the original membership was less than onefourth of the number given by the imaginative jurist, and at present
the Society does not exceed four hundred. Perhaps upon this latter
fact Ward McAllister may have based the mystic number of his
exclusive Gotham aristocracy.
I think that after having listened to the reading of the extracts
from the "Institution," the Companions of the Loyal Legion will
at this age be able to judge more fairly than our venerable political
forefathers as to the scope and tenor of the purposes of the Society.
As hereinbefore stated, the animus towards the Society was largely
due to political causes. In Boston one member of the Order, who
was a candidate for senator found his chances of election so much
impaired by his blue ribbon that he came down to the polls on the
eve of election day and declared his determination to withdraw
from the Society. The Legislature of Massachusetts declared the
Society to be "dangerous to the peace, liberty and safety of the
Union." Rhode Island disenfranchised such of her citizens as were
members of the Order, and yet in 1882 the legislature of the same
State, by special statute, gave "the Society of the Cincinnati in the
State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations," in which body
the writer has the honor to hold hereditary membership, the pre.
scriptive use of the Senate Chamber in either of the State Rouses




14


in Providence or in Newport, on Independence Day, for the purpose
of holding its annual meeting therein, and is I believe the only
organization authorized to take from the walls of the first named
building the tattered and time-worn banners borne by their forefathers through the battle-fields of the Revolution.
The Presidents-General of the Society during the period of its
existence have been: George Washington of Virginia, 1783 to 1799;
Alexander Hamilton of New York, 1800 to 1804; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, 1805 to 1825; Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina, 1825 to 1828; Aaron Ogden of New Jersey,
1829 to 1839; Morgai Lewis of New York, 1839 to 1844; William
Popham of New York, 1844 to 1848, who was the last original
member to hold the office: Henry Alexander Samuel Dearborn of
Massachusetts, 1848 to 1854; Hamilton Fish of New York, who:succeeded in 1854, is the present President-General, and eldest son of
Nicholas Fish, Major and Brigade Inspector 2d N. Y. Regiment,
an original member of the Society.
The President-General wears, as the badge pertaining to the office,
an eagle studded with diamonds, which was presented by the naval
officer.s of France who were members of the, Society, to General
Washington on May 11, 1784. This insignia was sent to General
Hamilton by Washington's heirs, and upon Hamilton's death was
delivered by Mrs. Hamilton to General Pinckney, his successor in
office, and by him presented, in 1811, to the General Society to be
thereafter considered as appurtenant to the office of the President'General. Relative to this insignia the unwritten traditions of the
Society state that it was originally ordered by Queen Marie
Antoinette as a personal gift to General Washington, but through
unknown reasons it was deemed politic to have the present emanate
from the officers of the French Navy.
Two curious facts in connection with the order present themselves
in French history: First, that the "Bald Eagle," as it is known. in
Europe, was the only foreign order the nobility of France were




15


permitted to wear at court and in the presence of his most Christian
Majesty;. and, secondly, that on the 12th of July, 1788, when the
French Revolution may be said to have really got under way,
Camille Des Moulins rushed from the Cafe de Foy, climbed upon a
table, and proposed the adoption of a cockade. "What shall it
be?" he cried. "Shall it be green, the color of hope? or shall it
be blue; the color of the Cincinnati? " and the crowd shouted back:
"Let it be green, the color of hope!
The existing state societies are as follows: Massachusetts, New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, South Carolina and
Rhode Island. All are in a flourishing condition. Steps are being
taken to revive the defunct societies of Delaware, Virginia, North
Carolina, Georgia, Connecticut and New Hampshire. The annual
meetings of the state societies are held on the Fourth of July, at
which are elected the officers, consisting of President, Vice-President,
Secretary and Treasurer; the General Society convenes every third
year, and elects the general. officers, viz.: President-General, VicePresident-General, Secretary-General, and Treasurer-General,
In July, 1887, the writer 'had the privilege of attending the
triennial meeting of the general Society held at Newport, Rhode
Island. Among the delegates present was General Henry J. Hunt,
well known to the companions present as chief of artillery of
the Union forces at the battle of Gettysburg. Knowing him to be
an old friend of my father's, I introduced myself to him during the
lunch tendered the Society at the armory of the Newport Artillery
Company. Naturally the conversation drifted to the Cincinnati,
its past, present and future. The general, who was an enthusiast
on the subject,. finally. asked me if I realized what. hereditary
membership in the society meant; I, of course, endeavored, as
best I could, to express my appreciation of the honor, when he
interrupted me, saying, "I never fully understood it until some
years ago when, traveling through Europe, I found myself in
Sweden.   Having brought letters of introduction to one of the
ministers of the court, I received an invitation to dine with him.




16


While at the table chatting with my host, I noticed among his
other decorations the eagle of the Cincinnati. Naturally surprised
at seeing it, I alluded to the fact of my own membership in the order
and asked how he obtained the insignia. I then learned that he was
a descendant of a French officer who had served in the Revolutionary
war, and an original member of the Society. But why, asked he,
do you not also wear the eagle? I explained that it was not
customary for Americans to make display of such insignia. He
seemed greatly surprised and somewhat shocked. Do not you
Americans who are entitled to hereditary membership in the order
of the Bald Eagle appreciate what it means, what honor it confers?
he asked. I went on, said the general, in very much the same vein
as you did yourself in reply to my query. My friend looked still
more amazed. Why, said he, we consider it, next to the leading
order of our own country, the most honorable under heaven. Look
through history and learn the origin of the so called proudest orders
of Europe. The fondest hope of England's nobility is to obtain
the Companionship of the Garter, but what gave rise to that order?
A facile quip made by a king upon a foolish incident. The
Spaniard aspires to the Golden Fleece, an order based upon the
succcessful issue of a mercantile speculation. And so my friend
passed rapidly with caustic criticims upon the inception of the
most famous orders of Europe; then pausing a moment said, "But
what was the occasion of the foundation of the Cincinnati? It was
to commemorate one of the grandest, if not the grandest, event in
history, the establishment of the United States of America, the
greatest nation that God has ever placed upon this world of ours!
As set forth in the motto of the Cincinnati, " Esto Perpetua," "may
it last forever."




PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS


OF
FOUR YEARS IN DIXIE.
A PAPER READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION
OF THE UNITED STATES.
BY
COMPANION J. T. PATTON,
LATE CAPTAIN Co. A. 93D REGIMENT OHIO VOL. INFANTRY,
AT DETROIT, MICH., DECEMBER I, 1892.


DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS, BINDERS, ENGRAVERS,
1892.








p1eronal 1Recollectione  of four peare
in 2igie,
On that April morning when Edmund Ruffin pulled the
lanyard which sent the first shot hurtling through the air at
the stars and stripes that floated over Sumter, I was a
beardless school-boy.
The echo of that shot sent my young blood tingling, and
awakened in my soul a desire to do my feeble part in maintaining the perpetuity of the Government and the enforcement of its laws. I walked into a recruiting office to enroll
my name as a soldier, but was told that I was too young and
too small to meet Uncle Sam's requirements.
Bull Run was fought and lost to the Union cause, and
more men were called. Gen. Fremont, who was in command
in Missouri at this time, authorized the raising of a regiment
of sharp-shooters, and as I was quite an expert rifle shot, I
enlisted on Aug: 20th, 1861, in a company which was being
recruited at Dayton, Ohio, for this regiment.
We encamped a few days at Hamilton, prior to going to
St. Louis. I had a limited experience in finding a ripe
watermelon by the light of the moon, and the tree which
bore the most luscious peaches, while the man of the house
was enjoying his first sweet sleep, but I'had never learned
the art of transferring a rooster from his perch to my
haversack without a squawk, until I took a lesson while at
Hamilton.
Soon after our arrival at Benton Barracks, St. Louis, Gen.
Fremont was relieved of command, and we found ourselves




4


assigned to the 13th Missouri Infantry. (The designation of
this regiment was afterwards changed to the 22d Ohio.) We
received orders to draw our guns, which proved to be old
Austrian muskets, which were almost as dangerous to the
man at the breach as they were to the enemy in his front.
Our disappointment was very great, and so demonstrative
that it came near sending us to work on the fortifications
under guard.
Uncle Sam's tailor had not taken my measure, henceI I
found some trouble in getting clothes that would stay on me.
As a citizen, I was 5 feet 3 inches high and tipped the beam
at 110 pounds. Rigged out for our first march, with knapsack loaded to the guards; blanket strapped on top; haversack with three days' cooked rations; canteen full to the
nozzle; cartridge box with forty rounds; belts ornamented
with brass plates loaded with lead; a huge bayonet dangling
to my knee, and my Austrian musket at a shoulder, I was a
sight that would have delighted a Falstaff to look upon.
We had scarcely started on the march when the big boys
began predicting that, " that infant on the left would soon be
in a fence corner," but when Company K filed into camp
that night, after a march of twenty miles, but six men were
on hand to stack arms, and "that infant" was one of the
six. I was ordered to report to Lieut. Wherry, 13th U. S.
Infantry, mustering and disbursing officer, St. Louis, where
I remained until, very unexpectedly to me, I received an
appointment from Governor Tod, of Ohio, dated May 29th,
180(2, as Second Lieutenant in one of the new regiments then
being organized. Lieut Wherry secured an order from Gen.
Halleck for my discharge in order to accept promotion, and
on the eve of my departure presented me with a sword. I
went direct to Columbus, and was again mustered in and
placed on recruiting service. Later I was assigned to the 93d
Ohio Infantry, Col. Charles Anderson.




5


The 93d was mustered into the United States service on
Aug. 23d, 1862, and the same day started for Lexington, Ky.
Kirby Smith had forced his way through Cumberland Gap,
and was moving in the direction of Lexington. We were
hastened forward toward Richmond and reached the
Kentucky river at daylight, after an all night march, when
we learned of the defeat of our forces at Richmond, and were
faced about on the return march for Lexington. Our stay at
Eexington was of short duration, and we started back for
Louisville. The march to Louisville was characterized by
wanton cruelty to the men, in the failure of the General in
command to allow them proper rests and an opportunity to
get water. The weather was oppressively hot, the roads
dry and dusty, and water very scarce. Thousands of men
fell out of ranks in search of water, were captured and
paroled, and many of them never returned to the service. I
was detailed as A. D. C. to our brigade commander, and
escaped the hardships of the march.
On our arrival at Louisville, we began building breastworks, drilling when not digging. Soon after Gen. Buell's
army arrived, and preparations were inaugurated for an
advance. We were assigned to the Fourth Brigade (later
known as the Third), Second Division, McCook's Corps.
On October 1st the army advanced, the Second Division,
under Gen. Sill, marched for Frankfort, which point was
evacuated on our approach, the rebels burning the bridges,
which caused a delay until pontoons could be constructed.
We marched for Lawrenceburg, skirmishing with the enemy
almost hourly, but finally encamped at Dog Walk, having
made a thirty-mile march that day. Kirby Smith made a
desperate effort to capture the division, but his advance
brigade was repulsed, and we continued our march. He
prevented the division from reaching Perryville in time to
take part in the battle, but our six thousand men kept




6


his sixteen thousand from participating in the battle.
Perryville was fought on Oct. 8th, and that night Bragg
retreated, making good his escape through Cumberland Gap
to Middle Tennessee.
Gen. Buell was relieved, and Gen. Rosecrans was
appointed to command the Department of the Cumberland.
The army moved to Nashville. The railroad had been
repaired from Louisville to Mitchellville, from which point to
Nashville, forty miles, rations had to be transported ift
wagons.
The 93d was detailed as guard to a supply train back to
Mitchellville. On our return trip, after we had encamped
for the night, word was brought to Col. Anderson that a
small force of guerrillas were encamped about four miles up
the country, off the main road. Volunteers were called to
go in search of them, and I was placed in command of some
forty men for the service. The night was very dark, and our
route was up a small stream with high hills on either side.
Our guide was a colored man who lived near, the same who
had brought the news to camp. Our march was slow by
reason of the darkness and caution necessary to be observed.
For two hours we marched in silence, until we came in sight
of the camp fires on the hillside. I selected half a dozen
men and quietly proceeded to reconnoitre. We found that
the enemy had gone an hour before our arrival. A house
was near by, and our guide was not sure as to the occupant
being a member of the gang. I decided to investigate and
if at home, to take him to camp. I knocked at the door
and requested that it be opened at once. As I passed in, a
little girl raised up in her trundle bed, and said, "Pap, are
the yankees here?"  "Yes, sis," I replied, "the yankees
are here." I ordered the fellow to dress and accompany us
to camp, which he did with much reluctance, as he expected
to be shot. The Colonel questioned him as to his connection




7


with the guerillas, but finally ordered me to escort him to
the picket line. On being released he was very profuse in
his thanks, and said that if I would go home with him he
would present me with a nice turkey. It was near Thanksgiving season and I had an appetite for turkey, but I declined
his invitation with thanks.
Orders against foraging were very strict at this time, but
from certain sights which I saw, and sounds which occasionally reached my ears, I was not sure that our friend would
find all of his turkeys when he reached home. I noticed
that one of the boys had a ponderous bundle on his shoulders
as he passed into camp, but I asked no questions. The next
morning I had turkey and honey for breakfast. At the
meeting of the national encampment of the G. A. R. in
August, 1891, I invited the 93d boys who were present to
my house one evening. I told the story of this expedition,
when one fellow spoke up and said: Captain, I was the fellow who stole the hive of bees."
On Dec. 6th, the 93d was guard to a forage train, when it
was attacked by rebel cavalry. After a spirited engagement,
the enemy were handsomely repulsed. The first man of the
regiment killed in battle, was killed in this engagement, and
was a member of my company.
Gen. Rosecrans made a few changes in brigade and
division commanders. The Third brigade, commanded by
Col. P. P. Baldwin, was composed of the 1st and 93d Ohio,
5th Kentucky, 6th Indiana and Simonson's Battery. The
Second division was commanded by Gen. R. W. Johnson.
The other division commanders of McCook' s corps were Generals Jeff. C. Davis, and P. H. Sheridan. A general advance
took place on Dec. 26th. On the night of the 30th the entire
army was concentrated near Stone River, with Bragg's
army in our front.
Johnson's division was on the extreme right, with




8


Willich's brigade on the right of the division. History
records the opening of the battle, and how the right wing
was overwhelmed and driven back. Baldwin was bivouacked in
the rear some distance, as it was late the evening before when
his brigade reached the field.  He had barely time to
form his lines before the enemy in vast numbers appeared in
his front, at short range, their left extending far beyond his
right.  Opening fire with infantry and artillery upon their
massed forces, he checked their advance in his front, but
their left swung around his right, and pouring an enfilading
fire down his line compelled him to retire, barely making his
escape, as five minutes more and his entire brigade would
have been surrounded and captured.
As we were crossing a cotton field I received a shot which
caused me to slacken my pace, and the rebels began calling
to me: "Halt! surrender! You d-d Yankee!"  Their language was not such as is used in polite society, and
I ignored their call. The woods in my front was my objective
point and promised shelter, while "Libby's" doors seemed
to be swinging open to receive me, but I took my chances and
won. On reaching the shelter of the woods, I took a hasty
survey to learn the extent of damages; I found a bullet hole
through my right thigh, a slight flesh wound in my left
thigh, seven bullet holes through my overcoat, but Libby
Prison was far to my rear. I was promoted to First Lieutenant in November, and had been detailed to command the
color company for this occasion; I attempted to remain with
the command, and not until the Colonel had ordered me to
the rear three times did I make a move in that direction.
As I started to go to the rear our line was again attacked and
driven back, and by reason of my lameness I was unable to
keep up, and to keep from between fires, drifted to one side.
When darkness overtook me I was at a loss to know " where
I was at," and decided to hold my position until daylight.




9


Thirty years have passed, but the recollections of that carnage day, the last of the year 1862, are still fresh in my memory. Twenty thousand men wearing the blue and the gray had
fallen, killed or wounded. The light and life of many happy
homes in the Northland and in the Southland had gone out,
never to be sen again until the final reunion upon the other
shore. As I laid under a small cedar tree on that December
night, a small piece of rubber blanket for my bed, a canteen
for my pillow, no covering save God's canopy, my constant
thought was for a dearly loved brother who had been the
companion of my childhood and youth, the champion of all
my boyish troubles. He belonged to Davis' division. What
his fate had been I did not then know, but upon being taken
to field hospital the next day, I learned that he too laid
between the lines that night, his face to the sky, but his
bright young soul had taken its flight, and he was safe at last.
After a day or two in field hospital, I was bundled into
an ambulance and started on an all night ride for Nashville.
The road was rough in many places, and I was compelled to
sit with my hands locked under my thigh nearly the entire
distance. It was just sunrise when we reached Nashville.
The next morning I was put on board a boat for Louisville.
The Captain of the boat had taken all the mattresses out of
the state-rooms and locked them up. I saw two boys of our
brigade, whom I knew, lying upon the bare floor of the
cabin. One had lost an arm, the other was shot through the
breast. I went to the Captain of the boat and asked him for
a couple of mattresses for these boys. "No, sir," said he, "I
don't intend to have'my mattresses spoiled," and walked off.
I found two or three boys who could get around without much
trouble and marched them down to the fuel room; we found
a heavy.stick of wood, which we carried to the door of the
state-room in which the mattresses were locked. I requested
the Captain to unlock the door, telling him that we proposed




10


to move immediately upon that door with the cordwood.
The door was unlocked without further delay, and every
badly wounded man got a mattress, until the supply gave
out. He took my name and said he would see that I was
dismissed the service, but I have not heard from him since.
I found quarters at Officers' hospital at Louisville, and was
not long in securing a hospital pass for ten days, got a pair of
crutches and called upon the commander of the post, who
gave me a pass across the river, and I took the train for
home. I replenished my pocket book, got a new uniform
which I had previously ordered, and was back at hospital
before my ten days had expired. Gen. McCook was at
Louisville on his way to the front, and he secured my
discharge from hospital that I might accompany his party to
Murfreesboro.
Soon after the battle of Stone River, Gen. Rosecrans
issued an order establishing a "roll of honor," to be selected
from men whose conduct at that battle would entitle them to
this distinction. Three privates were selected from each company, three corporals and two sergeants from the regiment,
and one officer, elected by the officers of the regiment. I was
elected to command the company from the 93d. The several
companies from the four regiments of the brigade formed a
"light battalion."  It was proposed to mount the battalion
for special service. We bought Henry rifles and devoted our
time to special drill, being relieved from all duty except
guard at Corps headquarters. The war department countermanded the order, and we returned to our respective
commands. The men of "the light battalion," with their
Henry rifles, did valiant service in every battle until the
close of the war.
I received an order from Gen. Johnson within a few days,
appointing me Ordnance Officer of the Division. This
position was very much to my liking, but our Colonel had




11


recommended me for promotion to Captain of Co. A., and
he constantly importuned me to come back to the regiment.
I stated the case to Gen. Johnson, who said that I could
remain on his staff as a Captain, but finally, at my request,
he relieved me. My commission as Captain dated from June
12th, 1863.
The army remained at Murfreesboro until June 23d,
when a general advance was ordered. Johnson's division
captured Liberty Gap on June 25th. Gen. Rosecrans in his
report says: " Gen. McCook's taking of Liberty Gap was
very gallant and creditable to the troops of Johnson's
division." Tullahoma was evacuated on our approach, and
we took possession July 1st.
The Chickamauga campaign opened Aug. 29th by forcing:a crossing of the Tennessee River. McCook's corps crossed
the mountains to Alpine, Ga., on Sept. 10th. I received a
detail to go back to Stevenson, some forty miles, in command
of a supply train. The duty was not a desirable one, as the
Rebel cavalry were on the alert for just such opportunities to:scoop' in a few prisoners and a nice line of supplies. It was
not my turn for such duty and I made the usual kick, but
was told that I had been detailed by name by Gen. Johnson.
I reported to the General, who said the duty was one of
great importance and attended with considerable hazard;
that he had selected me, believing that I could get through,
if any one could. I thanked him for the compliment, and
being provided with a horse by the Quartermaster, started on
our journey. I was allowed to take my owvn company of
about forty-five men, and had forty wagons to look after.
We got back to Stevenson, loaded our wagons, and were
nearly half way back on our return trip when we discovered a
small force of rebel cavalry. I ordered the advance wagons to
park in an open field, sent out a detachment of skirmishers,:and hastened forward the balance of the train. One wagon




12


broke an axle, and I put enough men on it to transfer the
load to the other wagons as they passed without halting, and
when empty, piled rails under it and set them on fire, burning it. As soon as the wagons were all parked, we advanced
on the rebels on the double quick and drove them for some
distance. We resumed the march and were not again
seriously annoyed. We rejoined the division on the 15th,
and were congratulated by Gen. Johnson on our success.
On the evening of Sept. 18th we reached our position on
the right of the army in line of battle. The next morning
the booming of cannon on our left announced the opening
of the battle of Chickamauga. Our division was ordered
from the extreme right to the extreme left, to the
support of Gen. Thomas, and made a part of the distance on the double quick.  The left was being sorely
pressed and two companies of the 93d were thrown out
as skirmishers. I was in command of Co. A with Co. K on
my right. We advanced and drove the enemy over half a
mile when we were halted. Soon after I was greatly surprised to see some rebs with guns at a trail, stealing down
the dry bed of a ravine in the rear of my right, where I had
supposed Co. K to be in position. I at once moved to the
left on the double quick, then to the rear until we were clear
of the enemy, when we advanced, taking them in front and
flank, and sent them back much more rapidly than they had
advanced. I found that Co. K had returned to the regiment
without my having been notified, and by their withdrawal a
gap was left on my right of two or three hundred yards; I
moved to the right and re-established the line. The enemy
planted two pieces of artillery directly in front of the 93d,
which the regiment charged in gallant style, capturing the
two guns. In this charge our gallant Colonel, Hiram Strong,
was mortally wounded.
During the entire afternoon, whenever there was a cessa



13


tion in the firing, we were busy administering to the wants of
the wounded, so far as possible. The ground had been
fought over three times, and many of the dead and wounded
lay as they had fallen. We took the canteens of the dead,
when they contained any water, and gave them to the
wounded; Union or Rebel, all fared alike. I remember one
poor fellow who belonged to the Louisiana Tigers, who said
to me: "Captain, I have an old silver watch and a few
dollars in Confederate money, it is not much, but won't you
please take what I have and shoot me dead, as I am shot
through the bowels and can live but a short time, and I want
you to relieve me of my suffering."  I said to him, "My
dear fellow, I will do anything I can to help you, but I could
not comply with your request for all the wealth of the
South." This was but one of the many cases of the terrible
suffering which I saw that day; all that we could do was to
give them a drink of water and speak a word of sympathy.
The scabbard of my sword was struck by a bullet, and
rendered unfit for further use. I saw an officer lying dead
with a scabbard by. his side, which I took and left mine in its
stead.
It was nearly dark when we discovered the enemy massing
on our front. I was ordered to hold our position as long as
possible, and when compelled to retire, rally upon Simonson's
battery, and stay with it. We had not long to wait before
the enemy advanced with irresistible force, driving our thin
skirmish line like chaff before the wind. We fell back to the
battery, which opened with double shotted charges of grape
and canister, plowing great gaps through the enemy's lines;
but on they came regardless of the storm of lead and iron
until they were less than a hundred feet from the guns, when
Simonson ordered the battery to fall back. One gun ran foul
of a small sapling, and when we pulled it back until nearly
clear, a shot struck, one of the horses which reared and




14


plunged, forcing the gun forward. This was repeated until
the flash from the muskets of the enemy seemed almost in
our faces, when Simonson called out, "Let her go to --
boys," and we retired. So near were the enemy that three
of my boys were captured, in addition to a number killed
and wounded. We fell back some two hundred yards, the
enemy. fearing to follow in the darkness.
One historian, in describing this attack on our brigade,
says: "Probably the conflict that now ensued was one of
the most furious of the war. The enemy opened with the
heaviest musketry and artillery fire the division had ever
encountered. It far surpassed in intensity Shiloh or Stone
River. The rebels charged the line of the third brigade like
heroes of a hundred battles, and literally plowed the ground
with bullets. Shell, grape, and canister swept through the
ranks, and the air sang with the shrill dissonance of battle.
The men of the third brigade, as veteran as the enemy, boldly
stood up to the work, and like an iron wall repulsed each
assault. Finally overwhelming pressure on the right forced
the 1st Ohio to fall back; but the distance was trifling, and
the regiment again opened fire upon the advancing foe. Such
a din of sound never was excelled in a contest among the
same number of men. Capt. Simonson, too, and his brave
boys stood nobly by their pieces and served them with astonishing rapidity. The falling back of the 1st Ohio caused a
slight waver in the ranks of the regiments on its right, and
Col. Baldwin, commanding the brigade, fearing lest the line
might fall back, galloped to the front of the 6th Indiana, his
own regiment, and shouted, 'Follow  me!'   The noble
soldiers obeyed; but they had moved scarcely a rod when
their right became engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict, in
which the bayonet was used with fearful power; here amidst
the darkening shades of night, rendered more dark by the
sulphureous canopy of smoke, and amidst a frightful storm of




