1Garrheld Wing~ert The Thimshiau: Their Arts and Music Etkaol.Iogie&I Socitly 51 ~ R0, ~ I ) Or A R T L _S; ", IiI~ A V h I T A S THE TSIMSHIAN: THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC ve'r, lb t o b 7',, Enooovs,,1911 PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY Edited by MARIAN W. SMITH XVIII THE TSIMSHIAN: THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC VIOLA E. GARFIELD THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS PAUL S. WINGERT TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE MARIUS BARBEAU TSIMSHIAN SONGS 1632 J. J. AUGUSTIN PUBLISHER NEWYORK ALL RIGHTS RESERVED by THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, INC. A- I /Y PRINTED IN GERMANY BY J.J.AUGUSTIN, GLUCKSTADT I~-~c //-IP? c6 -SO/j To the Memories of FRANZ BOAs AND HEINRICH WILHELM AUGUSTIN EDITOR'S PREFACE This volume on the Tsimshian Indians of British Columbia, Canada, has had a checkered career. When Professor Franz Boas was editor of the American Ethnological Society, he accepted from Dr. Marius Barbeau material on Tsimshian songs to be brought out as Publication XVIII of the Society. The songs were printed in Germany during the latter part of 1939. Whatever Professor Boas' plans for publication may have been, they were rudely interrupted by his death, and the war shortly thereafter stranded the unbound sheets on the other side of the Atlantic. In 1945, Dr. Barbeau sent the remainder of the manuscript to the present editor and publication plans were discussed. At that time, however, it was not only impossible to finance the venture but equally impossible to bring the sheets of musical transcription to this country. In 1947, Professor Viola E. Garfield was asked to write an introductory ethnographic statement for the musical material and, in view of the fact that no single general description of the Tsimshian apart from other tribes of the Northwest Coast has previously existed in print, this statement was later enlarged to its present scope. This section also fills a real need by placing the artistic expressions of the Tsimshian in close association with the more usual type of descriptive ethnographic data. The characterization of Tsimshian sculpture by Professor Paul S. Wingert was added to the monograph in 1951 and serves to bring the volume up-to-date through its careful attention to the details of a single art style and its timely analysis of Northwest Coast art. Despite the delays in its appearance, the volume presents the only musical material on the Tsimshian, and the largest block of music for any northwestern tribe, to come out in published form. The editor wishes particularly to thank Professor George Herzog for his editing of the musical analyses and the musical and phonetic keys, and the American Ethnological Society hopes that the contribution which Publication XVIII makes toward the understanding of American Indian arts may justify its delayed publication. It is, also, with extreme pleasure that the Society dedicates this volume to the long continued and productive relationship which existed between Franz Boas, anthropologist, and Heinrich Wilhelm Augustin, printer and publisher. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITOR'S PREFACE............................................... PART 1: VIOLA E. GARFIELD PREFACE....................................................... vii 3 CHAPTER I. CHAPTER II. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS................. Early Contacts with Europeans..................... Settlements.................................. Transportation..................................... Foods and Ownership of Resources................... Organization for Production......................... SOCIAL ORGANIZATION................................ Phratries and Clans................................ House Groups and Lineages......................... Marriage........................................... Class and Rank..................................... 5 7 9 12 13 15 18 18 22 23 26 32 CHAPTER III POLITICAL ORGANIZATION............................. CHAPTER IV. SUPERNATURAL POWERS.............................. Guardian Spirit Power.............................. Inherited Powers and Crests......................... Secret Societies...................................... Sham anism........................................ Witchcraft........................................ CHAPTER V. MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKTALES.......................... CHAPTER VI. THE ARTS........................................... Drama, Dancing and Music.......................... Painting, Engraving and Sculpture................... M etal W ork....................................... Weaving and Clothing.............................. The Development of Representational Art............. 38 38 41 45 46 48 49 56 56 58 63 65 67 ix x TABLE OF CONTENTS PART 2: PAUL S. WINGERT CHAPTER VII. TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE.............................. 73 Northwest Coast Art............................. 74 M asks...................................... 75 Totem Poles................................... 80 Common Style Elements.......................... 85 Tribal Styles.............................. 87 Tsimshian; Haida; Tlingit; and Kwakiutl Linear and Sculptural Styles...................... 91 Tsimshian Sculpture.............................. 93 PART 3: MARIUS BARBEAU CHAPTER VIII. TSIMSHIAN SONGS............................... 97 Recording the Songs............................ 99 Analysis of the Songs............................ 106 Key to Musical Signs............................. 107 Key to Phonetic Symbols........................ 108 CHAPTER IX. COMMENTS ON THE SONGS............................. 110 Free and Literal Translations; Musical Analyses; and Notes CHAPTER X. TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE SONGS........................ 159 BIBLIOGRAPHY.28............................................ 281 INDEX.................................................... 285 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1. Map: The Tsimshian and their Neighbors................. 2 Figure 2. Design on the Side of a Wooden Box.................... 61 Figure 3. Abstract Design from Side of Box....................... 62 Figure 4. Kwakiutl M ask....................................... 76 Figure 5. Kwakiutl Mask Design................................ 77 Figure 6. Diagram, mask design.................................. 78 Figure 7. Tsimshian Mask...................................... 79 Figure 8. Tsimshian Mask....................................... 80 Figure 9. Tsimshian Totem Pole................................. 83 Figure 10. Haida Totem Pole..................................... 83 Figure 11. Tsimshian Totem Pole................................. 85 Figure 12. Tsimshian Mask....................................... 87 Figure 13. Tsimshian Mask....................................... 88 Figure 14. Tsimshian Totem Pole................................. 89 Figure 15. Detail, Tsimshian totem pole............................ 89 Figure 16. Tlingit Totem Pole.................................... 90 Figure 17. Kwakiutl Totem Pole.................................. 91 Figure 18. Kwakiutl Mask...................................... 92 Figure 19. Map: Settlements of the Nass and Skeena Rivers.......... 101 Figures 20-22. Schematic Musical Analyses of Songs Nos. 1-75....... 102-4 PLATES Frontispiece. The Tsimshian Village of Gitlaxdamks on the Nass River. Plate 1, a. Bryan Peel, the Nass River carver, using the drill. Note the tool box and two finished rattles. b. Using the straight knife on the upper half of a rattle. The lower half lies on the work block. c. Using the adz to shape the lower half of a rattle, xi xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate 2, a. Tsimshian Mask. b. Haida Mask. c. Tsimshian Headdress Mask (Tlingit type). d. Kwakiutl Mask. Plate 3, a. Tsimshian Mask (Nisqa). b. Tsimshian Mask. c. Tsimshian Totem Poles, Kitskan Village of Kilwaukool, B. C. d. Detail, Tsimshian Totem Pole, Kitskan Village, Hazelton, B. C. Plate 4, a. Tlingit Totem Pole, along Main Street, Wrangel, Alaska. b. Haida Totem Pole, Skidgate Village, B. C. c. Kwakiutl Totem Pole, Zeballus, B. C. Plate 5, a. Tsimshian Wooden Hat (Tlingit type). b. Tsimshian Rattle. c. Chilkat Blanket (Tlingit). Plate 6, a. Mask and costume impersonating "Small-slave-of-the-Tlingit," worn by John Sarahnitz of Kitwanga, Skeena River. b. Guxsan, of Gitsegyuhla on the Skeena, singing a gambler's invocation. Plate 7, a. Manoesk, head chief of the Eagle clans of the upper Nass River, wearing ceremonial costume. b. Hagwelgyet performers of a secret society ritual at the canyon of the Bulkley River near Hazelton. Plate 8, a. Frank Bolton singing in front of the Standard Edison phonograph used in recording Tsimshian songs. b. Singers staging a demonstration curing ceremony. From left to right, Henry Smart, Albert Allen, William Foster, Frank Bolton and Robert Pearl, all of the Nass River. PART 1 VIOLA E. GARFIELD THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS C) Sg (C3 THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 50 - 50 tooM tLES DRAWN BY EDWARD L. CARPENTER PREFACE My first view of the Tsimshian was of rows of houses spaced along the meandering shores of New Metlakatla, Alaska. Approaching the island in a late August afternoon Purple Mountain and Yellow Hill with their brilliant colors dwarfed the weathered homes and churches. Six school teachers and the superintendent were arriving to spend the winter in an Indian village. The arrival of the teachers was an annual event for which the villagers were well prepared by long experience. Only two of us had ever met Indians before and none of us had known such people as the Metlakatlans. In the balance sheet of that winter, they fared better than we and the next fall saw another six arriving to take our vacated places. Many adult Metlakatlans had helped build the town and all but the youngest had known its founder. They were people who had chosen to leave their homeland, not only to settle in the wilderness in a new country, but who had vowed to renounce the customs of their forefathers. They had the reputation of being the most progressive of all Northwest Coast Indian tribes, meaning that they best approximated the way of life of the Whites who thus evaluated them. Yet in many ways the Metlakatlans displayed attitudes, beliefs and behavior that were foreign and incomprehensible to the teachers. My own curiosity and interest lay dormant for several years before there was an opportunity to learn something of the cultural heritage that motivated the Metlakatlans. The quest for an understanding of their background led to Port Simpson, British Columbia, where relatives of the majority of Metlakatlans now reside, and thence to the borders of Tsimshian territory in northern British Columbia and, beyond, to surrounding native peoples. Most of the literature on the Tsimshian pertains to the villages of the lower Skeena River and coast, and much of our knowledge of them has been extracted from myths and tales. There are brief papers on Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa social organization but next to nothing on Nisqa material culture, economy or political structure. Before the maritime fur trade drew the Nisqa down the river to the coast there must have been significant differences between the tribesmen of the lower river and those who roamed the mountainous regions bordering the upper Nass. There is almost nothing in the literature about the Kitkatlas, the most southerly tribe. The Port Simpson people regard them as the most conservative of all Tsimshian groups who preserve the rank and prestige system and 3 4 PREFACE many elements of potlatching, hereditary chieftainship and contractual marriage. The principal literature on the Gitksan describes clan and lineage legends illustrated on totem-pole carvings. These legends give evidence of intimate contact with Athapascans and extensive borrowing from them. Many Gitksan families trace ancestors and crest possessions to wild rice gatherers and bulb eaters of the interior plateaus and lakes rather than to river and sea fishermen. Three elements of Tsimshian culture set them off most distinctly from their neighbors. The language is distinct and, to date, no relationship between it and any others in the area has been demonstrated. The Tsimshian have four exogamous kinship divisions in contrast to the dual divisions of the Tlingit and Haida, though all four phratries are not represented in every Tsimshian town. The Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa elevated certain lineage heads to tribal chiefs whose prestige was greatly enhanced by tribal economic support and, properties, and by tribute from all members of the local group regardless of clan affiliation. They Iidid not take the further step of delegating the power of law enforcement Ilto tribal chiefs. In the following presentation of the main features of Tsimshian culture, it is apparent that we lack descriptive information for the northern Gitksan particularly, and that we lack much comparative data on relationships between the Tsimshian and their neighbors. There is also little historical depth to our data. Some of these gaps can be filled by comparative analytical studies of the Tsimshian with other tribes of Northwest America, using existing literary sources. Other problems will only be solved in the future by systematic field work. September, 1950 Viola E. Garfield Seattle, Washington CHAPTER ONE THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS The Tsimshian lived along the banks and tributaries of the Nass and Skeena Rivers in British Columbia. They ranged the lakes and plateaus between the two streams, and to Portland Canal northwest of the Nass. The sea coast and coastal islands between the estuaries of the Nass and Skeena belonged to them and they also explored and settled on some of the islands, the most southerly of which was Swindle Island, south of Princess Royal Island (see Fig. 1). South of Skeena River the salt water inlets and streams flowing into them belonged mainly to the northern Kwakiutl-speaking Xaihais (Heiltsuq) and Xaisla (Kitimat). Further south were the Bella Bella and the Salishan-speaking Bella Coola. There were Tsimshian villages and camps on lower Douglas Channel where the territory of the Kitimat and Tsimshian joined, and on some of the islands. The Kitqa'ata in Hartley Bay and Nepean Sound, and the Kitkiata above them on Douglas Channel are practically extinct. The Kitasu on Laredo Channel near the southeast end of Princess Royal Island are no longer a separate tribe of Tsimshian. The Haida on Queen Charlotte and Prince of Wales Islands were the western neighbors of the Tsimshian, and the Tlingit were their northwestern neighbors beyond Dixon Entrance and Portland Canal. Inland were Athapascan-speaking peoples. The Tsimshian were a culturally and linguistically cohesive group whose habitat included the sea coast, coastal islands and river basins on both sides of the coast range, and who therefore were adapted to varied ecological conditions. The habitat of most northern Northwest Coast tribes was the western or seaward side of the coast range and permanent villages were on tidewater. In Washington, Oregon and northern California a coastal plain separates the mountains from the sea. Southern coastal peoples either dwelt along rivers and seldom descended to salt water or they lived on tidewater and went inland only to trade or hunt. In contrast to these peoples, the Tsimshian were mountain as well as sea dwellers. North of the Gulf of Georgia, the submerged mountains form a coast broken by bays and long, narrow inlets. It is sheltered from the ocean by numerous islands. Heavy rainfall on the seaward side of the mountains feeds numerous lakes and streams which abound in fish, especially salmon and olachen. There is little snowfall, and temperatures are 6 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC moderate throughout the year, lacking the extremes prevalent in the interior. The land is heavily forested with red and yellow cedar, spruce, fir and hemlock. Marshes covered with deep layers of wet, spongy mosses, called muskeg, render flat areas impassable much of the year. The rocky, precipitous topography, heavy timber, jungle-like ground cover of devil's club and other shrubbery, and areas of muskeg make land travel and hunting difficult in the coastal area. The drier, more open country north and east of the coast range is much more favorable for hunting and land transportation. There are no dense forests. Local stands of alder, maple, willow, yew, black pine, spruce and birch prevail, but there are few of the cedars utilized so effectively by the coastal people, except in the valleys of the Nass and Skeena Rivers. The Nass, navigable by canoe for about eighty miles, and the Skeena navigable to Qaldo two hundred and fifty miles inland, provided the Tsimshian with access to the ocean and the inter-mountain plateaus. A number of inlets, particularly Portland Canal and Douglas Channel allowed exploitation of a protected sea coast as well as the hinterland. The Tsimshian language was once classified as Penutian by the late Dr. Edward Sapir, but without substantiating evidence. Dr. Harry Hoijer classifies it as a separate stock.1 It is spoken in three main, mutually intelligible dialects: Nisqa on the Nass River; Gitksan on the upper Skeena and its tributaries; and Tsimshian proper or Coast Tsimshian on the lower Skeena, Douglas Channel and the islands. South of the Skeena estuary the Kitkatla on Porcher, Dolphin and McCauley Islands speak a dialect which is a variant of Coast Tsimshian. Cultural differences also distinguish the Nisqa, Gitksan and Coast Tsimshian; those of the south show greater cultural affiliations with their Kwakiutl neighbors and those above the canyon of the Skeena were influenced by inland Athapascan cultures. In a consideration of the Tsimshian and their place in the Northwest Coast area, language is a factor of prime importance. Linguists have not been able to relate the Tsimshian language specifically to any other, either of North America or Asia. Tsimshian lacks functional tone which is characteristic of all neighboring Nadene speakers, excepting Haida. In this general sense, it resembles the Salish languages to the south. The phonetic patterns of all coastal languages from northern California to, but not including, the Eskimo share many similarities and point either to remotely related dialects or to a long period of slow diffusion and borrowing. Investigations so far made do not permit us to decide whether there are also fundamental grammatical concepts that are similar. While it seems highly probable that Tsimshian is distantly related to other languages of the North Pacific, it is modernly so distinct 1 oijer, 1946, p. 15. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 7 as to defy classification. Whatever its affiliations prove to be, Tsimshian as now known developed over a period of several hundred years in the area bounded by the Nass and Skeena Rivers, and it cannot be considered as a recent phenomenon. Early Contacts with Europeans The explorations and maritime fur trade of the last quarter of the eighteenth century did not touch the Tsimshian as directly as they did the Tlingit and Haida. However, the demand for pelts was undoubtedly a factor which accelerated movement of Nass and Skeena River people to the coast where they were able to participate in the catch and the foreign trade goods. Continental explorers and fur traders did not reach any part of Tsimshian country until about 1830, though iron and other trade goods must have filtered through to them long before that date. By the first decade of the nineteenth century maritime furs were scarce and rivalry between the Russian American Company and the Hudson's Bay Company for control of what is now western Canada and adjacent Alaska was reaching a crisis. The first Hudson's Bay fort west of the Rockies was built in 1805 on the north end of McLeod Lake. It was too far east to reach the Tsimshian. Fort Connelly on Bear Lake at the head of a branch of the Skeena was established in 1826. This was near the northernmost Gitksan. Fort Simpson was built at the mouth of the Nass River in 1831 and moved to Tsimshian Peninsula, about twenty miles north of Prince Rupert, in 1834. The latter site was the camping ground of the Tsimshian from Metlakatla on their way to and from the Nass. They dismantled their homes and rebuilt them on either side of the post. By 1857, 2,300 Indians lived in or near the village, including most of the residents of former lower Skeena River towns and Metlakatla and many southern Tsimshian. Fort Simpson attracted other Indians, especially the Haida who came by the hundreds with their canoes, potatoes, fish and furs to trade with the Tsimshian as well as with the English. In 1836, the Hudson's Bay Company built a post at the north end of Lake Babine. Coastal Tsimshian had a regular trading route to Bulkeley canyon, where the river joins the Skeena, and a monopoly of trade with the Babines. The coastal people brought trade goods from Fort Simpson and preserved sea foods which they bartered to the Babines for furs. It was probably as early as 1836 that Legeax, a tribal chief at Fort Simpson, undertook to monopolize Skeena River trade with the coast, a monopoly which he maintained until about 1868. The role of the Gitksan in this trade is not clear. They seem to have submitted to Coast Tsim 8 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC shian entering their territory for direct trade with the Babines and, in fact, to have bartered their furs for goods from the coast.2 The main influence of the Hudson's Bay Company on the Tsimshian was through control of prices and wages, and was therefore economic. A few Indians were trained to read and write, to act as interpreters and serve in minor capacities on boats and in industries. A few women were taken into the forts as menials and fewer still as wives. There were no schools or missions, a situation which factors deplored. A turning point in the lives of many Fort Simpson natives came in 1857 with the arrival of twenty-one year old William Duncan, sent by the Church Missionary Society of London to christianize and educate the Tsimshian.3 He laid the foundation for his work by learning the Tsimshian language and something of their customs, then started a school and church in the village. It soon became apparent to him that the success of his venture was imperiled by conditions at the Fort. In 1862, he led a party of fifty back to the salt-water channels, abandoned when the post was built. There they built a new village which they named Metlakatla. Mr. Duncan organized a cooperative store and purchased a schooner to provide villagers with trade goods at reasonable prices and as a direct outlet for their furs to Victoria. A sawmill and boat-building plant provided them with lumber for homes and public buildings and with canoes and river boats for freighting and trading. Provisions were made for the election of men to serve as councilmen, policemen, firemen and church elders, subject to Mr. Duncan's approval. Musical talents of the Tsimshian found outlet in the church choir and in learning to play the organ and band instruments donated to them in 1870. Photographic equipment and a printing press recorded the progress of the town and its people. Controversies between Mr. Duncan and the Bishop representing the Church Missionary Society led to his dismissal in 1881. As the Church claimed the property on which the town was built, Mr. Duncan had no alternative than to leave. He visited Washington, D. C., and received assurance that he would be welcome to establish a colony in Alaska. Accordingly, eight hundred and twenty-five of the nine hundred and fifty inhabitants emigrated from Metlakatla to Port Chester on Annette Island, seventeen miles from Ketchikan, and began the construction of a new town in August, 1887. By act of Congress in 1891, the island was set aside for them and any other Indians who wished to join them, the only Indian reservation so designated in Alaska to the present time. The pattern of the old colony was repeated in New Metlakatla under Mr. Duncan's direction until 1914 when the Office of Indian Affairs took 2 Dee, 1944 -45. Work's journal contains many references to the Coast Tsimshian then living a few miles south of the post enclosure. 3 Arctander, 1909, THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 9 over management of the school and health services. At Mr. Duncan's death in 1918, his private fortune was left in trust to the village. These funds, administered by the town council, have given the people of New Metlakatla more freedom than is enjoyed by any other native group in Alaska or in British Columbia. Mr. Duncan made his first mission trip to the Nass in 1860, visiting all the principal villages. A mission was built at Kuinwoch in 1864 and moved to Kincolith in 1867. A Methodist mission was also established on the river in 1874. Though the men in charge initiated many changes in the customs and standard of living of the Nisqa none of them had the long tenure and the business acumen of Mr. Duncan. Also, the Nisqa lived in a region that was not strategically located either during the fur trade era nor the more recent ones of gold rushes and colonization; their river was not a navigable route into the interior and their villages were periodically undermined by floods. The first mission within reach of the Gitksan was established at Fort Babine in 1847. Lay workers from Metlakatla also visited the Gitksan. The Western Union Telegraph line went through Gitksan territory in 1865-67 and furnished them employment and, when it was abandoned, with wire and equipment which they utilized. Discovery of gold at Barkersville in 1867 brought white men, their wares and ways into the area, and the building of the railroad from Prince Rupert to Hazelton along the Skeena brought them into further contact. On the whole, the Gitksan have been less influenced by outsiders than their Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian relatives. There are few white settlers in the area between the Nass and the Skeena. A comparative study of the towns of New Metlakatla and Port Simpson would be rewarding. Families now at Port Simpson are mainly descendants of those who refused to join Mr. Duncan's colony of Old Metlakatla. Those now living in New Metlakatla are descendants of a doubly screened group; first in the move to Old Metlakatla and then to Alaska. Almost the whole Gitlan tribe followed their leader from Fort Simpson to Old Metlakatla, while the Gispaxloats chief kept the greater number of his followers at the Fort. For a number of years, Legeax, the Gispaxloats chief, was the leader in a revival of old customs. At the present time, the Port Simpson people observe many more of the ways of their forefathers than do the people of New Metlakatla. Settlements Winter villages of the Tsimshian were located on the banks of streams or alongside salt-water beaches. About twenty-five settlements are known from the nineteenth century. Those located on fresh water were on the banks of the Nass and Skeena except Kitwinkool on the river by 10 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC the same name, a tributary of the Skeena. Kitwinkool was on the Grease Trail between Kitwanga on the Skeena and Gitlaxdamks on the Nass, a trade route over which olachen oil from the Nass estuary reached the interior. Since travel on the rivers and coast was mainly by canoe, a house or village site was chosen where craft could be readily landed and beached. A level, well-drained location was also necessary since houses had only earth or sand floors. Houses always faced a beach or stream and were arranged in a single row if space permitted. Additional rows stood back of the first, separated by paths. The first row stood as near the water as possible to facilitate loading and unloading canoes. Another factor in selection of a site was the ease with which it could be protected from raiders. The Tsimshian preferred a point of land that commanded a view of water approaches, or was backed by woods and swamp that would retard or discourage enemies. Most sites were unsuited to modern conditions of travel, and only a few are still occupied. Permanent villages probably averaged less than a hundred people. A settlement of maximal size had no more than five hundred. However, as many as two thousand congregated at the Nass olachen fishing grounds or at the larger trading centers for periods of several weeks. Cedar trees grew throughout the Nass and Skeena River valleys, providing the Tsimshian with planks for homes and furnishings, and logs for canoes. In most of the area of western British Columbia and southeastern Alaska there is a dry belt back of the coast range which limits the size and variety of trees. Straight grained spruce, which grows in the interior, can be split but is not as workable nor as durable as cedar. Unlike their inland Athapascan neighbors who built homes of poles and small logs, the Tsimshian constructed the coast type of low gabled plank house throughout their whole area. Tsimshian homes were rectangular plank houses of moderate size.4 There were no structures used exclusively for community social or religious functions. The Tsimshian occasionally built girls' puberty huts, though adolescents were more frequently confined in an enclosure within the house. They did not use the sweat lodges or elevated caches which were customary to their Athapascan neighbors. Most Tsimshian houses had flat earth or sand floors though a few had excavated interiors. In either case, the family cooking fires were in the center, surrounded by firewood, smooth stones for food boiling, wooden tongs, cooking boxes and serving dishes. A platform along the walls served as beds, seats and storage space for family possessions. Food was stored in boxes in the cool earth underneath. Goods were kept in large carved or painted wooden chests. Most of the dried foods were stored on! 4 Boas, 1916, pp. 46-49. Drawings of the house plan and framework are included. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 11 shelves suspended from the beams and rafters, or hung in bundles from the beams. Here they were safe from damage and were kept dry by heat from the fire. In some houses a narrow space to the back was set apart by a half-partition. This was a storage room where dancing paraphernalia and crest ornaments were stored. Initiates emerged from it or property was brought out during potlatches. The space at the back of the house was reserved for the house head, his family and possessions. On either side, compartments were assigned to nephews, brothers or other close male relatives and their families. Slaves with their few possessions lived in the coldest section of the house on either side of the door. The houses of chiefs were generally larger than other homes because chiefs entertained more and their dwellings were used for public gatherings. When the Whites came into the area new ideas and styles in house interiors developed. The first innovations were windows in the front walls and hinged doors that replaced the skin or board covers of earlier days. Windows took the place of facade paintings as symbols of prestige and affluence. The second stage of innovation was the building of houses of milled lumber either with or without wooden floors. The next change in fashion introduced homes which externally resembled those of the western pioneers who had brought architectural ideas from England or eastern Canada. The interior floor plan was also modified by some builders to include one large, high-ceilinged room as a family gathering place and several very small rooms as sleeping and storage spaces. A few houses were built without any interior partitions. Such houses have lately given way to modern bungalows indistinguishable from those built in the last thirty years in any small town in Canada or the United States. No examples of the plank type of community house survive and none has been lived in since about 1900. Tsimshian families also built smokehouses and camp cabins at each fishing and hunting site. Both structures were similar to the permanent homes, though usually more roughly built. Many families had well-built cabins at fish camps which were visited every year; other families lived in temporary lean-to or gabled shelters, or in smokehouses. These were sometimes covered with bark or mats instead of planks. Preserved foods were stored in cabins or smokehouses until the family returned to the winter town or until needed. Fortifications have been described for many of the tribes of the Northwest Coast. Details on Tsimshian forts are meager. They were built on hills or rocky promontories and were equipped with shelters and provisions. A double fence of logs and a heavy door which could be let down on enemies are also described. Logs and rocks were fastened about the base of the walls to be released on invading enemies. Fortified villages are briefly described in both Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan folktales. 12 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Transportation Canoes were essential to Tsimshian life on the Nass and Skeena Rivers, and especially so on the coast. The large cedar trees of the coastal area furnished material for canoes capable of long voyages and of carrying whole families and as much as three tons of freight. Economic exploitation of extensive areas and the accumulation of bulky, heavy household goods were facilitated by the size, boyancy and maneuverability of canoes. One of the properties of cedar is that it can be bent or stretched by the application of moisture and heat. When the adzing of a canoe was nearly complete, it was filled with water which was heated by adding hot stones. When the wood was sufficiently softened thwarts were forced into the sides gradually stretching the log to the desired width. The greatest width of a finished canoe was about one and one-half times the diameter of the log. Thus Northwest canoes were much more stable and seaworthy than they would have been had the makers used the unstretched log. Marine architects today consider the Northwest canoe excellent and seaworthy in design. Its only defect lay in its tendency to split when subjected to heavy quartering seas. Haida tales dwell on the dangers of drowning from such a mishap. The Haida islands were much more exposed to such dangers than were most Tsimshian districts where protection could be found behind some sheltering island, or where customary routes did not extend across open sea. The Tsimshian acquired their finest canoes from the Haida, who were renowned for the size and excellence of their craft. In the late nineteenth century, canoes were replaced by sail boats of European design, either manufactured by the natives or purchased from White traders. Of late years gasboats have in turn replaced sailing craft. Gasboats are quite as essential to families living in isolated Northwest Coast towns as automobiles are to dwellers on rural roads and highways. The Tsimshian living or traveling on the lakes and streams of the interior used small dugout or bark canoes, or built rafts for temporary use. A light weight canoe was desirable where frequent portages must be negotiated or where a combination of land and water travel was necessary to reach a destination. Canoes used in the interior were not constructed with the skill and care that were lavished on the huge cedar log craft of the large rivers and coast. However, they are still used to some extent for local travel where gasboatscannot navigate and motors are too cumbersome to carry. Snowshoes were worn for winter travel on the high plateaus back of the coast range. The Coastal Tsimshian, Tlingit and Haida of Prince of Wales Island occasionally wore them for fall and winter hunting and trapping but they did not lend themselves to travel on the rocky terrain THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 13 and jungle-like growth along the coast. Tsimshian snowshoes were similar to those of their Athapascan neighbors.5 Athapascans packed loads on dogs, but no information on this method of lightening the load for human beings is available for the Tsimshian living in the interior. The Coast Tsimshian did not use dog packs. Foods and Ownership of Resources Salmon was the decisive food resource of the Tsimshian, as it was of most other Northwest Coast tribes. Cohoes or spring salmon and sockeye salmon furnished the bulk of fish dried for winter use, though humpback salmon were also stored in quantity. Humpbacks were available almost anywhere on the coast and islands after the other runs were over, even as late as November. Some salmon could be caught during the winter to relieve the monotony of smoked dried fish. Olachen, a variety of candlefish with high oil content, was second in Iimportance among the basic seafood resources. The largest runs of olachen occurred in the Nass River beginning in late February or early March and continuing occasionally as late as May. Olachen was especi1I ally welcome because it came early in the spring when stores of dried food were apt to be low, and fresh food was scarce. All the Tsimshian looked forward to olachen fishing at the mouth of the Nass, where they were joined by Haida and Tlingit fishermen and traders. Olachen spawned in many other streams along the coast as far north as Copper River, though none came in to the Queen Charlotte Islands. The vast numbers which congregated in the estuary of the Nass made that district a center of the oil making industry. Herring were also caught and dried or rendered into oil. Deep sea fishing for cod and halibut off Dundas, Porcher and Banks Islands was another important activity of the Coast Tsimshian. Hair seals and sea lions were hunted on these islands as well as on more protected islands, and seals were also taken along the lower courses of the Nass and Skeena Rivers. Bear and deer hunting on the islands and mainland, and mountain-goat hunting on the mainland, furnished both food and skins. Berries grow in many varieties and great profusion in most of the Tsimshian territory. Shellfish and seaweed, collected by the women, were important barter and food items. Almost everything edible in the area was utilized. Minor resources such as shoots, roots, crabapples, barnacles, chitons and barks added variety to the fish, meat and berry diet. The Tsimshian were able to take advantage of the perishable, seasonal abundance of foods because of their knowledge of efficient techniques of drying and smoking fish, meat and berries, rending oil from fish and seals, and preserving meat and 5 Davidson, 1937, p. 184. Two-piece frame, hexagonal weave, turned up toe or flat, wrapped fastening, toe hole. 14 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC berries by sealing them in fat. Ordinarily the coastal area was too damp for sun and wind drying, so smokehouses were constructed or racks were used over slow fires out-of-doors. It was characteristic of the Tsimshian, as of other Northwest Coast tribes that exclusive rights to exploit resource districts were claimed by kin. Lineages of the Tsimshian were the owners of rights to hunt, fish, pick berries or gather raw materials from geographically defined territories. Lineage properties were listed at an installation potlatch of a new head, hence were in his name. Lineage heads could, and did, designate certain areas as exclusive and pass them on as private property to successors. Lineage heads also acquired exclusive rights by gift, as compensation for murder of a relative or other wrong, by occupying and using unclaimed territory, by discovery and by seizure. Tribal chiefs acquired exclusive rights by the same means as lineage heads. In theory, rights to territories, properly validated in potlatches and established by use and occupancy, were inalienable. Actually, there is ample evidence that these rights did change hands even before the Whites arrived to disrupt former patterns. Rights extended as a temporary courtesy to newcomers sometimes became permanent through occupation. Failure to use an area was regarded as abandonment and the district was opened to new claimants. Abandonment probably occurred more frequently in the ineteenth century than previously due to decimation of native populations and increased participation in new economic pursuits introduced by the Whites. In pre-European times new camps and towns were established on unoccupied, unclaimed or seized sites. The original single family or two roamed the countryside and appropriated whatever they needed. As additional families joined them adjacent and accessible areas were divided among the various lineages, not always peaceably, until all of the productive lands and shores were apportioned. Lineage-owned districts extended along the rivers and shores, and back into the hinterland wherever there were foods or raw materials and means of access. Though it is difficult to document, it is probable that the boundaries of owned areas were not sharply defined in heavily wooded, mountainous country which could not be easily reached from streams or the shores of inlets and lakes. There is also no information on whether or not any difference in attitude existed toward trespass upon areas from which staple foods were taken yearly, and upon those from which supplies were taken only occasionally or in negligible quantity and value. By the time Europeans arrived, there were no unclaimed land or sea food resources of a kind important in the Indians' economy. Though no directly comparable data are available for the Tsimshian, this fact is strikingly shown in surveys made in 1945 in connection with United States government hearings on Tlingit and Haida claims in southeastern THElJ TSIMSIIIAX AJXD THEIIR XEIOHBORS 15 Alaska.6 Not only were lands and beaches listed by the Indians as lineage property, but also offshore cod and halibut banks, and seal and sea-lion rocks. But for much of the rugged inland the evidence presented by witnesses did not substantiate claims of regular or intensive use. Trapping by a few men, sporadic hunting, and an occasional exploratory trip constituted the use made of inland areas not easily accessible from the shores of inlets or banks of navigable streams. The white man in Alaska has followed the same pattern as the Indian, for he has made no use whatever of much of the inland areas, and only specialized or casual use of others for mining, timber cutting or hunting. Organization for Production Organization for the collection and conversion of foods and raw materials was in the hands of lineage and tribal heads. They planned seasonal movements of their own groups, though there was a strong tendency for the winter village to break up into individual family units, particularly for salmon fishing. Chiefs delegated work to their immediate relatives, wives, children and slaves and set a goal of the quantities to be collected. They supervised men's work while their senior wives supervised the labor of younger women and female slaves. Feasts, potlatches and major undertakings like the building of a new house, were planned several years in advance and surpluses were accumulated in accordance with such long range plans. i The seasonal runs of salmon, herring and olachen set the pattern for the yearly cycle of economic activities. Hordes of fish milled about the estuaries or fought their way along the streams to spawning grounds and attracted native fishermen as they do commercial fishermen today. Spring and summer were busy seasons when food was preserved and stored for the stormy months from November through February. Since most of the entertaining and feasting took place during the winter, each family had to store sufficient provisions to meet the demands of trading, feasting, potlatching, purchase of services and payment of debts in addition to its daily needs. For all of those within reach of the olachen runs on the coastal rivers, the year began in February or March. Salmon runs began in May or early June and extended through October. Berry picking and collection of materials for household furnishings, implements, clothing and dwellings were also made during the summermonths. Women gathered berries, vegetable foods and shellfish as well as grasses, roots and bark for weaving. Offshore fishing occupied the attention of at least some of the men. Seal and sea-lion hunting were done throughout most of the year 6 Goldschmidt and Haas, 1946. 16 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC though the main supplies were taken during the spring and summer. Fall hunting ended the seasonal activities for most families. The tribal chief in each village decided when his group should move to the olachen fishing grounds and led the exodus with the members of his household and those of his nearest relatives and leading lineage heads. After the olachen fishing was over families scattered to salmon streams belonging to lineages of the men and there seems to have been little tribal control during the rest of the food-gathering season. Lineage heads directed operations and tribal chiefs moved to their own fish camps with retinues of relatives, retainers and slaves. There were always heads of lineages of a chief's own clan who stayed with him and there were also men without resource districts or close relatives who attached themselves tot-te tribal chiefs. There was som specialization in production, both village and individual. The Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian from Metlakatla produced most of the olachen oil. The Nisqa bartered their surpluses across the Grease Trail to the interior as far as the upper Skeena, and the Coast Tsimshian traded theirs to Kitkatla and to the Haida. Both groups bartered to the Tlingit who came to the Nass estuary. The Haida traded canoes, and after about 1830, potatoes, for olachen. The Tsimshian who had hereditary mountain-goat pastures traded wool, fat and horn for halibut, seal oil and seaweed. Though there are myth references to Coast Tsimshian village specialization in manufactures,7 there is no evidence of such specialization in recent generations. Many men supplemented the supplies collected by themselves and their families by specializing in woodcraft. Canoe builders, box makers, mask and pole carvers and men clever in the making of mechanical devices for dramatizations received food, clothing and other supplies for their manufactures. A pole carver and his family were often housed and fed by the chief for whom he worked until the pole was finished. Many shamans did no food collecting, depending on their fees in goods and food to satisfy the needs of themselves and their dependents. Tsimshian women had much less opportunity than men to produce goods or services that were marketable. They could become shamans or compose songs for festivals. They could barter woven good and ef served or frsh foo ed by themselves. Sk.itd w am eav o ways command hi prices or. Adolescent daughters of wealthy families were not required to do any useful work. At puberty they were isolated for from several months to a year and spent their time in bored idleness. Information on the actual work done by members of wealthy families is contradictory. Lineage and tribal heads were organizers and adminis 7 Boas, 1916, p. 398. TIEHV TSIMSIIAX AXD THEIR XEIGHflOA1 17 trators, receiving tribute in goods and services from their followers. They hunted sea lions and mountain goats, activities that required courage and endurance. However, according to Coast Tsimshian, chiefs usually directed the hunt and seldom participated in the danger or hard work of the actual drive. Tsimshian myths present the ideal lineage and tribal head as a man skilled in all things, energetic and ambitious. A frequent theme of mythology is of a chief's son or nephew who, through laziness or incompetence, brought shame and disgrace upon his family. There was probably a wide range of individual variability; some leaders worked along with their followers, others were organizers and directors, participating only when the activity was to their liking. According to the custom in Northwest Coast matrilineal societies all resource properties belonged to lineages or their titular heads. However, \ the privilge ofusi belong a s b ning to a man we xtended to his sons during his lifetime. A son oouIdFiunt, fish, trap or take anythinTie desired from any area where his father had hereditary rights. After his ' father's death a man discontinued the practice or asked permission of his father's successor; permission which was seldom denied. A son should - tb tke.a only- whathe needed for his own use and was criticized if commodities were utilized for a potlatch. The Tlg were particularly critical of, such a man, commenting that he fed guests from their own lands. The right of sons stemmed from the fact that they grew up in their father's household, hunted and fished with him and learned many of their skills from him. Many adolescent boys took up residence with uncles, but permanent affiliation with their own lineages dated from marriage. A man could invite his sons-in-law, his father-in-law or his wife's brothers to hunt or fish with him'as guests. If theyvisiedthe areas 'without invitation they were re6gar-ded as- trespassers. In cousin marriages, of course, a man's father-in-law was his uncle and the elder man's son-in-law was his own nephew. A Tsimshian woman gathered everything she needed for her family's use from her husband's properties. She aided her own lineage head by working on the properties of her lineage or by borrowing from her husband. With her husband's consent she could pik beies fro-his lands and give them to a brother or unci e rhis potllat.8 However, the recipient was obligated toQetu h loan at iat. date. A Tsimshian man planning a large affair could borroW-directly from his father or his wife's relatives or could request the use of their resource areas. Though this practice was known to thelingit andj i theyd0o hot seem to have followed it as frequently as the Tsimshian. 8 This is quite different from the Kwakiutl and Bella Coola ideas that a wife's family rebought her from the husband. See Boas, 1897a; McIlwraith, 1948, Vol. I, pp. 187 -188. CHAPTER TWO SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Phratries and Clans The Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit are unique among Northwest Coast societies for their complex matrilineal clan organization and exogamous phratries. Matrilineal clans were also present among some Athapascan speaking tribes, the Eyak of the Copper River delta, and the Heiltsuq and Kitimat of the northern Kwakiutl. Tribes adjacent to the Tsimshian and Tlingit show clear evidence of having borrowed their distinctive features of kinship structure and functioning, principally as the result of intermarriage. The Haida seem to have contributed little to this diffusion. Moiety divisions are more widespread than other features of clan organization. They are known for most Athapascan tribes from Cook Inlet to Mackenzie River. They were also present in a few tribes of the northwestern Plateau which may have borrowed from Athascan neighbors, and possibly in Alaskan Eskimo groups, though the evidence is not conclusive. In some Athapascan tribes, moieties were composed of exogamous matrilineal divisions or clans. However, the Athapascans lacked the complex elaboration of house groups, lineages and clans of the Haida, Tlingit and Tsimshian, and rules of exogamy seem not to have been enforced by all Athapascans. Exogamy of the Kwakiutl was basically village exogamy, with the exception of the Heiltsuq and Kitimat, who had taken over the Tsimshian clan system. The Bella Coola guarded ancestral rights and property by imposing village endogamy. South and eastward of the Kwakiutl, marriage rules were imposed to prevent unions within the bilateral family and preferences for village exogamy stemmed from this idea or to cement inter-community friendships. Everywhere in the Northwest mandatory, exogamy was linked with a belief in descent from common ancestors and an elaborate body of myths substantiating the belief. Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit origin myths differed in one fundamental particular from those of the Kwakiutl and Bella Coola to the south of them, who reckoned descent through both parents but who also venerated ancestors. In tales of the first group, human or semi-divine ancestors settled a new village and established a new lineage which preserved relationship with the parent group through names, crests and myths. They were not true origin myths. Kwakiutl and Bella Coola tales most often began with the establishment of a village by a semi-divine sky being and continued with accounts of the 18 THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 19 human descendants born and reared in the settlement. Thus, the Kwakiutl and Bella Coola stressed the tie between an ancestor, a locality and all descendants; the three northern tribes accented prerogatives obtained from ancestors and the shared experiences of each generation of descendants through the mothers. The name by which the descendants became known may originally have been the name of a camp or village site but it identified a lineage or clan, members of which were forbidden to marry. Elements of a matrilineal complex have undoubtedly been introduced into the Northwest Coast from Asia. These probably included matrilineal descent with exogamy, totemistic beliefs and property control by the lineage.' It is not possible in the present stage of our knowledge to date the diffusion, nor to say with certainly which elements came together or singly. Whatever the facts revealed by further study, it is apparent that the greatest elaboration of the basic ideas was accomplished in the restricted area of southeastern Alaska and the coast of British Columbia south to Rivers Inlet, though matrilineal descent extended only to Gardner Channel. The largest kinship division of the Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit was a matrilineally traced, exogamous group. Various writers have termed it clan or phratry for the Tsimshian and clan or moiety for the dual divisions of the Haida and Tlingit. The phratry, the large and composite kinship division of this discussion, was a group of clans the members of which could not intermarry. The Tsimshian had four phratries. A few villages lacked representatives of one or two phratries.2 Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa phratries were commonly termed Eagles, Wolves, Ravens and Blackfish or Killerwhales. The Blackfish phratry was also referred to as the Bears, from a crest common to many of its subdivisions. The corresponding Gitksan phratries were called Eagles, Wolves, Frog-Raven and Fireweed. The native names of Eagles and Wolves can be literally translated "On the Eagle" and "On the Wolf." The etymology of Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa terms for the Ravens is unknown. It resembles the Tlingit name for their Raven phratry which means "The People of Ganax," a place name in southern Tlingit territory, probably in the vicinity of northern Prince of Wales Island. A number of Gitksan lineages of the Raven phratry regarded the Frog as their most significant crest. For this reason the phratry has been referred to as Frog-Raven by Dr. Barbeau,3 but the Gitksan's own term for it was a place name, unrelated to the name applied to the division by the Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian. The Raven was a crest and identifying 1 Birket-Smith and de Laguna, 1938, pp. 526-527. 2 Boas, 1895, p. 50. There are only Raven and Wolf phratry members in Kitwinkool. 3 Barbeau, 1929, p. 10. 20 2RE TSIMSWEAN, THEIR AUTS AXD MtSIC symbol of nearly all lineages of the phratry both for the Tsimshian and for the equivalent phratry in tribes outside Tsimshian territory. No other phratry possessed a single crest with such wide distribution. The native name for the Blackfish phratry is untranslatable beyond the fact that it contains the prefix "people of." The Blackfish was one of the widely owned crests of the phratry. The Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa Blackfish group and the Gitksan Fireweed group were subdivisions of the same phratry for which there was no common native term. The Gitksan members called themselves "People of the Fireweed." Phratries had no important function other than the regulation of spouse selection. They were essentially loose federations of clans, which were the named subdivisions of phratries. Each clan included people who shared legends, a history of common ancestors, and many crests, properties and privileges. The members of some clans within a phratry had little in common with other clans of the same phratry except the fact that they could not intermarry. The composition of each phratry was extremely complex. Movements of people occurred out of neighboring non-Tsimshian areas and they joined, or were adopted into, one of the existing phratric subdivisions, or formed a new subdivision. There has also been considerable movement of Tsimshian within their own territory. Migrants had experiences and contacts not shared with relatives left behind and in time came to consider themselves as separate clans or lineages. The following discussion is by no means a complete presentation of the origin and composition of Tsimshian phratries and clans, but illustrates their complexity.4 Legendary history of the clans of the Blackfish-Fireweed phratry shows their diversity of origin. One group of clans traced descent from Prairie Town, a mythical village occupied at the time of the Flood. Their principle crest was the Grizzly Bear, one of the supernatural powers gotten by an ancestor whose spirit quest beneath the lake caused the Flood. The Tsimshian regarded this group of clans as the oldest or original subdivision of the Blackfish-Fireweed phratry. Another main subdivision traced descent from the ancestress Gau'o or Sqawo, who married a Sky Being. Their descendants belonged to the Sky clans, whose crests referred to the adventures of their ancestress, her children and grandchildren. Most of the Sky clans also owned the Fireweed crest from which the Gitksan division of the phratry took its name. Sky clans were also represented among the Haida, Carrier and Babines. Other Blackfish-Fireweed clans traced descent from a town outside China Hat, identified with the Bella Bella. Their Blackfish crest was derived from the legendary adventures of three ancestors in the home of Nagunaks, a supernatural being of the sea. When this monster discovered 4 Barbeau, 1917; Boas, 1916, pp. 515-530. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 21 that the men belonged to his Blackfish clan, he showered them with gifts and gave them permission to copy and use anything they heard or saw. An Eagle clansman was also in this party. He was given permission to tell the story and use the monster's name, and was given gifts for himself and his relatives. Therefore, some Eagle lineages also owned the Blackfish crest. One subdivision of the Eagle phratry was called the Runaways or Fugitives. It traced its origin to the southern Tlingit and was represented in all three geographic divisions of the Tsimshian. The original members came from Copper River, where they had been vanquished by a Raven lineage. In the course of migrations, they acquired a Beaver hat, which is now the principle crest of descendants. Other subdivisions of clans of the Eagle phratry include one with Bella Bella affiliations and ownership of a Halibut crest, and another from the upper Skeena with Athapascan ancestors. The Eagles are represented in only one village of the Gitksan,5 and in three of the four Nisqa tribal villages.6 The Wolf phratry of the Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian traced its main subdivisions from Tahltan ancestors who lived near the headwaters of the Stikine River. After a feud in which their leader was murdered, a number of brothers fled to the mouth of the Stikine where they were adopted by a local Tlingit chief. They gave him the personal names and prerogatives of their murdered uncle. A later quarrel caused at least some of the men to join the Tongass Tlingit, where they left various possessions, including the tale of their misfortunes and adventures. After a quarrel at Tongass one of the men went to the Nass where a Nisqa chief adopted him as a nephew. He presented his new uncle with the names of his murdered Tahltan relatives. He also told the full story of his and his brothers' adventures, including their escape down the Stikine by paddling along a stream that ran under a glacier. The adventures of the men of the Tahltan Wolf phratry seem to have ended with the settlement on the Nass. The spread of their descendants to other Tsimshian villages was peaceful. According to one version of their legendary history, the migration from Tongass was two-fold; one group settled on the Nass, another on the lower Skeena. The ancestors of other clans of the Wolf phratry, represented in Tahltan, Tlingit and Tsimshian villages, did not participate in these adventures. The Wolf phratry is numerically weak in all three of the Tsimshian geographic areas, but is represented in Qaldo, the northernmost town.7 6 Barbeau, 1929, pp. 133-143. In Kitwanga, the southernmost Gitskan village. 6 Sapir, 1915, p. 4. 7 Barbeau, 1929, p. 147. The Fireweed phratry is also represented at Qaldo. There are Fireweed and Wolf phratry members at Kisgasas, but not Eagle and Raven, These are the two most northerly Tsimshian towns, 22 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC The Raven or Frog-Raven phratry is represented in Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian by several subdivisions.8 One derived its ancestry from the Tlingit of Cape Fox. Another came from the interior. Ancestors of some Gitksan clans of the Frog-Raven phratry came from the Nass, others from the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands. Ancestors of the Waterlily clan were Hagwelget of Bulkeley River canyon. Ancestors of the Wild-rice clan were nomadic Tsetsaut bands from the headwaters of the Skeena River. Coast Tsimshian of the Raven rw m Haida anctors eof two groups. One claims special crests because som of its ancestors settled in Haida country after the Flood. Present members descended from children of an ancestress who returned to the Nass with her offspring. Another group, the Tongue-licked clans, are descended from a Coast Tsimshian woman who was captured by the Haida and married to a chief. After the birth of her son she murdered her husband, took his head as a trophy, and went to Nass with her baby. The boy grew up to be a fearless warrior who terrorized the Tsimshian and their neighbors. Crests and other prerogatives of the group were derived from the escape of the woman and from her son's war adventures. House Groups and Lineages In theory, all members of a clan were obligated to render mutual assistance and protection. The members were in fact scattered so widely over Tsimshian territory and beyond that many did not know of one another's existence. People who functioned as a group were only the members of that closely related segment of a clan which is termed a house group or lineage. Tsimshian terms for this group, whose reckoning was matrilineal, may be translated as "relatives," or as "people of the house."9 Though the house group or lineage, like the clan, included some people who were relatives only by rationalization, most of those who lived, worked and potlatched under the leadership of an hereditary head were biological kin. From the point of view of an individual, those with whom he associated most and to whom he had the greatest obligation included his brothers, sisters, mother's brothers and sisters, the children of his mother's sisters, and the children of their daughters. Depending on circumstances, the group might also include the children of his mother's mother's sisters and daughters. The oldest man in the lineage was usually head of the group and custodian of all its economically important property. Such property included food producing areas such as halibut and codfish banks, stretches of beach and sections of streams, hunting terri8 Sapir, 1915, p. 4. Ravens are represented in three of the four Nisqa tribes. 9 Garfield, 1939, pp. 173-174, THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 23 tories, berry grounds, and dwellings. The house group also owned totem poles, ceremonial paraphernalia and other carved and painted objects. These illustrated legends or historical accounts of the experiences and exploits of ancestors. The right to relate and dramatize such tales was enjoyed only by lineage members. House and personal names were also lineage property. Many of these names were derived from, or referred to, ancestral experiences with human and supernatural beings. Lineage prerogatives also included guardian spirit powers revealed to ancestors. All these property rights were under the supervision and administration of the male head of the lineage. The dwelling was known by the hereditary name of the house head, and each succeeding candidate for the position assumed the name, and the properties, duties and privileges that went with the name. Tsimshian genealogies are difficult to unravel because of the custom of continuing personal names from generation to generation. Since marriages between members of the same phratry were forbidden, a man and his wife belonged to two of the four phratries and, of course, to different clans and lineages. Children belonged to the kinship group of their mother. They were members of her lineage, and consequently were members of her clan and phratry. A married woman lived with her husband, hence in a home that belonged to his lineage. Husbands and wives could not inherit from each other, nor could children inherit from their fathers. Although children were raised in their father's house, they spent much time in the houses of their mother's brothers. This was especially so for boys, who were to take an active part in the affairs of their own lineage when they had grown up. Girls spent most of their early years in their father's home and, upon marriage, in the home of their husband. Only during brief visits did they live in a house which belonged to their own lineage. When a woman left her husband, it was customary for her to return to her father's house if her parents were living. Otherwise she went to the home of a brother or of her mother's brother. Marriage The ideal marriage, indicated time and again in Tsimshian mythology, was between a man and the daughter of his mother's brother. From a girl's point of view the ideal husband was the son of her father's sister. If a survey of marriages of living persons is indicative, it suggests that in former times only a small percentage of marriages conformed to the ideal. However, if we include marriages which occured between persons who could trace descent from a common grandparent or great-grandparent, the number of ideal marriages between relatives is increased. Cousin marriage bound the two lineages in ties of affection, consolidated hereditary property, and extended the privileges of use of resources, 24 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Marriages were contractual arrangements between lineages. They expressed personal friendships, political exigencies and interests in the maintainance of wealth and social position. Young people had little to say since romantic love was not regarded as a basis for marriage. Negotiations were conducted by mothers or grandmothers; the initiative was usually taken by the boy's relatives. Gifts were taken by the boy's emissary to the relatives of the girl and the proposal made. After the several weeks or months demanded by etiquette, some of the girl's relatives came to the boy's home with gifts. If the arrangements were satisfactory, the exchange of gifts constituted a marital contract. The wedding was usually celebrated at the home of the groom, who lived with his father or one of his uncles. Gifts were again exchanged between the in-laws and food and gifts were provided for guests. The wedding was a celebration for everyone but the principals, who sat quietly in the center of the house and otherwise took no part. Speeches were made by relatives, who vied in the recital of their family histories. Songs, dances and dramatic skits entertained the guests andre-impressed them with the importance of lineage possessions. Following the wedding day the couple set up housekeeping. The young wife was under the supervision of her husband's uncle's wife. The groom continued his participation in the affairs of the household under his uncle's guidance. The fathers of the couple had little part in the premarital or postmarital proceedings. Nonetheless, they were deeply concerned that their children should make good marriages. Probably they exerted more influence than is evident from a formal description of customs as given by native informants. In cousin marriages, the father of the bride was also uncle of the groom and, therefore, more pointedly involved. The Tsimshian regarded marriage as a permanent arrangement. Relatives tried to keep incompatible couples together. But if the couple separated, each was free to marry again. Children went with the mother. The husband of a childless woman could divorce her or demand a second wife from among her relatives. The concept of a contract between lineages was further emphasized by the fact that death of the wife during the early years of marriage obligated her relatives to provide a substitute. The responsibility for support of the wives and children of a deceased man