15


leaden hail, the gallant Baldwin fell, pierced with balls, as
noble a soldier as yielded life on the altar of his country."
The line now fell back a short distance, when it re-formed,
and night closed the scene.
Sunday we were astir before daylight. A new line was
established, with the 6th Indiana and 93d Ohio, of the third
brigade in front. Every available man went to work gathering material for breastworks. We had but one axe in the
regiment, and logs, fence rails, knapsacks, everything that
could be found to aid in stopping a bullet was used. At
half-past eight the enemy advanced in three lines, but we lay
behind our rude works and allowed him to approach within
one hundred yards before we delivered our fire. The effect
was terrible, nearly annihilating his first line. His second
line came up and encountered a similar fate. Then,
maddened with the sacrifice he had made, he hurled an
increased force against these two regiments, resolved on
forcing us back or suffer the bayonet. But our heroic boys
were invincible, and we repulsed every attempt to carry our
position, inflicting upon him enormous loss. During these
series of charges,we fired one hundred rounds of ammunition
to the man. Some of the boys of my company had hands
that were bleeding from loading their guns, which became so
foul that the charge was rammed home with difficulty.
Our loss was small considering the desperation of the
fighting, due to the protection afforded by our temporary
works. During the day the enemy would occasionally
advance in our front, but his efforts were feeble, as compared
with his first assault.
A number of rebel officers attempted to get a better view
of our position, when they were fired upon by our lookouts,
composed of the boys who had formerly been of the "light
battalion," armed with Henry rifles, and Col. Richmond,
Inspector General of Polk's staff, was killed; his sword, cap,




16


spurs, and a valuable map of the battle ground, were
brought in.
The third brigade held its ground and repulsed every
assault, but our brave comrades on other parts of the field
had been less fortunate. Late in the afternoon an order was
received " to fall back three miles," which was the first
positive knowledge we had of disaster. In going back we
had to cross an open field under a converging fire from three
rebel batteries. A shell exploded directly in front of me,
and I fell to the ground. Some of the boys said, "we will
carry him back," but I was up and ready to travel before
they got to me, as I had received only a slight wound in my
leg, made by a small fragment of shell.
We were again posted in line of battle, but the enemy
did not attack.
"Do you see the North Star " was the inquiry which I
heard made of our Commander: "March directly toward
that star and you will come out at Rossville, about seven
miles distant." I never look at the North Star without the
recollections of that night coming to my mind.
By midnight we were at Rossville, and the next morning
I was again on picket, but the enemy did not appear in
force. That night we withdrew to Chattanooga, five miles
distant.
On our arrival at Chattanooga we were ordered out for
inspection. As I passed down the company line inspecting
guns and cartridge boxes, none of the boxes contained more
than three or four cartridges, until I came to one fellow who
had forty rounds in his box, twenty in his pockets, and one
in his gun. " Where did you get all of these cartridges? " I
inquired. "You gave them to me just before going into
the battle of Chickamauga," he replied. I was at a loss to
understand how it was, as I knew that he was with the company through the entire two days' battle. I said, "What




17


were you doing during the entire battle?"  "Captain," said
he, "'the fact is I was too busy trying to keep from being
shot to shoot at any one."
We had been at Chattanooga but a few days when I was
on picket, well on the right. Chattanooga creek separated
the two picket lines, but a constant *fire was kept up by the
opposing forces. I was short on smoking tobacco and
resolved to get a supply. I formed a truce with the enemy
in our front, and bantered him to trade smoking tobacco for
coffee. The stream was thirty to forty feet wide where we
met, but logs had floated down and lodged on either side,
leaving a channel some ten feet wide. I cut a long stick
with a fork at the end, in which I tied my hat; I put some
coffee in the hat and passed it over to the Johnnie, when he
put in the tobacco, and passed it back. The deal having
been consummated, each returned to his command, and the
truce was at an end.
Important changes in commands and commanders were
now made. Gen. Rosecrans was relieved, and Gen. Thomas
appointed to the command of the Army of the Cumberland.
The 20th and 21st corps were consolidated and called the
Fourth. The 93d Ohio became a part of the Second Brigade,
Gen. Hazen's; Third Division, Gen. Wood's; Fourth Corps,
Gen. Gordon Granger's.
The Army of the Cumberland was on short rations.
Starvation in camp seemed a more formidable enemy than
Bragg's army on the mountains and hills in our front.
Hooker, with re-enforcements from the Army of the Potomac,
was at Bridgeport. In order to shorten the line of communications with him, an expedition was fitted out for the capture
of Brown's Ferry, on the Tennessee river, a short distance
below Lookout Mountain. Sixty pontoon boats were built;
each boat was manned by twenty-five men, who floated down
the river past Lookout, passing the rebel pickets who lined




18


the shore, and landed at Brown's Ferry. As we were nearing
our destination, a bugle sounded the reveille in the rebel
camp in the valley just across the ridge. This must have
instilled life into the sentinel on the bank opposite where we
were quietly floating along, as he fired a shot at us. We
now pulled for the shore with all possible speed. It so
happened that my boat touched the shore among the first,
and without waiting for orders or for more men to land, we
started for the top of the hill; the hill was so steep that we
aided our ascent by catching hold of saplings and drawing
ourselves up. We gained the top of the ridge and sent a few
shots at the flying pickets, as a reminder that we were there.
As fast as the boats were unloaded they were floated down
the river to form a bridge, and the troops who had marched
down on the opposite shore were soon crossing to our support.
I was sent down the hill in command of a skirmish line and
captured a crib of ear corn. The boys went for the corn with
such vigor that I put a guard over it, until I could make an
equitable distribution. They were soon engaged in parching
corn for their breakfast and enjoyed it. This movement was
one of vast importance, and its successful accomplishment
reflected much credit upon those who planned and executed
it. Gen. Hooker came down the valley that afternoon and
at night his supply train was parked near our picket line. I
didn't see any rebels that night, but I did see several boxes
of hard tack and several pieces of '"sow-belly" safely
escorted to our quarters, and I think Hooker's men knew of
it at the time.
Sherman had come up and was on the left, Thomas in
the centre, Hooker on the right, with General Grant in
supreme command.
On Nov. 23d we issued sixty rounds of ammunition to the
man, and turned out as if for drill. The rebels from their
position in our front, were enabled to watch our every move;




19


and supposing that we were turning out for a grand review,
took no measure to meet the advance, which soon followed.
The 93d was a part of the front line, and when the word
"forward" was given, advanced in battle line without
skirmishers.  The rebel pickets fired and fled at our
approach. When within charging distance of their line of
breastworks, "Fix bayonets! Forward, double quick,"
were the orders which followed in quick succession. The
enemy were now fully alive as to the purpose of our movements, and opened fire from sixty pieces of artillery from
Missionary Ridge; the infantry from behind their breastworks
also opened a most destructive musketry fire, but the gallant
boys pressed forward through this terrible storm of iron and
lead which was rained upon them, without a halt or waver.
The rebel works were reached and over them the boys
went, capturing many prisoners. Our Lieutenant Colonel,
Bowman, was on the right of the regiment; as he passed
around the end of the works he encountered a rebel, with his
gun aimed at him. Wih drawn sword the Colonel rushed at
the fellow with the exclamation, "d-n you, you shoot me
and I'll cut your head off."  The force of the Colonel's
remark had the desired effect as the reb dropped his gun
and surrendered.
"Orchard Knob" and the first line of works were ours,
but not without heavy loss, as more than one-third of our
regiment were killed or wounded in the charge. Three colorbearers fell, the fourth planting Old Glory on the enemy's
works.
As we started on the charge, I was turning toward the left
of my company when a bullet struck a diary which was in
the right breast pocket of my blouse, glanced downward and
struck my sword belt-plate, which was bent until it was of no
further use. Fortunately for my present usefulness, I had
buckled my belt under my blouse before starting, which




20


saved my life, as the diary stopped the bullet from passing
through my right breast, and the belt-plate prevented it
passing through my bowels.
The blow sent me to grass and left me insensible. When
the stretcher bearers discovered me, they decided that I was
dead and that they would first care for the wounded. (My
name appeared in the newspapers as among the killed.)
How long I remained there I have no means of knowing, but
was finally removed to camp where I had comfortable quarters
and my colored boy to care for me. The blow had broken
my ribs and injured my spine. I thought from the pain
which I experienced, that the bullet had passed through my
body, and was rather disgusted when an examination
revealed the fact that I was knocked out without a scar to
show for it.
At Chickamauga one of my boys threw away his gun and
cartridge box and never stopped running until he reached
Chattanooga. I told him that I would put the price of the
gun and accoutrements on the pay-roll against him. Soon
after the charge on Missionary Ridge on the 25th I was lying
on my bunk with a blanket over my face, when some one
called, "Captain;" I looked up, and there stood the fellow
who had thrown away his gun at Chickamauga, his right arm
shot off at the elbow, and on his left shoulder he carried two
guns, "Captain," said he, "I will have to learn to write
with my left hand,won't I? I have brought an extra gun to
replace the one I threw away at Chickamauga." I told him
to throw the guns down and go to the surgeon's tent and get
his wound dressed. The gun was never'charged to him.
Immediately after the battle of Missionary Ridge the
Fourth Corps started for Knoxville for the relief of Burnside.
I was on my back and was left behind. On my recovery,
December 26th, I started for east Tennessee with other men
of the Fourth Corps who had collected at Chattanooga. We




21


acted as escort to a large supply train. There were about
seventy men of the First Ohio of our brigade with us but no
officer. Rebel cavalry appeared in our rear and the First
Ohio boys were detailed as rear guard. They requested that
I be assigned to command them. I protested, but they
insisted, and I accepted the command. That night we
encamped at Charleston. A small detachment of our cavalry
were stationed there guarding a bridge. One of the cavalry
boys had taken unto himself a wife the night before, and as
the residence of the bride was but a short distance, I suggested
to Major Joyce, of the 93d, that it would be the proper thing
to go over and kiss the bride, as we could not march until
the wagon train was across the river. We had been in the
house but a few minutes when I chanced to look out of a
window and beheld the rebel cavalry dismounting just back
of the house. "Come, Major," was all the explanation I
then made, and we ran for our command as fast as our legs
would carry us. When near enough to be heard I called to
the First Ohio boys, " Fall in."  Without waiting for orders,
I deployed the men as skirmishers and advanced rapidly,
thus securing a good position for our line. We kept up a
brisk skirmish fire until the wagons were across the river and
the troops all in position. An advance was ordered along
the entire line which started the enemy on the run. Having
gotten them well started we opened ranks and let the cavalry,
with drawn sabres, pass through our line and take up the
chase, which they did in fine style. I found when the engagement. was over, that in my enthusiasm to see the cavalry
charge, I had made a run of two miles, as shown by the mile
stones on the railroad, and the time made was almost as good
as I could have made had the order of the chase been reversed.
We captured 132 prisoners, five of them being commissioned
officers. They were placed under my charge and I got a few




22


square meals, which I would not otherwise have had, as the
citizens sent in extras for their use.
We arrived at Loudon on Dec. 31st, 1863, and the
extreme cold kept us there three or four days. I have
known of some pretty rank cases of foraging, but a case
which occurred while here takes the cake. I had a man
in my company who had an insatiable appetite for liver.
The dead body of a cow was discovered near camp; as no
part of the carcass seemed to have been taken, considerable
mystery as to the object any one could have had in killing
the animal surrounded the case. A close examination of the
carcass revealed the fact that the liver was missing. As soon
as this fact was reported, the mystery of that cow's death
was clear to me; she had not died of the liver complaint, but
by a bullet from Billy McKean's rifle, because she had a
liver. Poor McKean afterward died of wounds received in
battle.
We rejoined the corps above Knoxville, and on Jan. 17th
I was on the picket line near Danridge, when we were
attacked and some sharp fighting ensued. We were getting
the worst of it, when the cavalry arrived, dismounted and
poured in a few volleys from their Spencer rifles, checking
the enemy's advance.
After much hard tramping, we finally went into quarters
at Lenoir's Station. I was detailed in command of the
foragers for the division, and instructed to give receipts for
everything taken. I instructed the parties to whom receipts
were given to take my receipt to Knoxville, and upon presentation to the Quartermaster he would give them vouchers.
After the capture of Atlanta, I received a formidable document from Washington, stating that I was indebted to the
Government over twenty thousand dollars for Quartermaster's
stores, and that my pay had been ordered stopped until my
account was adjusted. I went to Gen. Wood, commanding




23


our division, and said to him that I had decided to resign, as
I could not afford to work for Uncle Sam the balance of my
natural life, if not sooner shot, without money. He laughed
at my discomfiture, and at the same time ordered his Quartermaster to give me a receipt covering the amount of my
indebtedness. I sent the receipt to Washington, and my pay
continued.
On May 5th we started on the Atlanta campaign. The
fighting began at Tunnel Hill, was continued at Buzzard's
Roost Gap, Adairsville, Calhoun, and Resaca, in all of which
we were engaged. On May 27th Wood's division, supported
by Johnson's division, was ordered to find the enemy's right,
which movement culminated in the battle of Pickett's Mill.
I was in command of the skirmishers, and as we were in
search of the enemy's left, we made frequent wheels to the
right, which was very trying to the duck-legged fellows on
the left. My line became disconnected in the centre, and I
went to the extreme left to hurry it forward. I found the
left further behind than I had supposed, and told the boys
to hurry forward, and that I would go back and halt the
right until they caught up. I thought to save myself a long
tramp by following a cow path up a ravine. I had gone but
a short distance when, in making a short turn, I discovered a
rebel cavalryman in my path some twenty feet away. He
was evidently as much surprised as I was, and possibly as
badly frightened. We stood for a moment, each looking the
other in the eyes, when I decided that my only salvation
from capture was to assume the aggressive, as he had his
carbine resting on his thigh, while I had nothing more
formidable than my sword. I yelled at him, "shoot that
man on a horse," at which he turned, put spurs to his horse,
and was off like a flash. I followed, repeating my call,
which some of the boys on the right heard, and running for



24


ward shot the horse, but the man took to the bush and
escaped.
When we had found the end of the rebel line we were
directed to halt. I asked permission to cross a field in my
front, but the permission was denied, as we were waiting for
Johnson's division to come up on our left. We waited an
hour for Johnson, during which time the enemy moved a
heavy force in our front, and when an advance was ordered,
he was ready with a superior force to meet us. My skirmishers advanced to the edge of the field, and the line of
battle got no further. As my company was scattered along
the entire front, I had nothing to do during the engagement
but hug a big tree. After we had gained possession of the
battle ground, I counted sixty bullet marks on that tree, the
height of a man.
The division was met by a flame of fire from infantry and
artillery which lasted about an hour, during which time we
lost from the division fifteen hundred killed and wounded.
The flag of the 93d had passed through many battles and
only a remnant remained, but it was more precious to us than
when it was first intrusted to our keeping. The morning
after the battle of the 27th I found that but a single star
remained of the flag.  That star I appropriated and now
have. We continued to follow all that was left of the old
staff until a new flag was supplied us.
My attempted defence of Simonson's battery at Chickamauga left me on good terms with Simonson and his
Lieutenant, Morrison, and I was a frequent caller at battery
headquarters.  On June 14th, on one of my visits, Gen.
Sherman rode up and said to Morrison: " Lieutenant, do you
see that group of horsemen on Pine Knob? Try a shot or
two and see if you can scatter them." Morrison sighted the
piece, and as the shell exploded, Sherman, who was watching
through his field glass, said it was a trifle short. A second




25


shot was fired and the group scattered. That shot- killed
Lieutenant-General Polk. The gallant Simonson was killed
near the same spot, while on the skirmish-line; two days later.
On the 17th I was on the skirmish line and advanced over the
spot where Polk was killed; I drove the enemy's skirmishers
losing four men of my company, one killed and three
wounded. Again on the 23d I was ordered to advance the
line on Kenesaw Mountain, and succeeded in driving the
enemy into his main line of works. In doing so I lost thirteen
of my company, killed and wounded. As I had about thirtyfive men engaged, the per cent. of loss was equal to the loss
suffered by Lord Cardigan in the world-famed charge of the
Light Brigade.
I had a man in my company who picked up every string
he could find and put in his pants pocket. When asked what
he intended to do with the string, his invariable answer was,
"'It will come handy some time." Late in the afternoon of
the 23d the ammunition of the men got low and I went back
a short distance to where we had left our surplus supply. I
was piling cartridges on my arm when some one came running
back to where I was at his utmost speed and fell flat on his
stomach near me. I dropped the cartridges and ran to him;
he was greatly excited and wanted me to cut off his belt and
the sleeve of his blouse. I unbuckled his belt and with my
penknife ripped the sleeve of his blouse until the wound was
uncovered. He had been shot through the fleshy part of his
arm above the elbow; I found the wound bleeding quite
freely and said to him, that if I had a piece of cord I could
stop the flow of blood. He put his hand in his pants pocket
and drew out a bunch of string as large as my two fists, with
the remark, "I told you it would come handy some time."
For over a year I had heard that same remark, while the
fellow kept accumulating string fot just such an emergency.
I burst out laughing, at which he was quite disgusted at my




26


apparent lack of sympathy, but I continued to laugh just the
same. Ever after, if any of the boys were found with a lot
of rubbish they excused themselves with the remark, "It
will come handy some time."
On the 27th, I was on the skirmish line to the left of
where Gen. Sherman ordered the assault on Kenesaw. I was
ordered to advance to a certain position; we made the start
but encountered the fire from a solid line of battle from
behind breastworks, and we got back to cover as quickly as
possible. Soon after an Aide rode up and ordered me to
make the move which we had tried to make only a few
minutes before. I told him that we had just tried what. he
then suggested, and that no single line of battle could take
the position. He swelled up and said that he would report
me to Gen. Hazen unless I made the advance. I got hot and
told him that he was a blasted fool, and to tell Gen. Hazen
that I said so. He rode off and before any further word was
received the charge was made on the right and repulsed with
great loss.
Sherman moved to the right, and Johnson again retired.
We passed through Marietta, and on July 4th, I was on the
skirmish line when we came to a blackberry patch. The
berries were ripe and we decided to have a feast. We
advanced and drove the enemy some distance beyond the
berry patch, when we quietly slipped back and had a feast
of berries.
Two days later, as we neared the Chattahoochie river,
Gen. Hazen ordered two companies from the 93d thrown
forward rapidly to the river, to prevent the enemy from
cutting loose their pontoon bridge, on the south side of the
river. Co. A was one of the companies detailed, and we
passed down a lane and went for the bridge on the run. The
rebels opened fire on us from across the river, but we
prevented their cutting loose the bridge.




A few days later, I was on picket at this same spot, with
instructions that the command would move some distance up
the river to effect a crossing. I was to keep up a show of
strength until after dark, when I was to quietly withdraw
and follow the command.
Picket firing had, been so constant at this point, that I
decided upon a plan to stop it, so that our withdrawal would
not be noticed. I called over to the enemy and told them to
stop firing as it was Sunday. A truce was soon arranged,
and in a short time at least a hundred rebs were in the river,
taking a bath. A number swam over to our side with
tobacco, to trade for coffee; one fellow called me aside and
asked permission to stay with us. This we could not then
allow, but it was agreed that he might come over at a given
signal. About dark the signal was given, when over he
came. He was in the condition, as to clothing, which we
have been taught that our first parents appeared, before
donning the fig leaf. I sent a man to camp with him, to look
up some cast-off clothing. After dark we withdrew from the
line, and about one o'clock in the morning overtook the command. I had scarcely fallen asleep when I was notified that
I was wanted at Brigade headquarters. I found our prisoner
in charge of the Provost marshall, the worst frightened rebel
I ever saw; being dressed in our uniform, he was charged
with being a spy, and told that he would be shot at daylight
next morning. I explained the circumstances of his being
with us, and all was well.
At daylight the next morning a passage across the river
was made, and the march down the river took the enemy in
flank, and he withdrew toward Atlanta. The battles and
skirmishes which occurred from June: 28th to Sept. 2d, are
matters of history. Then followed the movement to the
right, the battles of Jonesboro and Lovejoy Station, the
evacuation of Atlanta, in all of which we took our part;




28


"Atlanta was ours and fairly won," and we were allowed
a rest until about the first of October, when Hood's movement
to the rear again put our corps in motion.
From Chattanooga our division went by rail to Athens, in
order to intercept Hood from crossing the river. Our trains
went overland. I had for a pack animal a fine, large donkey,
which the boys had captured some months before. I had a
colored boy who had been with me for several months, and
the donkey was his charge. Two Irish boys of the regiment
were of the force that marched. When the trains arrived at
Athens, Monroe and the donkey were missing. The explanation made by the Irish boys was, that the donkey's back got
sore and they left him in the mountains; that Monroe, fearing that he would have to go back to his old master, decided
to remain with a farmer in the mountains. As the train on
which we were returning to Dayton, after our muster out,
was nearing its destination, these boys came to me and said:
"Captain, we want to explain to you the loss of Monroe and
the donkey. We sold the donkey to a farmer for ten dollars,
and agreed that Monroe should stay with him. We then
made up the story and told Monroe that you were all captured, and that he would have to go back to his old master
unless he consented to stay with the farmer." In other
words, they had sold both donkey and darkey for ten dollars.
Hood's movements took us back to Columbia, Spring Hills
and Franklin, where the army turned and gave him a stunning blow. The night of the battle of Franklin we withdrew,
and the next day I was on picket in front of our position at
Nashville, when Hood's forces came up, but they were satisfied with simply feeling our position.
On Dec. 15th the 93d was deployed and occupied the
works covering our brigade front. The balance of the
brigade, led by its gallant commander, Col. Post, made a
successful charge, capturing Montgomery Hill. The next




29


day we were in the front line, and at about 3 o'clock in the
afternoon made a charge on the fortified works on Overton
Hills. Our forces were massed for the charge directly in the
enemy's front, and in plain view from his lines. He was
forewarned and re-enforced his line in our front.
When the charge was ordered the men moved forward in
gallant style, the line steadily advancing under a murderous
fire from tie enemy's batteries on Overton Hills, and from his
line of rifle pits in our front. When within a few feet of the
breastworks we encountered a line of abatis of logs in which
holes had been bored and long pins driven and sharpened.
The logs were lashed together at the ends with grape vine
withes, and formed an unbroken barrier to our further
advance. Men could not live under such a fire; the line
began to waver, then to fall back. At this critical moment
Col. Post came riding along the line. When within a few
feet of me I saw that his,horse was falling and sprang to his
side, caught the Colonel under his arms and dragged him
from the falling horse. I laid him behind a large tree and
sent a man to bring a pair of stretchers. He was badly
wounded by a grape shot, and as he looked up into my face
said: "Captain, for God's sake don't leave me."  "No,
Colonel," I replied, "we will not leave you." The man
with the stretchers arrived none too soon, as the enemy were
getting over their works and coming in our direction. We
lifted the Colonel on the stretchers and four of us picked him
up and started for the rear on the run. The enemy kept up
a scattering fire at us as we ran, but finally we reached the
point where our line was reforming and turned him over to
the surgeons. Much to my surprise he recovered from his
wound, and has for some years been a useful member of
Congress from Illinois. No more gallant soldier ever led a
command in battle than Philip Sidney Post. The 93d lost in
the charge 28 per cent. of its number.




30


In January, 1869, I visited the battle field at Nashville,
accompanied by my new wife. I had told her of this incident
and went in search of the tree, which I would be able to
identify from a scar on the root of it, made by a grape shot
which plowed through it while I was with Post awaiting the
return of the man with the stretchers. I saw what I believed
to be the tree, and handing the lines to my wife began scraping
away the leaves in search of the mark left by the grape shot.
I was successful, and as I pointed toward the spot where the
Colonel's horse fell, was surprised to see the bones of the
faithful old sorrell on the spot where he had fallen four years
before.
Gen. Wood, commanding the 4th Corps, was at hand, and
seeing the enemy's troops passing from his left to our front,
ordered a charge on our right, which was successful, and as
the cheers from the right reached us, we were again ordered
forward and passed over the enemy's works, capturing their
artillery on Overton Hills, with hundreds of prisoners. The
cheers from the right were answered by the left, announcing
victory all along the line. The battle of Nashville, planned
and fought under the leadership of the invincible Thomas,
was one of the most complete victories ever won on an open
field, where the forces engaged were nearly of equal
numbers.
We pursued the retreating enemy until he was across the
Cumberland river, when we were halted at Huntsville, for a
time. While at Huntsville I was detailed as Judge Advocate
of our division, and was kept on this duty until mustered
out. Then we went to East Tennessee, and across the mountains to Warm Springs, N. C., in order to get into position
to head off Lee, in the event that he should escape Grant.
The surrender at Appomattox made it unnecessary that we
longer remain in that vicinity, and we returned to Nashville,




31
where we were mustered out on June 8th, 1865, and returned
to Camp Dennison, Ohio, where we were paid off on June 15th.
Before disbanding as a regiment, we returned to Dayton,
where, amidst the booming of cannon, ringing of bells,
blowing of steam whistles, the glad shouts of the assembled
thousands who filled the houses and crowded the streets, we
marched to the Court House, only a remnant of the one
thousand who had marched forth three years before, but the
honored sons of a restored Union.








THE BATTLE OF GROVETON;
OR,
SECOND BULL RUN.


A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
MILITARY ORDER OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES
BY
COfIPANION GEO. C. HOPPER,
Late /lajor ist Regiment Michigan Volunteer Infantry,
AT


DETROIT, MICH., JANUARY 5, 1893.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1893.








Zble Battle of (3roveton; or, Zeconb:8ull iRun.


Commander and Companions:
I do not expect, in the short paper which I shall present to
you to-night, to add anything to your stock of information
regarding the general features of the Battle of Groveton,
usually known as Second Bull Run or Manassas; but, as the
conduct of brave men in extremity is wont to arouse the
sympathy of other brave men who have been in like peril,
perhaps some of the incidents which I shall relate will
interest you.
In the reports sent from battle fields in the early days of
the war a great deal of exaggeration was contained; and if a
regiment suffered greatly, it was usually accounted for by
the author of the report beholding (in his imagination at
least) a large array of batteries, masked batteries and Black
Horse Cavalry. I must confess that some such exaggeration
has crept into the history of the 1st Michigan Infantry at
Groveton, and I hope to show that a brave regiment may
suffer great loss in a twenty minutes' charge, even though
it does not have four or five batteries playing upon it all the
time.
At sundown, August 28th, 1862, the 1st Michigan Infantry,
which then formed part of the 1st Brigade, 1st Division, 5th
Corps of the Army of the Potomac, received orders to bivouac
for the night at Bristow Station.