fell on the shoulders of his levirate successor. He either married the widow, or if he consented she might marry some other man. The custom of inheriting wives sometimes resulted in young men acquiring elderly wives, and in very young women being married to middle-aged and elderly men. Such customs continue in a few Tsimshian families today. The levirate stabilized reciprocal relationships between lineages and guaranteed that no widow was left destitute. If she had small children, she had less to worry about than have widowed mothers THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 25 of our own society. Since the successor was most often a nephew or brother who was already living in the house, there was a minimum of household re-organization. The only important source of friction was a younger man's wife who aspired to leadership among the women of the household; the danger was that she would usurp the position of the older woman who had held authority. The chief's first or senior wife was looked up to as the woman with most authority over women, children and slaves in the household. Reciprocal duties of the in-law lineages were brought into prominence at the birth of a child. It was the privilege of the husband's sister to serve as midwife, and of his brother to furnish the cradle board. The mother later invited her sister-in-law and presented her with baskets, clothing and other gifts. If the mother was a member of a wealthy lineage, she, her brothers, and sisters gave a feast and invited her husband's brothers, sisters and other relatives; gifts were presented to all the guests. The baby was named at this or a later feast of the same kind. The announcement of the name was made by a member of the child's father's lineage, though the name itself was chosen from names that belonged to the mother's lineage. However simple or elaborate the affair, there was a formal compensation paid to the child's father's relatives for their services and for announcing its name. A child was not regarded as a properly registered member of the community until such an announcement had been made. As the child grew, its father and its mother's brother were equally concerned about its welfare. Each step in its progress was marked with a feast or other public announcement of its accomplishments. All children had at least one hole in the helix of the ear for ornaments. Girls had a similar hole in the lower lip for insertion of a labret. Only slaves and children of very poor families grew up without these adornments. Daughters of wealthy families had as many as four holes in each ear. They and their brothers were sometimes tattooed with lineage crests. Each operation was performed for the child by a member of its father's lineage at a public ceremony. Invited guests were feasted, entertained and presented with gifts. In addition, every child was presented to the protective supernatural spirits, usually under the auspices of the chief. Children of Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian families were also initiated into one of the two secret societies or magical treasure clubs. Such initiations were sponsored by the child's father or by his mother's brother, though a man never sponsored his own children and his nieces and nephews at the same affair. The last public affair which a father sponsored for his daughter was her post-pubescent party at which he announced that she was ready for marriage. Adolescent boys usually lived with their uncles who took full responsibility for advancing them in the social scale. During childhood affectional 26 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC bonds between fathers and children seem to have been close and fathers took as much pride as uncles in the progress of children. Death again called forth the reciprocity of kinship groups, whose duties and obligations were well defined. When a death occurred, brothers and sisters of the deceased's father were immediately called. To the men was delegated the task of funeral arrangements and to the women the care of the corpse and supervision of mourning. The funeral of the head of a house or of a tribe was often a very elaborate affair, while that of a child, a woman or poor man was much simpler. However simple or elaborate, the persons who performed services in connection with the funeral were later compensated at a potlatch. To summarize: there were two principal categories of reciprocal obligations; those between kin, real and putative, and those between an individual and his or her father's relatives. A third set of obligations existed between spouses, and between the relatives of spouses, a part of which stemmed from their mutual interest in the welfare and social progress of the children of the couple. Class and Rank The Tsimshian shared with other peoples of the coast from California northward a high regard for owners of wealth and the practice of its hereditary transmission to legally designated successors. Wealth on the entire coast was in slaves, accumulated stores of food, manufactured goods, and, in the northern part of the area which includes the Tsimshian, a larger percentage of what was produced from the strategic resources of lands and waters. Management of Tsimshian resource areas and distribution of the products derived from them was in the hands of lineage heads and tribal chiefs. These were the principal owners of wealth. Their positions were hereditary, and both they and their heirs belonged to the upper class. There were approximately thirty tribal chiefs in the Nisqa, Gitksan and Coast Tsimshian, and a very much larger number of lineage and house heads. Since successors were normally chosen from among brothers and eldest sisters's sons, they also belonged to the upper class, as did their mothers and wives. The closeness of such men to the headmen meant an advantage over the descendants of younger sisters and their daughters. Sons of the latter could not expect to rise to positions of leadership and influence unless all heirs in the direct line died or were disqualified. Such chances were extremely small. Inheritance of wealth in addition to the power which accompanied its acquirement and manipulation tended to set Tsimshian house heads and their heirs apart from the rest of their lineage relatives and to concentrate control of wealth in the hands of a few men. They manipulated economically valuable resources or property, directed production and THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 27 other work, controlled distribution of major production, and had political authority. The heads of all lineages and houses shared these advantages and therefore formed a group with common interests, which were class interests. Such leaders had power to bestow hereditary names, privileges and other lineage prerogatives on relatives of their choosing. Since every bestowal must be accompanied by a potlatch, and the head controlled the people, resources and accumulations necessary for giving one, he had the power to select recipients of even hereditary privileges. A few generations of such selection concentrated the properties and prerogatives in the line of descent of older brothers and their older nephews. A tribal chief had much more wealth, both hereditary and on demand from his followers, than any lineage leader. He also had much more patronage to distribute. In addition, tribal chiefs had certain exclusive rights not shared with lineage heads. They received tribute in food and goods from all tribal members, including trade goods and potlatch gifts. Tribal chiefs and the members of their lineages were especially privileged upper class men and women to whom unique deference was paid. They had wealth and power not available to any other members of their tribes. Status and personality traits of a tribal chief were noted both implicitly and explicitly in the myths and tales, as well as in ethnographic interviews. A chief must be well-born. No taint of slave ancestry should mar his record. An unblemished genealogy was one in which all of a chief's remembered ancestors were the sons and daughters of chiefs. Chiefs should be able leaders, good speakers, haughty and proud before strangers, and humble and generous toward tribesmen. The ideal leader was an able organizer and speaker, and a model of good taste and conduct. Above all, a chief must be able to command wealth and to distribute it to the benefit of his tribesmen and to the renown of his people and himself. A popular folkloristic motif treats of the inan who acquired great wealth through supernatural aid, fed his tribe and became a great chief, and was loved by all his people. Quite properly he married the daughter of his uncle, the former chief, and they carried on the noble line. Tribal chiefs were conscious of their high rank and of the common interests and prerogatives which set them off from their followers. Formal ranking in potlatch seating and gift distribution centered on the relative ranking of tribal chiefs. Lineage heads, their heirs and other relatives were ranked in relation to the chiefs of the tribes to which they belonged. Hence it is incorrect to assume that individual guests at a Tsimshian potlatch were seated in order from highest to lowest rank. The seating of commoners was dependent upon where the chiefs sat. Ranking of these chiefs varied according to the relation of guest chiefs to the host. If the host and guest chief were of the same clan, the guest was 28 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC treated as a relative and he and his tribesmen occupied seats with other such relatives. Seating and order of receiving gifts was, therefore, not from high to low but varied with the occasion. The ability of a Tsimshian to list the order of guests in any given circumstance does not mean that there was a fixed sequence in rank. Much less does it imply a lack of class differences or distinctions.l0 Tsimshian class distinctions were especially sharp in the status accorded chiefs. Distinctions were only less sharply marked for other classes. Class was a matter of birth. Apart from the chiefs as such, their families enjoyed participation in cultural activities different from those not so favored by heredity. Lineage heads and their relatives were set apart, on the one hand, from tribal chiefs and chiefs' relatives and, on the other hand, from people who were only distant relatives of lineage heads. The large number of lineages and the lack of rigid rules of primogeniture prevented lineage heads, their close kin and heirs from forming as distinct a class as would have been the case had there been strict succession of the eldest. The descendants of junior lines, the children of younger sisters and their daughters could not hope to succeed to positions of leadership. Their only opportunity for prestige and social participation was through the leaders of their lineages. They helped accumulate goods for potlatches but received only insignificant gifts when invited. A substantial part of a chief's expendable wealth came from them in the form of contributions of provisions, manufactured goods and labor. They were formally ranked at potlatches in relation to tribal chiefs and lineage heads. Such formal ranking amounted to seating position, and order of serving of food and receipt of gifts. Perhaps more than their neighbors the Tsimshian recognized the importance of women in the maintainance of class and rank. This recognition was exhibited both in the initiation of women into secret societies and in provisions for giving them hereditary dancing powers belonging to their lineages. Women and girls were also presented at potlatches; there they were given names and property was distributed to guests on their behalf. Women of the chief class took tribal chiefs' names, at least in the nineteenth century if not earlier. Two Coast Tsimshian chieftainesses who came to power because there were no close male heirs were influential leaders. Their abilities and personalities were respected. One was the sister of the deceased chief and the other was a niece. A third woman worth noting took over leadership of a lineage when her brother refused; she ably managed its affairs until her son grew up. She then initiated a potlatch at which he assumed the name and responsibilities. There is no recorded instance where a Haida or Tlingit group solved the problem of a successor by choosing a woman. 10 Drucker, 1939. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR iEIGHBORS 29 In every tribe and village there were poor people who lived with or were regarded as part of a chief's household. They ranked only above slaves. They were often described as "those without origin" or as people without relatives. They had no lineage heads and no hprAlitarv tlan They constituted a class which worked for the chief and in return received protection and subsistence. Slaves were the lowest class. The Northwest Coast is the one well documented example of an area in which food gatherers kept and exploited slaves. The Tsimshian either bought slaves, especially from southern tribes, or captured them in raids. They raided Kwakiutl villages and those of their Athapascan-speaking neighbors. Haida and Tlingit captives were also taken. They were not averse to raiding other Tsimshian towns, especially if so distant as to lessen the danger of reprisal. The only precaution observed when raiding was that a person of the same phratry as the captor was not held as a slave. But a raider was willing to exchange a captive phratric relative for a non-relative, or to allow one of his companions to take the phratric-related captive. This custom applied to any group with a phratry organization and also to nearby Athapascans who had only a clan organization. Persons reduced to slavery lost all family, lineage, clan or phratric affiliations and their descendants were slaves. Marriages between free persons and slaves were forbidden, though chiefs sometimes married captured women of high birth. Chiefs had slave concubines and wealthy women occasionally had slave paramours. Children of concubines were of slave status unless their fathers chose to adopt them as nieces or nephews in a formal adoption ceremony. There were no formal marriage ceremonies for slaves. If a couple belonged to the same master, they lived together. Children belonged to the owner of the mother. Owners had complete power over the lives and persons of slaves. Slaves lived and worked with members of families and performed menial, monotonous and disagreeable tasks. Men slaves fished, loaded, unloaded, paddled and cared for canoes. They helped build canoes and houses. They made tools and assisted in all other tasks that did not require specialized training. Women slaves prepared fish and other foods for drying, made oil, collected mat and basket materials and berries, and assisted with other household tasks. Chiefs, their heirs, wives and children also had personal servants who accompanied them and waited on them. Young slaves were assigned to chiefs' sons and daughters as companions and bodyguards. In addition to the slaves who were kept by wealthy families as workers and personal servants, many others were purchased as a part of the property accumulated for distribution at a potlatch. It was profitable to convert perishable or bulky provisions, goods, and even blankets 1iri 30 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC bors aded to the store of potlatch goo d e f msel as wealth to be given away. In this fashion he paid for the cost of acquiring him. Like their neighbors, the Tsimshian emphasized the prestige value of slave owning in their oral traditions and accounts of potlatches. It was not a part of the culture pattern to collect and publicize data on economic production either by freemen or slaves. The culture emphasized only the products that were gifts. The chiefs and headmen did not concern themselves with an inventory of the number of fish dried by a family during a summer or the man-hours required for the making of a blanket or carving of a totem pole. Accurate count was made only of the gifts granted each potlatch recipient. These gifts were presented in the name of the host, or in the names of certain of his relatives or subordinates who were honored during the potlatch. Certainly no host credited slaves with contributing to his wealth. But he boasted about the high prices he had paid for them, and the number he was able to give away. Slaves were the most expensive potlatch gifts. Their monetary value during the nineteenth century varied from two hundred to a thousand dollars. Some ethnographers have emphasized the prestige value of slaves as an index of their economic worth. There are also assertions that slaves were of no economic value but were kept only for the prestige owners derived from their possession."1 Points of view such as these can be accounted for only because of the absence of adequate field description of the role and status of slaves and the ethnographers' disregard of the productive work of slaves. Slaves worked with family members and not at tasks exclusively reserved for them and what they produced was pooled as part of the families' stores of goods. It is, therefore, difficult to segregate slave production from that of freemen. In spite of the difficulties, such studies should be made in order to provide a fuller understanding of basic features of the economy of the area. The economic role of slave labor must have been very important, apart from the undoubted prestige accruing to their owners. Ten to twenty slaves are reported as belonging to each of the nine tribal chiefs of Port Simpson in the middle nineteenth century. Each of approximately fifty Port Simpson lineage heads is also reported to have owned from two to as many as ten slaves. These slaves certainly did much more than earn their subsistence or give prestige to their owners.l2 Another aspect of Northwest Coast culture which tied in with the pattern of slave holding was kidnapping. Members of wealthy families were selected, kidnapped and held for ransom. This was a quick and 1 Barnett, 1938, p. 352. 12 MacLeod, 1928, p. 639. THE TSIMSHIAN AID THEIR NEIGHBORS 31 profitable way of acquiring wealth, or of disgracing and vanquishing an enemy, although it was attended with the danger of retaliation. When an agreement was reached with the captive's relatives, the ransom was paid and he was released. The captive and his relatives had to give a potlatch to remove the stigma of temporary bondage. War captives could be redeemed in the same way. In either case, unredeemed captives and their descendants became slaves. CHAPTER THREE POLITICAL ORGANIZATION One of the characteristics of Northwest Coast societies is the extreme simplicity of formal political organization. Power over, and responsibility for, members of a house, lineage, or village were in the hands of the man who administered the economic resources of the group and by the same token owned the most wealth. The minimal political unit of the Haida, Tlingit and Tsimshian was the local segment of each clan that lived in one or more houses. There were several such units in each village. Only rarely did the authority of a lineal head extend beyond his lineage relatives in his own village. Haida villages seem originally to have been settled and owned by lineage heads, and a Haida village was therefore, in origin, identical with a house group or local lineage segment of a clan. Villages of the Haida continued to be identified with the lineages of their first settlers, though they grew and later contained houses that belonged to a number of different clans and to both phratries. The head of the senior house, who was a male descendant of the first settlers, was known as the "village mother" or "village master." He had jurisdiction only over his own relatives. His position of seniority in social status gave him an advantage which he exercised in advising other house heads, especially in matters that concerned the village as a whole.1 Like the Haida, many Tlingit villages stemmed from very small groups which settled in unoccupied spots and built one or two houses. According to native accounts the sites of several towns were selected by founders who were later joined by brothers-in-law and friends with their families. Some sites were camps which later became permanent settlements. The Tlingit never developed a political headship beyond that of the house group, and villages continued to be made up of independent lineages each of which was presided over by a headman or chief. Lineage heads did not have equal prestige and influence. The main advantage one chief had over the others developed when his house group outnumbered the members of the other lineages and so attained greater wealth. A man who presided over several houses as the senior head commanded more wealth and had more influence than one who had only the members of a single house under his jurisdiction. Some lineages were traditionally of higher rank than others and the influence of their headmen was increased by the advantage of birth. 1 Murdock, 1934. 32 THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 33 Tsimshian political organization was basically similar to the Tlingit and Haida. House heads had authority only over their own relatives, whose personal and property rights they protected. Tsimshian villages, like those of the Tlingit and Haida were usually named from some geographic feature, not from the kinship groups which founded them. The first settlers established rights to ownership of economically strategic resources within reach of their settlement. Late comers were either assigned portions of areas not needed, or took up claims to unused areas. Some of the newcomers belonged to clans and phratries different from those of the old settlers. Others were house and lineage relatives who owed allegiance to the founders. However, the Tsimshian of the lower Skeena and Nass Rivers are unique. They developed lineage political leadership into village chieftainship, probably early in the eighteenth century. Before the beginning of the nineteenth century this had developed further into tribal chieftainship. As far as we know they had the only overall tribal organization headed by a chief that was found in northwestern North America. If there were other such chieftainships in the area, they have not yet been satisfactorily described. There were nine main tribal villages on the lower one hundred and fifty miles of the Skeena River below the canyon and four on the lower Nass. The Skeena villages were settled principally by people who had moved down from the interior along the river and its tributaries. It was in these villages that the dominance of the head of one lineage crystallized into village chieftainship. The chief of a village continued as hereditary head of his own lineage. This transformation from headship over members of a group of kin to chief of a local village was effected before the arrival of Europeans and before the location of permanent settlements on the channels between the shores of Tsimshian Peninsula and the present town of Prince Rupert, collectively called Metlakatla. The original settlement generally referred to as Metlakatla was actually a cluster of nine independent villages, each composed of descendants of settlers from Skeena River towns.2 Previous to permanent removal to Metlakatla residents of Skeena villages had camped there on their way to and from the olachen fishing grounds of the Nass. Each Skeena village had its own site which was hereditary property. The village chief camped approximately in the center of the site, with the camps of his heirs and leading lineage heads on either side. Other villagers built permanent or temporary structures along the beach beyond those of their leaders. Gradually, families took up permanent residence. Emigrants from each Skeena town settled as a separate unit 2 Metlakatla means Salt Water Channel. A mission was built on the site of one of the old villages in 1862 and christened Metlakatla. The villagers moved to Alaska in 1887 and named their town New Metlakatla. 34 THE TSIMSSIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC and continued to call themselves by the name of their former village, though they gave a new name to their new town. Permanent settlements were established before 1800 but the towns on the Skeena were not abandoned. Chiefs of the Skeena villages appointed representatives from among their heirs to take over chieftainships in the new villages. A few senior chiefs emigrated and left leadership of the old villages in the hands of successors. In either case, senior chiefs continued to exercise authority over the younger men, at least in the early period of the splitting of villages. At this stage tribal chieftainship emerged and the tribal chief was regarded as the active leader of his tribesmen regardless of where they lived. As permanent villages became established at Metlakatla, they received additional residents from Alaska, the Nass, the Queen Charlotte Islands, and the mainland and islands to the south. Expansion of the Tsimshian was resisted by the Tlingit with whom they engaged in feuds over rights to the coast between the Skeena and Nass estuaries. Another camping place on the way to and from the Nass was the site now occupied by Port Simpson, about twenty miles north of Metlakatla on the mainland. The same pattern of hereditary beach camp sites was maintained at Port Simpson as at Metlakatla and the spot was used by Skeena River people before they settled permanently at Metlakatla. In 1834, the Hudson's Bay Company built a post on the native site at Port Simpson. Within a few years, the Skeena River and Metlakatla towns were virtually abandoned and the people reassembled on the hereditary tribal camping grounds in the middle of which the Fort was built. By 1935, segregation of tribal villages had been almost obliterated due to breakdown of native customs of house ownership and inheritance. The functions and power of lineage heads and tribal chiefs had also been destroyed. A few chiefs still held office, especially where tribal resource holdings were advantageous to them. Information on the details of development of village and tribal chieftainship on the Nass is meager, but we know that there were four tribal villages on the lower seventy-five miles of the Nass River, each headed by a chief.3 The Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian shared the same kinship structure and the same high regard for wealth and noble birth. The Coast Tsimshian tribes had permanent camps at the olachen fishing grounds to which they returned yearly and were in close touch with the Nisqa with whom they exchanged spouses and potlatches. The Coast Tsimshian introduced secret society dances to the Nisqa and it seems likely that they also influenced their political development. The Gitksan did not have the wealth of the coastal tribes and therefore did not place so much emphasis on chiefs' positions. They had no 3 Sapir, 1915. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBBORS 35 tribal chiefs. Their attitudes were also affected by their proximity to, and relationships with, Athapascan tribes. The tribal chieftainships of the Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa were superimposed upon earlier lineage headships. Obligations which previously existed between lineage heads and kin were duplicated between tribal chiefs and followers, and property concepts formerly applied to lineages were extended to tribal chiefs. Lineages owned property; tribes also owned resource areas, homes, house furnishings and treasure valuables for their chiefs, who, within limits, administered tribal property for the glory of themselves and their subjects. With slight alterations, the whole body of customs pertaining to lineage chieftainship was transferred to tribal headships. Tribes provided their chiefs with slaves and luxuries such as copper shields, Chilkat blankets, copper ornaments and richly ornamented chests, dishes and spoons. A part of everything acquired or made was presented to him, whether a catch of seals or fish, a choice cut of bear meat, or trade goods. He also collected tribute of trade goods from his tribesmen. In the middle nineteenth century, one chief at Port Simpson claimed exclusive monopoly of trade between upper Skeena River and the Fort and he levied a tax on all barter goods transported along the river. Trading trips up the river were conducted under his supervision or that of one of his own clansmen. Little or no formal political authority was granted to the tribal chief. He was given no power to either enforce or change customary law, nor to intervene in disputes between tribal members unless asked to use his persuasive powers to bring about a settlement. He could council, threaten, cajole, but not command any but the members of his own lineage. In actual practice, a tribal chief was not a man whose wishes could be lightly disregarded. He had great wealth and an illustrious name; he had patronage to distribute and slaves and young men at his command to work for him; he could mobilize an armed guard or a raiding party larger than was available to any lineage head. Chiefs could and did quell resistance by armed force when necessary. Lineage heads within the village or tribe formed the tribal chief's council. It organized the members of all the lineages for tribal undertakings such as a chief's potlatch, the building of a new house for him, the burial of a chief, and the installation of a successor. The council advised him on the selection of wives and of a successor. It decided whether tribal wealth should be invested in slaves, copper shields or potlatches. Since the chief could not promote any extensive undertaking without the council's approval and aid, it had an effective defense against dictatorial tactics, a defense which councils did not always choose to use. The tribal chief's office, like that of the lineage head, was inherited by a brother or a sister's son. The council was influential in the selection of 36 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC an heir because it could refuse to support anyone of whom it disapproved, and could prevent him from using the chief's home or wealth. During the period of cultural disintegration in the nineteenth century there were several instances of the exercise of veto rights by councils at Port Simpson. In one case, the council refused to finance the painting of the chief's house, and later refused to build him a new one. In another case, members would not allow the chief to sell the home which the council maintained was tribal, and not private, property. The death of a chief involved great expense and drew every member of the tribe into participation. As in the death of a lineage head or commoner, funeral arrangements were made and carried out by the chief's father's lineage relatives, though they usually appointed other chiefs to perform honorary services. Every member of the tribe was expected to contribute toward expenses of the funeral and the later potlatch at which the successor took office. Members of the dead chief's clan were expected to be especially liberal in their giving; fellow chiefs of the same phratry also contributed. The successor inherited all the possessions of the deceased, and he and his lineage made the largest contribution to expenses. Neighboring tribes or villages were invited to the funeral, which ended with a feast and distribution of gifts by the heir, who announced his intention to take the position at a commemorative inaugural potlatch to be given at a later date. In the meantime, he functioned as acting chief, but he would not be addressed by the chief's name until his formal installation. Preparations for inauguration of the new chief often took several years and were under the direction of the heir and council, who planned and allotted the tasks. Lineage heads were responsible for organizing the collections of foods and manufacture of articles by their relatives. Artists, stage set designers, song composers, and dancers planned dramatic presentations of lineage and tribal history under the supervision of the new chief. The potlatch was a round of feasting, entertaining and visiting, with the installation of the heir the culminating event.4 Property was distributed, part of which was in payment of debts owed by the deceased man and incurred in connection with his funeral. A chief's privileges and responsibilities were many. He decided when the tribe should leave for seasonal fishing, and he sent scouts to note the run of fish. The work of slaves and of poor men without relatives was planned and directed by him. Young men were subject to call for any task the chief wanted done. They served as the chief's messengers, carriers, scouts and army. He organized camp and work parties or designated competent leaders. He utilized an armed show of strength to 4 Tsimshian potlatches are described by Boas, 1916, pp. 537 -542; Garfield, 1939, pp. 192-219. For a general discussion of potlatching see Murdock, 1936; Barnett, 1938; and Drucker, 1939. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 37 prevent attacks on his tribesmen or to avenge wrongs against them. Able-bodied men were recruited from his own tribe and volunteers were sought from friendly tribes. He retained the larger part of the booty from raids organized by him, and he apportioned a lesser part among his armed followers. Some of the booty from raids organized by other tribesmen was given to the chief as his just due. No potlatch or secret society initiation could be given by a tribal member until the chief had officially opened the winter ceremonial season. His affairs took priority over those sponsored by lineage heads, who must provide him with wealth before they were able to accumulate for their own potlatches. Certain other prerogatives of chiefs were also a source of wealth. No Coast Tsimshian child could be initiated into a secret society or presented at a potlatch until a throwing dance had been given for it. The throwing of a spirit into a child during the ceremony could only be done by a chief, who was handsomely compensated. No lineage head could give a potlatch without inviting the tribal chief, who received the largest gifts even though he took no active part. If he were asked to take part, he received an even larger gift. A chief gained friends and allies in other tribes by his own judicious marriage to daughters or nieces of other chiefs. His control of the armed force of his tribe made opposition by other chiefs difficult and gained for him additional wealth due to the acquisition of slaves and booty taken in raids. His command of a large number of slaves and of the working time of young men of the tribe were major factors in the enhancement of his economic position, while his right to fees and gifts at potlatches and secret society initiations further increased his wealth and power. CHAPTER FOUR SUPERNATURAL POWERS Guardian Spirit Power Belief in guardian spirit powers was as fundamental an ideological feature in Tsimshian culture as it was in the cultures of most other tribes of North America and northeastern Asia.1 The most widely distributed guardian spirit practices in North America were those associated with vision quests by shamans, whose tutelary powers served mainly in the diagnosis and cure of disease. Also widely distributed was the layman's solitary quest for supernatural assistance in day-to-day activities of hunting, fishing, feuding, love making and acquisition of wealth. In most tribes, supernatural powers acquired by shamans were regarded as more dangerous or potent than those acquired for other than shamanistic purposes. Though there were usually no tabus against women becoming shamans, the most famous and successful were men. Women seldom acquired hunting, war or wealth powers. The belief that a supernatural power could be inherited, or that a supernatural being or force gave power to successive generations of relatives, was weakly developed except on the Pacific Northwest Coast. Elsewhere, the belief was that an individual had a better chance of receiving assistance from an ancestor's power than he did from an independent source, but there appears to have been no clear-cut concept of inheritance of spirit power. The tribes of the northern part of the Northwest Coast derived the greater number of their powers from hereditary sources. This was especially true of the Tlingit, Haida, Kwakiutl, Bella Coola, Nootka and Tsimshian, and to a lesser extent of their immediate neighbors who show evidences of extensive borrowing of features of culture from one or several of the above groups. The Kwakiutl and Nootka stressed the transmission of hereditary powers through the secret societies, though some powers were acquired in potlatches. The Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian emphasized transmission of lineage and house group prerogatives in potlatches; among these prerogatives was the right to receive powers from the supernatural guardians of ancestors. Secret society dances and prerogatives, acquired by these three groups from the northern Kwakiutl, were generally fitted into the already existing pattern of transmission of hereditary privileges within narrowly limited lineages. 1 Benedict, 1923. 38 THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 39 In the tales of all tribes who shared the belief in guardian spirit aides, there were accounts of persons who acquired spirit assistance without apparent effort. In the stories, the orphan, slave or poor boy, the widow or deserted child received help from supernaturals or their agencies. Aided by a gift of magical weapons or extraordinary skills the poor and the oppressed became wealthy and influential.2 There were also a few tales in which the recipient of supernatural benefits was an undistinguished citizen, neither more nor less ambitious than his fellows, who came in contact with supernaturals while hunting or traveling. Though some of these were merely adventure stories, the men were given tokens to prove that the creatures they encountered were not of the ordinary variety. The Tsimshian regarded spirit power acquisition and protection as essential for all free persons. Children's training in bathing and occasional fasting was the first step. The throwing dance in which chiefs called upon one or another of their spirits and threw the power into a child was the second essential step. From there on differences of sex, lineage wealth, hereditary rank, and interests correlated with many differences in the kind and number of spirit aides adults received. A Tsimshian candidate who sought power followed a prescribed routine of bathing, fasting, taking a purgative, continence and solitude, though the procedure was also used for purposes other than the direct acquisition of a guardian power. In some instances, it seems to have been used as a kind of magical formula or ritual where correct performance automatically brought about a desired result. Ritual bathing by boys was regarded by the Tsimshian as essential to make them strong and hardy. Supervised by their fathers and uncles, all boys in a village were required to take a daily early morning dip regardless of the weather. Winter bathing was believed to be especially beneficial. Switches of spruce boughs or salmon berry canes were used to beat the boys, who were admonished not to cry or complain. After a dip or swim, they were taken into the houses to stand by the fire and drink olachen grease. Supervised bathing was continued for a period following puberty. Girls received the same training as boys before puberty, particularly if their relatives wished them to become shamans or to be strong and hardy. At the appearance of the first menses, they were isolated and tended by older women relatives who supervised their training. Before a hunting trip, Tsimshian men went through a period of training, including bathing, which was especially stressed for mountain-goat, bear and sea-lion hunting, or to assure success where conditions were dangerous or game scarce. The formulae used in such ceremonial bathing varied. Some formulae were closely guarded secrets revealed to ancestors? Randall, 1949, 40 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC and taught by uncles to nephews. Others were probably based on hunting lore which, if successful, were passed on to younger men. Men who prepared to take an hereditary power or name, or to be initiated into a secret society, also bathed. So did persons who desired to acquire shamans' powers. A second element in Tsimshian ritual preparation was fasting. Even young children were encouraged to eat lightly occasionally, in order to prepare them for later fasts. Hunters, shamans, warriors, persons preparing for secret society initiations and candidates for hereditary powers also fasted. Girls in seclusion at puberty fasted too; they ended their isolation with a cleansing bath supervised by women relatives. They received no special supernatural favors from the procedure, which was rather regarded as a part of their general training for adult life. The tabus imposed on the pubescent girl were explained as laws laid down by divinities of the myth age. A third element was body purification, which was usually accomplished by a purgative. A stalk of devil's club chewed, or brewed into a drink, was the most common purgative. An adult's training always involved bathing, fasting and purification, repeated over a period of time. The more dangerous or important the undertaking, the longer the training and the more strictly it was followed. The contamination of sexual intercourse was abhorrent to supernaturals, hence continence was required of trainees. The continence of hunters was particularly stressed. Wives also observed training tabus, though their schedules of bathing and fasting were not as strict. A wife must be continent while her husband was hunting, lest she destroy the effectiveness of his period of preparation, ruin his luck, or endanger his life. An accident or failure to secure game could, therefore, be blamed on a wife's faithlessness. A menstruant woman's contact with weapons or anything used or touched by the hunter was especially dangerous and undid all his work. Although strict continence on the part of a man who sought a shaman's power or prepared for a secret society initiation is not explicit in the literature, it is implied. The candidate isolated himself from his family, and by implication, from all contaminating influences, and concentrated upon his task. In the guardian quest, the encounter with a spirit came through a vision, hallucinatory experience, trance or dream. The experience varied from a chance encounter which had slight emotional consequences to highly charged experiences from which the victim never completely recovered. The subject was sometimes described as passing into a coma in which the heart beat and breathing were so imperceptible that observers believed him dead. Others went into a convulsive state resembling epilepsy and frothed at the mouth. Shamans sometimes struggled desperately in this manner with their spirit assailants. The THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 41 encounter left the initiate exhausted physically and mentally. Only with the assistance of other shamans could he get control of the spirit aides he had received, and thereby avert death. Violent seizures seldom marked the acquisition of power by hunters or warriors, though they were familiar episodes during secret society initiations. However, the initiating spirits of the secret society were called by members and the state of ecstacy or frenzy induced occurred in a carefully planned setting different from that of the seeker in the solitude of the forest. In the acquisition of hereditary powers, the emotional experience was subordinated to a dramatic presentation. Trances, ecstatic states, and compulsive or other unusual emotional behavior occurred only in the artistic re-enactment of an ancestor's spirit encounter. Some of these performances had lost their original meaning and had become merely the formal showing of a mask or other device, accompanied by music and dance. A Tsimshian who was under the influence of a spirit was dangerous to non-initiates. He was, therefore, kept apart until it was evident that he was normal again. Recipients of secret society power were dangerous to all who had not been initiated by the same spirits, although these spirits were less menacing to people who had already had many spirit contacts. The initiating spirit was offended by the contamination of the uninitiated, and the latter's life was in jeopardy unless he was also immediately initiated. The initiate was also in danger of punishment by his spirit if he broke any of the tabus imposed during his isolation. A person who had received power seldom revealed all of the details of his quest or the sources of his aides. A young shaman usually did not reveal the fact that he had had a vision until he felt that his spirit aides were strong enough to compete successfully with those of more experienced practitioners. He then dramatized parts of his experiences, gave euphemistic names to his aides and employed carvings or other devices in demonstrations of his power. These were sometimes magical performances which amazed his audience and contributed to his prestige although unconnected with his curing technique. Similarly, seekers of power for hunting, acquisition of wealth, and war often waited until they had tested a vision and had achieved success. Then by means of a mask, song, dance or story their experience was made public in a dramatic way, usually at a potlatch. Inherited Powers and Crests It is characteristic of Tsimshian mythology that the ancestors met supernaturals while hunting, fishing or traveling, and less often during spirit quests. Most of the spirits were seen by a few men of one lineage. The presence of the same tale in lineages which belonged to different 42 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC phratries can be explained by the fact that ancestors of several lineages participated in the experience that gave rise to the story. An example is the Nagunaks story claimed by lineages of the Blackfish phratry of the Tsimshian.3 In this story, ancestors visited the sea monster, who told them that he was also a Blackfish clansman. In the party was one man of an Eagle lineage who also received gifts and the privilege of telling the story of his adventures. The men who met Nagunaks inadvertantly anchored over his house when they were forced to stop for the night. He sent blue cod, one of his slaves, to investigate the cause of the scraping noise on the roof. The steersman was annoyed by the splashing of the fish, caught it and broke its fins. The men then went to sleep and awakened to find themselves and their canoe in a house under the sea. Nagunaks invited the creatures of the sea to a feast at which he instructed the men never to wantonly injure any creature, and he also got promises from the monsters not to harm men in the future. When the feast was over, the men were presented with many gifts and sent home in a copper canoe that flew across the water when struck with a copper paddle. They were surprised to learn that they had been gone four years, for the whole experience had seemed like a dream and they thought they had been away four days. They invited guests, told their story and exhibited the marvelous things they had received. The men of the Blackfish lineage gave one potlatch, and the Eagle clansman with the help of his relatives gave another. The steersman, who was the leader of the fishing party, also received power to approach land and sea animals. He became a successful hunter and very wealthy. Unfortunately, he once took a man hunting with him who disobeyed hunting tabus, and so the power was lost. Several elements of the guardian spirit quest appear in this story. The men went to sleep and awakened in a strange place. Until the Mouse Woman explained, they did not know what had happened to them, but believed that theirs was a dream or vision experience. They received a magical device by which they reached home, and the leader acquired hunting power. Nagunaks also gave them songs, dances, and new names. The principal elaboration on this basic guardian spirit quest pattern, developed by the tribes of the northern part of the Northwest Coast area, was in dramatization of the experience, its identification with a lineage, and the use as crests of things the ancestors had heard and seen. The complex of ideas and things became the property of descendants who did not have to go through a supernatural experience again in order to benefit, but needed only to re-enact it by impersonation of the original participants. Crests derived from the Nagunaks story included the blackfish, a seaweed blanket, copper canoe, and two rooms with carved boards. 3 Boas, 1916, pp. 285-292; 846 et seq. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 43 These were both symbols of the experience and possessions of the descendants. Representations of the crests, which served as property marks as well as reminders of ancestors' adventures, were carved and painted on ceremonial gear and articles in daily use. A number of Tsimshian crests were acquired by capturing or killing a monster. For example, Snag-of-the-Sandbar was seen by men from different lineages. They pulled it out far enough to see all the various creatures along its shaft before the tide carried it away. Large Eyes was another monster seen by a man who was starving and, perhaps, out seeking power. He and his relatives pulled it out of the lake, though they had to cut it in half to get it loose. They later gave a feast, adopted it as a crest, and represented it with a large face and no body. Grizzly-Bearwith-Two-Fins was another lake being which was captured and killed. Its skin was given to the discoverer who subsequently had it copied in carvings.4 Other powers and crests were acquired by human ancestors or ancestresses who married supernatural beings. One of the most famous was Gauo or Sqawo who was befriended and whose daughter was married by a Sky Being. Their children returned to the mother's village with marvelous powers and weapons which their descendants used, but the latter were not able to duplicate all of the feats of the Sky children.5 Tales explaining many crests and powers, which were attributed to remote ancestors of the myth age, have been preserved. Each generation also added new material from the ordinary and marvelous experiences of its members. Thus, each lineage accumulated a rich store of memories preserved in story, song, dance, drama and crests. The supplementations of each successive generation account for the bewildering complexity in crests, powers, names, dances, privileges and prerogatives of the various lineages and also for the diversities in these phenomena among lineages of the same clan. Furthermore, all experiences which were told about earlier days were cast into the pattern of myth age adventures, and so a separation of myth from historical fact is at best difficult and for the most part impossible. One of the several instances where it is possible to note an historical acquisition of power and crests was recorded by Dr. Barbeau. A party of Gitksan visited the newly built trading post at Bear Lake. "Here they observed the white man, his possessions, and his strange ways, for the first time, and considered their adventure in the nature of a supernatural experience. They were particularly impressed with the white man's dog, the wagon road and the palisade fortification around the houses. They adopted all three as crests, dividing them among the men in the party. They gave two big feasts in the next few years to 4 Barbeau, 1929, p. 106. 5 Boas, 1916, pp. 847 -850; Barbeau, 1929, p. 80, 44 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC which they invited other Gitksan tribes, exhibited their new possessions and adopted them as permanent acquisitions."6 Crests and powers were occasionally seized from an enemy people as compensation for Tsimshian relatives who had been killed in battle, or to humiliate the defeated foe. The Tsimshian also seized crests in payment for murder or other crime, but they apparently did not follow the Kwakiutl practice of killing an owner for the sole purpose of acquiring his powers or crests.7 Crests sometimes changed hands in compensation for services, upon the extinction of lineages, and as gifts. In the latter case, both the donor and recipient had the right of use. Adoption of foreigners who had prerogatives also accounted for some crests. Crests and powers were formally assumed at potlatches. The most important of all potlatches celebrated the installation of a house head or tribal chief. He and his relatives re-enacted adventures of ancestors, sometimes impersonating them or the supernaturals they had encountered. The vision or trance was usually portrayed symbolically by means of a dance or carving, or both. The dramatization was treated as a pageant of family history, with emphasis upon the wealth, property, and pride of the lineage of the new chief. Generations of great men were incarnated in the chief, who proudly boasted to his guests that he was foremost of all the tribes, the darling of the supernaturals, and favored by the ancestors. Because of the fact that the tribes of the northern part of the Coast had greater wealth than those of southern Vancouver Island and to the south, they were able to afford more spectacular displays and distributions of wealth. Their emphasis on the cumulative wealth and inherited spirit powers of lineages had resulted in a suppression or displacement of the individual guardian spirit quest. The Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa initiated very young children into the protective custody of the supernaturals. The throwing dance constituted such an initiation. Each of the invited chiefs who performed this dance sang his song, danced, called upon his power, and indicated its name. Such a name symbolized the guardian spirit acquired by his ancestors and it was used in this fashion only when the spirit was called. The same sort of spirit calling and naming characterized secret society performances. When the power appeared to the chief, he caught it and threw it into the children who were hidden under mats in the corner of the house. Immediately, the whistle belonging to the name began to blow and the children were whisked away by the spirit. After the ceremony, they were ready for secret society initiation or to take part in dramatizations of legends. 6 Barbeau, 1929, p. 103. This crest was taken after the establishment of Fort St. James in 1808. 7 Codere, 1950, pp. 102-103 et seq. 1RE TrI8MS4EIAN AJXD THIEIR XEIGABO1RS At all Tsimshian potlatches which validated a change of status or taking of hereditary rights, names and material from myths were presented in dramatic form. Participants increased their prestige, demonstrated their ability to accumulate wealth, and cited their success as hunters and fishermen. Their ability to give the potlatch demonstrated that the beings of the spiritual world, the guardians of wealth, had assisted them in their worldly efforts. Secret Societies The Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa borrowed some secret society names and organization from the northern Kwakiutl, mainly the Heiltsuq and Xaisla.8 But only two societies, the Dog Eaters and Dancers, gained a firm foothold. The Cannibal, Fire-Thrower and Destroyer dances were acquired as personal, hereditary prerogatives and not as societies.9 Membership in the Dog Eaters and Dancers was open to any Tsimshian who had the wealth necessary for an initiatory ceremony. House heads sponsored the initiation of sons and daughters and of younger members of their lineages. Novices were coached in every step of the initiation, from the preliminary bathing, fasting and purification to the final removal of spirit influence. The initiation was essentially a planned and formalized guardian spirit quest which was carried out in a public gathering rather than in solitude. The appropriate presiding spirit was called by the songs and symbolized by the dances of the members of the society. The spirit which was in the society dancers seized the novice and he vanished to the accompaniment of whistles. Later, he was heard and seen about the village under the influence of the spirit and without voluntary control over his actions. The state which overcame him corresponded to the vision or hallucinatory experience of a solitary guardian spirit seeker. Society members then enticed the novice, through his spirit, to return to the house where they captured him. His behavior was sometimes so violent that he had to be forcibly restrained. When his ecstacy or frenzy had been brought under control, he danced for his spirit power, and the songs associated with it were sung for him by the society members. Each initiate received an individual dance, song, name and symbol from the tutelary. This parallels the individual and personal manifestation of power received by a solitary seeker. At Port Simpson, the children of free men, both boys and girls, were initiated into either the Dog Eaters or the Dancers. Persons who belonged to wealthy lineages, or were house heads or their heirs, sponsored further spirit contact experiences in society dances and so increased their prestige, and acquired still stronger power. Only a very wealthy man was able to sponsor as many as four secret society demonstrations. 8 Boas, 1897a, pp. 632-664. 9 Garfield, 1939, pp. 293-297g 46 THEE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC The Tsimshian did not give up the solitary guardian spirit quest. It, too, was undertaken by seekers of shamanistic powers and by men who desired supernatural assistance in hunting, fishing, warfare and the acquisition of wealth. In general, the ideology of the supernatural and the associated guardian spirit quest practices had changed to a pattern, one of the primary features of which was the public dramatization of lineage legendary history. A second feature appears in the acquirement of supernatural aides from the lineage ancestry. Direct descendants held prior rights and benefited most from these hereditary privileges. To be sure, the secret society initiations duplicated much of the widespread pattern of the individual guardian spirit quest, but added song composers, dancers, carvers, and other experts. All contacts with the supernatural were determined by hereditary status. Certainly, only persons who had wealth could advance in the ranks of the secret societies. In addition, other secret society dances were acquired from the Kwakiutl as strictly private property so that only one individual in a lineage could come under the influence of a certain supernatural. Shmanism Published accounts of Tsimshian shamanism mainly describe shamanistic techniques and give scant information about the sources of shamans' powers or the details of power acquisition." A novice could receive aides from a supernatural who had assisted an ancestor, or from any of the numerous mythical creatures who revealed themselves to human beings. I have been unable to discover evidence that there were certain supernaturals who conveyed shamanistic power only, either by inheritance or otherwise. Shamans appear to have received a particular manifestation from an initiating agent which instructed them to use a curing or other skill in a special way. Some of the tricks such as sleight-of-hand, knife swallowing, and walking on coals, had little direct bearing on professional practice but were as impressive as the shaman's ability to catch a soul and return it to a seemingly dead body. In Tlingit tales, a candidate was instructed to secure the tongue of a land otter. Possession of the tongue was hazardous because it called the creatures of the unseen world to the seeker. However, it also forced them to convey to him the benefits he sought. If he had observed all the training tabus, he could subdue and control the aides attempting to destroy him so that henceforth they would do his bidding. Employment of a land otter tongue also appears in Tsimshian tales, but as only one of the many agencies through which a shaman received power., 10 Boas, 1916, pp. 473-477. THE TSIMSHIAN AlD THEIR NEIGHBORS 47 A Tsimshian who desired to become a shaman could carry out his own training and quest, though it was more usual for young men to attach themselves to shamans who were paid to teach them. Usually, the young man's maternal uncle, less often his father, paid the pedagogue. Older shamans also took their own sons, nephews or nieces as assistants and supervised their training. The older men sometimes sang their power songs over the novices to help them in their spirit encounters. Experienced shamans also worked with a novice who was in a trance, helped him to get control of the aides he had received, and then revived him. The following story of acquisition of shamanistic powers was told by a Nass River shaman.1l It dates from the middle nineteenth century. When I was a young man I wanted to be a foremost hunter and to be wealthy, so I trained. I was then able to get many animals during the season when their skins were prime and I became wealthy. I saw shamans hunting when the animals were not prime. I tried it and got only poor skins, but the shamans always brought in fine pelts. I was determined to become a shaman also. I told the foremost shaman on Nass River what I wanted and he agreed to train me. He told me to first go to the Bella Bella chief and ask him to give me dancing power. In the spring I did as the Nisqa shaman directed. The Bella Bella chief agreed to help me after I had given him a gift of many marmot skins. He sent me to Kitga'ata to get power from a shaman there and then to Kitkatla to see two other men who would give me dance powers. He instructed me to go also to Gitando, Gilutsau and Gitwilgoats. He gave me the names of the men to see at each of these places. I was instructed to tell each of them that the Bella Bella chief had agreed to help me. I went to the villages and each man sang his shaman power songs over me and put further dance powers into me. Then I went home to the Nass, and told the shaman what had happened. He said that I would get power, and instructed me to go to Gitsaxlal where there was a shaman who specialized in making symbols of supernatural power for other shamans. I told him that I wanted a double-headed, folding knife that I could put into my mouth and it would appear as though I had swallowed it. I gave him presents of marmot skins and he agreed to make it. After many days it was finished. He showed me how to put a bladder of blood in my mouth and then prick it with the knife as I put it in. I went back to the Nass. That spring I became ill and I was still ill when we moved down to the mouth of the river to fish for olachen. The Nisqa shaman knew that I was now possessed by the powers and he instructed me to call all the shamans who had sung their songs over me. They came and gave me more powers. I had visions in which many aides came to me. I was now a medicine man and when I got well I gave my performance and showed my symbol of supernatural powers. I was then as famous as the other shamans, and was able to get prime skins at any time of the year. In this story none of the shamans were chiefs except the man from Bella Bella. Most of the famous Tsimshian shamans were neither lineage 11 From an account recorded by William Beynon, Port Simpson, British Columbia. 48 THE TSIMStIAN, THEIM ARTS AND MUSIC heads nor tribal chiefs. They were men who had achieved distinction and prestige not through hereditary rank but through the use of their special supernatural skills. In potlatches that were given for the transmission of hereditary powers, they participated as lineage members, not as shamans. In the secret society initiations, they again functioned only as members or as individuals who owned dances or privileges. A shaman's sole prerequisite in terms of social position was that he had had experience in controlling spirits. Witchcraft The Tsimshian have separate terms for a shaman, who was of course supposed to work for the common good, and for the witch who was literally "an evil person." The witch worked almost entirely through magic. He caused illness or death by enticing or stealing the soul of his victim, or by other means. He might utilize anything intimately associated with the victim's person, such as a nail paring, a bit of clothing or a hair. He put it in a box or wrapped it in a bundle with evil things, said an incantation over it, and hid it. When the contents rotted or the piece of cloth fell from its suspending thread, the victim suffered the illness or misfortune designated by the witch. Shamans were able to diagnose such illness, "see" its cause, and remove it. The Tsimshian do not seem to have done as much witch hunting as the Tlingit, who were not content until a scapegoat had been found and punished or killed. Tsimshian accounts emphasize the skill of a shaman in counteracting a witch's influence and fighting his powers. Little stress was given to the procedure of torturing a confession out of a person suspected of witchcraft. CHAPTER FIVE MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKTALES The Tsimshian shared many general characteristics of mythology with other tribes of North America and eastern Asia. These similarities included themes, types of plots and specific plots, story characters, episodes and incidents. Among the similarities between eastern Asia and western North America only a few can be included in this brief discussion. Tales of sky beings, of animals and of supernaturals who conveyed power to humans were widespread. Specific plots included the tale of a girl who married a dog in the guise of a man and bore canine offspring. The liberation of daylight was a widely known plot although Raven in the role of liberator occurred principally on the Northwest Coast. Raven or a comparable culture hero and trickster-transformer was the central character of a series or cycle of tales. Many episodes of the cycle were related on both sides of Bering Sea. Animal actors or creatures with animal features were very popular. Marriage between humans and animals or animal supernaturals was a dominant theme among Plains tribes as well as on the Northwest Coast and among the Eskimo. Animals or animal supernaturals were usually portrayed as having human attributes. In the greater number of Tlingit and Haida tales, an offended animal married a human being in order to punish or instruct. The animal supernatural spouse in Tsimshian tales most often aided a person in distress and bestowed powers and crests as special gifts. The mystic relationship between spirit animals and humans was a theme that ran through many tales about animal supernaturals. Animals were killed, or allowed themselves to be killed, to supply food and other benefits to mankind. Rites were performed atoning for the deed and acknowledging man's dependence upon the supernaturals. This theme appeared in many myths of the salmon spirit world and found expression in first salmon rites. The theme also appeared in many bear tales, including those of girls captured by bears in human guise and of men married to bears who appeared to them as women. Other tales emphasized the bond of friendship between bears and men who obeyed hunters' rites of purification. Rites for the bear were performed in Asia and were present in parts of North America. Although they do not occur as community ceremonials among Northwest Coast tribes, there were individual rites to maintain 49 50 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC the relationship between men and bears. Purification of a hunter and sacrifices and prayers to the spirit of the dead animal were essential to success, not only in hunting but in other pursuits. A long myth about mountain goats who punished a Tsimshian village for wanton killing and disrespectful treatment of their flesh, reflects the same attitude toward sacred spirit animals who must be propitiated to furnish food for mankind. Trickster stories were particularly popular in the western two-thirds of North America. Raven, Mink and Bluejay were the best known tricksters of the northern part of the Northwest Coast. Coyote was the principal trickster of the southern part of the Northwest Coast, the Southwest, the Plateau and the Plains. Transformer and culture-hero stories were also well known. In many tales of the Tlingit, Haida, northern Kwakiutl and Tsimshian, the traits of transformer, culture-hero and trickster were combined in the principal character. He was usually Raven or a hero identified with him such as the Tsimshian Giant or Txamsem. The roles of trickster and transformer were usually separated and ascribed to different characters in tales of the southern Kwakiutl and groups to the south and east of them. A clear-cut distinction between the events of this world and of other worlds was not usual in North American mythology. The action of a tale or myth often led from this world to an imaginary realm and from everyday events and people to happenings and creatures of the spirit world. Plots, themes and motifs were not of distinctive kinds for myths and tales and many literary components were common to both.' The Taimshian distinguished between stories of the myth age, and tales, a distinction also made by other Pacific Northwest peoples. The main difference between the two types of narrative was in the setting. The action of myths took place in an age of supernaturals and semidivine ancestors before the present natural features and social customs of the world were fully established. Tales were set in an essentially modern era in which the action usually occurred in a commonplace setting of hunting, raiding and potlatching, though creatures and happenings of an imaginary realm were also involved. There were relatively few plots, but there were large numbers of episodes and motifs. There was no close cohesion between episodes and plots. Episodes and motifs moved with considerable freedom from one plot to another and were recombined in many different ways. Some occurred in a large number of different stories, or as separate short stories while others were limited to a few tales or even to a single narrative. Certain themes also recurred in stories that had distinct plots and episode developments. Supernatural aid to despised and distressed human beings and the test theme, both of wide occurrence, were popular Thompson, 1929. THIM TSIMSHIAX A1 D THEIR IXEIGHISOP.951 51 in Tsimshian folklore. Other Tsimshian themes include mutual aid of brothers, and less often of brothers and sisters, the haughtiness of girls of the upper class, the love of husband and wife, and the affection of uncle and nephew on the one hand and their jealous rivalry on the other. Wealthy chiefs were described much more often than lower class clansmen. Slavery was idealized in descriptions of the love of a slave for his master and his reluctance to be separated from him. A feature of myths and tales of tribes from southeastern Alaska to the southern part of Vancouver Island which distinguishes this district from adjacent ones was the tendency towards stylistic complexity. The many short, and otherwise unrelated episodes which were told about a celebrated mythical character account for one kind of complexity. Dr. Boas' analysis of the Raven cycle revealed many motifs that occurred elsewhere as separate stories or in other contexts and seem to have become associated with Raven secondarily.2 Tales of human heroes showed the same kind of elaboration. Another kind of complexity appeared in the development of the climax. Brothers were vanquished one after another until the youngest succeeded. He then rescued the bodies of the other heroes and brought them back to life. In the Tsimshian myth of Gauo she asked, "Who will marry my daughter?" and was answered in turn by stronger and stronger animals whom she rejected. Finally, a stroke of lightning revealed a supernatural Sky Being who helped the women out of their difficulty. Another example is the story of the deserted child who was aided by supernaturals. Each day the supernatural brought food, usually beginning with a few berries or a small piece of fish. Each day larger and larger fish and animals were delivered until whales were left on the beach below the village. These were dried, stored and at length filled all the houses. The starving relatives returned to marvel at the abundance of food and acclaim the deserted man as their chief. The Tsimshian belief in guardian spirit contact and aid, shared with most North American tribes, ties in with the many supernaturals seen, killed or visited by humans in the tales, as well as with some of the beings described in myths. The belief in marvelous power bestowed by supernaturals also influenced the interpretation of recent events which were incorporated into tales. Several such tolktales describe the emotions of Tsimshian who first saw the white man and his inventions. One of these tales is about fishermen from Kitkatla who were the first of their tribesmen to meet Europeans.3 Their strange appearance, actions and speech 2 Boas, 1916, pp. 618-641. 3 From author's field notes. A version appears in Arctander, 1909, pp. 63-65. Capt. James Colnett discovered Nepean Sound in Kitkatla territory in 1787. Captains George Vancouver, in 1791, and Jacinto Caamano, in 1792, visited the Kitkatlas and left some description of them. The story of the first white men seen by the Kitkatlas undoubtedly dates from one of the above visits. 52 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR AITS AND MUSIC led the Indians to regard them as Ghost People. They were deeply impressed by an iron kettle which, unlike the cooking boxes with which they were familiar, did not burn when set on the fire. The strangers' knives which flashed in the sun seemed to cut magically. A gun and mirror convinced them that they were indeed in the presence of strange and supernaturally potent creatures. The tale shows that the Tsimshian ascribed magical properties to these objects; properties with which they were familiar from long experience with gifts received from supernaturals. The tale is, therefore, an account of the groups' reactions to a new experience and the addition of new crests to the inventory of lineage possessions, cast in familiar literary and ideological form. Story telling by the Tsimshian was motivated in part by the deep interest of lineages in their history and possessions. Plastic and graphic arts provided symbolically depicted crests, spirit encounters and other events and devices associated with the past. Carvings and paintings were made representing actors in lineage dramas and crests obtained through ancestors' adventures. Such adventures were also dramatized. Oral literature was, therefore, only one aspect of a complex art tradition. It provided themes for carvers, painters and dramatists. The development of Tsimshian lineages, clans and villages, which was exceedingly complex, was reflected in the oral literature. Many of the fortunes and misfortunes of past generations were preserved in oral traditions which reflect not only actual occur nces but also social ideals, customs, and beliefs concerning the former and present world, as Dr. Boas has so competently illustrated in Tsimshian Mythology. In spite of its size, this publication is based upon only a fraction of the great numbers of myths, and it is meagerly representative of those tales of the Nisqa and Coast Tsimshian that were identified with separate lineages and clans. The largest available collection of Gitksan myths and tales, only abstracts of which have been published by Dr. Barbeau, explains figures on totem poles.4 Most of the Tsimshian literature edited by Dr. Boas, and that collected from the Tlingit and Haida by Dr. Swanton5 was presented as if it were general community property. Only a few stories in these published collections were identified as the property of or as explanations of historical details of lineages and clans. On the other hand, my own field information demonstrates that certain tales were localized and identified as the property of specific clans or lineages. For example, all Tlingit informants who related the story of Kats, the hunter who married the bear woman, agreed that it was the property of the Tlingit Teqoedi clan and of certain related Nisqa and Haida lineages. Kats was the ancestor 4 Barbeau, 1929. 6 Swanton, 1905; 1909. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 53 of these people and the story was told by them as an historical happening, not as a myth, in spite of its content.6 All Tlingit and Alaska Haida informants knew at least parts of the Raven cycle of tales. But some of the incidents were regarded as myth accounts of certain lineages of the Raven phratry. Informants who were asked to explain Raven figures on totem poles referred the investigator to the pole owners and asserted that only such individuals knew the versions that had been symbolized on the poles. These stories were almost identical with those recorded by Dr. Swanton and published by him as part of the common literary heritage of all Tlingit. Each such story told to me was localized in the area that belonged to the lineage of the pole owner, or a lineage ancestor was alleged to have been present when the incident took place. Stories told to account for pole carvings included the bringing of daylight, Raven's loss of his beak to the halibut fishermen, Raven's journey in the whale, and his marriage to Fog Woman who made the first salmon. Raven's journey to the Sky where he married Sun's daughters was also illustrated on lineage-owned Tlingit poles. This story was prefaced with the Deluge myth. Raven's journey beneath the sea was also illustrated in carving. As a result of this adventure, he taught the ancestors to utilize sea mammals and shellfish for food. It is important to note that versions of these stories were told as privately owned lineage legends and were regarded as different stories from the same incidents when they were included in the general Raven cycle related by Tlingit and Haida story tellers. The collections of Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian folklore analyzed by Dr. Boas in Tsimshian Mythology led him to conclude that "There is no connection whatever between the Raven myth and the social grouping of the people, except the vague statement, that is not found embodied in any version as an important element, that Raven was the ancestor of the Raven Clan. This idea is certainly foreign to the Tsimshian. There is no mention whatever in the Raven myth of the ancestors of any of the local subdivisions of the exogamic groups."7 Although carvings of Raven appeared on Tsimshian totem poles studied by Dr. Barbeau, he asserts that there were no particular tales to account for these other than the general Raven myth.8 On the other hand, the Gitksan carvings of Raven described by Dr. Barbeau did not illustrate any incidents from the Raven cycle of tales as recorded in Tsimshian Mythology. The identification of Raven tales with ancestors of certain lineages by the Tlingit and Haida may be unique and recent. However, further 6 Garfield and Forrest, 1949, pp. 30 -33. 7 Boas, 1916, p. 619. The same can be said for a number of other tales which, however, the Indians know are the property of certain lineages. 8 Barbeau, 1929, p. 50, 54 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AiND MUSIC collection of myths and tales should be undertaken with particular attention to those regarded as part of the common heritage of everyone, distinct from those that belong to specific lineages. Such a study would reveal the extent to which myth elements, known over wide areas, were reworked into clan and lineage "histories." Myths of the Tsimshian, as well as those of the Tlingit and Haida, do give evidence of literary reworking of separate tales of the Raven cycle into the semblance of a life history of the culture hero. The cycle begins with Raven's birth, either as the child of a faithless woman or as the unwanted nephew of a jealous uncle. The uncle is frequently identified as the powerful supernatural being who controlled the sky and the earth and oceans beneath. It was he who ordained that Raven should become the culture hero, bringing benefits to man. He did not give up his powers without a contest since Raven must prove himself worthy of the task. The cycle proceeds with the acquisition of supernatural power by Raven, either through a contest with his uncle or through heavenly birth or rebirth. He then returned from the sky where he was born or to which he ascended to escape a world covered with water. Here a synthesis of the Deluge myth and Raven story has been made which correlates the beginning of his life and activities with the emergence of the modern world. In several versions, his first significant act was to make the waters subside. The insatiable appetite of the transformer is one of the most characteristic and widespread themes of the Raven cycle as told in Northwest America. The Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian attempted to account for this characteristic. In most versions, the supernatural one, who did not eat, was fed scabs. His transformation into a creature with human appetite was overdone and he became voracious. This episode gives meaning to his subsequent behavior.9 The separate Tsimshian stories are linked by literary devices which carry Raven from one place and adventure to another. The arrangement of incidents, beginning with the circumstances of Raven's birth, contrasts tales of frustration, voraciousness and outright trickery with those of an awakening social responsibility and ends on the motif of the culture hero voluntarily divested of his trickster role. In the final episode, Raven invited dangerous sea monsters to a feast and turned them into stone so that they could no longer harm human beings. He then transformed himself and his carved house to stone. Raven tales from the Tlingit and Haida show that narrators had the same feeling for a logical and traditional sequence of incidents though failing memories and lack of agreement among raconteurs have left us with cycles pieced together from separately told tales by different narrators. The Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian share most motifs and 9 Boas, 1902; 1916, pp. 638 -641. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 55 agree on the order of some of the stories. Several stories have not been reported from any other groups. One of these is the short account of the origin of death as the result of Elderberry giving birth before Stone. Raven decreed that human beings would be as enduring as stone if she gave birth first. Another is the account of the origin of tides by pulling the Tide Woman from the cave and the consequent release of the tide line. The origin of salmon from the Fog Woman whom Raven married and offended has been reported only from the above three groups and their immediate neighbors. The Raven cycle and many of the separate stories included in it are widespread in western America and Asia.10 Comparison of these leads to the conclusion that the Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit achieved a degree of integration and cohesion of the tales not found elsewhere. They added independent motifs and stories to the cycle and invented new ones, including an introduction accounting for Raven's birth and presence on the earth. These they wove into the semblance of a unified epic by arrangement of incidents, by supplying motivation for actions and by means of the concluding story of his transformation. Analysis of similarities between Tsimshian oral literature and that of their neighbors reveals the closest affinities with the Tlingit and Haida. The Tsimshian share many stories with the Western Plateau, as well as plots, themes and independent motifs that are woven into dissimilar tales. They share fewer characteristics with coastal tribes to the south of them. 10 Jochelson, 1905; Hatt, 1949. CHAPTER SIX THE ARTS Drama, Dancing and Music The Tsimshian were able musicians, dancers and dramatists. Ancient legends, visitations of tutelary spirits, and current happenings were reenacted for the glorification of chiefs and their lineages, for the spiritual benefit of individuals and for the pleasure and instruction of spectators. Dancing and music were inseparable parts of the unfolding dramatic scene, accomplished as much through the medium of symbolic dancing as through acting. The dramatic impact of the performance was heightened by the use of costumes and masks, of painted screens and of mechanical devices such as dancing heads and spouting whales. Performers were accompanied by choruses of women singers and one or more drummers. Artists, song composers, dance instructors and directors combined their talents in preparing and staging performances. Instrumental music was limited to a few rhythm-producing instruments. The Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa used a large box drum and wooden rattles (see P1. 1) as the principal accompaniment to songs and dances. The Gitksan probably also used the tambourine type of drum, known to their Athapascan neighbors. Wooden whistles were used as the voices or calls of secret society tutelary spirits but did not serve as musical instruments. In contrast to the paucity of musical instruments, Northwest Coast tribes had a wealth of songs for every occasion. Songs were among the treasured gifts from supernatural beings and were handed down with the legends and crests gained by lineage ancestors. Songs were also revealed or given by tutelary spirits of the secret societies and these were also treasured by their owners. Nearly every clan legend includes at least one song composed to commemorate an ancestor or some event in his career. The most sacred were hymns sung only in times of bereavement or great stress. Other, less sacred songs belonging to lineage members included nursery songs which often referred to ancestors' pecularities or doings, songs relating to crests, disasters and victories. Still others, both traditional and new, were common property. The Tsimshian honored the talented composer who could supply new songs for feasts, potlatches and secret society initiations. A host, planning an affair, engaged the services of a composer to arrange melodies and words, and teach them to his group. This was done in secret so that guests THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 57 did not know in advance what they were to hear. The host requested songs of praise for his achievements and the glorification of his ancestors. But even more, he desired cleverly worded comments on the weaknesses and defections of selected guests. These derisive songs did not openly insult guests since that was neither polite nor safe. Oblique and subtle references, plays on words and the use of words with double meaning evoked admiration from the audience and left little doubt of the identity of the intended victims. The words of such songs are extremely difficult to translate into intelligible English without copious footnotes, but a number have been recorded for the Tsimshian, Haida, Tlingit and Fort Rupert Kwakiutl. Dr. Swanton states that Haida songs of derision were largely in Tsimshian which the Haida could not translate.1 This suggests that humiliation of a rival in song was a recent borrowing from Tsimshian. Song contests between rivals or as means of settling quarrels are known from the Alaska Eskimo, the Aleutian Islands and possibly from Kamchatka.2 Usually two individuals composed and sang derisive songs at each other until the audience declared one the winner. Northwest Coast battles with song were not so direct but were also waged according to formal rules. A victim could not retaliate until he was host at a feast or potlatch. He then composed his own insults or engaged the services of a talented song maker. Eskimo and Northwest Coast song contests are analogous and undoubtedly are historically related. So much has been written about Northwest Coast dramatic performances that a brief summary will suffice here. The Tsimshian reenacted episodes from clan legends at all public events but especially at the funeral services of a chief and the installation ceremony of his successor. They also presented skits depicting humorous situations, narrow escapes or serious events of everyday life with skill and a lively sense of mimicry. The Coast Tsimshian did imitations of interior Athapascan manners, speech and dress for the amusement of guests. In later years, they added burlesques of Russians, Americans, Englishmen and even Aleuts and Japanese to their repertory. The Coast Tsimshian acquired two secret societies and many individual spirit dances from their northern Kwakiutl neighbors, together with the rich pageantry required for initiation of novices and demonstrations of powers. These in turn were passed on to the Nisqa and southern Gitksan through marriage and purchase, though the Gitksan also acquired dance prerogatives directly from the Kitimat. Potlatching and secret society activities were never so important to the northern Gitksan, hence their dramatic performances were neither so numerous nor so elaborate as those of the rest of the Tsimshian. 1 Swanton and Boas, 1912, p. 63. 2 Birket-Smith and de Laguna, 1938, p. 464. 58 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC The area of elaborate presentation of dramatic performances includes the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, Bella Coola and Nootka. The number and complexity of performances fade out rapidly from this center of Northwest Coast theatrical art. Painting, Engraving and Sculpture The distinctive plastic and graphic arts of the Northwest Coast were produced by tribes from the Gulf of Georgia to Yakutat Bay. It was in this area that concepts of hereditary status and wealth held sway and where potlatch and secret society performances provided ample opportunity for skill in the making of decorated articles. The most elaborate work was done by the Haida, Tlingit and Tsimshian whose complex clan organization stimulated artistic production, and by the northern Kwakiutl, whose secret society dramatizations provided inspiration for creative artists. Excellent work was also done by southern Kwakiutl, Bella Bella, Bella Coola and Nootka carvers. As craftsmen familiar with carpentry tools and woodworking techniques, men were also the carvers, painters and sculptors. In addition to wood, they worked in bone, stone, horn and copper, shaping and ornamenting all materials with equal skill, though by far the most work was done in wood. Their artistic talents were not confined to articles to be used only on rare public occasions but were also applied to the fashioning and ornamentation of implements and household furnishings in daily use. Proportionately as much time, thought and skill were lavished on these homely articles as on more venerated and spectacular masks, memorial columns or housefront paintings. Wooden chests, serving dishes and trays, cooking and storage boxes, spoons, fish hooks and clubs, and canoes were manufactured and ornamented for daily use. Handsomely made horn spoons and the more lavishly decorated chests and dishes were reserved for feast use and for gifts. Ornaments of bone and copper were worn by both men and women. Equipment reserved for special occasions included carved and painted rattles, drums, headdresses and masks. Ornamented chests held the remains of the dead, and carved and painted columns were raised in memory of the deceased. The most spectacular products were the paintings which covered the facades of houses and the timbers carved with symbolic figures, generally known as totem poles. Facade paintings seem to have been more popular with the Coast Tsimshian who made few carved columns compared to the numbers in Gitksan and Nisqa villages.3 In this they resemble the Kwakiutl and more southerly tribes. Much of the subject matter of Northwest Coast art was drawn from legendary history, quasi-historic events and myths of the world's be3 Barbeau, 1929, pp. 14-15; Boas, 1916, THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS '59 ginnings. Historic experiences were related as myths or tales in which ancestors, spiritual and human, participated. Some legends dealt with origins of present day customs and lineages. Many tales were identified with the forebears and history of particular lineages. Incidents and actors from such tales were the source of designs used to decorate articles of everyday as well as ceremonial use. Totems and crests of kinship groups were derived from all the above sources. The predominant actors in myths and tales were supernatural beings or human-like spirits, who in both instances had animal characteristics. Other actors were semi-historical ancestors whose contact with the supernatural world had endowed them with spiritual qualities. The intense pre-occupation of the Tsitshian and their neighbors with legendary history of lineages and spirit contacts of ancestors and the need to develop tangible means of preserving ancestors' experiences were primary factors in the development of the arts of painting, engraving and sculpture. The goal of the artist who worked in plastic and graphic forms was to illustrate actors and incidents so that they would be readily recognized by observers familiar with the tales. The art was not essentially a vehicle for the recording of events and people of everyday life. Living or recently deceased people were seldom depicted. If they were, it was usually because they had been through spiritual experiences which they or their relatives wished to commemorate. Human and animal-supernatural heroes challenged the ingenuity and skill of the artist. Myth characters were transformed into animals, men, birds or inanimate objects, sometimes within the action of a single tale. The number of story heroes or dominant characters was limited and there was a tendency to weave many plots and incidents about a single hero. In the well-known and widely told Raven tales there is only one notable hero who is an actor with many-sided personality. Carvers and painters developed a set of symbols by which the people recognized the various characters, incidents and plots that were represented. Illustrations of a few popular subjects became so conventionalized that carvings or paintings of them are readily recognizable whether they come from Yakutat or Vancouver Island. On the other hand, illustrations representing individual experiences could not be interpreted, even by a tribesman, without explanation from the owner or artist. In the process of graphic conventionalization, distinctive features of each oft-recurring story character were selected.4 The shape of the beak was the distinguishing mark of birds and of bird supernaturals. Characteristic fin and tail shapes identified sea mammals and fish. Head and tail differences established the identity of land animals or of animal supernaturals. Since many myth heroes were human-like spirits, illustra4 Boas, 1927, pp. 183-298. Also see illustrations of Tsimshian wood carving and painting, 60 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC tions often combined human limbs and bodies with animal symbols. Ordinary human beings were provided with human shaped ears, facial features and bodies. Inanimate objects and sky and earth phenomena were also represented. There was no attempt to include all the story characters in a single carving or painting. The development of the art style was influenced by several factors in addition to subject matter as such. The material employed influenced the development of the style. Artists painted and carved soft wood and sculptured stone and bone. They also painted on wood and on hides. They decorated surfaces as large as the front of a house and as small as the face of a bone charm. They sculptured tiny ear ornaments or sixtyfoot totem poles with equal skill. Much of the rtistic energy was expended upon houses, canoes, clothing, storage chests, serving dishes and other articles where the ornamentation was not allowed to inerfere with utility. Certain principles guided the artist in the formal treatment of a de/ corative field and in the arrangement of design upon surfaces of varying sizes and shapes. The design usually covered all or nearly all of the 7 decorative field. Identifying marks or symbols of the subject must be included. They were often exaggerated in size in relation to the rest of the body, which if possible must also be included. Subjects were more often.represented in front view, less often in profile or from the top looking down on the back of the subject. There were three main principles of representation: the conventional details of the subject must be emphasized; the whole mut be represented, not merely a part of the whole; and the design must conform to the shape of the surface to be decorated. From the point of view of realistic representation, these principles resulted in extensive distortion. The subject was dissected or split and spread out, though the relationship of body parts was usually preserved. However, the subject was sometimes dismembered and the body parts represented were so highly stylized as to be virtually unrecognizble (see Fig. 2). Although a very limited number of basic design elements were used by Northwest Coast artists the combinations of these elements produced a bewildering variety of effects (see Fig. 3). Curved lines and rounded angles were characteristic of all design elements. The basic form was a rectangle with rounded corners; one end was slightly wider than the other. The base line was often curved. True circles were used less frequently than ovals or rectangles, which were used to represent eyes, faces, and joints and as non-significant formal elements to fill in the background around a central figure. Another basic element that appeared in every design was the so-called feather tip; often it was asymmetrical in outline or in the balance of fill-in lines. This element represented bird feathers, fish and sea mammal fins and tails, ears and limbs of animal THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 61 Figure 2. Design on the Side of a Wooden Box (after Boas, drawn by Steven Dunthorne). THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC and supernaturals, cheek outlines, and teeth. It appeared extensively as a part of formal designs to fill in background spaces. Two other frequently used elements were the crescent and an element often of clawlike shape based on the triangle. Connecting lines of tapering widths served to outline figures and to tie the parts of a design into a compact and recognizable whole. Figure 3. Abstract Design from Side of Box (After Boas, drawn by Steven Dunthorne). Designs on flat surfaces were generally more highly stylized than designs of other kinds. In sculpture, either in the round or in relief, the artist approached realism, the degree of realistic representation depending on the purpose for which the carving was made. Startlingly life-like masks, heads and figurines prove that artists were capable of producing such effects. Even in sculpture which was essentially conventionalized, some creatures were illustrated in more realistic form than others./For example, frogs were almost always sculptured without resort to conventionalization. Halibut, salmon, whales and blackfish were also frequently accorded realistic representation. Small dishes, especially those for serving grease, were frequently carved out in animal shapes that are more readily recognizable than the representations of these animals on flat surfaces. Artists painted and carved designs, either independently or in combination. They sculptured both in the round and in relief. Decorated flat surfaces included square or rectangular sides of drums and chests, dish ends, and house fronts and partitions. Curved surfaces included bowls of spoons, sides of dishes, and canoes. Sculptured objects included house posts, mortuary columns and figures, totem poles, spoon handles, masks, rattles, and halibut hooks. Each surface shape and contour presented special problems. There were two methods of approach: one appropriate THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBlORS 63 to the decoration of flat surfaces, the other to sculpture of blocks of wood or stone. But the two were not mutually exclusive. Details on sculptured figures, such as the wings of birds, were often treated, whether by carving or painting, in the same manner as designs applied to flat surfaces. Combinations of painted, carved and sculptured elements appeared on all types of wood articles. Those of bone and stone were seldom painted. If paint was applied to carved and sculptured designs, it was used only to emphasize details such as eyes, eyebrows, teeth, wing elements and claws. True paintings were made on natural wood or dressed skins, and occasionally on baskets, mats and woven hats. There was no shading of colors. Each color was a flat, solid design element distinctly set off from another element by black lines or by the natural color of the background. Pigments were few. The most abundant and easily procured was ochre. It produced colors of dull yellow, brown, orange-red and bright red according to the per cent of iron oxide in relation to other minerals or impurities, and according to the method used in its preparation. Lumps of ochre were wrapped in cedar bark and baked to produce brown and dark red, the shade depending partly on the heat and partly on the length of time of baking. Black was secured mainly from graphite and manganese. White, which was seldom used by the Tsimshian, was made from shells burned in the fire. A rare and highly prized blue-green pigment was made from copper-impregnated clays obtained in trade from tribes that lived in copper-bearing areas. Pigments were ground in stone mortars and mixed with salmon eggs chewed to a smooth paste. The resulting paint had a rich heavy texture, good coverage and a slight gloss. It was as durable as good commercial paints. Brushes were made of bristles, hairs, and vegetable fibers fastened to wooden or bone handles that often were carved. Brushes were cut diagonally and did not taper to a point or have straight edges. Like other tools, brushes were drawn toward the artist when painting.5 Metal Work Copper was worked in pre-European times in wide areas of North America. In the Northwest, cold hammering was known from Cook Inlet inland to the Mackenzie River and south in the Plateau area to the Nez Perce. Copper working on the coast extended to the Nootka of southern Vancouver Island. It is also reported for the Chinook at the mouth of the Columbia River in Washington.6 Surface ores were utilized and no attempt was made to mine or smelt ores. Cold hammering, cutting and riveting were the only techniques of fabrication, though the latter may date from eighteenth century European contact. 6 Niblack, 1890, p. 282, P1. XLV, a and b. 6 Birket-Smith and de Laguna, 1938, pp. 404-405; Rickard, 1939. 64 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Copper was employed for arrow heads, daggers and ornaments, and for inlay in wood and horn. Beaten shields in which wealthy men invested large amounts of property were also fashioned. Because of its malleability and resistance to disintegration it was used over and over and was re-manufactured into new articles as fashions or demands changed. Pieces were also pounded or riveted together to make larger articles or they were cut into smaller ones. Use of copper is archaeologically recent but definitely pre-European on the Northwest Coast. There is sufficient testimony of eighteenth century traders and explorers to establish the fact that the Tlingit, Haida and Nootka, with whom traders made their first contacts, were thoroughly familiar with the metal, manufactured it into objects of typical Northwest Coast designs and traded them and the raw ores widely. There is no certain reference in eighteenth century accounts to Tsimshian copper work, but there is little doubt that they were then also familiar with copper. They do not seem to have had as much of it as the Tlingit and Haida who were closer to the main supplies. When and where copper working was first introduced into Northwest America are questions which cannot be answered without further study. For the Northwest Coast tribes, the principal source of native copper was the Copper River basin in Athapascan territory. The main middlemen were the northern Tlingit, who either manufactured it for trade or bartered the raw lumps of ore. The Tsimshian procured small amounts of ore from surface deposits on Peace and Nass Rivers and from the Cassiar district. Other sources were the Queen Charlotte Islands and Hetta Inlet on Prince of Wales Island. It is also possible that some copper reached the northern Tsimshian from Coppermine River in the Arctic. Fur traders report that the Indians displayed great interest in the work of craftsmen aboard their vessels and that copper and iron were in great demand.7 Both metals were reworked by native craftsmen into articles of their own design. They also learned to work gold and silver into ornaments, combining traditional designs and methods of workmanship with those learned from the newcomers.8 By the latter part of the nineteenth century silver largely replaced copper for ornaments. At the present time, native handicrafts in metals have largely ceased in favor of commercially produced and store-purchased jewelry. Eighteenth century visitors found Northwest Coast Indians in possession of iron daggers, knives and ornaments. Within a short time, 7 Joyce Wike Holder has collected data on trade goods, especially copper and iron, brought to the Northwest Coast by maritime fur traders. There were marked changes in native preferences from year to year (mss.). 