4


Five days previous it had landed at Acquia Creek, and
since then had been making short rapid marches, with long
halts between; as was supposed, in pursuit of a foe who could
not be found. The next morning, August 29th, it took its
line of march along the Orange and Alexandria, R. R.,
toward Manassas Junction, where it arrived about ten A. M.;
and while halted there, some troops came up who said they
belonged to Gen. King's Division; that they were in an
engagement the day before, and that, if we were looking
for someone to fight, we would probably be accommodated
before the day was done. This was the first authentic
information we, I mean the line officers, had of the enemy
being near us. I suppose the generals were better informed.
Soon resuming our march, we came to a road running at
right angles to the railroad, filed to the left, and followed it
a mile or more, when we came to a low hill which overlooked
the country out towards Thoroughfare Gap. We then filed to
the right, moved along the top of the hill until our brigade
was all in line, halted, stacked arms, and rested.
The 13th New York was deployed as skirmishers, and
soon the rattle of their muskets told us that there was at
least a skirmish line of the enemy opposed to them.
Whether it had a large support behind it, is a question not
yet settled to the satisfaction of all the students of the
military history of those times.
Our line of battle was on, what I take to be, the western
slope of the hill top, and a nearly unobstructed view was had
of the country before us straight out to Thoroughfare Gap.
We had not been in this position long before a large
force of the enemy appeared, coming directly towards us,
and when they were a mile away they apparently found a
road leading to their left, which they took, thus bringing
their line of march directly parallel to us.




5


Three shots were fired from one of our batteries, the shells
exploding directly in their midst, and making a great commotion in their ranks. A few moments afterward they
returned the fire; one shell dropped in Company I., and
severely wounded three men.
The brigade was faced about, and marched about ten rods
to the rear, or just over the crown of the hill, halted again,
faced to the front, stacked arms, and resumed their old
attitude of waiting. This ended the hostilities for the dlay.
About three o'clock fighting commenced away to our
right, which continued until after dark. We could see the
charging lines and hear the crash of battle, but could not
learn whether we were successful or not.
At nightfall four companies, under Capt. Alcott, were
ordered to relieve the 13th New York. My Company, C.,
and Company F. were put out on the picket posts, and the
other two were the reserve. In front of us was a meadow,
about two acres in width, and beyond that, a cornfield, in
which. was the enemy's picket line.
My Orderly Sergeant requested me to let him go out to
the fence, and see if he could not find out what had been
going on away to our right that afternoon. I sent for Lieut.
Hatch, of Company F., had him take charge of both companies, and joined the Sergeant in his scout. They were so
busy picking corn that we got very near to the fence
without being discovered, and could plainly hear what was
said. They did not know the result of the afternoon's battle,
but one said to another, "I wonder why they did not come
down here and fight us. We were ready for them."
At midnight we were relieved, and at three in the morning
were all withdrawn. We found the brigade ready to march,
but they permitted us to stop long enough to absorb some
coffee and hard tack before joining them.




6


Our line of march led us back until we found a road that
ran paralell to our late line of battle. We turned into it, and
at 9 A. M. reached a hill overlooking the Warrenton Turnpike,
passing a house which those who had been in the previous
year's battle thought to be the Henry House. We descended
the hill, crossed the.road at a point near where the stream
called Young's Branch crosses it; ascended the opposite
slope in a direction diagonal to the road, leaving a large
house to our left; halted when near to a large wood, and
found ourselves upon our new line of battle.
To make the story of our afternoon' s operations intelligible,
I must first, as well as I can, describe the ground over which
we operated.  The forest to our right and front was very
extensive, but after passing through that part directly in
front of our regiment, a quarter of a mile or less, we came to
a "U" shaped opening; the open part of the letter being
towards our left flank, which permitted the enemy, whose
lines were curved, to note every movement after we emerged
from the forest into the opening.
About thirty yards from the border of the forest was a dry
watercourse, wide and with perpendicular banks, and about
one hundred and fifty yards farther on, was a railroad cut.
along the border of the other side of the "U" in which was the
enemy's line of battle. Following the line of the railroad to
the right, just as it was lost to view in the woods, it curved
in towards the valley, and then re-curved in the opposite
direction, the line here being an embankment instead of a
cut, but forming a very good defence to fight behind. The
ground from the watercourse to the cut sloped upward
without any irregularity, which could be used as a cover,
except at one point within fifty yards of the enemy's position.
To return to our line of battle: An hour or more had
elapsed, during which time a battery had been placed in




7


position on our right, a shell or two had come whistling over
us from our right front, and a good many men had come
back wounded from the skirmish line.
Our brave Colonel was quite a hand at making little
speeches to his officers when an important duty was near,
and also in explaining what he intended to do; and we therefore were not surprised when each commander of a company
received orders to report to him. He said: "Gentlemen,
the enemy is in a railroad cut in front of us, in a strong
position, and it is not intended to attack him there, but this
regiment is intended to relieve the skirmish line now in front
(the 16th Michigan Sharpshooters), make a good fight, and
w.e are to be relieved by the 13th New York. When I am
relieved I shall file the head of my line to the left, and I want
all the companies to follow in the line of the preceding company, and turn at the same point. In case we draw them
out and have a fight, I want you to remember what Michigan
and our-friends at home expect of us." With that he turned
and left us.
The experience of the past three months had been sufficient to teach the officers the difference between a skirmish
and an'approaching battle. They stood silent for a moment;
then Capt. Pomeroy looked intently at Lieut. Bloodgood,
who was his chum, and remarked, "I say skirmish, Bloody,
how are you till after the battle," and reached out his hand;
at once the hands of the assembled group began to grasp
each other, and "how are you till after the battle," was
repeated again and again. They then turned quietly away,
and resumed their position in rear of their respective
companies.
Before a half hour had passed we were commanded to
take arms and advance into the woods. We passed nearly
through, when we were halted, and ordered to lie down,




8


preliminary, as we supposed, to the projected skirmish; but
soon our massed brigade passed over us, halted and deployed
into battle line, leaving a space between the 13th New York
and the 18th Massachusetts, just large enough for us to fill,
which we at once proceeded to do. Gen. Butterfield rode
up to the rear of our line, called for our cheers, and gave the
command to charge, and we swept out of the forest like an
avalanche.
At the dry watercourse we received our first check; the
line tumbled into it, in more or less confusion; the guns of
Longstreet, away on our left, dropped their shells into it with
a quickness and precision which gave me a new experience;
and on account of his curved lines the fire from his batteries
followed our every movement in this charge, in a way I have
never seen equaled before or since.
The bank of the watercourse was so high that the men had
to place one hand upon it, in order to lift themselves out; the
line was new formed, and the advance continued; but hardly
had we started when the musketry fire from the railroad cut
began to tell upon us. It was so severe that the regiment to
our right swerved away to the right, leaving a large gap
between us. Our commands to our men were merely,
"Steady, men-steady, and touch to the left."  The line was
doing well, and it seemed as if we would soon be upon the
foe, but at fifty yards from the cut it stopped, and here the
slaughter commenced.
The enemy in the curved line of the railroad, on our right,
was almost on a line with us, and began an oblique fire on our
right flank; the enemy in front and well protected and only
fifty yards away and Longstreet's guns were still as active
as ever.
Just as we came to a halt Lieut. Hatch, in command of
Company F, came to me with a mangled arm and said,




9


"Captain, will you take care of my company; I am hit,'r
and went to the rear. The men were standing up and,
loading and firing with a coolness not to be excelled, but
they were so exposed that I ordered them to lie down. Just
then a bullet paid its respects to my right thigh. A moment
after Capt. Wendell came to me, and said: "The Colonel is
killed, and I am in command. There are troops in the woods
in the rear of us, and I think they are going to charge. We
must hang on here, keep down the enemy's fire, and go in
with them when they reach us."
I said; "I am wounded, but will hang on as long as I
can;" I looked back at the woods and saw a Zouave regiment
in line of battle. In doing so, I took a step or two away
from the Captain, a shell burst over our heads, so near that I
felt the flash on my face. I turned to him, and saw him
holding one broken arm in the other hand and going to the
rear.  Before he had got two rods away a ball from the
enemy in the cat pierced and instantly killed him.
The men were falling so fast that several of the officerspicked up the muskets which they had dropped and used
them. Among the number was Lieut. Arnold, who in his
earnestness got back a little too far from cover, and an oblique
shot struck him in the forehead, and he, too, instantly died.
Capt. Whittlesey received his death wound at the same
time that Col. Roberts did, when the charge was made; and
Lieut. Garrison was killed farther to the left of the line,
while fighting by the side of Capt. Spencer.
The numbness from my wounded limb passed away, and
the pain that followed admonished me that I had better
bandage it. While doing so Capt. Alcott, who was then in
command, came to me and said: "Captain, to save our colors,
and our men, I must order a retreat; the 13th New York are
going back and we are doing no good here."  I said, "All.




10


right, I will be with you soon," and, with head bent down,
continued to fix my bandage. All at once I heard the
Captain say: "Don't fire; we surrender," and looking up I
saw a half score of men in gray uniforms, with muskets
cocked' and leveled at us, who replied, "If you surrender,
give up your arms," and looking on beyond them I saw a
hundred men or more of the old regiment massed around the
colors, moving swiftly, but in good form, nearly to the woods.
The sight was so inspiring that I had to cry, "Bully for the
old regiment."  I suppose that the same thought had come
to Capt. Pomeroy that was in the mind of Capt. Alcott, as to
the uselessness of keeping up the contest; and he, therefore,
ordered a retreat. If so, it was the last order he ever gave,
for a shot from the foe then and there ended his earthly
career.
The regiment, under the direction of Captains E. W.
Belton and Clinton Spencer, and Lieutenants H. C.
Christiancy, O. C. Allen, D. C. Bradish, Wm. Byrnes, and
John Griffin,-seven officers out of nineteen, who were not
incapacitated by wounds, capture, or death, passed a half
mile to the rear, halted, and awaited orders.
They were afterward moved back, near to Bull Run; and
that night crossed it, and resumed their position in the
brigade; and from this time, till the close of the war, this
regiment, which stood in line of battle at Gaines Mills, two
months before with seven hundred men, seldom carried
into action more than two hundred muskets.
In obedience to our new commanders we gave up our
arms, but the Sergeant who commanded the party, and who
was very friendly, said his Lieutenant had no sash or sword
belt; therefore, to cement the new friendship, I gave him
mine.  Another one of the party attempted to take my
watch, but I grasped the hand that grasped the watch, and




11


forced him to let go. We then-I with my right hand on
Capt. Alcott's shoulder, and the Sergeant holding my left
arm, moved toward the railroad cut which we had been
trying so hard to capture. When about half way, from
some cause unknown to me, we were halted; all at once the
Captain's form trembled, he looked at me, tried to speak,
and sank lifeless to the ground. He had been shot while a
prisoner of war.
I had only time to take one look at my noble comrade,
when we moved on, and into the cut; and almost as soon as
we reached there the watch-seeking scamp again attempted
to extract it from my pocket. I resisted, and called for an
officer, and a young lieutenant responded. I asked him if
he allowed his prisoners to be robbed. He indignantly said
he did not; said they were civilized, and asked me to show
him the man. I showed him the rascal, who was making his
way to the left as fast as he could go, and I never saw him
afterward.
A dozen more prisoners were soon assembled, and two
dozen guards started to take them to the rear, my new found
friend still holding tightly to my arm, but before we had
proceeded far some officers met us, and they, thinking that
one armed rebel ought to be equal to an unarmed "Yank,"
reduced our escort one-half, and returned them to the
battle line.
As we proceeded we came to a woods road, down which
an officer was riding rapidly toward their left. The escort
halted and cheered him, and the Sergeant asked me if I
knew him. I said I had not yet made his acquaintance, but
hoped I should sometime. He said, "That is Stonewall
Jackson. What do you think of him? "  To not offend, I
said he was having it all his own way that afternoon, which:seemed to please the Sergeant.




12


We soon arrived upon the banks of a stream, which T
think was Catharpin Creek, were turned over to the guard
there, and my new found friend left me. This spot, in which
I was to pass five miserable days, was on a steep hillside,
covered with stone, with no shade trees or grass, or any
other redeeming feature near, except a nice spring of water.
I found about a dozen officers surrounded by a guard, and
soon another detachment came in, and among them were
Lieut. G. C. Mogk, Lieut. John Stepper and Lieut. Wilkins.
Bloodgood, of my regiment.   Lieut. Bloodgood was so
badly wounded that he died at Washington about twenty
days afterward.
We soon pre-empted a spot on which to spread our
blankets, and then took a survey of our surroundings.
Prisoners were constantly coming in, and soon there were
nearly forty officers in our small corral, and at the foot of
the hill, in the woods on our right, a thousand or fifteen
hundred men.   The battle still continued, but the noise
seemed to be getting further away, and the continual
bringing in of prisoners was sufficient evidence that the
victory was not ours. There was a major of a New York
regiment in our corral, so badly injured that he died during
the night, and many others so badly off that a Surgeon was
asked for, the reply being, always, that they could not take
care of their own wounded. The next morning Lieutenants
Mogk and Stepper started for Libby, and the second morning
afterwards Lieut. Bloodgood and I were paroled.
One of the officers who took our parole said:  "You
belonged to the 5th Corps, did you? Were you having a
dress parade on the hill the forenoon of the 29th of August?
Why did you not come down and fight us; we were waiting
for you2"  In these later times, when thinking over these
words and the similar talk heard by the Sergeant and.




13


myself at the edge of the cornfield, and also because no large
force took up a position in front of us during the day, I am
constrained to believe that when Mlorrell's Division took
their position a large portion of Longstreet's force was in
front of us, and that in order to get on Jackson's right flank
we would have had to first overcome Longstreet. Of course,
the position I have taken in this matter does not oblige
anyone else to stand beside me unless he wishes to.
How we existed the five days we were waiting at this place,
for our Medical Corps to reach and take care of us, I do not
now recall, except that we were very hungry, and at night
very cold; but on the sixth day we reached our field hospital,
were given plenty of good coffee and soft bread, and a piece
of loaf sugar to eat with it, in lieu of butter, and the next
day were sent to Washington. I once thought the ambulances and strecher bearers should have reached us sooner,
but the seventh day after the battle, forty-five ambulances
and carriages, in one train, took their way to Washington-a
sufficient proof that there was a great deal for the Medical
Corps to take care of.
While in the hands of the enemy, we were several times
called upon by their officers, who were eager to discuss the
merits of the war; a controversy I thought best to avoid; but
the fourth of September a group of them came about us,
and one of them said, looking intently at me: "Captain, you
are all right;" and, on my asking him what he meant, he
replied: "You have a wound there that will show your
friends at home that you are of the kind that can give and
take blows in battle, and before it is well peace will be
declared, and you will never see another battle-field. I did
not respond to his remark until he urged me, when I said:
"I do not agree with you, and I do not care to get up any
feeling between us."  He said: "Speak freely, do you




14


suppose I would take advantage of a wounded prisoner? I
want to know just what you think."  I then said: "The
North did not want war, but, now they are in it, I predict
they will never cry quits until you are back in the Union, as
you used to be. He replied:  "You are crazy; this morning
Lee's advance is in Maryland; Washington and Baltimore
are at our mercy; one more victory for us, and France and
England will intervene; you will have to stop the war, and
we will have obtained our seperation from you."
I quote this conversation, because it goes to show that
their hopes of success were based a great deal on foreign
intervention, and a few successful battle-fields; but every
battle was not a victory for them, and intervention failed to
connect; and if my confident foe lived until Appomattox told
the story, he probably concluded that I was the true prophet.
This paper has grown to a greater length than I intended;
but I cannot conclude it without saying a few words about
the comrades whose deaths were so noble and so untimely.
Col. Roberts, Capt. Wendell, Lieut. Bloodgood,' Lieut.
Arnold and Lieut. Garrison received their primary teaching
in the Art of War in that organization in this city which sent
out so many noble men who took their advance degrees in
the great seminaries of well fought battle-fields: I mean the
Detroit Light Guard. All honor to it, and the other volunteer military organizations that are upheld by the patriotism
of the young men of their time, men who believe that behind
civil authority and civil laws there must be some power to
help enforce them.
Col. Roberts' first service, however, was in the Mexican
war, and when President Lincoln called for volunteers he
was one of the first to respond. He accepted a commission
in the three months' service, and before the regiment was
disbanded he had commenced organizing the new regiment.




15


Capt. Charles E. Wendell, Capt. Edward Pomeroy, Lieut.
Irving Garrison, Lieut. Henry C. Arnold and Lieut. Wilkins
Bloodgood all carried muskets in the first Bull Run battle.
Capt. R. H. Alcott served in the Mexican war and on the
Peninsula, and was a man of great courage and patriotism.
Capt. Whittlessey also served on the Peninsula, and was a
brave and skillful officer.
The names of the men who died on that ill-fated field I
cannot mention; but the fact that fifty-five officers and men,
out of three hundred and twenty, perished in a twenty
minutes' contest conclusively proves that they were well
disciplined and brave, and the undaunted way in which they
rallied around the colors and marched off from the battle
line has been a pleasant memory to me for many years.
One year after this battle it was my fortune to again pass
over the field, and my heart was saddened at beholding the
exposed remains of my poorly buried comrades, lying where
they fell.
They had been so slightly interred that the storms of
winter had exposed them to view, and we were so situated
that we had to pass on and leave them as they were; but since
then they have been gathered up and placed in that grand
Mausoleum at Arlington that contains so many of the brave
unknown that perished on Virginia battle-fields, and of the
thousands that there repose there are none more deserving of
a nation's kind remembrance than are these men who fought
and fell at Groveton; and while I do not wish to unduly
extol the merits of the regiment to which they belonged, I,
with its other survivors, do ask that it may be classed as the
peer of the other noble war organizations that went out from
this State.
This is honor enough for us; it should be honor enough
for anyone.








"JEB"


STUART'S


HAT.


A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
MILITARY ORDER OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES
BY
COMPANION FORD H. ROGERS,
LATE IST LIEUT. AND ADJUTANT IST REG'T MICH. VOL. CAV.
ALSO,


"HOW I


LOST


MY HAT."


BY


COMPANION GEO. W. CHANDLER,
BREVET MAJOR U. S. V.
AT
DETROIT, MICH., FEBRUARY 2, I893.


DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
I893.








"3eb" Stuart's bat.
In the summer of 1862 I was serving as adjutant of the
First Battalion First Michigan Cavalry Volunteers, and the
incident which I am requested to relate occurred ir August
of that year.  Having preserved'no written data of those
times, and the lapse of thirty years having somewhat dulled
a fairly good memory, I find myself obliged to resort to outside sources for dates and minor details, and in so doing I
find some considerable variations in different accounts of the
same affair.
At that time our brigade consisted of four regiments of
cavalry, viz.: The First Michigan, Fifth New York, First
Virginia (loyal), and the First Maryland (loyal).
Colonel Thornton F. Brodhead commanded the First
Michigan and was the senior colonel of the brigade.
'After the battle of Cedar Mountain, on August 9, 1862,
our brigade remained in that vicinity doing scouting and
picket duty for about a week.
* On August a         17th '   tuLn<l,
CM io~Wreeceived orders to —te his:OQl,m^,?
Mih        n                        make a reconnaissance towards Louisa Court Hous
regFtnei'ts constituted -the` reconnoieringl~f~TW   -
staemg-ti he assertion of a writer in It NietionitalTribune
thatir~am mistaken about the presence of the Fifth New York
~CljA y., The Fifth-was there.
Our. march lay through a part of the so-called "Wilderness," and in the evening we came into a good farming




4


country with extensive corn-fields on either side of the road,
between which we marched until about 11 o'clock at night,
when we bivouacked in the road along side of a big cornfield.
The boys immediately proceeded to tear down the rail fences
for camp fires, and went into the corn-field for roasting ears.
But our visions of a feast on roasted corn were suddenly and
rudely dispelled. Some of our boys who had first entered
the corn-field penetrated it to a considerable distance, where
they encountered some "rebs" beVt on the same errand as
themselves. They took them prisoners and brought them out
to our fires, and from these men we learned that Jeb Stuart's
division of fifteen regiments of rebel cavalry was encamped
for the night on the other side of that corn-field.
Mr. Stuart had something of a reputation in those parts,
of which we had heard, and we had no desire to encounter
him with the odds fifteen to two in his favor.
The fires were quickly extinguished, the mount was
accomplished without the aid of a bugle, and a somewhat
accelerated movement was begun towards the Rapidian.
On the outward march the First Michigan was in the
advance, but our return was a somewhat hasty movement by
the left flank, putting the Fifth New York in the lead. We
marched in this order very steadily for four or five hours,
having an interval of about forty rods between the two
regiments.
At about 4 o'clock in the grey of the morning I was riding
with Major Gardner of the Fifth New York about midway
between his regiment and mine; the Fifth had struck the
pike running at right angles with the country road on which
we were marching, and was moving on to the right. Just
then I looked along the pike to the left and saw two horsemen
approaching from that direction. A short observation satisfied us that they were "rebs," and I drew my revolver and
started for them. They immediately turned and fled. I put




5


spurs to my horse and gave chase, firing a couple of ineffectual
shots after them.
As they passed a little farm-house at the left of the road,
I noticed that they both shouted at the top of their voices to
a party on the porch, and there was considerable confusion in
the yard, most of the party running to the rear of the house
and across the fields.
One large, fine-looking officer, with a hat too large for
him, pulled down to his ears, came out into the yard,
unhitched a horse, mounted it bareback, leaped two rails of
the bars, and was away like the wind.
I called "Hlalt!" but he seemed to entertain different
ideas of the situation and showed no inclination to take
orders from me.
Our horses were both on the dead run and doing their best,
but mine was already well exhausted by a twenty-fpur hour's
march without feed, while his was fresh after a night's rest
and fodder. I saw that I was being distanced, and fired a
shot at the fugitive. He fell forward and I supposed he was
wounded, but he had simply thrown his head forward along
his horse's neck to lessen the chances of being hit. I fired
one or two more shots with like effect, and he passed' out of
sight over the summit of the rising ground up which we had
been running.
I rode to the top of the rise and looked down to the fields
and woods, beyond which I saw were swarming with greycoats; so I abandoned the chase and returned to the little
house by the wayside.
I threw my reins over a post and went on the porch, which
I found covered with blankets, long shawls, hats, haversacks,
revolvers, pipes, tobacco, etc., showing that a party of officers
had camped there for the night, but I still had no idea of how
distinguished a party it was whose slumbers I had so rudely
disturbed.




6


I immediately began gathering up such articles as struck
my fancy. I took a gentleman's long shawl marked
"'Chiswell Dabney," a pair of revolvers, and a broad-brimmed,
light brown, soft hat with a long feather on it, which I
immediately donned. Just then Major Gardner of the Fifth
New York and a few men from each regiment rode up to the
fence. The Major did not dismount, but sang out to me,
"Here, Rogers, give me some of that plunder!"
I picked up a patent leather haversack and tossed it to
him and it proved to be the prize of the lot. It contained
Jeb Stuart's yellow silk sash and a lot of papers of the
utmost importance to the Union cause, among them being
General Robert E. Lee's orders detailing General J. E. B.
Stuart to the command of the cavalry advance guard of the
rebel army, then advancing for Pope's overthrow, and hoping
to capture Washington.
Our stay at the little farm-house was very brief, as an
opinion was rapidly forming in our minds that that climatic
belt was a very unhealthful one for Yankees. On our way
back to rejoin the column we fell in with Adjutant Wm. M
Heazlett of the First Michigan Cavalry and a few men, who
had Major Norman R. Fitz Hugh, Stuart's adjutant-general,
as a prisoner. Upon seeing me with the broad-brimmed hat
on, Major Fitzhugh blanched and said in a quick, troubled
voice, "Where is the man who wore that hat? " Upon being
informed that he escaped, he said with an air of great relief,
"Thank God for that; that's Jeb Stuart's hat."
This was the first intimation I had as to the importance of
the game I had been hunting.
I supposed for years that the man whom I chased and fired
at was General J. E. B. Stuart, because he left his hat, and
the man I chased wore a hat much too large for him, leaving
me to infer that Stuart in his haste had left his own hat and
picked up the larger one, being unable just at that time to




7


give his usual care to details. I have since learned that
Stuart ran around the house and across the fields, while the
gentleman with whom I had the steeplechase was a Prussian
officer named Von Borcke, on a leave of absence from the
Prussian army and serving on the staff of General Stuart.
As soon as Colonel Brodhead read the captured papers
and realized their importance, he sent them to General Pope
by couriers, and before night Pope was burning his wagon
trains and hastily falling back for the defense of Washington,
which would undoubtedly have been in great danger had
General Lee succeeded in concealing his advance for twentyfour or forty-eight hours longer.
The long shawl I now have at my house in this city. The
hat I took to California with me, packed in a trunk, and
being smashed very flat, I took it to a hat store in San Francisco to be put in order, where I allowed it to remain for a
long time, and when I called for it, it could not be found,
having been cleared out with a lot of old second-hand hats.
A very correct picture of the hat was published in the
Century magazine a few years ago, which led me to suppose
that they might have the hat, and I visited their office when
last in New York and found that their picture was from a
photograph.
It is pleasant for one to feel that he accomplished something of more than ordinary importance in the great struggle
for national existence, and I sometimes flatter myself that my
little sortie on the left on that August morning was fraught
with consequences momentous and far-reaching.


FORD. H. ROGERS.




8


After the reading of Companion Rogers' paper, Companion Chandler recited the following, to which the Council
will affix the title:
1bow    losut nMP bat.
Mr. Commander:
Companion Roger's graphic description of the capture of
Gen. J. E. B. Stewart's hat reminds me of a somewhat
similar experience I once had with the same gentleman, only
that my hat was the one captured.
In the spring of 1863, while in the city of Baltimore, Md.,
I purchased a fine, light-colored, wool, army-shaped hat, for
hot-weather wear. I put the hat, with other articles of my
wardrobe, in my army chest, and when I was subsequently
transferred from Belle Plain to Edward's Ferry, on the
Potomac, of course the chest was taken along.
I was stationed at Edward's Ferry with Captains Winchester, Granger and Meredith of the Commissary Department
for the purpose of supplying our army while crossing from
Virginia into Maryland, which subsequently resulted in the
Gettysburg campaign. Our orders were to return to Washington as soon as the army had crossed and had been supplied.
Consequently, about four o' clock in the morning of June 28th,
1863, we left Edward's Ferry in a packet, via the Baltimore
& Ohio canal. Having been on duty both day and night for
several days, we at once arranged our cots in the hold of the
canal boat, instructed our servants to prepare breakfast and
call us when same was ready; and, feeling ourselves secure
from the enemy, we turned in for a much-needed sleep.




9


We reached Seneca Locks about 6 A. M., when we were suddenly awakened by Capt. Granger's boy tumbling down
stairs, shouting "Captain, we's took. We's took."  We
naturally sprang to our feet inquiring "By whom." "By
de reb'l cabalry; dey is all 'bout hiar," replied the boy.
About the same time the boat had stopped and the deck was
swarming with men pointing carbines at us through the
hatches shouting "Come up Yanks." We were not long in
getting out, nor in ascertaining "where we were at." We
found we had been captured by Gen. Stewart's cavalry corps,
they having swung around the rear of our army and forded
the Potomac at that point. The men proceeded to loot our
baggage in short order, after which we were conducted to
headquarters and found ourselves in the presence of Generals
Stewart, Wade Hampton, Fitzhugh Lee and others comprising the chivalry of the South. After being questioned at
some length we were ordered to march with the command, as
they could not send us to the rear, and had no horses or
wagons with which to transport us. We soon set out on a
weary march of fifty miles, after which we were finally
paroled.
While stopping at Rockville, Md., I saw a fine-looking
young officer approaching with my colored boy, Robert. He
at once addressed me by saying, "This boy tells me he is
your servant, but as he is one of my father's niggers I shall
have to take him from you." I meekly consented to the
transfer. He then turned'to the boy and said, " Robert, why
did you run away?"   "'Deed, sir, some ob de oder boys
'ticed me, but I's mighty glad to get back and wont nebber
run 'way no moah,," was his reply. Nevertheless, he returned
to me at Washington within a week, and remained with me
until the draft was ordered among colored men, when he
disappeared, probably returning to his old home.




10
While talking with the officer I recognized the hat he wore
as mine, and ventured to remark that, "if I had his nigger,
he evidently had my hat."  He replied that he had taken it
from one of the soldiers who had broken up our baggage.
However, he very kindly offered to pay me for it if I would
accept confederate money. No, I replied, but if he would
deposit some of my personal effects where I could at some
future time recover them, I would cheerfully make him a
present of the hat.  After convincing himself that what I
desired to leave was of no value to his cause, he took me to
an hotel, put my package in charge of the landlord, and I
subsequently recovered it in good order.
This is the manner in which my hat was captured by
Gen. Stewart, also the way in which I saved a portion of my
personal effects.




ON To GETTYSBURG.
TEN DAYS FROM MY DIARY OF 1865.
A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE


COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF
MICHIGAN,
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the U. S.
BY
COMPANION ZIBA B. GRAHAM,
Late 1st Lieut. 16th Regt. Mich. Vol. Infantry.
AT


DETROIT, MICH., MARCH 2, 1889.
DETROIT, MICH.
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1893.








Ten Days From fly Diary of 1863.


Commander and Companions:
Gettysburg, although a glorious battle to have been a participant in-largely due to its achievements, and as the
turning point of an unbroken line of successes upon the part
of General Lee's army of the Virginia, and as the starting
point of which Appomattox was the culmination-has been
more thoroughly written up than any other battle of the Civil
War, and the three days of hard fighting, while at no time a
battle of "all along the line," brought out the bravery, skill
and valor of the individual regiments, brigades, divisions
and corps as no other battle during the four years' struggle.
Buford's Cavalry, the First and Eleventh Corps, on the
1st of July at Oak Hill, Willoughby Run, McPherson's
Woods and back to Cemetry and Culp's Hill. The Third and
Fifth Corps on the afternoon of July 2d in the Peach
Orchard, Emmetsburg Pike in the Wheat Field, around
Devil's Den and on Little Round Top. The gallant fight of
the Twelfth Corps on the morning of the 3d on Culp's Hill
against Johnson. The artillery duel preceding the fight of
the afternoon, and the final forlorn charge of General Pickett
on our center, with its disastrous result to the rebels-all
give scope to as many views as there were survivors of the
fight. This, together with the exactness with which the
wisdom of the Gettysburg Memorial Association has laid out
the grounds and the location of each regiment's position, will
always add to the knowledge and interest of each individual
soldier who participated in the struggle.
3




4


It would be impossible for me to describe with any degree
of accuracy the general fighting of those three days, and I
purpose in this paper to copy from my diary to show the
wearisome marching, and our life, hopes and desires a few
days before the battle, to revive in your memories the days
before we arrived at Gettysburg, and in part to show what
the Sixteenth Michigan did on the afternoon of the 2d of July
on Little Round Top.
Qouting from my diary commencing:
Friday, June 26th, 1863. Adieu once more to Dixie
Land. Again we are on the retrograde movement. Our
yearly pilgrimage North has already commenced; the two
great columns of living souls are slowly moving Northward.
Ours with escutcleons brightly bearing aloft the principles of
right and the maintenance of law and order, whilst the other
carries anarchy and confusion. We feel that the column
carrying for its motto the love of liberty and union must
prevail.
We had a severe march to-day. We passed through
Leesburg, the place made notorious by the women demeaning
themselves in the first days of the Rebellion by maltreating
the prisoners who were captured at the battle of Ball's Bluff,
where Colonel Baker, of California, and formerly a United
States Senator, fell. There were some very fine forts built in
this neighborhood by the rebels during the summer of 1861.
Passed by Ball's Bluff and crossed the Potomac at Edwards
Ferry into Maryland. Just before sundown bivouacked near
Poolesville.
Saturday, June 27th. Another hard day's march. We
never did such forced marching before. We seemed to verify
the old song:
"By ceaseless action all that is subsists.
Constant rotation of the unwearied wheels
That nature rides upon, maintains her
Health, her beauty, her fertility.
She dreads an instant's pause,
And lives but while she moves."




5


We had to wade the Monocacy River, which was about two
hundred feet wide; water was about waist deep; bivouacked
for the night near the Monocacy Bridge, but three miles
distant from Frederick City.
Just one year ago to-day was an eventful one to us. We
were fighting the battle of Gaines' Mill, where we lost in
killed and wounded 161.
How quickly has the year rolled around! It seems but a
year since I enlisted. This army life is a strange life to lead
-one lives fast, events crowd themselves thickly upon each
other, one day a battle, next day a march, again something
else-always change and excitement; 'tis what keeps us up.
Sunday, June 28. We remained in camp all day, and. for
the first time since leaving the Rappahannock received a
mail. To-day General Meade, our corps commander, superseded General Hooker in command of the army. He received
his appointment about midnight, and was as much surprised
as the troops were. He thought when he was awakened to hear
it that it was an order for his arrest. So it goes. A general
in this army seems ever to be on the anxious seat; he does
not know but the next order cuts off his military head or
raises him to supreme command. As a general thing his
promotion at this crisis does not seem to give universal satisfaction. Two important changes were made in this army at
critical moments, and the result has been written under the
head of failures at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville.
Monday, June 9t1h. On the march again. Wishing to
buy some articles, I received permission to go on ahead of
the column. I remained three hours in the city before our
regiment came up. Frederick is an enterprising city of about
15,000 inhabitants, and located in one of the finest valleys in
the world. Her'citizens are very patriotic. It does us old
soldiers good to march through a country where we can
realize that all around us are friends. The people here are




6


very liberal, and many a poor soldier will carry to his
Northern home pleasant memories of his journey through
Maryland. It is a long time since many of the old topers of
the army had a chance to step up to a bar, and every one
seemed to be possessed to avail himself of the opportunity of
filling up himself and his canteen as he passed through
Frederick City.  We marched twenty miles to-day, and
stopped for the night near a little town called Libertyville.
Tuesday, June 30th. Up again before daylight. It does
seem as though we were being marched to death. We passed
through several very pretty villages; at one called Uniontown
we stopped for an hour to eat a cold lunch. The surgeon and
myself availed ourselves on an invitation to step into the
house of the village doctor, and his wife regaled us with
music until the bugle called us to line of march. Just before
sundown we arrived in the little town of Union Mills. The
rebel cavalry under one of the Lees has been here for several
days, only leaving about five hours before we entered it. We
were met by the inhabitants with loud cheers, and a flag
which had been carefully concealed during the rebel stay
was proudly\waving on the principal house of the town.
The rebels have stolen nearly every horse in the neighborhood, also levying upon the citizens for everything they
wanted.
Wednesday, July 1st. Another tiresome march. We
were up before daylight and kept up our march until long
after midnight. To-day we marched from Maryland into
Pennsylvania with flags unfurled and the bands playing. It
was truly inspiriting to us weary soldiers; cheer after cheer
was sent up, and many a tired soldier trod with a firmer step
and renewed again his determination to fight as he had never
fought before. Every man's countenance seemed to bear the
look of a victor. Even before we had knowledge of where




7


we were tojmeet the enemy, Pennsylvanians were breathing
vengeance upon the invaders of the Old Keystone State;
many of them who belonged to our corps lived in that part
of the country we were passing through.
During the latter part of the forenoon we came to
Hanover; they had heard of our coming and every table was
spread with just such substantials as we could appreciate.
Our cavalry had had an engagement here yesterday, and
dead horses were lying thickly strewn in every street.
About the time of our arrival in Hanover we could plainly
hear the cannonading in the direction of Gettysburg; it
proved to be the First Corps under General Reynolds, and
this fighting we all judged to be but the beginning of that
struggle which was to test the powers of both armies. After
resting"an hour and a half, and just before sundown we again
resumed our march in the direction of Gettysburg, which was
about fifteen miles distant. I shall never forget to-night's
march. Day after day we had been marching until every
soldier seemed exhausted, and now that we felt that the coming day was to be an important one for us we needed rest.
Many were the speculations as to the probable result. The
animation of our march of the forenoon as we entered the
State, with the sun shining, flags flying, music enlivening us,
in the darkness of the night seemed to have been lost, in our
tired condition. Confidence seemed to be lacking and hope
seemed almost to have forsaken us. We were experimenting
with a new commander. We were fearful. For miles we
marched on with ominous silence; in this way pursued our
course until we filed into the little village of McSherrytown,
when the troops at the head of the column, which was nearly
a mile distant, began cheering. We all seemed to be inflated
with the desire to cheer, if we only knew what to cheer for.
Soon the news reached us-" McClellan has been reinstated;
he leads us into the battle of to-morrow! " The news must




8


be true, as it comes from the head of the column. Cheer
after cheer rent the heavens. Wearied boys, who but a short
time before seemed dejected, now were delirious with joy.
" Little Mac has come; all will yet be well! " was the universal cry. Old patriots, who had ever been identified with
the army, shouted and cheered until tears came to their
relief, and, although near midnight, clouds of caps could be
seen in the air. Citizens, who lined the roadside, carried
away by the cheers, joined in the chorus. Old men, whose
sons were now marching to victory, cheered us whilst tears
trickled down their wrinkled faces. "God bless you, boys,
God bless your leader, Little Mac?."  Women lined the roadside, administering to the wants of the hungry and thirsty.
Truly, it was a sight never to be forgotten.
N. B.-The soldiers of the Fifth Army Corps entered into
the fight of July 2d, believing the midnight news-by whom
or how started I do not know. It was stated afterward that
all that day Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, labored with
President Lincoln to that end. At all events it freshened us
up and made light the last two hours of an almost continuous
march of twenty-two hours. Just before daylight we sank
to rest three miles out from Gettysburg.
Jauly 2nd. After about three hours' sleep we were routed
up and started for Gettysburg. We soon arrived at the outskirts of the place and were then apprised of the fact that
our whole army was here. All had been marching on different roads, and when Buford's Cavalry and the First and
Eleventh Corps became engaged yesterday it was ascertained
the enemy were in force here. The different corps who were
marching on parallel pikes and within supporting distances
of each other massed in here during last night, with the
exception of the Sixth Corps, which came up during the day.
All remained quiet during the forenoon and many of the
men lay down to sleep, not having had much of a chance the




9


past seventy-two hours. I went out to the front to see the
line and take a view of the surrounding country. I had not
returned to the regiment but a few moments before the Sixth
Army Corps came up, and we moved away toward the left of
the Third Corps, whilst the Sixth Corps took our place.
Whilst moving to our new position the ball opened and the
firing became terrific. We double-quicked over the old stony
ground in very short order, whilst shell after shell came
bursting amongst us. We had been massed between the
Emmetsburg Road and the Baltimore Pike; the First
Division on the right, the Third Brigade on the right of
the division, and our Sixteenth Michigan on the right of the
brigade, placing our regiment on the lead of the corps.
Going into the fight we had progressed near to the Trastle
House (Sickles' headquarters), in our double-quick movement to support General Birney, when General G. K. Warren
came dashing up to the head of the column from the direction of Little Round Top, and pointing out Little Round
Top, to Colonel Strong Vincent, who had command of our
brigade, said, "I take the responsibility of detaching your
brigade. Give the command to double-quick and side forward with me to Little Round Top. To lose Round Top
would be fatal." The command was given. The regiments
of the brigade did double-quick and moved right forward
into line, formed on top, the ranks closed up. General
Warren, taking position on a large boulder, pointed out to
Colonel Vincent and Colonel Welch the movements of Hood's
Division of Longstreet's Corps.
Turning to Vincent he gave him imperative orders to hold
this point at all hazards, if he sacrificed every man of the
Third Brigade, promising to go immediately for reinforcements.
The disposition of the regiments and battery was made as
follows: Battery D, Hazlett's Fifth U. S. Artillery, on top




10


of the mountain and on right of brigade. The Sixteenth
Michigan moved forward and down about sixty feet below
the summit, its right resting under the left section of battery,
whilst Company A and the company of sharpshooters were
detached and deployed as skirmishers over and on Big Round
Top; Forty-fourth New York, Eighty-third Pennsylvania
and Twentieth Maine in somewhat of a semi-circle formation,
facing in the woods and low rocky ground between the Round
Tops. We remained in this position but a short time when
we were attacked by Hood's column. No other troops were
there when the Third Brigade made its grand charge up the
rocky side of Little Round Top.
No others entitled to first honors. We arrived none too
soon. As we got into line, Hood's men could be seen coming
up the side of Round Top from the valley of Plum Creek,
and an almost hand-to-hand conflict raged for fully half an
hour, when the Texans sought shelter behind the big boulders
at the base of the mountain. Again they charged, but by
this time General Warren had brought up the One Hundred
and Fortieth New York, under Colonel O'Rorke of the
Third Brigade of the Second Division, Fifth Corps. It was
comparatively a new regiment and strong in numbers. They
came at an opportune time and hurled themselves against the
enemy, losing in killed and wounded over a hundred men the
first ten minutes. The Forty-fourth New York also was
placed immediately in rear and on top of the Round Top,
above and in support of the Sixteenth Michigan. The second
attack was again repulsed. About seven o'clock in the early
evening a third assault was made, but it proved no more
successful than the previous ones, and when darkness covered
us we held the same ground we planted ourselves upon; at
4:30 P. M. holding the ground that Warren intrusted us with,
and with what a sacrifice! The losses sustained by the
brigade in this desperate encounter, as reported July 3d,




11


were 491 officers and men, or 62 per cent. of those of the command actually engaged; our beloved Brigade Commander
Vincent mortally wounded; General Weed killed, falling
over the dead body of brave Artillery Hazlett; O'Rorke, the
dashing and brave commander of the One Hundred and
Fortieth, just fresh from West Point, also lay dead among
the rocks. Our own regimental loss was fearful-349 men
for duty on June 30th, a twenty-two hours' almost continuous
march on July 1st, the natural falling out on such a forced
march. Two of our strongest companies on detached duty on
Big Round Top left us no more than 150 fighting men. Of
that number 60 had fallen, 30 never to rise again. Of my
own Company B, of which I had command, just one-half
were killed. During the lulls in our own immediate vicinity
we could from our vantage ground witness the fierce struggle
of the balance of our corps and the Third Corps in the peach
orchard and the wheatfield. We could see line after line of
Longstreet's men forming and advancing; also the close contact, the repulses, the fierce havoc of artillery, the close
range of musketry, the break of the lines, the gallant
unbroken second line still pushing forward, the gradual pressure upon Sickles, his stubborn falling back, the hand-tohand conflict in the wheatfield where the gallant Fourth
Michigan fought so stubbornly, and where their brave and
noble Colonel Jefferds lost his life by a bayonet thrust, still
clinging to the flag. All this and, more passed before our
eyes. So fierce was our own fight that we could spare no men
to take off the field our own wounded. I engaged part of my
time in securing from them the amnunition they had not
used in loading the guns for those who could fire. Although
unable to describe that fight, the memories of what I saw,
the bravery, heroism and the fearful grandeur of it all, I
never shall forget. The fighting was sharp and did not quiet
until after dark. We who had survived the battle thanked




12


God that we had been spared, whilst so many of our comrades
had fallen, and as we groped around in the darkness for our
wounded on that rock-bound mountain side, friend grasped
the hand of friend and congratulated each other that they
had been spared.
When the task of caring for the wounded had been
finished it was nearly midnight; we sank down upon that
Round Top weary and exhausted, but with the proud feeling
that we still held the important position entrusted to us.
Friday, July 3d. We remained upon Little Round Top
until 10 o'clock of this forenoon, when we were relieved by
part of the Second Division of our corps. We took up a new
line about half a mile to the right of Little Round Top and
in the direction of Cemetry Hill; in half an hour we had
built quite a good breastwork, something we had not time to
do in our hurried engagement of yesterday.
All being quiet in our front I received permission to go
back to the hospital to get an ugly tooth extracted, that had
kept me dancing all the night before. Our surgeon, Doctor
Everett, who had been hard at work all night at the amputation table, made but short work and little ado about one
tooth. He laid me on the ground, straddled me, and with a
formidable pair of nippers pulled and yanked me around
until either the tooth had to come out, or my head off. I
was glad when the head conquered. I then made up my
mind never to go to a surgeon for a tooth-pulling matinee the
day after a fight. I saw the boys who were wounded from
the fight of the day before; poor fellows, without a murmur
they were patiently waiting their turn for examination,
whilst their precious life's blood was slowly ebbing away.
My heart sickened and I turned away. It unmans one for
the bloody work before him to witness the sufferings of the
field hospital. No soldier but of iron nerves should ever
leave the front to see the sufferers.




13


On my way back to the regiment the fighting commenced
upon the right of the line. It was the most terrific artillery firing that was ever heard upon this continent. Our
corps was not engaged in this battle, although many of the
shells fell in its midst. We were maintaining the line just
to the left of where Pickett's charge came in contact with
our centre. On my way back to rejoin the regiment I called
at a large house for a drink of water; I saw that the well
crank had been removed. I turned to a rebel captain who
was lying on the grass and asked him if he knew where it
had gone to; he said that but a few moments before the
owner of the house had taken it off, declaring he was not
going to have his well pumped dry by rebel soldiers, and that
they wasted the water. This captain begged that I might
get it again. There were some fifty rebel wounded in the
yard, besides a few of our own men. The surgeons who had
been with them, and who had partly gone around in their first
examination, had cleared out and left them on the commencement of the firing, and with the fever of their gunshot
wounds they were thirsting for water. I went into the
house, found this man, a mean Dutchman, buried in the
bosom of his family, and his family buried in the bowels of
the cellar, they having taken safe refuge from the hail of iron
which was bursting in every direction. I ordered him to give
up the well crank. He first refused. Just at that time a shell
struck his chimney, and the noise and rattle of the falling
brick nearly frightened him to death. I threatened to shoot
him if he did not give me the crank; this brought it out of its
hiding place back of the stairway. I went out, watered the
boys, put two of the least wounded in charge of it and then
left, receiving the thanks of all.
N. B.-Every visit I have since made to Little Round
Top, I have seen "old Wikerts'" son-his father is now
dead-telling interested hearers of "the wonderful acts of




14


heroism his father and he did in taking care of the wounded
in their yard that fearful day, and how kind the government
was to recognize their services."
Saturday, July 4th, 1863. It rained nearly all day, and
the boys pitched their little poncho tents behind their breastworks and remained closely housed until night.
When the rain slacked up a little, in the afternoon, I
passed over the battlefield of the day before yesterday. It
was a horrible sight to behold. Thousands of men, poor
fellows, lay upon the ground, many of them in a condition
unrecognizable. In one place near where our regiment was
engaged I counted the bodies of one hundred and fifty dead
rebels, and in another the bodies of seventy. Whole lines
seemed to have been swept away. Truly, a valley of death!
Sunday, July 5t1. It apearing evident that the rebels
were falling back, our brigade was this morning advanced
beyond the line nearly a mile. My company and the sharp
shooters of our regiment were under my charge as
skirmishers; we encountered nothing but a few of the rebel
videttes, but we had a good chance to witness the havoc
made by the fire of our artillery during the battle of the
2d. We picked up one hundred good muskets, the rebels
having left this line but an hour previous to our advance; and
the wrecks of the good things which they had helped themselves to were seen at every step. Fragments of mutton,
veal, crocks of butter, lard, preserves, baskets containing
delicacies from the cellars of the wealthy farmers in the
the vicinity, were thickly strewn around. Dressing apparel
which could do them no earthly good, such as old bonnets,
fashioned after old patterns, babies' shoes, young misses'
gaiters, feather beds, in fact everything stealable could be
found here in profusion. We remained out on the front until
relieved by the Sixth Corps, they being the only corps who




15


were not immediately engaged in the series of battles of the
past week, only one division of them participating, the rest
being all the reserve we had in the army. As the rebels are
on the retreat, this corps will follow them closely. After
going back and stopping only long enough to cook a little
coffee, we started in pursuit. It was dark before we had
gotten fairly under way, and the hardest marching-for a
short one-I ever made was to-night. It was so dark that it
seemed to us that we could almost feel it; and such marching
-we were like pigs wallowing in a mire. The boys could
only keep together by hearing each other grumble and grunt.
I was only too glad when we hauled up for the night, which
was long after midnight. Many of the boys did not get out
of the woods that night, having lost their way. It was a
night long to be remembered."
So much from my diary.
To-day as we look upon Gettysburg and realize that the
loss on our side was fully twenty-seven per cent. and more
than thirty-six per cent. for the confederates engaged, we
can in a slight degree compass the magnitude of this
struggle.
Those of us who participated in the late Grand Army
Encampment at Washington, when it took nearly eight hours
with twenty-four old veterans abreast to pass the grand
stand, can scarcely realize that the casualties of Gettysburg exceeded by over five thousand the number then in
review. In our own City of Detroit, at the late election,
forty-eight thousand voters registered, representing the manhood of a city of a quarter of a million souls. That number
but barely laps the loss at Gettysburg.
To-day the line of battle is strewn with hundreds of monuments erected in memory of the fallen. Silent sentinels to
watch over the ground of the pivotal point in the great struggle, and as an object lesson to future generations. Ancient




16
Greece, noted for her arts and the science of war, for centuries
after the battle of Thermopyle Pass taught to her school
children the names of every one of the three hundred noble
Spartans who fell defending that Pass against the Persian
Invaders.
Let us, as soldiers of the Civil War, take pilgrimage as
often as we can and, with our children, visit the field of
Gettysburg, and, with uncovered head, in sight and along the
line of shafts erected there, renew with them the love of our
country and our flag.




FROM THE RAPIDAN
-TO
ATLANTA.
LEAVES FROM THE DIARY OF
COMPANION E. B. FENTON,
Late Twentieth Connecticut Volunteer Infantry.
READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE
UNITED STATES,
AT
DETROIT, MICH., APRIL 6TH, 1893.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS.
I893.








From the Rapidan to Atlanta.


The tremendous losses of our army at Chickamauga, in the
early fall of 1863, compelled the prompt reinforcement of
General Rosecrans in his new positions in and about Chattanooga, where he was closely invested with Confederate
troops, about double the number of his own. The Confederates occupied Lookout Mountain, the railroad and the
river, thus compelling General Rosecrans to transport his
supplies over the mountain for a distance of nearly sixty
miles. The utmost effort possible could not supply the army
with food, even with half rations. The horses and mules
"died by the thousands," and hardly enough serviceable
animals could be obtained to haul a respectable sized train,
In his stronghold General Rosecrans had the "bull by the
horns," but he could neither let go nor hold on with safety.
This was the situation of the Army of the Cumberland,
and was the urgent necessity which caused the transfer of
two veteran corps of the Army of the Potomac. Within ten
days after the movement began the entire Eleventh and
Twelfth Corps were transferred by rail from Virginia to
lower Tennessee.
September 16th we broke camp at Kelly's Ford, Va.,
crossed the Rappahannock River, and marched to Stevensburg, a distance of twelve miles.
September 17th we marched to Raccoon Ford, on the
Rapidan, distance seven miles, went into camp for the night,
in line of battle.
September 18th Company B furnished a detail of two
men to the firing party, at the execution of several deserters.