8 Quimby (1948) lists Chinese and Hawaiian artisans on vessels visiting the Northwest Coast between 1785 and 1795. THE TSIMSHTAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 65 probably no more than a year or two after the first trading vessels arrived, hatchets, iron pots and knives were spread throughout most of the trading area. According to Tsimshian tradition, halibut fishermen from the village of Kitkatla were the first Tsimshian to acquire iron articles. One fisherman received a hatchet and another an iron pot from men who came in a sailing vessel. Other coastal Tsimshian acquired iron from Haida and Tlingit fur hunters during the last decade of the eighteenth century. At about the same time, or a few years later, the Tsimshian were obtaining iron from tribes in contact with mainland trading posts. Weaving and Clothing The outstanding contribution of women artists to the distinctive arts of the Northwest Coast is the woven blanket. Tsimshian women have been given credit for originating the famous Chilkat robe, woven of yarn made of twisted mountain-goat wool and fibers of yellow cedar bark. A robe woven of twisted cedar bark was the prototype of the Chilkat blanket. Blankets of cedar bark alone or of a combination of bark and dog hair, mountain-goat wool or pulled feathers were made by some of the coastal tribes from Puget Sound to Chilkat River, and by a few tribes of the interior of Washington and British Columbia. Some were woven with an unornamented background in twilled diagonal weave with a border of three-stranded twist weave. Others were bordered with zigzag colored lines. Still others had horizontal or diagonal bands of geometric designs woven into the body of the blanket and were without borders.9 The Chilkat robe is characterized by conventionalized designs derived from those developed by men for the decoration of wooden articles. The men painted pattern boards for the weavers to follow. The designs are entirely different from the geometric decorations used by the women on mats and baskets, and on the older rectangular blankets. Also characteristic of the Chilkat robe is the method of joining design elements to the background with loop stitches. The warp yarn was a double strand of twisted cedar bark covered with mountain-goat wool, doubled and twisted a second time so that the bark cord was concealed. The woof was of mountain-goat wool. Colors were black, yellow and blue-green patterns on a background of natural white wool. Chilkat designs were usually arranged in three fields, similar to the layout of designs on other flat surfaces. A wide center field covered the back of the wearer. There was a narrower strip on each side which extended over the shoulders and was visible from the front. This was similar to the arrangement of painted designs on the front edges of skin 9 Emmons, 1903. 66 THE TSIMSHIAlN, THEIR ARTS AN'D MtSIC robes. A wide fringe finished the sides and bottom, and a narrow band of fur was often used to trip the top edge. Robes, shirts, aprons and leggings were made on the simple upright loom known to all Northwest Coast weavers. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the Tsimshian had forgotten the art of blanket weaving. Only the Chilkat Tlingit among all northwestern coastal peoples were continuing to make blankets. By 1930, only a very few of the older women remembered the technique. In an effort to revive the art, the Arts and Crafts Board of the Office of Indian Affairs employed these women to teach younger women. Chilkat robes were heirlooms of wealthy families, worn only on special occasions. There are many references in the literature to these robes and to the headgear and ornaments worn with them. Leggings and an apron reaching almost to the knee were also a part of the costume. These were woven or of dressed skin, ornamented with fringes and bands of fur. Quill embroidery or painted designs were also used on skin garments. Colorful and elaborate, these nineteenth century ceremonial costumes are well known. There is very little information concerning Tsimshian everyday clothing of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Furs and dressed skins were bartered to traders for blankets, cloth and garments which replaced native clothing. Before the introduction of manufactured clothing Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa men and women wore small skin aprons fastened front and back to a belt. No trousers or shirts were worn. Robes or blankets of cedar bark, fur and dressed skins were worn for warmth and to shed rain. Poor people wore marmot pelts while marten, seal and sea otter were worn by the wealthy.10 Elk, moose and groundhog skins were important barter items but there are no descriptions of their use as clothing. Moccasins were not regularly worn on the coast. The Tsimshian of the interior wore dressed skin clothing, fur robes and moccasins. Their shirts, leggings and women's robes were fastened with ties, and partially fitted. They were decorated with fringes, paint and quill embroidery. Further details are lacking. Tsimshian shamans wore fringed dancing aprons of dressed skin and carried their paraphernalia in skin bags. Bear skin robes were also worn by some shamans. Bear claw crowns and necklaces of carved animal figures were part of a shaman's working costume and are the only items of apparel mentioned for female shamans.11 Skin dressing, sewing and quill embroidery were women's skills. They also wove hats, baskets and matting of cedar bark, spruce root and other vegetable fibers. Conical, wide brimmed hats were worn by both men and women. Tlingit and Haida women decorated their expertly made 10 Boas, 1916, p. 52. 11 Ibid., p. 558. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 67 spruce root hats and baskets with imbricated geometric designs in colored grasses and maiden hair fern stems. Their workmanship is superior to that of Tsimshian women, whose cedar bark baskets were coarse and often unornamented. Fine baskets to be used as potlatch gifts and hats for ceremonial wear were usually obtained from the Haida. Most Tsimshian masks were of one piece without movable parts. They also made a distinctive chief's headdress. A rectangular wooden placque, carved with crest figures and bordered with shell inlay was attached to a headband and worn like a crown. Weasel skins hung down the back and flicker feathers and sea-lion bristles stood upright around the headband. Polished bone charms carved into low relief animal and bird figures were also made by the Tsimshian, and less frequently by other tribes. The Development of Representational Art The focal area of development of Northwest Coast representative art is within the boundaries of Nisqa, Coast Tsimshian, southern Tlingit and Haida territory. It is impossible to assign the honor of spearheading the development to any one group. Artists of each group made contributions and received stimulus from others. Artisans and artists were frequently commissioned from distant villages to make canoes or carve poles on order. Decorated articles also changed hands in the extensive barter between tribes and as gifts in potlatches. Thus, there were constant interchanges of ideas among men receptive to innovation. Columnar carvings were made by the Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa before the Gitksan took over that form of illustrating myths and lineage histories. House pillars and short memorial posts antedated the tall, free standing columns decorated with four or more large figures, generally called totem poles. Crest paintings on the fronts of houses were also made by the Tsimshian before totem poles became popular. Tsimshian style of carving and arrangement of figures on totem poles were more closely allied to Tlingit work than to that of the Haida. Figures on Tsimshian and Tlingit poles were often separated from each other and stood, squatted or sat in relaxed postures. Blocked-out masses were large and simple, uncomplicated by small, interlocking figures or the engraved detail prevalent in Haida work. Postures of succeeding figures were often similar, repeating masses and curves the length of the timber. Mask-like faces on Tsimshian poles were frequently detached from bodies, a stylistic feature not often found on Haida and Tlingit columns. Tsimshian carvers seldom separated the head from the body by a columnar neck and sloping shoulders as was often done by the Tlingit. However, a small tab ear with a simple engraved chevron-shaped inner ear is characteristic of Tlingit and Tsimshian carving, and distinct from that of the Haida. TINE 'TI8MStIIAX, TAEIAI AilTS AND MUSIC Tlingit and Tsimshian carvings also resemble each other in the combinations of static and animated figures, especially those surmounting a pole. Birds and animals in high relief and in the round appear to climb or to be in flight. Figures on Haida poles were usually compact and static, though there are a few notable exceptions. Elaborately fashioned bird rattles were also of Tsimshian origin. Small figures of men, frogs and faces representing the placques on chiefs' headdresses were usually carved on the tops of these rattles. Questions concerning dating of Northwest Coast representative art as expressed in painting, engraving and sculpture can only be answered in general terms in this brief discussion. However, enough documentary and archaeological evidence has been accumulated to conclusively establish a pre-maritime fur trade date for the full development of the representative style of decoration in the media of wood, stone, bone and copper. A number of students have combed writings and drawings of explorers and maritime fur traders for references to decorated articles which the latter saw and bartered from the Indians.'2 They demonstrate conclusively that the distinctive characteristics of design known from the extensive collections and literature of the nineteenth century, were in existence before the middle of the eighteenth century. A wide variety of ornamented articles was seen and described by explorers and traders, showing that native craftsmen with long experience had applied their skill to many forms and materials. They were not beginners timorously experimenting, but trained and talented virtuosos capable of realizing the full potentialities of their media within the limits of their artistic traditions. Archaeological evidence of Northwest Coast art work is, and will probably remain, meager. Non-perishable materials were not used nearly as extensively as wood which deteriorates rapidly. Also, no satisfactory system of dating for pre-European sites has been devised. Stone and bone engravings and sculpture have been found but their precise dates are not known. The situation is complicated by the fact that designs in stone are sometimes geometric or crude animal figures only faintly resembling those done in wood. Whether the styles of ornamentation represent differences in age, in purpose or in techniques of working materials is not yet clear. Representative art on the Northwest Coast was thoroughly integrated with mythology, kinship structure and function, and with concepts of hereditary wealth in all their ramifications. Such thoroughgoing consistency was the result of a long process of dynamic growth within the area and could not have occurred in a few decades or a few generations, nor as the result of recent diffusion of whole complexes. 12 Newcombe, 1931, pp. 8-9; Keithahn, 1945, pp. 21-33; Barbeau, 1929, pp. 192 -209; Drucker, 1948; Paalen, 1943, pp. 7-17. THE TSIMSHIAN AND THEIR NEIGHBORS 69 This conclusion does not rule out the importance of comparative analyses of Pacific Rim cultural elements, and detailed study of the origin and diffusion of elements. Neither does it deny that better understanding of the local developments may be gained by setting the Northwest Coast against the background of a much broader area. One example will suffice. Carved columns, raised as grave markers or in memory of a deceased person are, of course, widespread. Wooden columns carved with a human or animal figure are known from the Eskimo of the lower Yukon and southward, from Athapascan tribes in Alaska and British Columbia and from tribes of the Washington littoral.13 Carved grave markers were made by the Ainu and carved or painted posts occur in eastern Siberia.14 Short posts on which personal possessions were hung were raised in the same area and also by Alaska Eskimo and many northern Athapascans. Most of the carved grave markers or memorial posts were short, plain shafts surmounted by one or two rudely fashioned figures representing the family connections of the deceased or some major event in his career. However, it is a far cry from the simple post in an Ainu or lower Yukon River graveyard to the elaborate memorial columns and totem poles in a Tsimshian or Haida town, not only in the styles of carving but especially in the cultural milieu to which each belongs. In such a comparison, the unique and localized features of Northwest Coast art stand out in definite contrast. The opening of the era of exploration and maritime fur trading in the middle of the eighteenth century especially favored those Northwest Coast tribes living along the migration routes of the seal and sea otter. During the thirty to forty years before the animals were virtually annihilated, the coast Indians supplied the majority of pelts and acted as middlemen between their less strategically located countrymen and the traders. The maritime fur traders scarcely interferred with the Indians' way of life but offered them new riches and, in many instances, more efficient implements and techniques. The quantity of iron received in barter met their tool needs within a few years. While most of the metal was reworked into native types of tools, the Indians also adopted European axes to fell trees and dress timbers, and chisels to improve detail carving. They developed more efficient methods of moving and raising timbers, and reduced the labor of house building and pole raising. In addition, they received quantities of trade goods far beyond their former ability to accumulate. Production in all the traditional decorative arts was increased and new arts, such as silver work and pipe making were added. Part of the new wealth was invested in totem poles which were only 13 Newcombe, 1931, p. 8; Nelson, 1899, pp. 317-319, Fig. 104; Krieger, 1927, Pls. 3 and 15; Barnett, 1942. 14 Joohelson, 1924, P. 13, Fig. 2; Kindaiti, 1941, pp. 44-47, 70 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC further developments of columnar carvings which previously had appeared principally on house and mortuary posts. The totem pole, as distinct from mortuary and house-post carvings, was, therefore, an achievement of the fur trade era. The new wealth also increased the number and lavishness of potlatches, secret society and hereditary power demonstrations, feasts and entertainment. These in turn intensified the demand for masks, headdresses and other paraphernalia, and contributed to greater specialization among artists and craftsmen. Traders and explorers collected many decorated articles of native manufacture and so augmented local demands for art work, though the most extensive museum and private collections were made during the nineteenth century. Native craftsmen were influenced from the first contacts by European, Asiatic and Pacific Island artisans whom they observed, and by the preferences of the foreigners for certain trade articles over others. Models of carved poles, canoes, and chests were readily taken by the visitors. Foreign objects, such as pipes were also copied and decorated according to traditional principles of perspective, line drawing and subject matter, combined with those learned from the foreigners. The Nootka, the Haida and the Tlingit of Sitka were the first Northwest Coast tribes to come in contact with fur traders. They were also the earliest middlemen who bartered foreign goods to less fortunately situated neighbors in exchange for furs. Access to fur-bearing land animals was the principal advantage enjoyed by tribes of the mainland, including the Tsimshian. During this period art work flourished. Carvers developed individual styles, introduced new designs and trained younger men. Their services and the things they made were in demand in distant villages and decorative arts diffused. Thus, totem-pole making spread from the Nass into Gitksan territory, and Nisqa carvers were hired to fashion poles and train local men. The take of sea otter and fur seal had seriously declined by 1825 and a few years later these animals were almost extinct. Fur traders then turned to land animals which were not so valuable. European trappers also invaded the country and economic prosperity, so far as the Indians were concerned, was over. The first serious smallpox epidemic took its toll in the 1830's. By 1880, prospectors, trappers, traders and settlers were coming in in increasing numbers, and with them came diseases which further depleted Indian villages. The native cultural heritages were disintegrating and wood carving had seriously declined. Nevertheless, totem-pole carving continued until 1900 in most parts of the area. After 1900, the art actually increased in a few Kwakiutl and Tsimshian villages and spread to villages where poles had not previously been made. Mask making has also survived in some villages, PART 2 PAUL S.WINGERT TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE CHAPTER SEVEN TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE A distinguishing feature in the culture of a people is its art style. It is possible by the analysis of an art to discern two groups of elements that combine to form a style. These groups may be called the general and the specific. The general elements appear in the recurrent use of certain shapes, proportions, lines, and colors, and in the rhythmic accented relationships and the symmetrical dispositions that result from the manner in which they are customarily arranged. The specific elements include the treatment of surfaces and the conception and rendering of detail. It is necessary for an understanding of an art style to consider the role played by both of these groups of elements. Careful and thoughtful observation is essential for the characterization of any art style. This is especially true for the art of the Tsimshian and, indeed, for the polychromed wood sculpture of all of the northern Northwest Coast. Even a casual familiarity with this art reveals that Tsimshian, Haida, Tlingit, and northern Kwakiutl sculpture share many general and even specific elements of style.' The shared elements in this art are, in fact, so numerous that one can distinguish a basic or common art tradition for this part of the Northwest Coast. And yet a close study of the sculpture discloses important differences that make it possible to identify tribal styles. The determination of these tribal styles depends, however, upon the recognition of the differences that are typical of the art of the various tribes. These differences are, in the majority of cases, the consequences of an emphasis or of a particular development that is given to certain of the commonly shared style elements. It is, therefore, important to consider in any study of Northwest Coast art the style elements that are shared throughout the area before characterizing a tribal style. Tsimshian art will, consequently, be examined after the common denominators of Northwest Coast art as a whole have been determined. Although a number of important studies have been made of this art,2 there has been no attempt to single out tribal styles. Yet it is obvious that even a tenative designation of tribal styles by means of comparative 1 The Bella Coola, since they are not direct neighbors of the Tsimshian, will not be included in this study. 2 Boas, 1927;Emmons, 1930; Davis, 1949; Inverarity, 1950; etc. See also Garfield in this volume, pp. 58-63, 67-70. 74 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC analytical methods will add considerably to our knowledge. Typical examples of the art of the area as a whole must be selected from the art of the various tribal groups and subjected to analysis in order to determine the broad common denominators of style. It will then be possible with this as a background to discover, by examining a larger representative group of tribal examples, the elements distinctive of tribal style. The present study must be considered a preliminary or pioneering attempt in this direction. It aims to present: (1) the problems involved in any study of the art styles of the Northwest Coast area as a whole or of any particular tribal group; and (2) a method of handling the complex matter of stylistic analysis and characterization. A good deal of intensive work will be required to document examples of the art of the various tribal groups before the present preliminary study can be expanded. But it would appear that the methodology set forth in this study may profitably be used and developed in any further research in Northwest Coast style considerations. Northwest Coast Art The sculpture of northern coastal British Columbia, the islands off the coast including the Queen Charlottes, and southeastern Alaska, consists of a number of like objects. These include masks, so-called "totem" poles, house posts, rattles, horn spoons, boxes, and headdresses (Pls. 2-5).3 Wood, particularly red cedar, was the preferred material, although horn, bone, and ivory were often used. Shell, fur, and shredded cedar bark were frequently added as decorative materials. Adzes of various sizes were the commonly employed carving tools. The sculptures were with rare exceptions polychromed, the colors most generally applied being reds, yellows, blue, a bluegreen, black, and white. These were mixed with fish-egg oils and the painting may, therefore, be considered a variant of a tempera technique. The paint was applied directly to the wood without any base and the resulting effect was that of a flat mat color, Life forms served as basic subject matter for the art of the entire area. Human, animal, bird, and fish forms appear singly or in various combinations. Even in the purely and semi-fantastic shapes it is apparent that subject matter was largely derived from experiences with life forms, since the imaginative elements are usually supplementary to them. It should be noted that this fauna is a naturalistic one with which all of the tribes were familiar. The content or meaning of this common subject matter was, on the other hand, extraordinarily variable. Similar human, animal, bird, or fish forms may, for example, have entirely different 3 Unless otherwise indicated credit for photographs is due the museum possessing the object. TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE 75 connotations within the mythology of the various tribal groups. But the use of similar life forms is typical of the art of the entire area. These life forms are rendered in a number of commonly found expressive ways. This representation may in many instances be termed realistic, since it describes life forms with considerable accuracy (P1. 2,a). Distortion, simplification, and bisection are, in other examples, adaptations of this realism in order to apply the form to a particular surface or shape. An example of what may be called adaptative realism appears on the painted or the low-relief carved and painted house fronts.4 The animal form usually represented here depicts over the doorway the head of the animal seen frontally, while to left and right-are delineations in profile of the two halves of the figure that result from a longitudinal bisection. A comparable adaptation is also frequently found on totem poles (P1. 4, b). The desire to present the most distinguishing features of a form often leads to the use of non-realistic conventionalization which is derived from and stands for the intended form. In some instances, such as on masks, rattles, boxes, and blankets, this conventionalization is carried so far, or such a small portion of it is used, that the effect is close to a geometric abstraction (P1. 5, c). Since these conventions are a method of indicating in a precise way the most recognizable features of a form, they may properly be considered symbols. Whether a form is represented realistically, or is adapted to fit a space or a surface, or is depicted by one or more conventional shapes or designs, the concept usually embraces the total form. This is often shown on carved and/or painted masks. Dispersion of these methods of representation throughout the area is one of the unique features of the art. Excellence of technique is also characteristic of this sculpture. Three techniques are employed in the realization of subject matter: the shapes and details of many subjects are rendered sculpturally, either in three-dimensions or in varying degrees of high or low relief; linear designs follow a surface function in the same way; or these linear and sculptural techniques are combined in the same work. Color is extensively applied to emphasize, or further describe, the separate parts or details of a carving. Masks The common or shared elements of Northwest Coast art, as well as the peculiar tribal style characteristics, appear most clearly in masks and totem-pole carvings, which are the two types of sculpture with both the widest distribution and the closest relationships to individual tribal ideas. Masks representing human features, often sensitively rendered, 4 Cf, Inverarity, 1950, PI. 2, 76 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC are more frequently found among the Tlingit and the Tsimshian, while those with animal, animal and human, or fantastic features are found throughout the area (Pls. 2-3). All Northwest Coast masks consist of carved forms with an incised line definition of details and an extensive use of polychromy. The basic aesthetic principles evident in these carvings are remarkably consistent and indicate conclusively that a single tradition dominated the art of the entire area. But tribal styles can be recognized on the basis of preferred design elements, a sensitivity to certain forms, and the rendering of specific details. The shape commonly stressed in these masks is a wide geometric ovoid (Fig. 4).5 It is usually emphasized by and contained within a sculpturally expressed outline which is sometimes broken by projecting parts, such as ears. The surfaces have / / a prominent lateral curvature and / frequently a less emphatic vertical curvature of similar kind. Carved / oplanes, lines, and shapes define in // / \ the majority of examples expressive facial forms and give a depth and projection to these features. Although a totality of shape is always clearly presented, there is, however, an important difference in the degree of emphasis on the mass or volume of facial forms. Many Haida and Figure 4. Kwakiutl Mask. Kwakiutl masks, for example, have heavy, bulky forms that stress the weightiness and mass of the carvings (P1. 2, b, d); while some of the most typical Tlingit and Tsimshian masks express the inner cubic content of the forms as they press against and expand the surface (Pls. 2, a; 3, b). There is, therefore, either an expression of mass and heaviness or of volume and lightness. This is in either case revealed sculpturally. Painted forms and areas are constantly used to further this expression.6 The carved forms of the majority of Northwest Coast masks are fragmented into many separate and marked off parts (P1. 2, d). Some of these, such as brows, eyes, nose, and mouth, are strongly defined sculpturally and are further emphasized by the application of a flat paint (Fig. 5). Other parts, especially the symbolic designs, are often merely painted on the surface, although they are also sometimes designated by 5 Figures numbered 4-18 in this text were drawn by Robert M. Watts, 6 See also Wingert, 1949b, TSIMSHIAX SCUL(?T UlE7 77 finely incised outlines. This emphatic division of form and surface must be considered characteristic. But, whether carved or painted, the forms and surfaces tend to stress and to follow the outline of the mask. When the mask is observed frontally, however, the painted designs and the painted carved forms produce in many examples an appearance of flattened surfaces which conceal from this point of view the sculptural character of the forms. To see them successfully it is necessary to have at least a three-quarter frontal view of the mask. The over-all effect of the division of the form and surfaces into a number of separate shapes is to increase the apparent size of the mask, since these parts are bold in scale and establish a strong unity of expression. The use of line, both aesthetically and expressively, is of great importance in all of the art forms of the Northwest Coast. This is particularly evident in the masks. Two types of line may be discerned (Fig. 5). The one, a "resultant line" is the consequence of 1 the meeting of two planes of different angles \ or depth, which are frequently painted in contrasting colors (P1. 2, c, d). The other is a "pure line," either a painted or incised delineation on or into the surface. It is less common than resultant line and is sometimes A used with the latter to represent further a shape or an area, or to separate, define, or describe areas or forms. The line is, in every case, emphatic, clear, and precise. It is a fundamental and a strongly apparent feature of this art. Figure 5. Kwakiutl Mask The quality of line varies from thin or Design. fine to a moderate heaviness, although it is, in every instance, remarkably regular and controlled. A long line, smoothly modulated to the surface planes predominates with few exceptions, while the short, staccato line is rarely used. Curved lines, sometimes changing direction abruptly and dramatically, as in the resultant lines of the eyebrows, are a striking feature of this style (Fig. 5). Although the lines generally follow in a subtle manner the surface planes, there is a strong tendency for both the resultant and the pure lines either to connect or to be closely associated, thereby forming an over-all pattern distinct from that of the carved forms. A conflict or tension is thus produced between the lines and the sculptured forms which contributes dramatically to the expressive power of the masks. Color is used extensively as an adjunct to line (P1. 2 d). Delineated or 78 THE TSIMSHIANX, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC carved surface patterns, whether used symbolically or descriptively, are usually painted in a flat color tone contrasting with that of the surrounding areas. Incised lines are frequently filled in with a color of different tone or intensity from that of the detail or form delineated by them. Pure line is also often painted on the surface in a conspicuously contrasting color. While preferences vary somewhat from tribe to tribe, red, yellow, black, and white are the most commonly used colors. A number of design elements and principles are also shared in the masks. The design is generally composed of several clearly separated and distinct parts which are large in scale and give the mask an appearance of size incommensurate with its actual size. A bilateral vertical division, either tangibly represented or strongly implied by the prominent vertical axis of the nose, creates in most instances an absolute symmetry. Significantly related to this axis is the large inverted triangle defined by the longitudinal eyebrow line, as its base, and the sharply tapering chin, as its apex (Fig. 6). The \ downward movement of this heavy triangle is more than counteracted by the vigorous upward thrust of another triangle with its apex at the bridge of the nose and its base along the vertical of the mouth. There results an interlocking arrangement of triFigure 6. Diagram, mask design. angles that both focuses and equilibrates attention on the eyes and the mouth. The sweep of the eyebrows, the emphasized chin, and the sculptured mouth make this interlocking geometric pattern clear (P. 3, b). An essential feature of mask design is the way the component lines by their directional character integrate the internal or surface design elements with the exterior outline. Both resultant and pure lines are often repeated and convey rhythmic relationships. Many of these lines may be characterized as angular curves (Fig. 7). An important aspect of Northwest Coast mask design is the frequent use of angular curves of similar kind as reverse motives, a factor contributing considerably to the unity of aesthetic expression. An effective unity is also achieved by the interaction of design elements of similar shape or size. The sculptured and painted forms and areas are as a result brought into a significant visual and expressive relationship. TSIMSEIAX 5CtTLPTUtRFE7 79 Although the surface designs follow the carved forms, it is important to note that they have a distinct identity. When seen frontally many of the masks have, for example, by virtue of their surface designs, a flat, two-dimensional appearance.7 But, when they are seen laterally, the true depth and prominence of the carved forms are very apparent. It is therefore evident that a tension exists between the surface designs and the sculptured forms (Fig. 7). This is true even though the design elements usually follow the structural forms of the surfaces. The design is, in every instance, closely integrated. There are, also, aside from the general elements, certain shared specific or subtle style features. These, too, are of extreme importance for an understanding of this art. The handling of surfaces, for example, embodies a textural quality of parti- \ cular sculptural and expressive importance. This ranges from smooth surfaces to those where adz marks impart a plastic depth and variety (Pls. 2, a; 3, a). Painted lines or areas also contribute to the variety of surface effects. The larger carved planes and forms together with the delineation of smaller areas combine to create a rich and significant composite that is particularly indicative of this sculpture (Fig. 7). Surface forms, rendered in a smooth or in a modelled textural manner, may express either the quality of bulk or Figure 7. Tsimshian Mask. mass, or that of interior content or volume. Bulk or mass is described by the strength of statement of projecting or recessive forms; while volume is indicated by a tight, thin, smooth surface treatment (P1. 