4


September 20th we advanced about one or two miles, to a
point beyond the range of the rebel batteries, on the opposite
bank of the Rapidan, remaining there four days.
On the 24th we advanced to Brandy Station, about twelve
miles, from there to Bealton Station on the 26th, and at 11
P. M. the same evening took the cars for Washington, arriving early in the morning of the 27th. From Washington we
started on our trip West, our objective point being Atlanta,
Ga. Well do I remember that beautiful morning, as train
after train steamed out of the depot, at our National Capital,
amid the cheers of a great crowd of people who had assembled to witness our departure.
The journey was made in ordinary freight cars, into
which we were packed, from fifty to seventy in each car,
making it impossible for us all either to sit or lie down at
the same time. To get any sleep under such circumstances
was next to an impossibility. But comfort was the last thing
to be considered, especially where haste was so important as
in this case. Crossing the Ohio River at Bellaire, where
everything was ferried over, we were again packed into
freight cars of the Central Ohio Railroad, reaching Louisville,
Ky., on the morning of October 1st.
All through Ohio and Indiana we received a perfect
ovation given by the people of those loyal states. At every
stopping place they turned out by hundreds and thousands,
the women honored us with gifts of flowers, and filled our
haversacks so full of good things, as to bring the most abundant rations of pork and hardtack for sometime afterwards,
into the utmost contempt.
The journey from Louisville to Tullahoma took until Oct.
6th. On arriving at the latter place, it was found that rebel
cavalry held the railroad between Tullahoma and Murfresboro, and was given a three days' chase by the 1st Division
of the 12th Corps, (of which our regiment formed a part), by




5


which, further depredations in that direction was prevented;
Evidently contemplated by the rebels in hope to cut off our
supplies for Chattanooga, to the forwarding of which the two
re-inforcing corps were first directed, and so successfully
that "hard crackers" which had commanded an exorbitant
price, became plenty in camp.
On the 19th of October, General Rosecrans was relieved,
and was succeeded by Major General Geo. H. Thomas, in
command of the Army of the Cumberland; three days previous
to which, the Department of the Ohio, the Cumberland, and
the Tennessee, had been constituted the military division of
the Mississippi under the command of Major General Grant,
who arrived at Chattanooga on the 21st and took charge of
the operations about to commence there.  Meantime the
rebels came down from Lookout Mountain and took position
at "Brown's Ferry."
General Grant ordered the Twelfth Corps to co-operate
with the Eleventh Corps in cleaning the rebels out of Lookout
Valley that were hindering the navigation of the river. This
had been successfully accomplished by the 28th.
From Lookout Mountain the rebels saw General Geary's
corps encamped in the valley. They stole silently down
upon them, under command of General Longstreet, who was,
by the assistance of General Hooker, quickly defeated.
During the night about two hundred mules belonging to the
train broke loose and stampeded, rushing through the rebel
ranks with such vigor as to put an entire brigade to flight,the rebels supposing the mules to have been a company of
cavalry. It was said that the "Charge of the Mule Brigade,"'
as it was afterwards called, contributed not a little to the
final victorious result, and afforded an immense amount of
amusement at the expense of the enemy.
This victory of Generals Hooker and Geary over Longstreet




6


was characterized by General Thomas as "among the most
distinguished feats of the war."
In order to dispossess the rebels of Lookout Mountain and
Missionary Ridge, upon which they were strongly entrenched,
General Grant ordered General Sherman, in command of the
Army of the Tennessee, to join the Army of the Cumberland
at Chattanooga, thereby making a force sufficient to take the
offensive against General Bragg. General Sherman arrived
about the 20th of November with his forces, consisting of the
Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Army Corps.
General Bragg, being unaware of this strengthening of our
forces, thought his position safe, and dispatched General
Longstreet's corps; to East Tennessee to operate against
Burnside. General Grant immediately took advantage of
this movement and prepared for the rebels a grand surprise.
In and about Chattanooga he had nearly one hundred
thousand men, composed almost entirely of veterans upon
whom he could rely, men who were the heroes of Vicksburg,
Chicamauga, and Gettysburg.
On the morning of the 24th, as if preparing for a grand
review, General Grant paraded the entire Army of the
Cumberland in full view of the rebels, who crowded Lookout
Mountain and Missionary Ridge, amazed at the magnificent
display. While this apparent parade of our troops was going
on, a signal gun, fired from one of our forts, announced that
everything was ready, when suddenly a division of troops
under General Wood, which had been well advanced under
cover of the parade, dashed across the field, before the rebels
apprehended the design of the movement, an elevation of
Missionary Ridge was taken, immediately fortified, and, for
a time, was the headquarters of General Grant.
During the night General Sherman crossed the river, and
on the morning of the 25th entrenched himself in a position
to carry the right of the enemy's line.




7


In the fog, at early dawn, on the right and left the attack
began. General Sherman charged upon the entrenchments
on the enemy's right, but was repulsed. Again and again
did the heroes of Vicksburg march over their dead to the
assault, finally succeeding in occupying the works. At daylight General Hooker advanced against the rebel left, on
Lookout Mountain, up the sides of which he had discovered
a path. While a portion of his troops were engaged in
another direction, he led the second division of the Twelfth
Corps and two brigades from the Army of the Tennessee over
a very rugged way, landing early in the forenoon on the top
of the rock in the rebel rear. Hastily forming, our troops
advanced to the attack. It was a complete surprise. The
enemy were in strong force, but General Hooker's resistless
column carried everything before it. The rebel column
broke, confusion took possession of the men, and they scattered in every direction. Hundreds of prisoners and several
pieces of artillery were among the fruits of this famous
"battle above the clouds." The fog settled about the sides
of the rock, hiding from view those below and the strife of
their comrades among the ragged and rugged peaks of Lookout Mountain, on whose very crest General Hooker bivouacked
for the night. His gleaming camp fires proclaimed to the
anxious watchers at Chattanooga how well the battle in that
direction had progressed. Morning came, and with it General Sherman renewed the assault upon the rebel right; on
the other hand General Hooker pressed forward, driving the
enemy through the valley towards Missionary Ridge, and,
sweeping 'round, threatened the rebel left. To meet this,
General Bragg, with a portion of his troops from the centre,
pressed against Hooker with the energy of despair, but the
veterans of the Army of the Potomac met them at every
point and drove them back. On the rebel right the contest
was still more severe. General Bragg sent brigade after




8


brigade to reinforce that portion of his line, until our troops
seemed in danger of annihilation. Till three o'clock the
battle raged. Stationed on that part of Missionary Ridge
captured in the first day's battle stood General Grant, quietly
smoking his cigar. He looked on with the utmost coolness,
watching the progress of the battle on the flanks, and
waited for the time to come to press forward his troops
against the centre. To resist this attack on his flanks General Bragg had greatly weakened his centre. The order for
the attack was now given, the Army of the Cumberland from
its place of concealment, under Generals Granger and Palmar,
pushed forward and crossed the valley to Missionary Ridge.
Soon the stars and stripes floating over Fort Hindman
announced the success of the assault. General Grant now
appeared on Missionary Ridge, and was received with cheers
of wildest enthusiam. Inspired by the presence of our great
leader, the remaining strongholds, one after another, were
easily taken. By night fall, the whole chain of works were
in possession of our troops, while the army of Bragg was
flying in confusion along the route to Ringold and Dalton.
The results, as here stated, were the relief of Chattanooga,
the opening of communication by rail to Nashville, the isolation of the rebel force sent against Knoxville, and a loss to
the defeated rebel army of some '' twelve or fifteen thousand
men, with seven thousand stand of arms."  Our own loss
was about " thirty-two hundred."
The main business of the army was now to guard the line
of railroad, from Knoxville to Chattanooga and then back to
Nashville and Louisville, so that supplies could be gathered
at Chattanooga for the spring campaign. The 12th Corps
guarded the Nashville and Chattanooga railroad, and was
found to be no easy task. With the most infernal malignity
the rebels lay in ambush the entire distance, ready to blow
up the passing trains with torpedoes, or by tearing up rails




9


to wreck the trains loaded with soldiers. If one of our boys
were caught outside of the lines, he was first robbed and then
murdered by hanging or otherwise.
These acts of violence became so unbearable, that General
Grant took vigorous measures for holding the people of the
whole country 'round about responsible, unless they at once
gave information of the presence of these guerillas. Contributions were also levied upon the wealthy secessionists, for
the support of the non-combatant Union citizens who were
sufferers from the raiders. In pursuance of this order, a
portion of the 12th Corps was sent out for twenty miles to
gather in supplies, by which more than ten thousand people
were provided for. While out on this foraging expedition,
some of our men were attacked, and, after surrendering,
three of them were shot. Ascertaining who the guerillas,
committing the deed, were, a levy of thirty thousand dollars
was made, by order of General Slocum, upon their property
and that of their neighbors. This sum was collected, and
distributed equally to the families of each of the murdered
soldiers, by the hand of an officer detailed for the duty.
After a few weeks of this vigorous treatment, and an occasional retaliative court marshal shooting party, bushwhacking
became very unpopular. The Tennessee Union Cavalry were
ordered out in pursuit of these raiders, known as " Wheeler's
Cavalry."  But they only succeeded in capturing a few
stragglers whom they "lost" in a very peculiar way to themselves, before getting into camp, so that they could never
more be found.
On the 11th of April an order was issued dissolving the
Eleventh and Twelfth Corps and forming the same the
Twentieth Corps. General A. S. Williams was assigned to
the command of the first division, General John W. Geary
the second, and General Butterfield to the third. Prior to
this, General Grant had been, as Lieutenant-General, assigned




10


to the command of the Armies of the United States, General
Sherman succeeding him in the Military Department of the
Mississippi. General Thomas commanded the Army of the
Cumberland, General McPherson the Army of the Tennessee,
and General Schofield the Army of the Ohio. Everything
was now all bustle and preparation for a forward movement.
Every train brought in re-enlisted veterans; and from every
headquarters newspaper correspondents were informing the
public of the grand campaign about to open, and praising the
commanders in proportion to the amount of whiskey furnished
them. At length everything was in readiness, and they only
awaited the order for a forward movement.
Heretofore, when the Army of the Potomac fought, the
Army of the Cumberland was lying by for repairs, and
vice versa, by reason of which the rebels between could, by
short marches, concentrate upon either.  General Grant
determined to put a stop to all this, and issued his famous
order, "That henceforth there should be but one campaign,
and that should last through summer and winter to the end
of the war." Both of the main armies were to march simultaneously, the one toward Richmond, and the other into the
heart of Georgia.
On the 27th of April our regiment, having joined the
second brigade, third division, of the Twentieth Corps,
advanced on to the Lookout Valley. On the second day of
May we moved forward, and, with other divisions, concentrated at Ringold.
The objective point, as hereinbefore stated, for this great
army, numbering one hundred thousand men, was Atlanta,
Georgia, a place of great importance by reason of the railroads converging there, and being a great place for manufacturing articles of war.
On the 7th of May the army was put in motion; the Army
of the Ohio moving down the Cleveland & Dalton Railroad,




11


and the Army of the Cumberland (with the exception of the
Twentieth Corps) moving down the Chattanooga & Dalton
Railroad. The Twentieth Corps proceeded through Taylor's
Ridge to a fortified hill in front of Buzzard's Roost, which
was, after a sharp contest, taken posession of. The railroad
from Cleveland passes through a range of hills east of Rocky
Face Mountain and enters Dalton from the north.  The
Army of the Ohio, under command of General Schofield,
approached the place from this direction, while the remainder of the army confronted Rocky Face Mountain from the
west. On the 9th of May Colonel Coburn of the Thirty-third
Indiana arrived, and, as senior officer, assumed command of
the second brigade.  Our regiment with the Nineteenth
Michigan were ordered, under command of Colonel Ross, to
proceed to Boyd's Trail, seize and hold it at all hazards.
Leaving camp about one o'clock P. Mt., after a march of seven
or eight miles the enemy were overtaken, and driven in
perfect pandemonium over the mountain some twenty miles
to the right. General McPherson passed to the rear of the
enemy at Snake Creek Gap, and was in a position to threaten
the rebel line of communication near Resaca.
On the night of the 10th the Twentieth Corps was ordered
down to the support of McPherson. At Snake Creek Gap
the two regiments just mentioned, under command of
Colonel Ross, joined the second brigade, to which they
belonged. Here the Fourteenth and Twenty-third Corps
were once more dispatched to the assistance of McPherson,
against whom the enemy were rapidly concentrating; meanwhile the Twentieth Corps were engaged in making a double
track through the Gap to facilitate the passage of our troops
and trains.
On the 13th of May General Sherman came from Buzzards
Roost, announcing that General Howard, having taken possession of Dalton, was moving down on the east of the




12


mountain to join his forces below. After several hours of
skirmishing, in the afternoon and next morning, the forces
of the rebels were discovered to be drawn up behind a deep
creek, facing the west and north, covering the railroad and
Resaca, with their right resting on Connasauger River. The
centre of their position was a high ridge, which had been
strongly fortified during the night and morning. General
Sherman therefore determined to make an assault upon both
flanks of the enemy, at the same time making a strong feint
against the centre. At about 2 o'clock P. M. our line moved
forward to the attack. Soon the action became general, and
continued with varying fortunes until it became so dark that
the firing gradually ceased. Our troops bivouacked in the
places where darkness overtook them, while only the occasional crack of some picket's rifle, "or the doleful sound of
the whip-poor-will disturbed the stillness of the summer
night."  Though fatigued and sleepy, nothing could steal
away our senses so entirely that the wicked "zip" of an
occasional bullet passing over, or striking or awaking some
poor fellow, could not be heard, still it was rest for the
weary body, and occasionally the weary spirit within would
busy itself among the peaceful scenes of home, only to be
suddenly awakened to the terrible realities of the position,
perhaps by the dreaded bugle call at reveille, which, to a
soldier, was worse than death to disobey.
The forenoon was comparatively quiet. About noon came
the order for General Butterfield to move forward to an
assault, for the purpose of recovering ground lost by the
Fourth Corps on the preceding day; this, with the other
operations of these two great opposing armies, made a busy
and bloody afternoon.
The evening of the 15th found as results of the struggle,
so far, that the enemy had been driven from its position on
the right and left, and was otherwise so badly crippled that




13


it seemed as if on the morrow it must be defeated or perhaps
annihilated.
During the evening our Lieutenant-Colonel was detailed
to take command of a detachment of troops, numbering about
250 men, of which my company formed a part, with orders to
capture a murderous little battery which was making it lively
for us, and situated on a ridge right in front of our division,
along the front of which was an embankment, forming a
natural redoubt. The gunners had been driven from their
guns after a fearful struggle, which covered the ground in
front with dead and wounded, but neither side was able to
take away the pieces. They remained, as it were, on disputed ground. The detachment moved out about 9 P. M.
After groping 'round in the dark we found the position, and
formed around the side of the hill below the battery. We
proceeded to reconnoiter and examine the location in order to
determine upon a course of action, the result of which was
that two plans were presented for the accomplishment of the
object. One was to charge against the main works of the,enemy, under cover of which the guns should be run towards
the rebel lines, around the end of the bluff on which they
were situated, and thus into our lines. The other was to dig
them out. After a short council of war the latter course was
adopted. Commencing some two or three rods down the hill,
a trench was dug towards the muzzle of each gun, wide
enough to admit the carriages. About 2 o'clock in the morning the trenches were completed, ropes were attached to the
pieces and they were dragged silently through the trenches
down the hill, and into our lines. The battery proved to
have been composed of four nice, new, brass twelve-pounders,
only just out of the Confederate arsenal at Atlanta. They
were found loaded with a double charge of grape shot. The
mission was accomplished without the loss of a man. The
rebels seemed to have been aware that some movement was




14


on foot for the capture of the guns. Several times during
the night they opened a brisk fire in the direction of the
works, but it was evidently expected that the attempt would
be made to take the guns over on their side of the bluff,
thinking it impossible, from the nature of the ground, that it
could be done on the front. But, the Yankees had dug out
too many foxes and woodchucks on old Connecticut Hillside
to stick at a little job like that of digging through the top of
a mountain, to get whatever they might want on the other
side.
Early in the morning it was discovered that there was no
enemy in our front. General Johnson, during the night,
built bridges and quickly withdrew, crossing the Connasauga
River with his whole army, abandoning everything that
would impede his march. Even his dead and wounded were
left to the care of our army.
"Among the stores abandoned were twenty-three thousand sacks of corn and oats and more than one hundred
thousand rounds of ammunition."  At 8 A. M. the whole
army again started in pursuit, the route being over the
battlefield.
Near where the battery was captured a letter was found,
written by its commanding officer to his wife, stating that
"some Yankees, who wore stars on their hats (the badge of
the Twentieth Corps), had captured his battery; none but
Joe Hooker's men would have done it," and that "when they
charged his battery, they did not mind shot any more than a
duck would water."
The enemy had been forced from its strongest position,
and compelled to retreat in the direction of Atlanta. Crossing the river upon the bridges abandoned by the rebels, who
were in too much of a hurry to burn them, our troops kept
up a hot pursuit, now and then coming up with the enemy's




15


rear, when there would ensue a sharp skirmish or a severe
battle.
Upon coming up to the village of Cassville it was found
to be alive with rebel troops. As it was found necessary to
occupy this place, the Nineteenth Michigan and our regiment
were detailed to accomplish this task. The Wolverines and
Connecticut Yankees went in with fixed bayonets, and
Cassville fell into our hands in a very short time.
The villagers had all fled in great alarm, having been told
that if the Yankees occupied the place it would be shelled
by the forts on the hill and destroyed. One sick man was
found deserted by his wife and children. In a cellar three
or four old ladies had concluded to "stand the storm." In
one house a table was spread for dinner, upon which was a
smoking boiled ham, fried chicken, young onions, strawberries and warm biscuit, all of which we partook with great
satisfaction after our hard day's work.
During the night the rebels could be heard strengthening
their long line of works, and it was expected that here they
would make a stand. But the movements of General Sherman
were such that Johnson concluded to withdraw, which he did
very silently about daylight.
General Schofield, with the Army of the Ohio, now took
the advance in pursuit of the retreating enemy, forcing them
across the Etawah river in great confusion, capturing many
prisoners.
A portion of the Fourteenth Corps moved off to the right,
occupied Rome, captured a large amount of stores, destroyed
several mills for the manufacture of ordnance and other
goods contraband of war. Farther up the river several large
cotton mills were seized, which were running under contract
for the Southern Confederacy. The mills were burned, and
some hundreds of female operatives were sent north within
our lines.




16


The Twentieth Corps, for the next three days, encamped
in the edge of the woods near Cassville, fighting woodticks
and other beautiful insects so common among soldiers at that
time.
At three o'clock on the morning of the 23d of May, the
army was again on the move towards the Etawah river.
General Johnson expected      that General Sherman would
attempt to cross at Altoona.  To prevent this, if possible, the
rebel general made extensive preparations; but General Sherman, proving a little obstinate in the premises, concluded to
find his own crossingplaces, which he did during the day and
night without any serious trouble at various points between
Rome and Altoona.
On the morning of the 24th, without much opposition, the
army found itself on the move to the right of Altoona Ridge,
and among sorhe of the finest lands in Northern Georgia.
As a sample of the desolation that must have followed in
the track of the armies in that famous march through
Georgia, the following has been taken from a letter written
by one of our officers to his father, which may be of interest
to those present who served in that corps:
The people have so long obeyed the behests of Jeff. Davis, that, instead of
cotton and tobacco, formerly raised, all the arable land has been planted with
corn, or sown with wheat. It is said that the rebel soldiers were detailed in the
spring to assist in planting the crops; but in the track of the army not much will
be reaped, for, spreading over the country like a swarm of locusts, the troops
have eaten up and destroyed everything green.
From the crossing of the Etawah river at Altoona, on the
23d, to the middle of July, when General Sherman was preparing at Marietta to take the last step in the grand campaign
that was to place him in possession of Atlanta, it was almost
a daily struggle with a deadly foe, who, as he retreated
before our victorious forces, seized every opportunity for
intrenching himself from time to time in strong positions,




17


from which he had to be driven at the point of the bayonet,
or "wormed out" by superior tactics or sagacity. In connection with this a good story is told:
On one occasion, when Kenesaw Mountain was being held
by Johnson's forces, a story had been circulated that
General Sherman had been killed.  The lines of the two
opposing armies were but a few rods apart, so that a man
could not raise his head above the works without getting a
bullet through it. One morning a rebel cried out: "I say,
Yank, who commands your army now?"   "Billy Sherman,"
replied one of the boys. "What makes you ask that question." "'Cause," said the rebel, "they said he was killed;
but I knew he wasn't, for he has corkscrewed us out of some
place every day."  "He's see-sawed us out of every place we
stopped at," said another. "So fur," said another, "ef he
gets us out of this, we're going fur Cedar Mountian. If
you'ns'follow and worm us out of that, we're going to take a
position nine miles t'other side of hell, and see ef you'll
follow us through that place."  "Who commands your army
now, Johnny? " says one of our boys. "Oh, Gineral Sherman, of course," was the reply. "Thought Johnson was in
command?" said Yank. "Well, he was, at first," said the
rebel; "but now we allers move when Sherman gets ready to
have us."
Among the incidents of the march was a two hours' battle
at Pumpkinvine creek on the 25th of May, in which the
Twentieth Corps were exclusively engaged.  Some of the
regiments were nearly decimated. The first and second
divisions of this corps lost over 1,500 men. General A. S.
Williams, of Detroit, had a horse shot from under him, afterward gallantly leading his troops on foot in a charge to the
very muzzle of a rebel battery.
During this historic pursuit of the enemy, a loss of 500 to
1,000 men each day was counted as but skirmishing. Over




18


one hundred miles had the retreat and the pursuit been kept
up, leaving behind a track of blood, an almost continous liWi
of graves, and a desolate country, in which innocent women
were left to death by slow starvation by the merciless conscription of their fathers, brothers and sons.
On the 17th of June there was a sharp battle at Lost
Mountain, resulting, as usual, in our favor.
The enemy retreating to Kenesaw Mountain, was found
by General Sherman to be so strongly fortified that, after a
good deal of fighting, he abandoned the assault.
The rebels, on the 3d of July, once more retreated to a
line of works thrown up in advance by negro pioneers at
Chattahoochie, from which they were eventually forced to
retire. The time was now at hand when the decisive battle
was to be fought which was to determine the fate of Atlanta.
On the 19th of July General Johnson was found with a
line of entrenchments environing the city at a distance of
about three miles on the north and east, while our line
extended from the Chattanooga railroad in the form of a
semi-circle round to the Augusta road, fronting to the south
and southwest, and about five miles from Atlanta.
While the Union army was thundering at the very gates
of the ill-fated city, General Johnson, the man who, by his
skill and caution, had so often saved this portion of the
rebel army from destruction, was removed, and General Hood
placed in command of the rebel forces. Upon assuming
command, Hood issued an order to his troops, telling them
they had done retreating, that he would show them how to
fight, rather than retreat, and would lead them to victory.
On the morning of the 20th of July commenced the bloody
battle of Peach Tree Creek. The third division of the Twentieth Corps crossed the creek and filled up the gap betweei
our second division and the Fourth Corps. By noon our
whole right was across the creek.  The men had stacked




19


arms and were taking a little rest. Some prisoners, brought
^ from the skirmish line, gave the information that a strong
line of entrenchments was about a mile in advance, behind
which the rebels were awaiting an attack. At once the bugle
sounded the assembly, the men rushed to their places, seized
their arms and deployed into line.  About 3 p. M. the rebels
advanced to the attack, and our forces were immediately put
in motion to meet the assault. Inclining a little to the right,
the whole third division advanced in an open field and was
soon hotly engaged. For a short time our regiment was in
an extremely critical condition, the rebels firing into it from
the front, flank and rear. But it maintained its ground with
unfaltering courage and steadiness. The bugle now sounded
the charge, and the whole line pressed forward with loud
cheers. Our regiment advanced over an open field under a
heavy fire, with an almost perfect line, as if on parade,
reserving our fire until within a few rods of the rebel line,
when we delivered a volley, driving the rebels out of their
position up to a crest of a hill in front, where the whole line
of our division was halted. After the battle was over General
Newton, commanding a division of the Fourth Corps on our
left, sent an officer to know what regiment was on his right,
and authorized him to say to its commanding officer "that
it was deserving of all praise, that he never saw a regiment
advance with such steadiness and precision in the face of
such a terrible fire as this one."
Four times during that afternoon the rebels tried to carry
our line, but were as often sent reeling back. From 3 o'clock
until 8 we stood with no cover, and without assistance or
relief, and yet maintained our position and repulsed every
assault of the enemy. In front of us were found the dead
and wounded of the Thirty-third, Forty-fourth and Fifty-fifth
Mississippi regiments, who had been brought against our




20


regiment, which itself sustained a loss of nearly half its
officers and forty-eight men.
This first attempt of General Hood to show the rebel army
"how to fight instead of how to retreat" resulted in a loss
on his part of more than 6,000 men, as admitted by the rebel
newspapers.
Myself having been seriously wounded at the battle of
Peach Tree Creek, this narrative is no longer a story of
weary marches, sleepless nights, battle, danger and death,
but on the contrary a triumphal march to the rear, where the
surgeons held court supreme. The roar and crash of battle
had ceased; the sulphurous smoke had cleared away, but
how strange the scenes about us! The plains and hillsides
were strewn with corpses of men where they fell. The dead
and dying were lying close together, where a few short hours
before all was excitement-the excitement of many a brave
comrade's last battle —now an oppressive silence prevails;
there is the groaning and the crying of the wounded. In
quiet tones we speak to each other. The question passes
back and forth-' Where are you wounded?"   "Through
the body."  "And you?" '"An arm broken,," "My knee
smashed with a piece of shell," or "A minnie bullet through
the foot," so the low replies pass around. Words of cheer
are spoken, while over the faces of some the strange, pale
look is coming that betokens the approach of death.
One lies near who has always been jolly and full of fun in
the ranks, but now jesting is forgotten. A few feet away
lies an officer-lately promoted-the smile still on his face,
so suddenly had the bullet cut the thread of life.
The ambulance corps with their stretchers are kept busy.
The hospital tent is full of the wounded. The long and
weary night draws to a close. In the early dawn, as we
begin to distinguish our comrades here and there, we speak
to them. Some of them answer with feebler voices than




211


before, and some are silent forever, having entered their last
sleep in the night.
The sun rises, and another day wears on, the living among
the dead, wounds are growing sorer and more painful, cries
begin to be heard from those whose wounds are in the body
and very serious. One poor fellow, an Irishman, lay near to
me, so badly wounded that the surgeon exclaimed, shaking
his head, "There is no hope whatever of saving this man,
he cannot possibly live." An ugly wound in the head and a
shattered hand told the sad story. The surgeons passed him
by, giving close attention to those whose chances for recovery
seemed reasonably sure.
Another long and weary night passes, the morning finds
us with fewer alive than the day before. Learning that our
Irish friend was still alive, and the surgeon ready to attend
to him, his wounds were dressed, and with others of the
wounded was sent back to the hospital. His recovery did
seem impossible, but he ultimately recovered.
Several years later I chanced to meet him, and his gratitude knew no bounds, with tears in his eyes he related to me
how I "had saved his life," and, drawing me aside, said:
"Let us take a drop for the sake of auld times."
While on our way to the hospital we learned of the death
of General McPherson (which occurred on the 22d), and that
General Logan, upon assuming command of the Army of the
Tennessee, called upon the men to avenge the death of their
late leader.
History will record this march from Chattanooga to
Atlanta as one of the most brilliant of modern times. A
march in which one of two great conflicting armies gradually
crowded the other back, inch by inch, and day by day,
through storm and sunshine, over hills, mountains and rivers,




22
leaving in their footsteps innumerable graves, broken hearts,
and a blighted and blasted country.
As we view these terrible battlefields through the distant
haze of the years which have passed and gone, we leave the
hope of future greatness and glory to the now united and
prosperous Union.




WAR PAPER No. 25.
MICHIGAN COMMANDERY,
LOYAL LEGION.








THE


RELIEF OF CHATTANOOGA
A PAPER
READ BEFORE THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN,
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION
OF THE UNITED STATES,
BY
COMPANION HENRY S. DEAN,
LATE LIEUTENANT-COLONEL 22D MICHIGAN INFANTRY,
AT


DETROIT, MICH., MAY 4, 1893.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS.
I893.








the iRelief of Chattanooga.
The Opening of a Short Line of Communication by Way of
Brown's Ferry and Lookout Valley for the Relief of the
Army of the Cumberland, in October, and Construction
of Pontoon Bridges, in November, 1863.
After the battle of Chickamauga, Georgia, fought on the
19th and 2)th of September, 1863, the Army of the Cumberland, under command of General Rosecrans, retreated to
Chattanooga, Tennessee. On September 24 our forces on
Lookout Mountain also fell -back to Chattanooga.
The enemy, under General Bragg, in greatly superior
force, immediately formed and fortified lines on the south,
cast and west of the town, thus gaining control of Lookout
Valley, the river below Chattanooga and the short line of
communication with Bridgeport, Alabama, the depot of
supplies for the Army of the Cumberland. The only means
left for subsisting the army was by wagon trains which had
to be hauled. seventy miles over a road on the north side of
the river. This road crossed two mountain ranges and passed
through valleys deep with mud. The enemy sent his cavalry
to harass and obstruct the passage of trains over this difficult
route, and succeeded in destroying a train of four hundred
wagons loaded with ammunition and hospital supplies, of
which the army stood greatly in need, it not having sufficient
ammunition for one day's fighting.
The Army of the Cumberland was besieged, without
ammunition, and starving. With these conditions maintained, its annihilation was only a question of time. Realizing the gravity of the situation, President Lincoln, on




4


October 18, 1863, issued an order creating the Military
Division of the Mississippi, and assigned General Grant to
its command.
This order also relieved General Rosecrans and assigned
General Thomas to the command of the Army of the Cumberland.
The fate of the army at Chattanooga depended upon the
solution of the problem of supplies. On October 19, Grant
telegraphed Thomas, "Hold Chattanooga at all hazards."
Thomas replied, "We will hold the town until we starve."
At this time General William F. Smith was chief engineer of
the Army of the Cumberland. He conceived a plan, the
successful execution of which solved the problem. He submitted his plan to General Thomas, who gave it his approval,
and directed him to make immediate preparation for its
execution.  General Grant arrived at Chattanooga on the
evening of October 23. General Smith's plan was submitted
to him, and on the morning of October 24, accompanied by
Generals Thomas and Smith, he made a thorough reconnoissance of the river with reference to the feasability of the plan
proposed. Agreeing with those who proposed the scheme, he
authorized its execution.
Fortunately the preparations were far advanced and their
completion required little time. General Smith was charged
with the enterprise and directed to perfect the necessary
arrangements.* By the river from Chattanooga around the
base of Lookout Mountain to Brown's Ferry the distance is
nine miles. The course of the river from Chattanooga to
Brown's Ferry forms a neck of land shaped like an Indian's
moccasin, from resemblance to which it derives its name,
Moccasin Point. From Chattanooga to Brown's Ferry across
the ankle of the moccasin the distance is less than four miles.
*Van Horn's "Army of the Cumberland."




5


On the left bank of the river at Brown's Ferry is a range of
steep hills which come close down to the water. At the
Ferry these hills are divided by a deep gorge which leads
into Lookout Valley. From the point where Chattanooga
Creek empties into the Tennessee at the base of Lookout
Mountain to Williams Island, just below Brown's Ferry, a
distance of seven miles, the enemy had possession of the left
bank of the river.. General Smith's plan was to throw a force
to the left bank of the river at Brown's Ferry, seize the line
of hills and entrance to Lookout Valley, lay a pontoon
bridge and hold the position until General Hooker could
come up with his forces from Bridgeport, and thus restore to
the besieged army at Chattanooga its short line of communication. To accomplish this was no slight undertaking.
From his position on Lookout Mountain the enemy could see
every movement of our forces. To attempt to take a pontoon
train and its support from Chattanooga to Brown's Ferry, in
plain view of the enemy, was to invite such a concentration of
force at the contemplated place of crossing, as to render the
laying of a bridge impossible. It was decided that the boats
for the bridge should be floated down the river to the point
of crossing under cover of darkness, past seven miles of the
enemy's picket lines and batteries. The rest of the material
for the bridge was to be moved by night and concealed in the
woods just above Brown's Ferry. Colonel, formerly Captain,
P. V. Fox, of the First Michigan Mechanics and Engineers,
was assigned to the duty of getting out material, building the
boats and laying the pontoon bridge. For this purpose he
took possession of two saw mills, one above, the other below
Chattanooga. The enemy had removed part of the machinery
from each of these mills. Through information furnished by
negroes, Colonel Fox found where the missing parts had
been buried, and soon had the mill in running order. Under
his direction a detail from the Thirteenth Michigan Infantry




6


cut logs for the gunwales of the boats near Moccasin Point
and drew them to the river. The ground was so soft and the
animals so weak that it required twelve mules to draw a
single log.
From the point where the logs were placed in the river
they were towed to the lower mill with a yawl boat. For the
bottoms, chess plank, balk and side rails of the boats, the
Twenty-fourth Wisconsin Infantry cut logs further up the
river and towed them to the upper mill. A detail of 100 men
from the Twenty-first Michigan Infantry assisted in carrying
material for the bridge. Colonel Fox also had under his
command Companies B, C, D and K of his own regiment.
Car wheels were used for anchors. Some baled cotton was
found in a cellar, which was used for calking the boats. The
nails used in their construction were brought from Bridgeport
by couriers bringing dispatches.
Fifty-two boats were required for the bridge. Each was
provided with five oars, one for steering and four for rowing.
General Hazen was in command of the landing force, which
was composed of his own brigade and that of General Turchin.
Colonel T. R. Stanley, of the Eighteenth Ohio Infantry, had
charge of the men who managed the boats on the trip down
the river.
All the plans for the expedition were elaborated with the
greatest care and the utmost secrecy. Its success depended
upon the faithful execution of the part assigned to each one
engaged in it. A failure on the part of one endangered the
success of the whole. The complete success of the movement
furnished conclusive proof of the fidelity And efficiency of all
who participated in its execution. General Hazen selected
fifteen hundred men, who, under his command, were to constitute the first landing party.
General Turchin, with his own and part of Hazen's brigade
and three batteries of artillery under command of Major




7


Mendinhall, were placed in position in the woods on the right
bank of the river above Brown's Ferry to cover the landing
on the opposite bank, and to cross in support as quickly as
possible. The material for the bridge was also placed in
position in the woods above Brown's Ferry during the night
of October 26. At 3 o'clock A. M., October 27, fifty-two boats
with fifteen hundred picked men on board, started from
Chattanooga for Brown's Ferry, under direction of Colonel
T. R. Stanley. Before starting the boats were divided into
sections, each section in charge of an officer who knew his
exact place of landing.
This expedition, upon the success of which so much
depended, must float with the current past seven miles of the
enemy's picket lines. Fortunately for the success of the
undertaking, a fog settled down upon the river. The boats,
keeping close to the right bank, glided silently with the
current past the enemy's pickets, anpursued by them. At
least, they did not suspect what was passing them. That
morning I was on the picket line, perched on a tree which
leaned from the bank of the river out over the water, directly
beneath which this procession of boats with their living
freight silently passed.
The only evidence that the enemy gave of knowing that
anything was floating by them, was when one picket called
out to another: " Jim, is that a log floating down the river,"
and the other replied, "No, its one of the Yanks' pontoons
going down stream."  Fortunately, they did not discover
that fifty-two of the "Yanks' " pontoons were "going down
stream," with fifteen hundred live Yankees on board, bent on
a mission which, if successful, meant victory for the Union and
defeat for Bragg and his army.
In the early dawn the first section neared the shore at its'
appointed place of landing. The surprised pickets fired
their pieces and ran. The succeeding sections quickly landed.




8


The men sprang on shore, formed in line and charged up the
hills, where they had a sharp, but brief, engagement with
the small force which had rallied in response to the alarm
given by the pickets. The boats immediately crossed to the
right bank and began to ferry the rest of the forces across.
By daylight Turchin's and the balance of Hazen's brigade
were across the river intrenching themselves on the line of
hills which commanded the entrance to Lookout Valley.
Under a vigorous artillery fire from the enemy's batteries
on the face of Lookout Mountain, Col. Fox immediately
began laying the pontoon bridge. As soon as it was completed General Whitaker's brigade, of which my regiment at
that time was a part, crossed the bridge and formed a junction with General Hooker's forces which had moved up the
valley from Bridgeport.
Thus "the problem of supplies" for a starving army was
solved by the successful execution of a plan, the brilliancy
of which will command the admiration of all who are interested in military operations.
It had been conducted with such secrecy that its successful accomplishment was as great a surprise to the army in
Chattanooga as it was to the enemy. It changed the whole
aspect of affairs. From a besieged and helpless force, the
Army of the Cumberland had been transformed into one
ready for offensive operations. Without delay it entered
upon its duty as such.
One part of General Grant's plan for driving Bragg from
Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge, was for General
Sherman to cross the Tennessee river at a point four miles
above Chattanooga and attack and turn the enemy's right,
which rested on the northern extremity of Missionary Ridge.
'This crossing was to be 'made by means of two pontoon
bridges. After the Brown's Ferry affair my regiment was




9


transferred from Whitaker's to the Engineers Brigade, commanded by General Wm. F. Smith, who had been assigned
to duty as chief engineer of the Military Division of the
Mississippi. With my regiment I was assigned the duty of
taking the train for one of those bridges from Chattanooga
to the point of crossing. In the performance of this duty I
was enjoined to observe the utmost secrecy lest the enemy
should discover what we were doing. I was directed to make
myself thoroughly acquainted with the country and all the
roads over which the train was to pass.
Capt. Preston C. F. West, A. A. G. on the staff of General
Smith, went over the ground with me, and pointed out the
roads over which the train could move, those over which
General Sherman's. forces would move into position, also the
route each would take back to Chattanooga in case of disaster
or failure to effect a crossing. I spent several days in making
myself acquainted with the topography of the route selected,
and although that was nearly thirty years ago, every little
ravine and hill which furnished a hiding place for a wagon
is as fresh in memory to-day as they were when used for that
purpose. As with the bridge at Brown's Ferry, Colonel,
formerly Capt. P. V. Fox, had charge of the construction
and laying of this one.
The other bridge of regular pontoon boats which had
been picked up between Chattanooga and Bridgeport, was in
charge of Lieut. Geo. W. Dresser, Fourth Artillery, and was
taken to the North Chickamauga, above the point where the
bridges were to be laid. The place selected for throwing the
bridges is a little below the mouth of the South Chickamauga.
On the south bank of the river at that point, a low hill rises
a short distance back from the bank, and gently slopes into
the valley. On the north bank directly opposite this hill, a
deep ravine comes down to the river, the hills on either side
of which extend for some distance up and down the river,




10


furnishing coricealment for troops, and a position from which
artillery can sweep the valley back of the hill on the south
side.
An experienced engineer could not have constructed a
better place for throwing a bridge in the face of opposition,
than nature has supplied at this point. The road frommChattanooga over which the train must pass was in plain view of
the enemy posted on Lookout Mountain. Heavy rains had
rendered the roads almost impassible; the mules were so
reduced in strength from lack of forage, that when the poor
creatures got down in the mud the men had to pull them out
of the way. At nine o'clock, p. M., November 20th, (ol. Fox
sent the pontoon train from under the cover of Cameron Hill
to the north side of the river, where it was delivered to me.
At that time I did not know as much about pontoon trains as
I did at the close of the war. That the train was to be taken
to its destination without permitting the enemy to get sight
of it we all understood, but of how it was to be arranged
after it got there I was as ignorant as a child, so I asked
Capt. Fox how he wanted it parked. He hesitated, and I
repeated the question. Finally he said: "It is a delicate
matter for an officer of inferior rank to give orders to a
superior who is in command."  I looked squarely into that
honest face of his and said: "I am the smallest major in the
army, if you know how this train ought to be parked tell
me?"   He said: "Place the balk here, the chess plank
there, the spring lines so and so, the head line in such a
place, and the anchors "-Hold on, I said, I know what an
anchor is, but don't know anything about your balk, chess
plank and spring lines, show me what they are. He did,
and we started out with the train. It was raining and the
night very dark.  In many places the wagons would go
down in the mud to the axletree. The poor, weak mules
would get stalled in the mud and men would have to pull




11


them out. Wagon wheels would give out, and the men supplied their places with wheels taken from General Palmer's
ammunition train, which was parked on the north side of the
river opposite Chattanooga. Wagons would upset and men,
by means of ropes, would right them.
When wagons got stuck so that the mules could not start
them, men would pull them out by ropes fastened to the
poles or forward axeltrees.
As the first grey of morning appeared in the east the
wagons were quickly concealed in ravines and behind hills,
or if they could not be gotten out of sight in that way, they
were concealed by piling brush over them. The men and
animals were moved behind the hills and not permitted to
show themselves during the day. At 2 o'clock A. M., November 22d, we had the train parked in the ravine leading down
to the river where the crossing was to be made, a thick growth
of underbrush concealing it from the enemy's pickets on the
other side of the river. On November 23d, concealed from
view of the enemy, the men rested behind the hills. The
strict guard established to prevent any of them from showing
themselves was hardly necessary; they were completely worn
out by three nights of labor, such as I have never seen perform by men before or sihce.
From the top of the hills which concealed them, one has a
full view of Missionary Ridge, Lookout Mountain and
Chattanooga Valley.
On the afternoon of November 23, from the top of one of
those hills I saw through my field-glass the Army of the
Cumberland move out from Chattanooga into the valley,
columns closed in mass, deploy, rush forward and drive the
enemy from his first line of works.
The enemy on Missionary Ridge got up on top of their
fortifications to get a good view of what they appeared to
think was going to be a review, but when that magnificent




12


line in blue moved forward, Bragg evidently comprehended
what was coming, for he immediately began to move troops
from the right and left toward his centre. At midnight
November 23, one hundred and sixteen pontoon boats, with a
brigade on board, started from their place of concealment in
North Chickamauga Creek, and floated down the Tennessee
to the place selected for throwing the bridges.
General Smith, standing on the bank close to the water,
was anxiously awaiting their approach. A small boat in
charge of an experienced oarsman was awaiting his orders.
The man, looking along the surface of the water, reported
that he could see the boats coming. General Smith ordered
him to row across and place a range light close to the water
on the opposite bank to indicate the point of landing.
The leading boat changed its course from the centre of the
river and headed towards the range light, each succeeding
boat silently following its lead. The boats landed and the
men disembarked so quietly that we did not hear a sound on
our side of the river. The first indication that a landing had
been effected was when the almost painful silence was broken
by the sharp challenge of the rebel picket, as it rang out on the
night air: "Who goes there? "  Quickly came the response:
"Grand rounds!" and the picket answered, "Advance
sergeant with the countersign." MThe officer who made the
rounds (I regret that I cannot give his name) advanced,
placed a pistol close to the ear of the guard, and in a low
voice cautioned him not to make any noise, and passed him
to the rear. This was repeated thirteen times. The fourteenth
guard discharged his piece, fortunately without injury to
any one, and ran. When the guard fired, General Smith
said, "Now we shall get it. Move your regiment down to
the bank of the river and take your place with the train and
await orders, which I will send."




13


But he was mistaken; the enemy had regarded an attack
in that quarter as so unlikely to occur that he had failed to
place any force in the valley except a thin picket line along
the river, which amounted to nothing as a resisting force,
and it had failed to discover the slightest indication of what
was going on within hearing distance of the guard composing
it. General Sherman's force had been massed behind the
opposite hills. General Brannan had planted forty pieces
of artillery, which completely commanded the south bank
of the river; one hundred and sixteen boats had been
placed in the North Chickamauga, and a heavy pontoon
train had been moved over roads, nearly every foot of which
was in plain sight from the commanding positions occupied
by the enemy on Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge,
but so admirably had all the details of the movement been
conducted that the enemy was taken completely by surprise.
As soon as the men had landed from the boats which came
down from the North Chicamauga, General Sherman's troops
moved from behind the hills down to the river. The laying
of the pontoon bridge was immediately started from both
banks, the boats being used to ferry troops across until they
were needed to place in position. General Smith ordered me
to send enough boats and material from my train for a bridge
two hundred feet in length, which was thrown across the
South Chicamauga under direction of Col. Fox. By daylight
on the morning of Nov. 24th, two divisions of General Sherman's troops had crossed to the south side of the river.
While preparations for this crossing had been going forward,
heavy rains had raised the river to such an extent that it was
feared that a bridge could not be thrown at all, and if thrown
that it could not be maintained as long as needed. The
current was swift and the enemy were sending rafts and drift
wood down to break the bridges at Chattanooga and Brown's
Ferry. Under these circumstances it was decided not to
attempt to throw the second bridge.  X




14


At 11 o'clock A. M. the bridge was completed, and General
Sherman's forces crossed the Tennessee river to take their
part in the battle of Missionary Ridge.  General Smith
ordered the second bridge to be taken back to Chattanooga
and laid at that point. As we moved back to Chattanooga
we could hear the roar of Hooker's battle on Lookout Mountain, and could have seen the forces engaged but for the
clouds which enveloped the crest and hung down the sides of
the Mountain.
The next day, November 25, the bridge was thrown across
the river' at Chattanooga, Colonel Fox having the work in
charge. The last pontoon was swung into place and the
bridge completed about an hour before the forces under
command of General Thomas made that famous charge without orders which resulted in the capture of Missionary Ridge.
It was peculiarly fitting that General Thomas and the men
of his command, who, by their heroic fighting against overpowering numbers, had saved the Army of the Cumberland
from destruction at Chickamauga, should deliver the final
blow which crowned three days of battle with glorious victory.
November 23, 24 and 25, 1863, will stand recorded in
history as days upon which military skill and courageous
fighting won one of the most brilliant victories ever achieved
by an army.
History will also record the fact, that but for the masterly
-conception and successful execution of the movement which
gave to the Army of the Cumberland its short line of communication with Bridgeport by way of Brown's Ferry and
Lookout Valley, the victory of Missionary Ridge and Lookout
Mountain could not have been won on those dates.








ll.i.
I
llllltl                                     Jhl
II
III
((11,111!Iti...
iii"A'
ililill                                      11
o
I                                     11111
11111111,,Phil[[                                         I
11
hb:








...................k.........................................




SUPPLEMENTARY PROCEEDINGS
OF
REGULAR MONTHLY MEETING


Commandery of State of Michigan
MILITARY ORDER
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES.
DETROIT, MARCH 3d,


1892.








Zupplementar~ Proceebinge,


DETROIT, March 3, 1892.
After the regular business of the meeting of the Commandery had been disposed of, the companions adjourned to the
banquet hall, where a bounteous spread had been prepared.
After the feast came the fun. Companion Poe was recently
a member of a general court-martial, at Cleveland, and while
there one of the papers published a wood-cut, purporting to
be a likeness of him.
When the paper containing the cut was received in Detroit
it was decided by some of the companions to have a little fun
out of it.
The small newspaper cut was pasted in the center of a cardboard 22x28 inches, which was artistically embellished in
colors, with the emblems of the order, and nicely framed.
The "portrait" was presented to Companion Poe in the
following address:
PRESENTATION SPEECH
BY COMPANION CHARLES E. FOOTE.
Mr. Commander and Companions:
There sits at this table one of our members who in a very
large degree commands the admiration and the deep regard
of this Commandery, one who o'ertops most men in his
ability as a soldier as he does in physical stature; one who




4


in the fierce onslaught of battle and the varied and trying
exigencies of life, has proven himself unflinching in duty, a
patriot and a man.
It is upon you, Gen. Poe, that this Commandery gladly
places this high estimate.
In our neighboring forest city, which sits a gem on the
southern shore of Lake Erie, you have recently passed
through a trying campaign, and through the trials connected
therewith you have had the sympathy of this Commandery.
That sympathy was deepened when Col. White, one Saturday evening submitted to a few of the companions, who were
partaking of a dry lunch in the armory cafe, your picture,
taken on the spot by a special artist detailed for that special
purpose by the Penny Press of Cleveland. As it was held
before our bewildered gaze, surrounded by dark lines of
type, it stood out on the white paper in bold relief, a startling
spectre. Col. Sterling, with a short gurgling sound, closed
his eyes and sunk back into his chair. Capt. Dupont smiled
ghastly. Gen. Swift, with that speed his name implies,
retreated. Companion Chamberlain smiled a quiet, uneasy
smile. All others went under the table, except our worthy
Commander Pittman, who, feeling the responsibility of his
office, with undaunted front stood his ground and brought
about order again. We knew it to be a picture of you
because your name is plainly written under it.
You may not think it quite perfect; you may not have a
friend who will recognize the picture as one of yourself.
Every member of your household may repudiate it, and yet,
as indisputable proof of its genuineness, there stands by
direction of that special artist in plain, unmistakable type
the name of Gen. Poe, E. C. To be sure there hangs about it
a wearied look not your own; there is a sad-eyed expression
to the spectacles, behind which the special artist had not




6


time to put the eyes, which we do not recognize (you may
have been asleep, in which case we forgive the artist the eyes),
the firm set jaw, that is evidently hard clinched upon some
hard fact, lacks the kindly expression to which we are
accustomed, and yet we recognize the picture by help of the
printed name.
The artist, he being a special artist, must have been correct
in his representation. We believed the trial through which
you were then passing to be responsible for that unwonted
look of sternness; for that relentless jaw, that generally
dejected, sad and vacant expression, and believing that the
like has never occurred before and never could occur again,
some one proposed the picture be mounted and presented to
you, in order that a new phase of your history, and that a face
new to mankind be not utterly lost to the world.
I do not venture to pronounce the name of him who had the.hardihood to propose this iniquity. Let his name be forever
unknown; let no temptation, no desire for revenge induce
you to hunt him out, that your descendants when they "point
with pride" to the gallant record of Gen. Poe, may not point
the finger of scorn at the memory of this man. Rather let
whatever of discredit, whatever of shame there be, if there
be any, rest with the special artist, whom nobody knows and
whom nobody cares to know.
I have the honor, Gen. Poe, to present to you on behalf of
the Michigan Commandery of the Loyal Legion of the U. S.
this unique token of affection, accompanied with the earnest
hope that if you ever did look like that you may never look
so again.




6
Companion Poe accepted the          "portrait"   in a few     well
chosen remarks, closing his address with the following:
I.
Some cussed, measly Legioneers,
Quite filled up with numerous beers,
Bethought themselves 'twould be great fun
To "set up a job" on a "son of a gun."
II.
They ransacked the place where their brains should be,
In quest of a thing he called an " idee";
"Aha! " shouted one, "I've got it, I guess,"
We'll give him a portrait cut from the Press.
III.
They polished it up and they rubbed it down,
'Till nothing was like it in all the town,
Then brought it here as a specimen brick
To throw at a man who doesn't " kick."
IV.
It might be worshiped without any sin,
For it images nothing the Heavens in,
Nor the earth beneath, nor the waters below,
Nor that nether depth where the fires glow.
V.
It's rather hard that a warrior bold,
Should be pictured thus so hoary and old;
I therefore trust you will " set on Foote"
A search for the chaps who went on the "toot."