2, a, d). The fact that surfaces are often representative or descriptive is usually supplementary to their basic expressive and aesthetic qualities. Perhaps no other feature of Northwest Coast sculpture is so widely shared and is so important for an understanding of the art as the rendering of details. The characterization of tribal styles depends heavily on the recognition of preferences for certain details and their use to emphasize structural and expressive parts. This is particularly evident in masks. Regardless of tribal provenience, details are in the majority of instances clear, precise, and ample in scale. They stress especially the vigor 7 Cf. Inverarity, 1950, Pls. 69, 71. 80 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MIUSIC and integrated character of the design. This is evident, for example, in the crisp carving of the sweeping curves of the eyebrows, in the sharp elongated iine that often marks the bridge of the nose, and in the deeply cut semi-circular line of the nostrils (Fig. 8). Depressed lines or areas, frequently carved flanking the mouth, contribute considerably to the expression of animation. But, particularly conspicuous are those details used customarily in rendering the eye. The outline of the eye is usually an oval flanked by two sharp points (Fig. 5). It - / \\ is represented either by a fine low / relief line or by an equally fine painted outline. The concept of the eye shape is in some cases integrated with a depressed surrounding area in which the eye is delineated by a sharp, clean line caused by the meeting of the m J plane of the surrounding area Figure 8. Tsimshian Mask. with the lines of the eye itself (P1. 3, b). The pupil, usually large, circular, and pierced, is often outlined by a painted or by a carved relief line. Although varying greatly from example to example, the mouth is usually emphasized by protruding, sculpturally described lips. Painted surface details are another constant style feature of masks. They are used independently to delineate symbols, to function in a decorative manner,.and to define further the carved details. These painted details are rendered in commonly shared color combinations, although variations in tone and in intensity often indicate tribal preferences (P1. 2, c, d). An analysis of Northwest Coast masks reveals that they are the product of a widespread art tradition with many elements shared by all of the tribal groups. The greater number of these elements are general, basic style characteristics and make it possible to identify readily a mask from this area. It is important to realize, however, that certain of these basic features are in many instances developed further and become marked tribal style features. Totem Poles One of the most widely known and typical art forms of the Northwest Coast is the carved pole, which occurs in various sizes and kinds. These PfAtE 'I!AHMED (7: Z el (Prr?)"'n( Otl I s," q i I 'A" I, f /f 1 e4, I IM Si rn"s I 1 i I e I I I 1, s A I s mt of thc c I I C I Tyo t I ,,dat;wt 9 8W41 "', t, 1 4. 17;clori(t) Plo-ATE 1111" 'Op IL d VI Yl SI a t 1, S q mcr oin lndi(m, fleyc f o t 6 4 3 9 N -1 oles,' i t b Vi line f I i I w ci i i I — H ) Ph o t o b I Inons, 009, cmolcsy I i8t L )ctaij, 'shift shialrl 1" I r F, 1A L ", F. I i I , t lg(% fl(aiM, It I I t"", C. [)h I) I tw '09, courte,,, JM', lCftit fssO ifi O'l "I""'murol "I 11 I k11 F'LATE I t e t 1,lngel, AI tsk, t (Pbot,,,) cemr/C8?i, i) e"i Iti 1 1? I I I b. fja6dn 1"c"tem, ""Z Ii d g, ViH )t( owirtoo', I i, i I b 1 c I t oI top N, o ceotrtcs '11) d4sh op"'IMOOet Toloct Lho'c(t,t, Cecil Wooden, 1] ri" lh?'Sr ot of dw Im" C(Oi lltId '('m' 1 65 t It, I 9, 4 8 6 6 I 1 i I Z A, I 1 I, I k g i t fl)cl;" z4 rt.31"a8olon, I i" I IF Zl bf tild rd P"li nn ""ph II, od rd I iI S!1114himl!"(Fovs Stockholm, I I I1 i I r I I, c o rert I I X, t 1, t 1, flenr-,tr Alhort I, i, I I I o f Iand -Robort )onlrl, Ml f)f, Nlliu s Itivor P TSIMSiIA1t SCtULPTRVi 81 poles show in their style numerous common denominators comparable to those discovered in the masks. But, certain peculiarities in the elements of this art denote tribal differences. Frequently referred to as "totem" poles, they include monumental memorial and grave poles and interior and exterior house posts, usually of structural function. With rare exceptions, the "poles" are only half or three-quarter round, the back of them being cut off as a flat surface or hollowed out by the removal of the heartwood. The basic shape is, therefore, a segment of a solid or hollow vertical column, the rounded surface of which provides a field for sculptural forms. The curvature of this surface is, to a large extent, analagous to that of the masks. A number of fundamental style elements, regardless of tribal provenience, are held in common by this Northwest Coast art. The carved forms are, with few exceptions, so adapted to the surface that the original geometric shape of the log is retained (P1. 3, c). But the dramatic contrast of projecting and recessed shapes imparts to the pole an expansiveness and an expressed diameter far greater than its measurable one. Verticality and height are also emphasized. The concept of presenting subject matter by superimposing a number of figures or shapes visually dramatizes verticality; while the varied sizes of the carved figures and the comparatively slow visual ascent, occasioned by areas that attract and hold the eye for a moment, contribute appreciably to the expression of height. In many examples, the over-all shape of a pole consists of separate and closely marked off parts which are inter-related in a number of ways to produce a unity of effect. Mass, bulk, and weight are constantly evident in the carved forms on these poles, but the expression of an inner volume expanding or pressing against the surface is also a common style element. A potential or expressive movement is likewise typical. It is frequently conveyed by tense, dramatic poses or by the relationships between figures, and it is often intensified by the expanding volume of the forms. Practically the full range of sculptural techniques appear in varying degrees on Northwest Coast poles. Forms carved in the round, however, are not common, especially in the north. Low and high relief carving and incised lines were used throughout the area. With the exception of-one type of Tlingit pole, a conspicuously basic feature of this sculpture was the utilization of the full curve of the front surface for the carving and delineation of the larger heads of the principal human and animal figures represented. These heads have, therefore, a maximum of available roundness which expresses that of the original pole. Arms and legs and other details are frequently carved in high relief on the surface. A great number of Northwest Coast totem poles reveal the origin of their design in linear prototypes. This is evident in the extensive use of planes to create the illusion of depth and roundness and in the major THE TSIMSHIAi, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC role played in all totem-pole designs by varieties of linear effects. The use of planes and lines may, in fact, be considered basic to totem-pole style. Planes either follow the original curvature of the pole or, more commonly, are cut into the surface at almost every possible angle to it (P1. 4, b). This use of planes dramatically defines and separates parts and gives to the carving a visual variety and an expression of depth far greater than that which actually exists. There is often combined with these planes a sharp, deep, and oblique undercutting which furthers the illusion of depth, mass, and volume. It is also a device used to transform or to adapt a flat linear design to fit a partially three-dimensional surface. Line is of extraordinary importance in this art. The kinds of line used vary from extremely thin or delicate to very heavy or deep. Although a linear effect is typical, the line is often not a pure but is a resultant one (P1. 4, b). Both forms and details are rendered by this type of line and there is produced, as a consequence, a sharp linear division of surface. Pure line, often deeply incised, is also at times used to delineate details, such as eyebrows, ears, nostrils, and teeth. In either case, the line has a sweep and a breadth of movement which agrees with and accentuates the dynamic character of the carving. Light washes of color are used within the line delineations to represent or reveal further a shape or detail. Color also serves to define or to separate the major from the minor parts of a form. The expansive movement and the important relationships between lines is well illustrated by the often monumental curve of the eyebrows, a curve sensitively shaped which carries the eye of the observer to and from the outline of the head and is frequently related to a like or reverse curve in the lower part of the facial design. Totem-pole designs show rather striking differences. These differences -are often indicative of tribal style peculiarities, although many general design elements are shared throughout the area. The columnar shape of the pole and the nature of the subject matter it was intended to convey are basic to the design of totem-pole sculpture. The fundamental problem in this art was the vertical arrangement of a number of human and animal and semi-human and semi-animal forms to represent with proper emphasis clan crests, incidents relative to them, and other narrative subject matter. The challenge to the designer was to achieve the requisite effects within the difficult field provided by the half-cylindrical surface of the pole. Three principal types of over-all design were used: (1)the superposition of figures arranged in clearly marked off horizontal zones which follow the curvature of the surface - this appears to have been the classic and preferred Tsimshian type (Fig. 9); (2) the organization of superposed forms in an interlocking system along the vertical axis of the pole, utilizing and often deeply cutting into the surface - this is a TSIMSHIAN SCULPTU RE 83 typical Haida type (PI. 4, b); and (3) the superposition of separated horizontal shapes which are developed from all sides within the mass of the pole, the original surface counting for little in the final appearance - this type is found most commonly among the Tlingit (P1. 4, a). Various combinations of these types occur in many instances. Numerous Haida poles, for example, combine design principles of Types 1 and 2, while some southern Tlingit poles are only slightly modified versions of Type 1. Many examples of Kwakiutl poles produce a unique effect by combining Types 1 and 3 (P1. 4, c). In a number of examples, however, many design elements are shared in common. A frequent stylistic feature of totempole design is the sculptural expansion of the major shapes which are, in turn, separated one from the other (P1. 3, c). Within these major divisions there is further segmentation of details. The major and minor forms are both usually represented by deep relief carving in which a varied angling of planes in L respect to the surface plane is of conspicuous importance. Other parts are divided by incised surface lines and by painted areas. The importance in the I design of separated areas is evident in every case. Figure 9. Figure 10. An exaggeration in the rendering of Tsimshian Haida Totem heads, whether human, animal, or com- Totem Pole. Pole. posite, is fundamental to pole design (Fig. 10). In practically every example these are arranged in a vertical, rhythmical pattern. This is a repetitious pattern often broken by smaller design elements. Within the over-all design these repetitious elements are often alternating and are composed of a number of varied shapes. Rhythmic relationships are usually vertically oriented and are seldom obvious. The heavily accented parts are of extreme importance in these designs. While they practically always carry the balanced and rhythmical elements, they also function in the design because of their sculptural prominence. The rendering of these distinctive parts often places a totem pole within a broad traditional area and sometimes within specific tribal limits. The rhythmic handling of design elements, so fundamental to North 84 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC west Coast pole sculpture, is supplemented by several other equally important features. The concept of the relative size of the figures represented and of the system of proportions followed in the rendering of each figure is of particular significance. Figures of strikingly contrasting sizes not only impart an aesthetic richness to the design by their variety, but also give a dramatic expression of scale and monumentality, since the small figures serve as a unit of measurement (P1. 3, d). It is evident that this scale is independent of the actual size of the pole, for it appears comparably in the small wooden and argelite models. The tendency to use a like set of proportions for both the large and the small figures carved on the same pole is also of the utmost importance in the expression of monumentality. This is particularly characteristic of the classic type of Tsimshian pole. A unity of over-all effect is, in the majority of instances, less typical than a unified relationship that is established between the accented major parts. The presence of such relationships is common to totem-pole design, but the varied methods employed to achieve these results appear to denote individual tribal style elements. The specific style features shared in totem-pole sculpture are evident in the rendering of surfaces and in the preference for details of a particular character. A textural quality is often given to the surface. This is achieved by an adzing which varies greatly from a very fine technique resulting in an almost smooth finish to a coarser treatment with the adz marks actually producing an uneven geometrical pattern (P1. 3, d). The boldness and variety of surface planes is the consequence of a desire to depict every form and every detail with the utmost clarity. Paint is used to denote further the role played by each plane and detail within the design. Variations in depth, angle, and texture of surface planes also contribute greatly to the visual expression of movement which draws the eye vertically up and down the pole. Since these planes are skillfully carved to utilize different effects of outdoor light, their full importance is somewhat diminished when a totem pole is seen within a museum. The emphasis placed upon certain details is another common denominator of totem-pole style, although the precise rendering of that detail may be considered of tribal significance. Human, animal, and bird heads are usually, as previously mentioned, enlarged and sculpturally emphasized in many different ways. Within the expansive shape of the head the eyes and the mouth are often conspicuously exaggerated (Fig. 11). The wide sweep of the brow above the eyes frequently serves as a plane which dramatically combines the expressive force of the eyes, while the heavy sculptural form of the nose functions similarly in association with the mouth. Totem-pole detail is rendered in a clean, precise, and emphatic technique. The detail is usually large in scale and is often so simplified that it may be considered symbolic rather than descriptive of TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE 85 subject matter. Although the greater proportion of detail is carved in a strong, well-controlled line or in an emphatic high or low relief, a fair amount is also painted on the carved and delineated shapes. An analysis of the style of Northwest Coast totem poles discloses, just as that of the masks, the presence of a considerable number of general style elements. These are shared in common to such an extent that a broad dominating tradition must be recognized for the art of Q! 0 this entire region. Further evidence in support of this conclusion appears in the widespread occurrence of many specific and, at times, identical style features. But, in the art of the totem pole and, although perhaps less certainly, in that of the mask, the preference for and the greater development of certain general and specific style elements, in combination with what may be considered a few local style peculiarities, clearly indicate the existence of tribal styles within this basic tradition. Common Style Elements To recapitulate: a great number of common style elements, both general and specific, are basic to the art of the mask and the totem pole (Pls. 2-4). These are shared by the Tsimshian with their neighbors the Haida, the Tlingit, and the Kwakiutl. The carving of masks and poles follows and expresses in every case the original shape of the materials from which they were carved. The horizontal curvature of the section of the log, which pro- Figure 11. vides the surface for the sculpture, is, for example, Tsimshian always expressed in the fully carved forms. There is Totem Pole. also an equally strong emphasis in both masks and poles on the verticality of the original shape of the material. The over-all shape is divided into a number of conspicuously separated and articulated parts. A largeness of scale, measurable by the contrast of small and large elements used in expressing form, gives to the masks and to the poles a quality of monumentality. Both types of sculpture emphasize depth and projection of carved planes, lines, and shapes. It appears that, although tribal styles are suggested by an individual interpretation of general style features, these over-all style elements remain constant and fixed. Of particular significance, for example, is the way in which the outline is stressed and is kept within compositional limits. There is, in the art of this entire area, a remarkably rich and varied vocabulary of expressive sculptural forms. Line, both resultant and pure, is a striking feature of this sculpture. It 86 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC is extraordinarily regular and controlled, and it is clean and precise in character. Although it is always strong in quality, it varies from thin to heavy. A long, smoothly modulated line is characteristic, but this line often defines a slow moving angular curve. Its prime function is to represent and to separate the major and minor shapes and parts. These parts are further described by color, which is also sometimes used to emphasize both types of line. An expressed or implied movement is, moreover, frequently conveyed by a line which moves over the surface independently of the sculptured shapes. All lines follow the surface planes and tend to connect the form with an over-all pattern. The principles of design common to mask and totem pole are closely based on the maximum utilization of the original shape of the material. Designs are, therefore, organized both horizontally and vertically. But there is either a stated or suggested bilateral, vertical division that frequently results in an absolute symmetry. This vertical division often furnishes the main axis of the design. While this axis is the focal point in mask design, it usually shares that role in totem poles with a number of horizontal crossing axes. A further basic difference in mask and totem pole design is the expression of movement conveyed by the relationships between elements. In masks, for example, a strongly marked lateral movement prevails, but in totem-pole design the stressed movement is vertical, a movement enriched by pauses provided by minor horizontal excursions. The various design elements are rendered, in both art forms, as separate parts, set off sculpturally and by color, and usually delineated by a resultant or by a pure line. There exists between these separated parts a subtle rhythmic interrelationship which is often the result of repetition or of inversion of entire, or fragments of similar, design elements. The total effect is one of an interesting, interlocked design unity combined with a rich and varied aesthetic expression. The scale and monumentality observed in the proportioning of design elements furthers this dramatic appearance. The treatment of surfaces is of particular importance in Northwest Coast art. In both mask and totem-pole carvings they are given a varied textural quality. This ranges from those examples in which the adz marks are prominent to those in which the surface is completely smooth. An expansive quality exists in the majority of surfaces and contributes appreciably, as though a consequence of an inner pressure, to a textural expression. The bold handling of planes, frequently placed at sharp angles to each other, together with a sculptural projection and recession of parts, give to the surfaces remarkable contrasts in depth and form. This adds greatly to a textural expression. Color is also used to give added variety to surface textures. The treatment of surfaces, therefore, not only produces a strong visual response, but it also arouses a marked tactile reaction in the spectator. TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE 87 Specific shared elements appear conspicuously in certain general characteristics of detail. All detail is clear and precise in definition and ample in scale. Color is used constantly either to pick out carved details or to render, independently, surface details. Especially typical of the detail on masks and totem poles is the exaggeration of facial features, such as eyes, mouths, eyebrows, and noses. These enlarged features impart an even greater appearance of size to the already large heads. Detail is, in general, a simplified description of actuality; but here it is, at times, developed to such an extent that it functions as a symbol. The character of the detail usually stresses the vigor and integrated nature of the design. Tribal Styles Tsimshian art can only be considered as representing a tribal style when the unique features which distinguish it from the elements shared by the art of the entire area are singled out and brought together. This is also true for the characterization of any other Northwest Coast tribal style. In the case of Tsimshian and other tribal arts of the Coast it must be recognized that, while distinctive styles can be discovered, a good deal of the art may be considered marginal and will evidence, therefore, style elements typical of the art of neighboring groups. It is important to note that many of the tribal style elements are also elements common to the art of the area and have been given a particular emphasis or treatment.These elementsmust o be considered, in consequence of this special treatment, manifestations of tribal style.\ Tsimshian. The distinctive features of Tsimshian art ap-~ J pearmost clearlyintheir masks and totem poles. The over-all design of Tsimshian masks emphasizes the enclosing outline of the original shape of the material (Pls. 2, a; 3, b, c). This is usually a sharp line, Figure 12. Tsimshian Mask. a line which prevails whether or not there are projections, such as ears. The original shape of the mask as a segment of a columnar form is stressed in the final shape. Tsimshian style is especially evident in masks with human features (Fig. 12). The 88 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC designs of these masks are built firmly upon the interlocked reverse triangles of eyebrow to chin and of mouth to bridge of nose (Fig. 6). The visual foci are, therefore, equally distributed between mouth and eyes. In the majority of examples, the eyes and mouth are very carefully and clearly carved and are scaled nearly to human proportions. These masks often evidence a remarkable expression of naturalistic bony structure and fleshy form. The orbital, jaw, and cheek bones are, for example, usually rendered with marked sensitivity. There is also a strong expression of fleshy forms and tightly drawn surface skin over these bony structures. The bulk and heaviness of individual parts and of the total form is, therefore, often less emphasized than the bony structure of the head and the skin membrane covering it (P1. 3, b). The result is an expression of comparative lightness and of inner cubic content of form. Tsimshian masks of this distinctive human type usually represent a maximum use of resultant, and a minimum use of pure, line. The entire design is, in fact, rendered in sculptural terms: that is, all of the features and structural forms are portrayed in varying degrees of relief. This relief, whether the outlining of an eye, the definition of eyebrows, or the taut handling of surfaces over bony structural members, is substantially a sensitive sculptural style. Surface treatment is also indicative in these masks of a tribal style. Surfaces tend to be smoothly rendered and show a marked sensitivity of structure and form. This is accomplished sculpturally and depends relatively little upon line or color definition. Planes de\ fining surfaces are often carved with considerable subtlety and variety. They range in size from the large continuous one that represents the forehead to the many small ones that Figure 13. Tsimshian Mask. combine to describe the eye area and the cheeks. Surfaces are, in general, more naturalistic and less dramatically stylized than is characteristic of other Northwest Coast mask styles. In expression, too, Tsimshian masks of this type depend upon the elements of naturalism (Fig. 13). These are handled with directness and TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE 89 restraint, and there is little dependence on excessive distortion or elaboration of detail. This is even true of the most dramatically expressive masks. The rendering of form is, in a number of instances, so personalized that there can be little doubt that the mask is a portrait (Pls. 2, a; 3, c). Tsimshian totem poles demonstrate even more emphatically the presence of a tribal style. The type of pole characterized as "classic Tsimshian"8 is best representative of the distinctive elements of this style (P1. 3, a). Important among these elements are the basic conception of a carved pole, the organization of the design, the principles of rhythm and balance, the sense of scale, the system of proportions, and the sculptural technique employed. The concept of the pole as a vertical shaft with a curving surface is strongly expressed. The arrangement of the figures in a series of clearly defined superimposed horizontal divisions confirms visually the convex curvature of the i m! surface, while the rhythmic repetition of figures or parts of figures, often in an alternating system and usually with variety, carries the eye upward and stresses verticality and height (Fig. 14). Scale is further conveyed by the use of two K sizes of figures of practically the same <c/& proportions, one very small, the other very large (P1. 3, d). Both figures and / descriptive details are considerably simplified and stand in closer relationship to life forms than is usually the case in Northwest Coast totem-pole representations. The figures, whether human, animal, or bird, are rendered in a strongly J sculpturaltechnique expressive of threedimensional form. Detail is not elaborated but is usually rendered in varied - low relief carving rather than by the use L J Figure 15. of surface lines. Important details and Figure 14. Detail, major expressive elements in the design, Tsimshian Tsimshian Totem Pole. Totem Pole. especially those which carried the rhythmic pattern, were further emphasized by color.9 8 Cf. Fig. 9, above. 9 Color was used sparingly ana only in this way on the older poles. A more extensive use of brighter colors dates later when commercial pigments were combined with or supplanted those of native manufacture, 90 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC The expressive character of Tsimshian totem-pole sculpture is one of clarity, sobriety, and restraint. Crests, legends, and narratives are depicted by comparatively few figures, rather than as in other totem-pole styles by dramatic exaggeration of statement in form and detail. Tsimshian expression depends upon what can be called "measured pauses." These result from the horizontal separation of the superimposed forms and the tendency to separate the larger forms by interspersing zones of smaller figures (Fig. 15; P1. 3, d). The smaller figures produce a visual pause and give a lucidity to the presentation of subjects. The eye is carried, because of this design, in a rather slow methodical manner from zone to zone. The visual interest is, however, richly rewarded by subtle variations and interrelationships between forms. Haida. The "classic Tsimshian" type of totem pole appears in other areas, although it receives its greatest development among the Tsimshian. Totem poles of typical Haida style, in contrast, utilize the entire surface as a continuous field for decoration (P1. 4, b; Fig. 10). Strongly accented forms, it is true, are clearly presented as superimposed and are sculpturally separated, suggesting horizontal divisions. But a varied array of supplementary forms overlap and interlock the larger elements and give to the design the visual effect of a continuous development along a vertical axis. Dramatic presentation of subject matter is also characteristic of Haida style. The subjects most commonly represented are animal, fish, and bird forms, usually with spectacular exaggerations of the life forms on which they were based. Human figures, usually small in size, often appear as minor elements in the design. The multiplicity of detail and the frequently complex interrelationships create the impression of verbosity in the depiction of crests, legends, and narratives, as compared with the economy and lucidity of statement by the Tsimshian. An important difference is also apparent in basic sculptural concepts. Haida forms, unlike those of classic Tsimshian style, develop in depth and therefore utilize the bulk of the pole more completely than its surface. i Tlingit. Tlingit totem poles of typical style are, in many respects, closer to the classic Tsimshian type than to Haida (Fig. 16). Tlingit poles are often of slighter diameter than Figure 16. those of either the Tsimshian or Haida and represent a series Tlingit Totem Pole. of separated superimposed forms. The concept is, however, not so much that of a carved pole as that of a number of independently conceived sculptures arranged in a vertical sequence (P1. 3, a). Tlingit technique, in contrast to the Tsimshian method of carving forms with the surface and to the Haida habit of cutting TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE 91 deeply into the surface, develops independently of the original convex curvature of the pole. Their forms are carved from the sides as well as from the front and have, therefore, often the appearance of fully round sculptures. The extensive use of attached projecting parts further the expression of a free spatial setting of the forms. Also characteristic of Tlingit style is the often comparatively smaller scale of parts, the elaborateness of detail, and a more extensive use of color. Poles of this distinguishing type frequently lack thesculptural dignity of statement of the Tsimshian, or the baroque-like complexity and power of the Haida poles. Kwakiutl. Kwakiutl totem poles are largely eclectic in style. Typical designs consist of two or morelargescalefigures, separated horizontally from each other, and vertically superimposed (Fig. 17). Bird and animal forms, or the bodies of human figures, have, in many cases, the strongly sculptured simplified naturalism that distinguishes Kwakiutl carvings in the round (P1. 4, c); in other instances they seem derived from Figure 17. Kwakiutl Totem Pole. Haida or Tsimshian prototypes. But typically Kwakiutl is the tendency to carve the large heads of human, bird, animal, or mythological beings as though they were masks and to give them the dramatic intensity of sculptural expression so characteric of Kwakiutl masks (Fig. 18). The full development of Kwakiutl totem poles, especially in southern British Columbia and Vancouver Island, evidences a marked degree of skillful virtuosity. Linear and Sculptural Styles A broad summarization of Tsimshian and other northern tribal styles can be made on the basis of masks and totem poles. It is necessary first to recognize in the art of this area two basic styles: the one, a linear 92 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC surface style, and the other, a sculptural-volume-depth style. Neither one is mutually exclusive of the other, although there is often greater emphasis in tribal styles on one or the other. The preference for representing subject matter must also be considered before any broad generalizations can be made. These preferences fall into three groups: (1) a realism in which the visual representation of natural forms is stressed; (2) an adaptative-realism in which natural forms are modified in order to accomodate them to a shape or surface; and (3) a conventionalizedsymbolism in which the most identifying parts or details of a subject are reduced to a design to stand for the entire subject. Any summarization of tribal styles must take into account these two basic styles and the preferences for representing subject matter. In Tsimshian masks and totem poles, a sculptural rather than a linear style is dominant. This sculptural expression is simplified, or reduced to essentials, and conveys matter whenever possible in a realistic way or in a slightly adaptiverealistic manner. Linear treatment and a conventionalized-symbolism are seldom found in this art. The sculptural handling is controlled in technique and moderate in expression. In contrast to Tsimshian sculp/, ture that of the Haida emphasizes (( ) almost in equal measure both the sculptural and the linear styles. The '- - / treatment of subject-matter tends \. as n more towards an adaptive-realism -/ - < than that of the Tsimshian. In certain instances, strongly sculptured and simplified realistic figures appear; and in other examples, conventionalized-symbolism is resorted to. The sculptural character of Haida style is, however, often powerful. Tlingit art stresses a linear Figure 18. Kwakiutl Mask. overlay of realistically carved forms. Line is customarily used to emphasize small scale details. These details are usually rendered in a conventionalized-symbolic manner and detract from the basic realism of the forms. The result is frequently an art of weak statement and one in which the full expression of the carved forms is at times vitiated by linear patterns. Kwakiutl art relies upon often spectacularly sculptured forms, although it, too, utilizes the possibilities of linear-surface design (Fig. 18). Realistic and adaptive-realistic forms therefore dominate; but a conventionalized-symbolic expression is sometimes resorted TSIMSHIAN SCULPTURE 93 to. Kwakiutl art is consequently the most varied of Northwest Coast styles. Tsimshian sculpture can be considered, in art history terminology, "classical;" Haida, "classical to baroque;" Tlingit, largely "rococo;" and Kwakiutl, a vigorous "eclecticism." In every instance, however, examples can be found that will deny such broad generalizations. But such examples merely seem to document the fact that all Northwest Coast styles have a number of elements in common. Tsimshian art, in comparison with that of the surrounding tribal groups, manifests an austerity, clarity, and precision that marks it off from other Northwest Coast styles. Tsimshian Sculpture Although a characterization of Tsimshian art is more dependent on masks and totem poles than on any other category of their sculpture, it seems necessary, nevertheless, to consider to what extent these style characteristics appear in other objects. The raven or chief's rattle is perhaps the most developed of these sculptures (Pls. 1; 5, b). It is posssible that this type of rattle was of Tsimshian origin, but by the time of extensive European contact it was common to all of the northern Northwest Coast tribes. These rattles are examples of the most technically complex sculptures of the area. The basic forms are simple structural parts rendered in three dimensions, while the delicate shaping of these parts and of the detail that enriches their meaning are of extreme refinement, and yet vigorous in statement. Color is used extensively to accent forms and details. Documented Tsimshian examples excell in design and technique, and tend to substantiate the tradition that this type of carving originated among them. These rattles are substantially realistic in style - that is, they describe reality in a visual sense. It is important to note that they are both conceived and carved in a strongly three-dimensional manner. Solid forms and negative space are emphasized and both contribute effectively to the final result. Other sculptured objects of the Northwest Coast include hats or helmets (P1. 