ON THE
PRESENTATION OF A PORTRAIT OF O. M. POE.
The Michigan Commandery.
BY COMPANION WILLIAM LUDLOW.
Commander grave, and Brethren brave,
Lend ear unto my woe:
As a ditty I sing, and the praises ring,
Of Orlando Metcalfe Poe.
A man of great renown is he,
Of stature great also;
For a giant's bed doth rest the head,
And take the strain of the massive brain,
And eke of the legs of Poe.
At West Point he took high degree,
Full six feet high or so;
Nor less than eight if we calculate
The spread from heel to toe.
From '52 until '56
He learned to fight the foe;
To shoulder and carry, to thrust and parry;
Bayonets fix, and such warlike tricks,
Did the youth from Ohio.
Accomplished then in the arts of men,
He came to Detroit to show
How to cover the lakes with survey stakes,
And cleverly land on the solid strand,
If the winds began to blow.
7




8


When the war broke out his valorous shout
Astonished the Southern foe;
And the flash of his glance made the rebels prance,
As the Twooth Michigan led the patriot van,
Under Colonel Orlando Poe.
At Yorktown he did manfullee;
At Williamsburg also;']
Virginia was spread with the hostile dead;
Fair Oaks and Manassas were but cakes and molasses,
To Brigadier-General Poe.
Then westward he hied and at Sherman's side
Taught the Johnnies back to go.
Massing the ranks on their tender flanlks,
And with mighty thwacks on the stubborn backs
Of Johnston, Hood and Co.
The March to the Sea was carefullee
Mapped out by our Hero;
Where potatoes sweet entangled the feet,
And sorghum and bacon could best be taken;
And much of it cached by Poe.
Savannah was won and the tramp begun
Through the Carolinas low;
But he shinned up the trees with the greatest ease,
And mixed. "red-eye" with the waters high;
Which saved the life of Poe.
When Robt. E. Lee and Confederacee
Had met their overthrow,
At the great review of the Patriot crew,
The Bummer's Parade of their festive trade
Was headed by O. M. Poe.
The War was done and Freedom's sun
Shone out with spotless glow;
And its brightest ray illumined the way,
And burnished the head and the martial tread
Of the Engineer-Soldier Poe.




9
The Ship of State in splendor great
Was cruising to and fro; t
But was loath to sail with the favoring gale,
And backed and filled in hands unskilled,
Till on her deck stood Poe.
The Lighthouse Board with a wonderful hoard
Of lenses and lamps and so,
Made its valiant boast to illumine the coast
From the Bay of Fundee to the Mississippee;
And the boss of the job was Poe.
At Sherman's right hand he studied the land
From Maine to Mexico;
And the eagles that flew 'neath the arching blue
Made their royal nest and returned to rest,
On the shoulder straps of Poe.
Again to Detroit, for new exploit,
When duty bade him go,
To open the gates through the narrow Straits,
And build the locks of the big stone box,
To navigate the Sault.
The Legion strong, a rubicund throng,
Adorned with beards of snow,
As of old turned out with a mighty shout,
And hearkened again like soldier-men
To the voice of Commander Poe.
Long may we greet, in house and street,
Our brave Companion Poe;
There's never a man, in Michigan,
Whose health we'll drink with readier clink
Than our " own and only" Poe.








ADDRESSES OF COMMANDERS


AT
ANNUAL BANQUETS
OF THE
COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN.


MILITARY ORDER OF THE
LOYAL LEGION
OF THE
UNITED STATES,
AT


DETROIT, MICH.
DETROIT, MICH.:
WINN & HAMMOND, PRINTERS.
1893.








INTRODUCTORY.
At the Annual Banquet of the Michigan Commandery
of the Loyal Legion, at the Russell House,
Detroit, May 5, i886.
BY COMPANION ORLANDO M. POE,
Brevet Brigadier General, U. S. Army, Commander.
When the oldest cask is opened,
And the largest lamp is lit;
When the Chestnuts glow in the embers,
And the Kid turns on the spit;
When young and old in circle
Around the firebrands close;
When the girls are weaving baskets
And the lads are shaping bows."
"When the goodman mends his armor,
And trims his helmet's plume;
When the goodwife's shuttle merrily
Goes flashing through the loom;
With weeping and with laughter
Still is the story told,
How well Horatius kept the bridge
In the brave days of old."
The traditions of martial glory "in the brave days of old,"
were kept alive in the home circle, amidst the ordinary
avocations, and their recital stimulated emulation amongst




4


the younger folk. Somehow it has become customary to
extend the circle, and to celebrate the memory of deeds of
valor by eating, drinking and speech making.
In former times war was the only honorable profession
outside of mother church. We live in a time when the
honorable pursuits are not so limited, but none the less we
revere the church and grow enthusiastic over the stories of
feats of arms. Although we no longer mend our armor, and
the trimming of helmet plumes is relegated to younger men,
it is proper that we, a small portion of the survivors of the
greatest conflict theworld has 'ever seen, whilst not especially
straining our relations with the church, should occasionally
meet together to renew the memories of the camp and battle,
and if we prove to be somewhat noisy in our demonstrations,
it is only because our blood is warmed to youthful heat by
the recollections which crowd upon us.
In the responses which are to follow, it is not improbable
that we may.recognize some "Chestnuts." If so, you will
doubtless good-humoredly assist in drawing them from the
embers, and seem to relish them as greatly as if they were
not a little " wormy."  As we listen to the unprepared bursts
of eloquence now snugly reposing in the coat pockets of those
who are to reply to the toasts, you will see that you are not
alone to be banqueted upon hard-tack and - its acompaniment. It is proposed to give you something more palatable
and more headachy. The "feast of reason and the flow of
soul" will lie around loose, and will contribute to the head
trouble. The viands will be guiltless. Notwithstanding the
heaviness of the speeches to which you will be compelled to
listen, now that we have you securely here, I beg you will
give your undivided attention to the speakers, and award
them that measure of applause which they crave. Even if
you do not subscribe to every sentiment, sprinkle in the
tremendous applause after the manner of the public printer




5


in the speeches of the Members of Congress as they appear in
that hilarious publication, the Congressional Record. It
will do you no harm, and will encourage the orators.
Remember how badly they feel, and the great embarrassment
under which they labor.
We have no kids turning on the spit, but some of us have
"kids" at home, whose juvenile ears we kindly fill with
tales of what we did "in the war." What an appreciative
audience the little folks make, and how unquestioningly they
place us in the front rank of heroes.  The strategy of
Hannibal, the stern fighting of Fredeick, the cunning of
Marlborough were as nothing compared with the way their
fathers fought and overcame the rebels. They learn what a
glorious privilege it will be to inherit, through us, first-class
membership in the Loyal Legion and to partake of future
banquets.  Long may it be before they come into their
heritage. Meanwhile they will have to be satisfied with
membership of the second class, and practice the virtue of
longing and waiting.
The customs have greatly changed since the days of
Horatius. It is the lads who now weave baskets, shingles
etc., in their moments of leisure from weary cigarettes and
beer, whilst the girls devote their attention to the catching
and shaping of beaus, trusting to the milliners for their bows
and other furbelows. Our goodwives, too, no longer waste
their energies at the loom, yet Companions Smith and Curtiss
can tell you how " Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed
like one of these."  This shows how   wonderfully our
civilization has advanced beyond that of the Romans.
It may be asked what are we here for, anyhow. In the
earlier days of my membership in the Loyal Legion, an
anxious inquirer desired to know what was the object of our
Order. I told him it was to meet occasionally and "swop
lies." I am better informed now, and am satisfied that a




6


searcher for the lies must go to the Official Record of the
War of the Rebellion. In this assemblage will be heard
nothing but the truth. If any body doubts it we will all
swear.
After the speeches shall have been delivered, let us
indulge in reminiscences of the days when the ear piercing
fife, the rattling drum, and sometimes the blaring trumpet
("Chestnuts,") awoke us from our slumbers, and set us to
wondering what fiend invented reveille. If there be a deeper
depth of damnation, it is reserved for that devil who invented
this torture. In case of another war the opposing armies
should strike against the reveille, and by arbitration arrange
for its abolition, probably by declaring a truce between the
hours of sunset and 10 a. m. next day, (standard time),
during which no movement should be made, and no military
duty be performed. It would notably ameliorate the horrors
of war. This suggestion is not patented, and as there is no
"job" in it, the digression will perhaps be pardoned.
There are many interesting memories stored away in the
pigeon-holes of your minds.   Pull out the drawers and
overhaul the records, set your tongues to wagging, but don't
all talk at once. Give the other fellow a chance to tell how
he saved the day at Gettysburg, or how he and Grant
captured Lee, or how contemptible it was in Sherman to steal
from him his plan for the "March to the Sea."  It would be
cruel to deprive him of the pleasure, and it would be selfish
in you to monopolize the conversation.
The story of the war will never grow stale,
When the oldest cask is opened,
And the largest lamp is lit;
*   *  *   *
With weeping and with laughter,
Still is the story told."




And, as our hearts warm up with the good cheer before
us, and the glistening eye but reflects the gleam of its
neighbor, there is little danger that our thoughts will become
prosaie, or that the current of our feelings will run in too
stagnant a stream. Let us drink deeply of the draught of
pleasure in each other's company,-again feel the magnetic
touch of our comrade's elbow:
But let our laughter and merriment be mingled with
sadness as we remember those who went with us to battle,
never to return.
"They lie at rest, our blessed dead;
The dew drops cool above their head."
Our hearts are wrung with sorrow at the memory of their
fate, but swell too, with pride at the recollection of their
patriotism and knightly gallantry. Our tears bedew their
graves, whilst history records their exploits for the admiration
of posterity.
In all this we are doing right, and continuing it from year
to year as we move on to our end, we may feel well assured
that we are laying, broad and deep, the foundations of
patriotism amongst our descendants, and that our beloved
country will find them as ready to do and die for her in her
time of need as we were in the "brave days of old."
God save the United States!




INTRODUCTORY.
At the Annual Banquet of the Michigan Commandery
of the Loyal Legion, at the. Russell House,
Detroit, June i, 1887.
BY COMPANION ORLANDO M. POE,
Brevet Brigadier General, U. S. Army, Commander.
At our banquet last year a visiting companion related an
anecdote which probably illustrates the popular notion of
these gatherings of old soldiers. He stated that upon an
occasion whidh called a large number of them together, a
street arab remarked to his companion, that "them is the
fellers what fit, and fit, and fit," whereupon the other replied,
"Yes, and they haint got done a-blowin' about it yit."
However much we may be inclined to blowin', in the
aggregate, individually we are opposed to anything of the
kind.
The story of the whole life of any one man is seldom
interesting, nor do we meet for any purpose of listening to
such. So far as the members of the Loyal Legion are concerned, our life's history is concentrated in the four years
covering the duration of the War of the Rebellion. That
period, in point of time comprises but a comparatively small
fraction of our lives, but in events it tells nearly all there is
of interest attaching to a great majority of us.




9


It is proper that we congregate from time to time to
interchange our experiences in camp and field, in trench and
assault, and, by a little effort, preserve for future reference
the personal observations of our members. In a few years
the last of us will have disappeared from earth forever, and
such stories as Trowbridge, Duffield, Withington, Swift and
Pittman have told us during the past year will have a value
to our descendent successors that no laboriously compiled
history by a non-participant can ever equal. These reminiscences will stimulate those inheriting membership inour
order to greater interest in the affairs of the Union saved by
the very life-blood of their fathers, and arouse, in the highest
degree, that patriotism which ennobles a people. Does any
member of the Loyal Legion, who is such by virtue of his
personal service, flatter himself with the belief that his
response to the call of his country in 1861, was more prompt
or patriotic than will be that of his successor by inheritance?
If so, he can readily have his answer in the faces and bearing
of the splendid young men whom he daily meets on our
thoroughfares, and be disabused of any such conceit.
Let us tell and tell again the story of Fort Sumpter, of
Donelson, of the Peninsula, of Antietam, of Gettysburg, of
Vicksburgh, of Chattanooga, of Knoxville, of Atlanta, of the
Wilderness and Petersburgh, of the March to the Sea, the
Campaign of the Carolinas, of Nashville, and of Appomatox,
as well as of hundreds of other fields and campaigns where
men died by the thousand in evidence that we have a Nation
worth this supreme sacrifice. If our "oft told tale" results
in greater love of country, in profounder respect for her
constitution and laws-in forming a nucleus around which
may rally, in time of National trial, all the patriotic elements
of our people,-then indeed will our efforts have served their
purpose.




10


Much has been written, said and published about the
Rebellion.  Generals are quarreling about this battle, and
statesmen wrangling about the disposition made of that
question, but all seem to forget that each, in his own sphere,
only did his share of the work allotted him. Seldom does
success or failure in the great events of nations depend upon
one man, and our Civil War was no exception to the rule.
Generals there were who were mighty men of war,-but there
were others who were weaklings of their kind. Privates
there were wlio were only fit for the "coffee-cooling " station
they so persistently filled,-but there were others who would
have graced the double stars of the Major General. TWe
know it was neither the weaklings nor the " coffee-coolers "
who bore our glorious flag to its pinnacle of fame. Notwithstanding the graceful diction of the professional writer,
illustrated by the highest skill of the engraver, there is more
of downright truth, and therefore of historical value,
preserved in the papers of the Loyal Legion than in a cart
load of volumes made to glorify the writer or some pet
subject of his. The story of the soldier, told in the presence
of soldiers, is, and must be related in simple words, free
from  self-laudation, untruthfulness, and all other unrighteousness, No vague forms of expression nor confusion of
words can conceal from such hearers misconduct or blunders.
He tells a plain unvarnished tale. We are gratified by its
clearness without being dazzled by any reflected light, and
when it is completed we know what he has been talking
about and believe what we have heard.
Trowbridge has given a better and clearer account of the
operations of the cavalry on the right, at Gettysburg, than
has any other man thus far. It is most satisfactory because
we know he was there, and we know the man.
S. E. Pittman has given the clearest account of the operations of Gen. A. S. Williams' command at Chancellorsville.




11


It is invaluable because we know he was there, and we know
the man.
H. M. Duffield has described a portion of the operations
at Chicamauga. We have no difficulty in comprehending
the story and mentally following all the movements with
perfect confidence, Ifor we know that he was there, and we
know the man.
And those of us who were present will remember the
pathos of that story of prison Iife and return to the cover of
the flag as told by Swift. The breathless silence, the
moistened eye, the twitching face lines of his comrades truly
showed how deeply they were in sympathy with him, and
our love and reverence for the glorious stars and stripes were
heightened as he recounted the emotions of himself and his
fellow sufferers as they passed under its folds.
The chapter which Withington has added to the history of
the earliest movements in Michigan, and the organization and
dispatch of her first troops to the seat of war is of inestimable
value, and all Michigan men should be grateful to him for
his labor.
Companions, I have but little respect for the patriotism of
any man whose blood does not bound with higher impulse;
whose nerves do not tingle with thrills of pride; who does
not glow with greater ardor at the recital of the glorious
deeds of his country's defenders. I cannot believe that any
considerable portion of our people would willingly have them
forgotten. It is sometimes said that we should forgive and
forget. The Loyal Legion will carry forgiveness to the very
extreme, for that is incumbent upon the Christian gentleman,
and distinguishes him from the unrelenting savage, but they
will never forget. They are not made of the milk and water
stuff that forms the pabulum  of babes.  Neither do we
expect our opponents to forget their heroic deeds, nor to
cease to tell of them. We only ask that in doing so they




12


will give us the same meed of praise that we give them, and
that they will be as fair in their relation of events as we are.
They were magnificent in war; their prowess was worthy of
our antagonism, out chief glory consists in having beaten
them, and we do not intend to forget it.
To the guests who have honored us by their presence, I
beg to say that we meet in no vain-glorious spirit.  Our
object is to keep alive that feeling of comradeship which had
its origin amid the stirring scenes of actual war, and to
cultivate among the younger generations, upon whom the
burden of future wars must fall, that sentiment of true
loyalty to our country and its institutions which will carry it
forward to "a fame that no tongue can be telling," and to
the proudest place in the history of nations.
It may not be amiss, in the presence of this distinguished
company to publish the principles and objects of the Order
as set forth in the language of our Constitution.
The fundamental principles are:
First. "A firmn belief and trust in Almighty God;
extolling Him under whose beneficent guidance the sovereignty and integrity of the Union have been maintained, the
honor of the flag vindicated, and the blessing of civil liberty
secured, established and enlarged."
Second.  ' True allegiance to the United States of America,
based upon paramount respect for and fidelity to the National
Constitution and Laws, and manifested by discountenancing
whatever may tend to weaken loyalty, to incite to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or to impair in any manner the
efficiency and permanency of our free institutions."
The objects of the Order are "to cherish the memories
and associations of the war waged in defense of the unity
and indivisibility of the Republic; to strengthen the ties of
fraternal fellowship and sympathy formed by companionship-'
in-arms; to advance the best interests of the soldiers and




13


sailors of the United States, especially of those associated as
members of this Order, and to extend all possible relief to
their widows and children; to foster the cultivation of
military and naval science; to enforce unqualified allegiance
to the general government; to protect the rights and liberties
of American citizenship, and to maintain National honor,
union and independence."
Gentlemen, upon such a platform of principles and objects
we are prepared to expect the countenance and respect of
every lover of his country, and claim for our Order the same
degree of regard so freely bestowed upon our revered
progenitor, the Order of the Cincinnati.
For the further information of our guests I venture to
give a short account of the organization and present condition
of the Michigan Commandery.
In mid-winter of 1885, at the suggestion of Col. H. M.
Duffield, a meeting was called of the members of the Loyal
Legion then residing in Detroit, with a view to the organization of a Commandery for the State of Michigan. At that
meeting only five persons could be gathered, and after
inquiry it was ascertained that only seven members were
resident in the State. As thirteen was the minimum number
that could be granted a charter, it was necessary to secure
the requisite additional membership before anything further
could be done.   But little effort was needed, and when
application was duly made for a charter, General Hancock,
then Acting Commander-in-chief, promptly gave it his
approval. At a stated meeting of the Acting Commanderyin-chief (the Commandery-in-chief was not organized until
later), held in the City of Philadelphia, February 4, 1885,
the charter was issued to
BREVET BRIGADIER GENERAL, ORLANDO M. POE,
Of the Commandery of the District of Columbia.
BREVET BRIGADIER GENERAL, HENRY B. CLITZ.
Of the Commandery of the State of New York.




14


FIRST LIEUTENANT HENRY M. DUFFIELD,
BREVET MAJOR GENERAL, LUTHER S. TROWBRIDGE,
BREVET BRIGADIET GENERAL, JOHN GIBSON PARKHURST,
BREVET MAJOR GENERAL, RUSSELL A. ALGER,
Of the Commandery of the State of Massachusetts.
SURGEON, SIDNEY L. FULLER,
LIEUTENANT, FORDYCE H. ROGERS.
BREVET BRIGADIER GENERAL, JOHN PULFORD,
BREVET MAJOR LEVI T. GRIFFIN,
BREVET MAJOR JAMES BIDDLE,
Of the Commandery of the State of Wisconsin.
BREVET LIEUTENANT COLONEL, ROBERT BURNS,
LIEUTENANT, DEMING JARVES,
Of the Commandery of the State of Illinois.
Just the requisite thirteen members.
The permanent organization was effected in Detroit, April
13, 1885, and has remained with little change as to its officers
until the present time.
Meanwhile our membership has grown to 139, and we
have thus far had a career of remarkable prosperity.
Having been the commander first elected, and having
been twice re-elected, by a unanimous vote on each occasion,
I am very proud of the success which has attended our
undertaking, and reckon amongst the first honors of my life
the confidence which my fellow-soldiers have reposed in me.
WVith the close of this meeting I transfer the command of
the Michigan Commandery to that knightly Michigan soldier
-and chivalric gentleman, General Russell A. Alger, "on
whose bright plume of fame not a spot of the dark is."  His
unanimous election this evening betokens a continuance of
the wonderful harmony that has prevailed amongst us from
the first. With him to lead us we are sure to increase in
numbers, and, as an Order, in the estimation of our fellow
citizens.
I say then, with an overflowing heart, long life and
l)resperity to the Michigan Commandery of the Loyal Legion,
and beg the company to rise and join- me in three hearty
cheers for the commander elect.




INTRODUCTORY.
At the Annual Banquet of the Michigan Commandery
of the Loyal Legion, at Hotel Cadillac, Detroit,
Mich., May i, 1889.
BY COMPANION BYRON R. PIERCE,
Brevet Major General, U. S. V., Senior Vice-Commander.
Companions and Friends:
If I had words or wit I could not be eloquent at this time;
if I can only hold the front line steady and firm and render
possible a right royal good time at this banquet I shall be
satisfied.
My position this evening is made by the unaccountable
absence for several months of our commander, which yet
remains clouded in mystery, a brave soldier, whose service
was of that earnest, enthusiastic character which entitles him
to our grateful and lasting remembrance.
Occasions like this speak to us of memories measured by
years, recalling old associations, renewing that patriotic
feeling that bound us together, always remembering the
brave who stood by our side, in which are emotions that will
never die. Woe to us and to those who come after us when
those battle fields are forgotten, or when we feel called upon
to apologize for maintaining with stout heart and a victorious




16


hand, the promise, the integrity, the permanence of the
American Republic.
The members of a society like this, based on the friendship
and associations of army life, to whom the four years spent
in fighting for union and freedom, whose dangers were
bravely met, and victories nobly won, is the most interesting
period of our lives. The links that bind us were welded
when we stood as comrades on hallowed ground, fighting for
the eternal right; hallowed by the red laurel of war, but now
mantled with the tender grass and sweetest flowers.
But who among us would not endure the same hardships
of war for such a result?
As I look around and see the heroes here, I know there is
not one man who would not freely give his life to engage
again in the great work that was accomplished.
Our cause was right, and may we ever continue to look
treason steady in the eye and call it crime.
With the advancing years we realize every season gathers
many of our members, and amid the joyous festivities of this
evening we would pause to pay a tribute to the memory of
those of our Order who have crossed the river during the
year. Those of us that remain find our locks whitening and our
joints stiffening. We shall soon pitch our tents beyond the
valley, amid the shadows of the, dim unknown, but over all
and forever may that starry banner, whose folds are emblazoned with the proudest victories ever won, continually wave
as the ensign of a re-united Republic.




INTRODUCTORY.
At the Annual Banquet of the Michigan Commandery
of the Loyal Legion, at the Russell House,
Detroit, Mich., May ist, I89o.
BY COMPANION FREDERIC W. SWIFT,
Brevet Brigadier General, U. S. V., Commander.
Companions
One more year has rolled away. We have made one
more march toward the "eternal camping ground" and
to-night we sit again around the festive board, and gaze into
each other's eyes, and grasp each other by the hand and note
the changes time has made since the days of old, and pledge
each other that loyalty and companionship which none but
those who have stood shoulder to shoulder in fierce combat
can ever know.
Time has dealt kindly with us during the year past, and
yet we have not fully escaped its ravages.
Five of our companions have been dropped from our roll
of honor, and have gone into bivouac with the great
majority.
The kind-hearted, fatherly Clitz, the genial Remick, the
gallant and soldierly Tyler, the ever popular Bell and Vernor
the courteous and warm-hearted will join us no more in our




18


camp fires. We miss their kind greetings and their cheery
voices, and we look into each others faces and ask ourselves,
Who next?
Twenty-one companions have been added to our membership, and three have been dropped from the rolls for
non-payment of dues, leaving a net gain for the year of
thirteen companions.
I cannot help expressing regret at this slight growth of
the Michigan Commandery, and my conviction that if every
companion would but exert himself to promote the interests
of the order as its objects deserve, the coming year would
give us a membership of nearly 4ouble our present number.
These objects are, as expressed in the constitution, "to
cherish the memories and associations of the war waged in
defence of the unity and indivisibility of the Republic.
Strengthen the ties of fraternal fellowship formed by
companionship in arms."   X   *  "Enforce unqualified
allegiance to the general government, protect the rights and
liberties of American citizenship, and maintain national
honor, union and independence."
I hold, then, that it is a sacred duty of every companion
of this order to use his best endeavors to interest all who are
eligible to membership on all proper occasions and by all
proper means to induce them to identify themselves with su
and to assist us in carrying out its glorious and patriotic
work.
We should not forget that the Loyal Legion is the
offspring, as it were, of the Society of the Cincinnati, formed at
the close of the American Revolution and whose founders
were Washington, Hamilton, Steuben, Knox, Green and
Putnam, with many others of like fame and renown.
Will you bear with me a few moments and go back
to the cantonment of that little army at Newburg, on the
Hudson? It is the spring of 1783. A general treaty of
peace had been signed at Paris on the 20th of January.




19


On the 23d of March a French war vessel arrived at
Philadelphia bringing the joyous news, and while, as Irving
says, "sadness and despair prevailed among the Tories and
refugees in New York, the officers in the patriotic camp were
not without gloomy feelings at the thought of their approaching separation from each other.
Eight years of dangers and hardships;, shared in common
and nobly sustained, had wedded their hearts together, and
made it hard to rend them asunder.
Prompted by such feelings, Gen. Knox, ever noted for
generous impulses, suggested, as a mode of perpetuating the
friendship thus formed, and keeping alive the brotherhood
of the camp, the formation of a society composed of the
officers of the army. The suggestion met with universal concurrence and with the hearty approbation of Washington.
Meetings were held, at which the Baron Steuben, as senior
officer presided.  A  plan was drafted by a committee
composed of Generals Knox, Hand and Huntington and Capt.
Shaw, and the society was organized at a meeting held on
the 13th of May, at the Baron's quarters in the old Verplanck
House, near Fishkill. By its formula the officers of the
American army in the most solemn manner combined
themselves into one society of friends, to endure as long as
they should endure, or any of their male posterity, and in
failure thereof, the collateral branches who mright be judged
worthy of becoming its supporters and members.
In memory of the illustrious Roman, Lucius Quintius
Cincinnatus, who retired from war to the peaceful duties
of the citizen, it was to be called "The Society of the
Cincinnati."
*     *      *     *      *     *     *
Individuals of the respective States distinguished for
patriotism  and talents might be admitted as honorary
members for life, their numbers never to exceed a ratio of




20


one to four. The French ministers who had officiated at
Philadelphia, and the French admirals, generals and colonels
who had served in the United States, were to be presented
with the insignia of the Order and invited to become members,
and Washington was chosen unanimously to officiate as its
president until the first general meeting to be held in May,
1784. "
As the time approached when the first annual meeting
was to be held, Washington saw with deep concern that a
popular jealousy had been awakened concerning it, Judge
Burke of South Carolina had denounced it in a pamphlet as
"an attempt to elevate the military above the civil classes,
and to institute an order of nobility."
Irving says: "The Legislature of Massachusetts sounded
an alarm that was re-echoed in Connecticut and prolonged
from State to State. The whole Union was put on its guard
against this effort to form a hereditary aristocracy otit of the
military chiefs and powerful families of the several States."
*     **                 -X- X
"The society met at the appointed time and place,
Washington presided, and by his sagacious counsels effected
modifications in its constitution. The hereditary principle,
and the power of electing honorary members were abolished,
and it was reduced to the harmless but highly respectable
footing on which it still exists.
In notifying the French officers included in the society, of
the changes which had taken place in its constitution, he
expressed his ardent hopes that it would render permanent
those friendships and connections which had happily taken
root between the officers of the two nations. All clamors
against the order now ceased. It became the rallying place
for old comrades in arms, and Washington continued to
preside over it until'his death."




21


I am inclined to the opinion that Irving is in error as to
the abolishing of the hereditary feature and honory membership at the first meeting. It is likely that Washington did
recommend it, but Companion Mitchell in his able paper on
the subject before the California Commandery in War Paper
No. 2, says:
"In the minds of the meeting at Philadelphia in May, 1784,
already referred to, this matter was fully discussed, and it is
recorded that General Washington in confidence introduced
a report of a committee of Congress, that 'no person holding
a hereditary title or order of nobility should be eligible to
citizenship in the new State they were about to establish,'
and declared that he knew that this was leveled 'at our
institution,' and that our friends had prevented its passing
into resolution till the result of this meeting should be
known, but that if we did not make it conformable to their
sense of Republican principles we might expect every
discouragement and even persecution from them and the
States severally.
'" An attempt was made to propitiate the public sentiment
and the society recommended to the State societies certain
modifications of the institution, but as the assent of all the
States was necessary to the change and that assent never
being given, the society retains to-day the hereditary feature.
The opposition seems soon to have died out, and as an
indication of the estimation in which the society was held,
when the time for its next. general meeting came around it
appears that the convention which adopted the Constitution
of the United States was convened to meet in Philadelphia in
May, 1787, with direct reference to the fact that the
Cincinnati would meet there on the first Monday of the same
month, and in order to give Washington an opportunity of
presiding over both sittings."
Curiously enough the order excited opposition in France
as well as at home.  Lafayette was proud to wear its




22


decoration, but the extreme and radical Mirabeau, the great
agitator and Jacobin of the French Revolution, said, "In
less than a century this institution. which draws a line of
separation between the descendants of the Cincinnati and
their fellow citizens will have caused so great an inequality
that the country which now contains none but citizens
perfectly equal in the eye of the Constitution and the law
will consist altogether of two classes of men-politicians and
plebians. This order, which America beholds with indifference, will, when consolidated by time, convert the children
of our military chiefs into a disticnt, a privileged and a
commanding race. Lying poets and fawning orators will
prostitute their eloquence to confer the honors of an
apotheosis on the parricides who will have enslaved their
country. The rest of the citizens will be nothing but an
obscure, spiritless, degraded and degenerate rabble, unworthy
of regard and devoted to oppression."
Senator Manderson in his report to the Senate, June 12,
1888, says of the above: "In the presence of the historic
events that followed the birth of the order and the patriotic
results that have come from all the great military associations
that were called into being by the three great wars of the
Republic, we can well afford to laugh at the fears expressed
by the opponents of the Cincinnati and those of later days
who have condemned the existence of kindred societies.
The nation has nothing to fear from their teachings, and
their aims are so noble and patriotic that good only can
result from their maintainance."
Companions, you all know of the origin of our noble
order. How, after four years direful war the dark cloud had
been lifted at Appomattox only to come down onthe nation
still darker, more appalling than ever, in the assassination of
our beloved Lincoln. Three gentlemen who had served
in the Union armies during the war, Lieutenant-Colonel




23


Mitchell, Lieutenant-Colonel Zell and Captain Keyser met on
that sad and sorrowful morning of April 15, 1865, and
determined to call a meeting of all the officers and ex-officers
then in Philadelphia and express their horror of the act of
assassination, and do whatever the necessities of that critical
time might require. The meeting was called and was largely
attended and steps were taken for the formation of the
society, out of which grew the order known as the "Loyal
Legion."
Let us then strive to emulate the glorious example set us
by our fathers. Let us seek to preserve what they fought
to create, and what we fought to save. Year after year rolls
by and we are a little grayer grown. We incline more and
more to the ease of the arm chair and the comfort of the fire
side. We find ourselves dreaming of the days gone by as we
sit and smoke our fragrant cigar or pipe, and see faces of our
companions perhaps in the curling smoke, and a tear will fall
now and then as we think of those who have gone before.
Yet we have duties to perform although we are getting old,
and we find our sons looking us "square in the eye," and
their shoulders as broad as ours, and we feel that the mantle
must soon fall upon them. Yet we can serve as the
"Videttes of the Republic." We must still remain on the
picket line and sound the alarm if need be. Has our beloved
country no danger menacing her 2 Are our free schools
unassailed? Is the right of voting as one choses safe and
unmenaced? Are there no demagogues? Have we taught
our sons to love the dear old flag which means so much to
us? Have we taught them that it is better to die for liberty
than to live as slaves? Have we taught them to guard with
jealous care that for which we fought to save] And our
companions died to save? I am full of hope for the future
for I believe in the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the
United States. I believe in the glorious Republic for which




24


we gave the best of our days and the best of our endeavors.
I believe in the permanency of its glorious principles and
institutions. I believe in the loyalty of our sons who are
soon to fill our places. I accord all the honor that time and
history can give to those who fought under the starry flag
that the Republic might endure.
I drop a tear to the sacred memory of those who stood
shoulder to shoulder with us and went down to death,
sealing with their hearts' best blood their devotion to a
country in peril. I seem to see them now on the bloody
slopes of Antietam, on the storm rent heights of Fredericksburg, of Lookout Mountain, of Kenesaw, of Spottsylvania, in
the trenches of Vicksburg, of Atlanta, Petersburg, aye from
an hundred other fierce fields of honor, as they enter the
fearful strife turning for one long last fond look at their
beloved Northland and their loved ones with a far away
gleam in their eyes. I seem to hear them say, with a salute,
as did the gladiators of old, ': We who are about to die
salute you."
Then gather closer around our camp fire, companions. Let
the glance of your eye be that of kindly greeting and of loyal
comradeship.   Let this festal night be one of a life time.
Raise high the social glass and "let joy be unconfined," for
the days that are left us Ire few. And may they be joyous.
Let each heart say to its fellow:
"Were't the last drop in the well,
As I gasped upon the brink,
Ere my fainting spirit fell,
'Tis to thee that I would drink.
With that water, as this wine,
The libation I would pour
Should be-peace to thee and mine
And a health to thee, Tom Moore."




INTRODUCTORY.
At Annual Banquet of the Michigan Commandery of
the Loyal Legion, at the'Russell House,
Detroit, May 7, 1891.
BY I. C. SMITH, COMMANDER,
Brevet Brigadier General.
Companions of the Loyal Legion:
We assemble here to-night to enjoy one of life's blessings,
a sumptuous spread. To cement friendships formed by those
who risked their lives in a common cause. To listen to those
who are gifted in speech, and hear'extolled the genius of our
great captains, who led us on to victory. Also, to recount
the gallant deeds of those who fell, that their mfemory may
be an inspiration for generations to come.




INTRODUCTORY.
At Banquet of the Michigan Commandery of the
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United
States, at Detroit, May 5, 1892.
BY COLONEL SAMUEL E. PITTMAN, COMMANDER.
Thomas Carlyle says, "Whoever can speak       X   *
becomes a power.  *  *  It matters not what rank he has,
what revenues or garnitures, the requisite thing is that he
have a tongue that others will listen to." And again he says,
"A person making what we call 'set speeches' is not he an
offense? "  Here is a dilemma. WVe must speak, but we must
not prepare speeches; however, he who now stands before
this assemblage will not upon this occasion be an offender.
Memory will carry some of us back to school days when
it was the fashion to declaim weekly. We recited Mrs.
Heman's then thrilling lines, "The Boy Stood on the Burning Deck;" Byron's "There wa's a Sound of Revelry by
Night," and later from Webster, Hayne, Chatham, Burkelooking forward to the time when we would electrify the
world with our eloquence. Your present speaker has been
looking forward ever since and at last the supreme moment
seems t&o have arrived. Courtesy and duty, however, both




27


demand that opportunity shall be afforded the distinguished
gentlemen whose names appear on the programme before you
and they shall not be forstalled. Postponement, then, of
electrifying from this quarter must be had.
It may have been the practice of some of the retiring
Commanders to deliver something in the nature of an annual
message upon these occasions, and it were well, perhaps, to
review the past and forecast the future briefly. Within the
past eighteen months the Commandery has taken leave
of the Merrill Block with its dust and rodents and is now
happily domiciled under the roof of the Detroit Light
Infantry, illustrating that two families can live harmoniously
in the same house. We shall naturally point to our amiable
tempers as the important factor in this instance, yet will'
admit that'much of this commendable harmony is the
product of the high soldiery and gentlemanly deportment of
the Light Infantry. Expressing my own convictions and, as
I believe, of the Commandery, it can be said that not a State
military organization north, east, south or west can be named
as superior to this fine body of young soldiers.
The opportunity afforded by the Grand Army of the
Republic encampment in August last, for the Michigan
Commandery to extend its hospitality to such companions of
the Loyal Legion as were in attendance, proved to be a rare
boon to us. The particulars of the entertainment by our
Commandery of such visitors and many others, have already
been given in glowing sentences by Companion Swift on
behalf of the several committees, and we need but say that
the insignia and button of our order received fresh brilliancy
from  the interchange of fraternal godspeeds between
members from every loyal State in the Union.
Papers may not have been as numerous as in some former
years but those we have had were so excellent they would go
far towards making up for the limited number. Col.
Ludlow's was the first. Col. Sterling closed up a long gap




28
and Companion Sibley's historical sketch of the Society of
the Cincinnati brought to light much of that society that
many of us had never heard and sympathetically stimulated
a larger interest in our own order. The Poe incident was
equal to a "paper" evening, and thanks to its literary
productions the event has taken an important place in our
history for the past year.
Companions-The call to "fall in" to perform our last
duties to deceased companions has frequently sounded-too
frequently, we are apt to say.  You will readily recall
their names: Leggett, Dodge, Lemon, Merrill, Burns, Hull,
Osburne.  All these have passed over the river, and in
their memory let us for a moment pause.
With these losses, however, our membership is larger than
a year ago, yet recruiting from the participants in the rebellion war alone cannot last long at the best, and attention should
be paid to adding membership to class 2. Companions of this
class, which may be termed the inheritance class (and others
eligible) are making their way into the ranks of representative men and in due time it will rest upon them to keep
prosperous the order their fathers loved so well. More of
them should be with us now and acknowledge in the language
of our Constitution: "First, a firm belief and trust in
Almighty God, extolling Him under whose beneficent guidance the sovereignty and integrity of the Union have been
maintained, the honor of the flag vindicated, the blessings of
civil liberty secured, established and enlarged. Second, true'
allegiance to the United States of America based upon 'paramount respect for and fidelity to the National Constitution
and laws, manifested by discountenancing whatever may tend
to weaken loyalty, incite to insurrection, treason or rebellion,
or impair in any manner the efficiency'and permanency of
our free institutions."




29


Members not residing in Detroit have in common with all
the proud consciousness of membership in this unique order,
an organization that received its first inspiration upon the
announcement of one of the greatest crimes ever committed;
an organization that adopted in its charter both acknowledgement of dependence upon Divine power and the highest
loyalty to state and free institutions; an organization that
we believe will exist as long as a pulse of patriotism shall
throb from an American heart. The opportunity for membership becomes a legacy to hand down to successors that no
money can buy, no genius can obtain, but simply through
the lines of inheritance. This is surely a grand possession,
but looking at it from a practical standpoint, to such members
the annual meeting and banquet sums up their annual dividends, therefore it has been the practice to concentrate most
of our energies and finances upon the banquet. We would
recommend that annual meetings be for the entire day, the
forenoon for business, thus giving ample time for full
discussion of any question; the afternoon for a more free
companionship between members assembling from different
parts of the State, and the evening for the usual rollicking
around the banquet table. At present candidates for the
several offices are frequently voted for by members whom the
candidate hardly knows, even by name, and in turn members
know only by name the men they vote for. This, however,
is not a suitable subject for long presentation upon such
an occasion as this, yet worthy of consideration.
A cordial greeting to our guests for the evening can ever
go without saying, still should always be and is now
extended. Upon many occasions our guests have been our
soul stirrers, and to-night doubtless will prove to be no
exception.




30
"We may now        enjoy the pleasure of the passing hour,
bidding adieu for a time to grave pursuits," recalling the
poet's words slightly paraphrased:
"The act of feeding as you understand,
Is buta fraction of the work in hand.
Its nobler half is that ethereal meat
The papers call the intellectual treat.
Songs, speeches, toasts around the festal board,
Drowned in the juice the Legion men afford."
(The Commander then read certain letters of regret, after
which the regular order of toasts proceeded.)




INTRODUCTORY.
At Annual Banquet, Hotel Cadillac, Detroit,
May 4, 1893.
BY WILLIAM H. WITHINGTON,
Brevet Bligadier General U. S. V., Commander.
The past year cannot be said to have been an eventful one
in the history of the Michigan Commandery of the Loyal
Legion. In former years there have been some important
events, such as the National Encampment in Detroit of the
Grand Army of the Republic, re-unions of some of the army
societies,,or trips away, to give the year especial mark. The
year closing drops to its place in column with no such
distinction.
It was the cherished purpose of your retiring Commander
to invite the Commandery to his home and hearth at Jackson
for one of its meetings, but the illness of his wife, prolonged
through a period of five months, compelled him reluctantly
to forego this pleasure. The interest of the companions,
however, has shown no signs of flagging. The attendance
upon meetings has been large and remarkably uniform.
Since the resumption of the meetings in October,, the smallest
number present at any meeting has been 30 and the largest
40, and the average for the seven meetings (not including the
present) has been a little over 35.




32


The year began with a total membership of 261. There
have been added 24 companions and lost 8, leaving a total
membership at the date of the last meeting of 273.  Six
companions have responded to the last call within the year,
and have passed on to join the gallant spirits of the greater
army. These are: Major N. B. Hall, of Jackson; Lieutenant Chas. S. Draper, Saginaw; Lieutenant A. A. Thompson,
Flint; Colonel James I. David, Grosse Isle; General B. F.
Partridge, Bay City, and Captain Chase H. Dickinson, of
Kalamazoo. It is notable that of all these companions not
one was a resident of Detroit.
The contributions to our records and incidents of the war
have been increased within the year by the addition of seven
papers. These papers have awakened and re awakened the
thronging memories of the illustrious 'past.  Its deeply
graven experiences and thrilling scenes have a portraiture in
the papers which have been read before the Commandely, of
abiding interest to the members of the order and of great
historic value. The Commandery is to be congratulated
upon their possession, and upon the action taken at the last
meeting to place these separate printed papers in a more
compact and enduring form. The historic period of this age
of our country's existence lies in the war for the Union, and the
Loyal Legioner, of the original First Class, who would remind
himself that he was once an embattled hero, and marched
with those whose names are emblazoned high on the scroll of
enduring fame, must naturally turn and return to this page
of his life. If it becomes a habit, who shall gainsay it or
question a just pride in such recurrency? Certainly none but
ourselves. Possibly it might be wise for us to question how
far and how wholly the papers at our meetings should be
confined to the past, glorious as it was.  To the end of
adding, while the veterans are still living, valuable facts and
incidents from the personal knowledge and experience of the




33


writers, these summonings of the past should go on. As a
period overflowing with examples of heroic deeds, and full
of inspiration to noble, self-sacrificing patriotism, it can be
drawn on indefinitely by tongue and pen. No danger of
going too far under these motives. The only danger in this
direction, to the soldier himself, lies, to my mind, in accepting the past as the all, and in resting upon it; in regarding
his services in the war as fulfilling all demands upon him for
heroism and high achievement. No habit or attitude of
mind which tends to satisfy a man with what he has already
done in life, to lull ambition and benumb effort is good for
his mental or moral health. I do not think the members of
the Loyal Legion stand much in need of preaching upon this
head, but we have all of us seen soldiers to whom it might
possibly be profitably applied. We have seen soldiers who
proclaim that their deeds in the army were an all-sufficient
discharge of any obligation to further public service or
personal effort.  We have seen soldiers upon whom the
youth of to-day must look and wonder how they could have
been heroes, and yet they were. The default is that they
did not keep on so being; that they failed to realize that
they owed something more to themselves though they owed
nothing more to their country. We may know of a soldier's
bravery and understand his shortcomings, but to impress the
citizen of to-day with a just sense of his service in the war
the veteran must be something as well as have done something. With the citizen the quality of soldiership in 1861-65
is measured by the quality of citizenship in 1870-90.
The Loyal Legion brands its members as high types of
soldiers, citizens and patriots. The brand is really valuable
only so far as the member lives up to it. He owes it to the
order to live up to it, and he owes it to himself not simply to
live upon his record but to live up. to its standard. There is
a vast difference in the two. The one means stagnation, the




other continued activity, continued effort, continued zeal,
continued interest in the affairs of to-day, and participation
in them so far as health and ability permit. This brings me
back to the subject of the papers and to some consideration
of the future of the Loyal Legion. There are reasons, I
think, why there should be introduced into our meetings
more of the "to-day."   The plan of the Loyal Legion is
that it shall be a continuing body. To this end membership
is open to our sons. While, no doubt, they are interested in
the war period and in the. deeds of their fathers, it may be
well for them and for, us that our faces should not turn
altogether backward; that we should confront the life and
and discuss the conditions of to-day. It is within the scope
of our organization to do this.  There is a broad field of
discussion and action open to the Loyal Legion, and legitimately open. What are its objects? Let us look to the
constitution for an authoritative statement of them. Article
third of the constitution reads: "The objects of this order
shall be to cherish the memories and associations of the war
waged in the defense of the unity and indivisibility of the
republic; to strengthen the ties of fraternal fellowship and
sympathy formed from companionship in arms; to advance
the best interests of the soldiers and sailors of the United
States, especially those associated as members of this order,
and to extend all possible relief to their widows and children;
to foster the cultivation of military and naval science; to
enforce unqualified allegiance to the general government; to
protect the rights and liberties of American citizenship, and
to maintain honor, union and independence." Here is past,
present and future committed to us. We are to "foster the
cultivation of military and naval science."   There are
various ways in which this may be done, but we are not
likely to do it at all unless we keep up our own interest
in military and naval affairs, and not likely to do it




35


intelligently unless we keep in some measure informed of the
changes and developments in these departments. Arms are
changing, organizations are changing, tactics are changing,
naval architecture and armaments are changing. In both
arms of the service there seems to be continued progress in
two opposite extremes, heavier ordnance on the one hand
ahd quicker action and higher speed on the other. We have
in this eommandery both army and naval officers. There are
officers of the regular army stationed here who could entertain and instruct us with papers or talks upon the changes
taking place, and the probable results of these changes in
coast defenses and field operations, and give ideas upon
needed legislation on behalf of both the regular army and
the State militia. Gen. Poe and Col. Ludlow have had long
experience and great knowledge of lighthouse construction
and service. If they would draw upon their experiences and
knowledge for the benefit of the Loyal Legion we could
become possessed of a great deal of valuable information and
entertaining incident pertaining to lighthouse systems and
service on the great lakes which envelop our State. Col.
Ludlow, perhaps, could give us some interesting chapters
from recent experience, if he would let himself be as funny
as he could upon this subject.
Another object is to "protect the rights and liberties of
American citizenship." Here, indeed, is open a wide range
for thought and discussion in which our youngest members
may join, and perhaps contribute ideas which our older ones
ought to hear, if they do not adopt. Of course, we cannot
enter upon political questions in their narrower or party
limits. But there are public questions upon which parties
do not divide, and upon which the better sentiment of all
parties is agreed, in their professions at least, which might
be discussed here with profit and interest. Of these questions there are Civil Service Reform, the Problem of




36


Municipal Government, Annexation of or Commercial Union
with Canada, Pension Legislation, the Relations of Labor
and Capital. All of these questions may be legitimately discussed under the stated objects of the Order. In short,
whatever tends to incite higher patriotism and cleaner and
more intelligent citizenship may be brought into our
meetings, whether it be the glorious deeds of the past or the
animating thoughts and movements of the present.
The assassination of Abraham Lincoln prompted the
organization of the Loyal Legion. It was the thought of
that well rounded citizen, soldier and statesman, the late
commander-in-chief of the Order, that the founders of the
Order were the first to raise a monument to Abraham Lincoln;
that there is devolved upon the Order the obligation to exalt
and perpetuate the ideas which inspired Lincoln's life and
hallowed his service to his country. These ideas, as General
Hayes stated them, were, "Humanity, anxious solicitude for
the welfare of all mankind, hatred of wrong to the humblest
human being, our common brotherhood, sympathy with the
oppressed and the suffering." If this thought of our late
commander-in-chief is true, the Military Order of the Loyal
Legion is an organization with a mission as well as with a
memory.
Our Commandery at its last meeting took a step which is
very important on its practical side, and very significant on
its sentimental side. It voted to lease, for its future quarters,
the first floor of the building to be erected by Colonel Atkinson on Congress street near Shelby. The new quarters are
centrally located; will be easy of access, commodious, convenient, and can be enjoyed undisturbed.  That is the
practical side. These quarters are to be taken and occupied
in conjunction with the Detroit Post No. 384 Grand Army of
the Republic. On this side there is a significance which I
hail with entire pleasure. The absolute limitation of the




37


original first-class membership of the Loyal Legion to those
who were commissioned officers of the army in the war is a
feature in which I have never taken any personal satisfaction.
It involves exclusions in which, I fancy, many of us have
felt uncomfortable and unhappy. All of us know soldiers of
the late war whose patriotism in enlisting, whose gallantry in
the service, whose blood shed for their country, whose high
character and distinguished citizenship make them peers of
any man, yet they held no commission during the war. They
were too young, were wounded too early in the service, were
too modest, had too little influence, or the ranks of their
regiments were too depleted to enable them to reach a
commission. We have felt that upon every test of gallantry,
of manhood, of character, of intelligence, these men could be
welcomed as worthy companions of the Loyal Legion.
The organization of the Loyal Legion was peculiar. It
was not the work of officers of the army. The founders of it
did not seek or have the judgment of the officers in general.
A small group of elegant gentlemen, with the most patriotic
and zealous motives, gathered themselves together in the city
of Philadelphia and founded the Loyal Legion, modeling it
upon the Society of the Cincinnati. One State after another
adopted the organization, ready made, as Philadelphia had
prepared it.  Whether it would have been differently
planned or framed, had a general representation of the
officers of the army been gathered at its foundation, it is
difficult to say. Probably it would nothave been essentially
different then, even upon such larger concensus of opinion.
If it was to be founded to-day, the limits of membership, in
my judgment, would be an open question. Times are
changing. The America of 1893 is not the America of 1783,
when the Society of the Cincinnati was formed, or even the
America of 1865. The city of Philadelphia, with its conservatism, its social exclusiveness and pride of ancestry, does not




38


epitomize the American nation. Two considerations would
operate now upon the organization of such an order as ours
more than they did or could in 1865. First, the demonstrated
character and ability to reach and fill high social positions of
many of the men who fought in the ranks of the Union Army.
Second, the growing tendency of the times to make less of
the distinction of rank and more of the man as he is.
A revision of the constitution upon the matter of eligibility of members is a remote probability.   Should it ever
have consideration, the first question would be, where will
you draw the line? It does not seem to me so very difficult of
answer.   I 'would limit admission from the ranks to those
who volunteered and enlisted without bounty of any kind,
local, State or national. Under the unwritten laws of admission, which apply to all, I do not think the order would be
in danger of adulteration.
Leaving, however, what is as yet an unmooted question,
I return to the action of the Commandery which prompted
these thoughts-the joint tenancy of our new quarters with
a post of the Grand Army.
Carlisle once said, in effect:
The insight of genius is co-operation with the real tendencies
of the world.
A step which is in recognition of and which seeks
fellowship with the larger brotherhood of a common service
shows, I think, that the Michigan Commandery has some of
this insight of genius and is in co-operation with the real
tendencies of the world. We can say to the Detroit Post:
"Comrades known in marches many,
Comrades tried in dangers many,
Comrades bound by memories many,
Brothers evermore are we.
Wounds or sickness may divide us,
Marching orders may divide us,
But, whatever fate betide us,
Brothers of the heart are we.




39
"Comrades known by faith the clearest,
Tried when death was near and nearest;
Bound we are by ties the dearest,
Brothers evermore to be.
And, if spared and growing older,
Shoulder still in line with shoulder,
And with hearts no thrill the colder,
Brothers ever we shall be.
"By communion of the banner,
Battle-scarred but victor banner,
By the baptism of the banner,
Brothers of one church are we.
Creed nor faction can divide us,
Race nor language can divide us,
Still, whatever fate betide us,
Brothers of the heart are we."