5, a), horn spoons, and boxes or containers (Fig. 2 and details of Pi. 1). With the exception of woven blankets (P1. 5, c), there seem to be no clear-cut tribal styles associated with any of these objects. The carved forms and painted details are common to the art of the entire area. The conclusion that may be drawn is that these forms were disseminated before European contact and, being old, manifest a conglomeration of style elements. They must, therefore, be evaluated as examples of general and not of specific Northwest Coast styles. Characteristic of this art as a whole is the stress placed on sculptured forms and detail rather then on painted surface designs. As indicated 94 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC above, this is distinctive of masks and totem poles and it is also typical of all other carved objects. Although Northwest Coast art is preeminently a polychromed sculpture, color is always of secondary importance to that of sculptured shapes. But the extensive use of color serves the important purpose of further describing the significant parts of the sculptured forms. Tsimshian art may be said to embody two sets of interdependent style features: those which are common to the art of the entire northern part of the Northwest Coast, and those which reveal tribal traits, the latter, in many instances, merely consisting of an emphasis on or a development of various common style features. These two major stylistic groups are not, however, distinctive components of Tsimshian style alone, but appear in every tribal style of the area. It is possible on the basis of this study to characterize and to evaluate Tsimshian art. It is an art of restraint and of simplified clarity in both its style features and its expressive intentions. There is less over-statement of content or over-elaboration of detail than in any other tribal art of the northern Northwest Coast area. The lucidity of form development and the economy of rendering detail are typical of this art. In a region where sculpture is the important means of aesthetic expression, Tsimshian art represents a particularly high accomplishment. This is approached most nearly, although with a greater elaboration of detail, by the art of the Haida. Tsimshian sculpture must be considered the "classic" style of the Northwest Coast, if the term "classic" is used to designate clarity of definition, simplicity and directness of interpretation, and restraint in expression. Any evaluation of Tsimshian sculpture must stress these stylistic features. The art is particularly rewarding in its strong aesthetic qualities. These require discerning observation and reveal, as a consequence, rich visual effects. But, typical of the art of the entire area, these results also produce a strong tacticle response. Sculpture and painting often collaborate. Color emphasizes the carved forms and details and in many instances adds to them. Moreover, it gives an effect that contributes substantially to the initial visual response to the forms. That initial response is, after renewed contacts, often supplanted by one stimulated by the merging of sculptural and expressive forms. It is necessary to examine any object of Tsimshian art many times before a true comprehension of its forms, and an appreciation of its aesthetic qualities, can be arrived at. The resulting knowledge and pleasure are, however, more than worth the effort. Tsimshian sculpture is certainly one of the great arts of the Northwest Coast and is just as certainly one of the significant art expressions of the American Indian. PART 3 MARIUS BARBEAU TSIMSHIAN SONGS TRANSCRIBED FROM THE PHONOGRAPH BY MARIUS BARBEAU AND SIR ERNEST MACMILLAN MUSICAL ANALYSIS BY MARGUERITE BEOLARD D'HARCOURT MELODIES DRAWN BY HENRI LEFEBVRE With the Permission of the National Museum of Canada CHAPTER EIGHT T SIMSYAN SONGS1 The songs of the Tsimsyan still conjure up vivid tribal recollections. They express the soul of a bold and restless people and arouse emotions seated deep in the lives of the singers. When the clans used to gather, these songs were the mainstay of the rites and ceremonies in the seasonal. feasts of the Nass an'd the Skeena. Hunters sang implorations over slain bears and mountain goats to appease their spirits. Medicine men clamored their incantations and loudly beat their drums. Warriors intoned hymns of victory, or chanted their rief at the thought of fallen breftherfut let....'et.he tune ofk kawagyenees. The chiefs in the feast house boaste-Tsheir prestige, invested hereditary names upon new owners, and brought out their grandchildren, while the guests acknowledged their assent in song. Privately owned lullabies and dirges greeted new-born children and sped the departed on the threshold of death. Lyric songs were the solace of many lonely and love-lorn souls, whether in the wooded valleys or the open mountain solitudes. Women gathering. wild berries were fond of singing, as were the men who trod the paths of their trap lines. Singing reached out for greater things and larger spaces. It was the outcry of transient emotions in terms of power and permanence. Hence the importance and the diversity. While the songs of the Tsimsyan resemble those of their neighbors, they differ on the whole from the dance tunes of the nations east of the Rockies. They are vastly more varied and interesting by comparison. Their scales are often different, more exotic to our ear; their melodic range more extensive and colorful; their themes, much richer. Their rhythms are also complex and tantalizing. The custom of the Tsimsyan and their neighbors of singing to words rather than to meaningless syllables, as other Indians frequently do, opens wide vistas of historical and literary interest. Their songs are valuable for their texts no less than for their melodies. They belong to a world rather apart in America, a world that is reminiscent of Asia and the Pacific. The continued study 1 Dr. Barbeau prefers the spelling used in this chapter (Tsimsyan) to the more common spelling (Tsimshian) used throughout the remainder of the volume, native words in this chapter and titles of songs in Chapter Nine generally follow his orthography. But Tsimshian words in the transcribed songs are given in more usual phonetic symbols, see key to phonetic symbols p. 108 (Ed.). 97 98 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC of our large museum collections of songs from the Northwest Coast will undoubtedly lead to comparisons with similar materials from eastern Asia. It is likely that the genetic relations already hinted at on other grounds between the tribes on both sides of Bering Sea will meet with further confirmation. Meanwhile, it is evident that the songs of the present collection are not homogeneous in type. Like the Tsimsyan themselves, they are made up of two or three contributory elements that have not yet merged beyond recognition. The coast tribes have songs and ways of singing that differ markedly from those of the interior and northern tribes. The Tahltan and Carrier of the headwaters of the Stikine and the Skeena, for instance, are among the most musical tribes of the continent; the Interior Salish of the Fraser and Thompson Rivers, no less.2 The mountain songs are swaying and ethereal. The voices of the singers, especially the women, are beautifully lofty and lyrical in character. Like the songs of Mongolia and Siberia, they are imbued with color; color and expressiveness of the voice are an essential feature of native singing on both sides of the Pacific Ocean. These songs often rise to a high pitch and vibrate with longing and passion; then they descend from the heights like cascades of sweet and remote sound. The Whites at Hazelton, whenever they hear these songs on the hillsides, call them "love songs" or "mountain songs." Yvette Guilbert, the famous French "diseuse," who heard some of our phonograph records, exclaimed, "I feel as if I stood on a mountain top and looked at the deep blue sky!" The coast songs, on the other hand, are not so musical or attractive. Their compass is far more restricted. They are usually sombre and brooding. The voices of the singers, no less colorful, are deep and throaty, sometimes harsh. The function of singing at the edge of the sea is largely confined to rites and ceremonies. The majority of these songs are the exclusive property'of eTi~n iBe clans and families. Like crests or coatsof-arms they are heirlooms. They almost never changed hands in the past. If someone challenged their ownership, quarrels would follow and, failing compensation, bloodshed. The coast songs differed from those of the interior and so did their respective drums. The coast drum was made of a thin slab of red cedar bent into a large square box and was suspended from the roof of the house by a cord which fanned out at the bottom like the fingers of a hand. The interior drum, like the Siberian drum, consisted of the dressed skin of a moose, beaver or caribou, stretched on a slender wooden frame, round and perfectly even, and was held in the singer's left hand and beaten with a drumstick (see P1. VIII). The sound of the coast drum was cavernous and muffled; that of the interior, clear, tuneful, vibrant. 2 For an analysis of Salish music see Herzog, 1949. YITMSIAFN SONGg Our Tsimsyan collection includes songs of both types - coast and interior - as the people themselves trace back their ancestry, some to the interior and the north, some to the coast, and others to the old local stock. It is significant, indeed, that the majority of the songs givenhere should belong to the pentatonic system - a system which is acknowledged as being typically Mongolian.3 The drums of both areas, coast and inland, are used according to the type of the songs. A number of songs, besides, belong to the class familiar elsewhere in America east of the Rockies. Recording the Songs Seventy-five songs are reproduced and analyzed in the following pages. They are part of the collection of nearly three thousand phonograph records of Indian songs now in the keeping of the National Museum of Canada and were selected out of two hundred and fifty-five Tsimsyan numbers collected between the years 1915 and 1929.4 The songs included here were recorded by me on the Skeena andNass Rivers, in northern British Columbia, from 1920 to 1929. Fifty-seven at Hazelton, on the Skeena, in 1920; fifty-five at Kitwanga, in the same district, in 1924; 139 at Arrandale, on the Nass, in 1927; and four at the same place, in 1929. Four Tahltan songs, incorporated here because they belong to the same type and bring out an interesting relationship, were recorded in the Yukon, in 1915, by the late James Teit. The songs were recorded on wax cylinders with a small Standard Edison phonograph. The words, their translations, and the explanation of the songs were taken down in writing directly from the singers assisted by interpreters. The interpreters were: William Beynon, of Port Simpson, whose mother was a Tsimsyan; Pahl, or Charles Barton, of Kincolith, Nass River, the chief of a Wolf clan of the Gitrhatin tribe; Mrs. Constance Cox of Hazelton; Benjamin Munroe, of Gitlarhdamks; and Alfred Sinclair of Kitwanga, Skeena River. The majority of the musical transcriptions were made by myself, and eight of them by Dr. (now Sir) Ernest MacMillan, from the phonograph records or, in most cases, from dictaphone transfers of the records, so as to preserve the originals. The transcriptions are not written in the actual key-signature in which the singers gave the songs; but this is indicated over the staff at the beginning of each song (for instance: First note, 3 "The five-tone scale is the one scale commonly employed in practice and constitutes the basis of all music in the Indo-Chinese countries" (The Art of Music, a Comprehensive Library of Information..., Editor-in-Chief, Daniel Gregory Mason, in 14 volumes. Vol. I, p. 46. 4 The University of Washington, Seattle, also has collections of unpublished Tsimshian song materials (see, for instance, Garfield, 1939, p. 170) Ed. 100 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC C) as well as the time-signature. An attempt was made to reproduce graphically by means of lines on the staff, the wandering turns of the voice and the native mannerisms in singing, such as scooping attacks and descending or diminuendo curves on ending notes. The variations from our normal half tones were merely indicated with the signs plus (+) and minus (-) when they were in the nature of intermediate tones. The Gitksan and Niskae5 texts were recorded phonetically, under dictation, according to current linguistic standards. Their translations, first literal and then interpretative, were taken down immediately after the recording of the text with the help of both the singer and the interpreter. Difficulties were often encountered here, as many of the songs are old and obscure, and the dialect archaic. A few of them are in a different language, having been borrowed or inherited from ancestors who spoke a different language. A few may preserve Mongolian refrains. Most of the translations were later revised by William Beynon, and much improved with my own growing knowledge of linguistic data on Tsimsyan and of Dr. Boas' grammatical study of Tsimsyan.6 The songs were recorded with twelve native singers, seven from the upper Skeena (Gitksan) and five from the Nass (Niskse). These singers were: 1. Watserh (Otter), or Andrew Wilson, a member of the Kisgagas tribe. Kisgagas is one of the two uppermost villages of the Gitksan, about 225 miles from the sea coast (see Fig. 19). Though a Tsimsyan, Watserh belongs as much, if not more, to the Athapascan stock of the interior as to the coast group, the language and culture of which are his own. He is of the Frog-Raven phratry (Larhsail). Blind, from an accident, he was only twenty-three years old in 1920 when his songs were recorded.His voice was remarkably high and clear, and his singing no less than his songs are almost all of the types familiar in the interior. 2. Tralahaet, or "Gitiks," known under the English name of Frank Bolton, proved the most useful and best informed of all our singers (see P1. 8). He was the aged chief of an Eagle clan whose original home on the lower Nass was Gwunwauq, his hunting and fishing grounds were Hyanmas, on the south side of Portland Canal, close to the mouth of the Nass and the Alaskan border. He belonged to the same Eagle clan as the famous warriors and craftsmen, coppersmith and woodcarvers, Legyarh of the Tsimsyan proper7 and Edensaw of the Haidas, who traced back their origin to the Tlingit nation on the northern coast. According to their clan traditions, their forebears once had landed from across the sea far to the north. The songs and ways of this aged singer were fairly characteristic of the coast. His home was Kincolith, at the mouth of the 5 This spelling preferred over Nisqa which occurs elsewhere in the volume. 6 Boas, 1930. 7 The same man referred to by Dr. Garfield as "Legeax" (Ed.). TSIMSHIAN SONGS 101 Figure 19. Settlements of the Nass and $keena Rivers No.1I Scale A A Scale B A + Gamut A I 11 I I If I I I PI%, V-11 17 N o. 2. 5cole A - N o. 3 Ga MLut -A 41- -A - J %7 - No. 4 No. 5 a -P — I - -% N i - I 1.1.4 J. No. 6 No. 7 d No. -S No. -9 No. 10 — A No. 11 A a 9 — l/ 0g:z-o No.- 12 No. 13 -.1 No. 14 - Stanza ARefrain J — Jr lj --- --- -- No, IS No. 16 No. 17 A - A No. 18 A - A. 4& - _ --- v.,/ —ra p —:~ - No. 19 No. 20 - a If.W-,. Ar -—,-7 - No. 21 No.-22 No.2,3 a~ jLJ -j J No.-25 A S.. - A No. 2.4 First part second -J -- U/ a Figure 2 0 No-26 First phrase --— A concIL15ion I A I.V I. J x I IJ V No. 27No8 A I 1 A I I A -II A No2.29 No.30 AAAA& A * -1-aNo.31 No. 32 I A. I I r R1 I No. 35 No. 34. First part SecondgI?4, w J iI i LA 'Zia L7 V J J - No. 35 No. 56 No. 37 No.38 Scale A scale 5 L~ T L ~ 1 ft. 0' L..I I WIN~ No. 39 A B No.40 a AA *I A No. 44 No. 4-2 A - 4 No. 43 N o. 44 No. 45 A 40 A a N o. 46 No 47 I.~ ~~hI~ ~ 2 i 4~ Rest -.'L.' Rest Rest No.48 A No. 49 Figure 21 No. 50 No. 51A A No.52 No.53 N4O.54 uwi Re~St No.55 No-56 No.57 A AA A& & No.658 No.G5 Na A ~A L A A.k. I I -1 tb ttI a No. 74N.? FiurA2 TSIMSHIAN SONGS 105 Nass, where he had resided for many years. Formerly a pagan, the last of his tribe, he had lived with his several wives at Gitiks, near the present Gitrhatin; hence his nickname. Many of his most valuable songs were recorded in 1927 at Arrandale. When an attempt was made, in 1929, to work with him again, it became obvious that he had, in the interval, aged beyond the possibility of further useful contribution to our phonograph repertory. 3. Weerhae, or Pelhae (Pearl), or Robert Pearl (see P1. 8), of Gitlarhdamks, on the upper Nass, was one of the two co-bearers of the name of Weerhae (Big-Slave), that of the Wolf head chief of Gitwinlkul, a Gitksan tribe whose village stands about fifteen miles north of Kitwanga, on the Grease Trail to the Nass. His ancestors were as much of the northern interior as of the coast; those on his mother's side, whose traditions he inherited, migrated several generations ago from the headwaters of the Stikine, and were for a long time involved in warfare with the "Tsetsaut," north of the Nass. His songs and manner of singinglikewise shared in the features both of the interior and the coast - rather more of the interior, since his voice, in spite of his age, was high and clear and his songs tuneful and musical, in the style of the Athapascans. 4. Toq, or Henry Smart, formerly of Gitlarhdamks, then of Kincolith, about fifty-five years old in 1928, a leader in the family of Kyaerh, was the chief of an old Wolf clan on the upper Nass (see P1. 8). Though he was educated and knew English, his songs are peculiarly fine and archaic. They seem characteristic of the true Tsimsyan method of singing, with a slight coast flavour. 5. Kweenu, or Mrs. John Larahnitz, of Kitwanga on the Skeena, seemed to be over fifty years of age in 1924, and is one of the two cobearers of the name of Kweenu, that of the chief of a leading Frog-Raven clan of Gitwinlkul (Gitksan). Her songs, mostly family dirges, are typical of the Tsimsyan style. She proved a sympathetic and tactful helper in our work among her people. 6. Tseegwae (Big-Thighs), or Weehawn (Big-Salmon), or George Derrick, the aged and conservative chief of a Frog-Raven clan at Gitwinlkul (Gitksan). His singing resembled that of Kweenu, to whom he was distantly related, and was typical of the interior Tsimsyan. Once he broke down and cried when recording on the phonograph one of his family dirges, and he could not resume work for more than two days. 7. Pahl, or Charles Barton, of Kincolith, the chief of a leading Wolf clan of Gitrhatin; a clever and intelligent man, who had a long and varied career, and died in 1929. Educated when young, he joined a circus in the United States, learning all the tricks of a montebank, such as sword swallowing and breathing fire, and before the Boer war had travelled to Europe with a mixed troup. In spite of his early rambles and his knowledge of the white man's devious ways, he was thoroughly 106 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC well informed in the customs of his people, and proved a capable and conscientious interpreter in my first season on the Nass, in 1927. 8. Gwirhmauh, or William Foster, the chief of an Eagle clan at Gitwinksihlk, the canyon of the Nass (see P1. 8). He was a fairly old man in 1927 when some of his songs were recorded and he died the following year. 9. Albert Allen, or Geetemraldo, of Kincolith, at the mouth of the Nass, was a sophisticated half-breed, about sixty years old in 1927, who traced back his ancestry on his mother's side to the Geetenmaks tribe (now Hazelton) of the Gitksan. 10. Semedeek, or Real Grizzly, the head chief of the Eagle clan of Kitwanga, on the upper Skeena, was one of the oldest Indians in the district. 11. Kweeyaihl, or John Brown, the chief of a family of the Fireweed phratry at Kispayaks, on the upper Skeena, was about sixty years of age in 1920. He was one of the best informed elders in his tribe. He belongs (he was still alive in 1943) to the old Temlaham stock of the Gitksan. 12. Lelt, or Solomon Harris, the old chief of a Frog-Raven clan at Kitwanga on the Skeena, traced back his ancestry on his mother's side to one of the old local families that had been overrun by the invaders from the north. Analysis of the Songs The songs represented in this collection have been numbered, for convenience, from 1 to 75. Lyric songs include Nos. 1 —22; medicine songs, Nos. 23-24; taunting and challenge songs used at feasts, Nos. 25-33; mythological and crest songs, Nos. 34-37; chieftainship or hallait songs, Nos. 38-43; spirit-name or narhnoq songs, Nos. 44-49; a ceremonial paddling song, No. 50; a war song, No. 51; a peace song, No. 52; lullabies belonging exclusively to clans, Nos. 53-60; ceremonial songs, Nos. 61-64; and dirges or moaning songs, Nos. 65-75. From the point of view of the singers themselves, the songs are either "old" or "very old" or "new." Twenty of the songs were composed by authors whose name is given (Nos. 14, 20, 21, 30, 54, 55, 57) or can be judged by their content to be recent (Nos. 2, 4, 6, 10-12, 30 first part, 31 latter part, 44-51). Several were composed by the singers themselves: Tralahaet or Frank Bolton (Nos. 17 and 29), and Watserh or Andrew Wilson (No. 3). Seven other songs of this series were recently introduced from elsewhere or were recorded outside the country of the Tsimsyan. Two were introduced by the "packers" of the Lillooet and Caribou districts, at the time of the gold rush of 1860-72 (Nos. 1 and 2); two are from the country of the Tlingit, to the northwest (Nos. 15 and 22); two were re TSIMSHIAN SONGS 107 corded among the Tahltans of the Stikine (Nos. 4 and 5); and one came from the Haidas of Prince of Wales Island (No. 52). Two other songs have travelled out of their district within the Tsimsyan frontiers: a Gitksan song (No. 9) with words in Tsimsyan proper; and a Gitksan song (No. 11) in the Niskse dialect. The origin of the majority of the songs was unknown and believed to be old. Not a few, including some of the "old" ones, are cast in melodic molds and scales that seem to have been originally foreign. The musical analyses of the songs done by Marguerite Beclard d'Harcourt in 1938 have been translated from the French and are included with the literal and free translations of the song texts in the descriptive materials on individual songs. Schematic musical analyses of the scales of the songs appear on Figures 20-22. It may be well, however, to give her summary of the scales in this more general section. Pentatonic or five-tone scales without half-tones, and related scales occur in twentynine songs (Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5-7, 9-13, 17, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27-29, 31, 32, 34, 40, 41, 51, 61, 64, 72, 75); four, five or six-tone scales with one or more half-tones occur in five songs (Nos. 3, 55, 57, 58, 62); chromatic or similar scales in five songs (Nos. 8, 24, 35, 60, 68); and diatonic and "modal" scales of seven tones occur in three songs (Nos. 15 with mode of E or III, Phrygran; 16 with mode of A or IX, Aeolian; and 65 with mode of D or I, Dorian). Eight songs have European scales (Nos. 22, 30, 33, 42, 44, 49, 73, 74). "Mixed" scales occur in nine songs (Nos. 14, 18, 26, 38, 39, 43, 45, 52, 63) and it was found that the scales of sixteen songs could not be classified (Nos. 21, 36, 37, 46-48, 50, 53, 54, 56, 59, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71). Analysis too often seems to rob material of vitality. But it is hoped that the phonetic and musical keys, and the descriptions of individual songs, given in the following pages, will serve rather to give the kind of cultural detail from which the living reality may be reconstructed. Key to Musical Sings used in Transcription Besides the conventional signs which retain their usual meaning, the following special signs have been used: -... the note following is slightly higher, or intermediate between two of our half tones. -... slightly lower, or intermediate as above. K... downward glide preceding or following the note; its depth is indicated by the curve. J... ascending glide, as above. <.. a long, slow glide, sometimes rendered decrescendo, tending to vanish at its end. ~J... ascending, as above. 108 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC nflv... curves showing the course followed by the voice in ornamental figures.... indicates the hypothetical position of a beat not marked by the voice.... the note is slightly shorter than written. m... as usual.... over a note means fortis or glottalized pronunciation. o>)).. the accent signs after a long vowel indicate that the vowel is repeated, by pulsing on the vowel, in accented and rhythmic fashion, without interrupting the vowel. a~.. long vowel sung alternately nasalized and pure. ^... etc. - In the scale schemes, tones of subordinate importance are given in parentheses; rest tones in brackets. Ties show the occurrance of half-tone intervals, except in scales which are assumed to represent our modern scales; in these cases the scale is arranged ascending, otherwise descending. For convenience of reading, the notations have been transposed into the treble clef. Key to Phonetic Symbols used in Transcription a... a vowel close to those in English mat and French parade. e... approximately like French e, or English a in cave.... approximately French e, or English e in pet. a... so-called obscure vowel, as in English flower. i... approximately French i, or English i in fit. o... approximately as in English note. 0... "open" o, as in English law. u... approximately French ou, or as in English lose. y... as in English yes. w... as in English water. b... sonant, but more strongly articulated than in English. p... surd, approximately as in English. d... sonant, but more strongly articulated than in English. t... surd, more emphatic than in English. ds, ts... affricative sonant and surd z... as in English zero. s... as in English sit. c... English sh, or as in French chant. g... sonant mid-palatal, as in English gum. k... surd, approximately like English k. g, k... anterior palatal stops, with affricative y glide: gy, ky. TSIMSHIAN SONGS 109 g q... sonant and surd velar stops. q... surd velar stop more posterior than q, and slightly more fortis. x... prepalatal spirant, like ch in German ich. x... posterior spirant, and more resonant than x. m... as in English. n... as in English. 1... as in English. I... voiceless l; the tip of the tongue rests on the anterior part of the palate, the air passes on both sides. r... as in English. h... as in English.... glottal stop, usually after a vowel.... superscript dot after a letter indicates length..... over a consonant indicates that it is glottalized and fortis. '... over a vowel: primary stress. '... over a vowel: secondary stress.... over a vowel: brevity. '... after a vowel: slight escape of air. a~, e~, i~, o~,... used only in singing, to indicate a manner of rendition in which a vowel held on a long note is alternately nasalized and pure: a-an-a-an, etc. CHAPTER NINE COMMENTS ON THE SONGS The songs appear here in numerical order corresponding to the melodic transcriptions given in the next section. Phonetic renderings of the words of the songs are given below the musical transcriptions. In this chapter, comments provide (a) free translations suggesting the literary and poetic quality of the songs; (b) literal translations; (c) musical analyses by Marguerite Beclard d'Harcout; and (d) miscellaneous notes taken at the time the songs were recorded, including the name of the singer and the provenience of each song with details on its ritual use and personal implications. Song No. 1: Haneenaw1 a and b. Most of the syllables in this song are meaningless. The only words are in English: "You come back, my sweetheart!" and "Take me home, my sweetheart!" The interpretation given of the first of these was: "In how many days will you come back, my sweetheart?" c. Pentatonic, consisting of two musical phrases: the first is purely pentatonic; the second has F sharp which alters the system of intervals and brings in intriguing major thirds. Could they be due to an idiosyncracy of the singer? The rhythm includes only one syncopation - such syncopations characterize many American Indian styles. Wide melodic range: from A above the staff down to F sharp. d. This lyric song was recorded with Watserh who said it was first introduced among his people by Lillooet packers when they came up from the Fraser valley to the Caribou district (about 1860-70). They sang it while driving their pack horses. Song No. 2: Neyuwehl Kyenal a. I am going to Quesnel, and will try to make love to you, my sweetheart. b..../ Will only go to Quesnel / will try / will long for you / now. c. Pentatonic, it rests on two notes, E and B, and consists of two musical phrases. The call at the start, on D sharp, is a half tone below I See Footnote 1, Chapter Eight. 110 'TSIMSHIAN SONGS 111 the regular beginning on E. This tone seems to stand outside the song itself, perhaps only an exclamation or a whim of the singer as it is nowhere else repeated on D sharp, but on E. I should consider this tune as being based on the mode of A (major). Range: from F sharp to E in the octave below. d. The packers coming from the Caribou district to the upper Skeena in the days of placer gold mining used to sing this love song. The town of Quesnel is still in existence. The song was sung on the phonograph by Watserh and interpreted by Mrs. Constance Cox. Song No. 3: Hladim Adihstarh a. Now the spring (of water) will come and change me. The water is coming, which I will drink. The wind will come that will toss me. Where have gone those that brought the liquor? Now they are lost. The bottle will come that will put me to sleep. Now the train is coming whereon I will sit. I am frightened in my heart of the places I have heard of. Where have gone those that brought the liquor? Now they are lost. Come, old man, let us get drunk! b.... / Now will come the spring or lake / will change me now //... / Now will come the water / will in water now //... / Now will come the wind / will take me now /... //... / Where have gone / out walk / who brought the liquor / they are lost / now //... Now / will come the bottle / will make sleep / now //... Now / will come the train / will whereon sit I //... / With frightened heart mine / where live //... / Where have gone / out walk / who brought the liquor / they are gone /... // Come / old man / will get / want to / drink. c. Song based on a four-tone scale, which includes a half tone. Very rudimentary tune, with insistent rhythm and repetition of only one melodic phrase. The range is the octave. d. Lyric drinking song, composed about 1918 by the singer himself, Watserh, who reluctantly confessed the authorship. Interpreted by Mrs. Constance Cox. Song No. 4: Kala Stetsi a and b. The words of the song (as sung by the Tahltan) seem to be a mixture of Tsimsyan, Tahltan, Sekanee, and English: Kalau or Kala (come - on the trail of the dead), steetss (sister), ani (come), steetsa (sister); goodbye, sister (in English); etc.... Other words semetimes were sung in the Nass dialect of the Tsimsyan, and their meaning was:, "I have not a strong heart, sister, that I should allow you to be cremated." 112 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR A.ITS AND MUSIC c. Pentatonic, with only one repeated musical phrase. Although the melodic movement is clearly downward, the tune frequently leaps up an octave. I should classify it as being based on the mode of D (minor). Range: from G to E in the octave below. d. This Gitksan song was recorded on the phonograph by James Teit at Porter's Landing (at the foot of Dease Lake) in August, 1915. It was sung by Daisy and Jeanie Campbell, two women of the Tahltans on the Yukon frontier. It was called a cremation song by some, and a love song by others. The Tahltans thought it was a Bear Lake song; but others (including Bear Lake Indians) declared that it had been composed by a young Gitksan or a Niskse whose wife had died; and that, while her body was cremated, he sang this song, as he composed it, out of a broken heart. Song No. 5: Hone Kone c. Related to the pentatonic system. Its remarkably expressive beauty, with its glissando leaps downwards, suggests the cooing of a dove. Exceptionally wide range - from B above, down to E -, which is achieved in spite of a very limited scale of only four notes, by using their duplicate tones in the octave below. d. A love song, recorded on the phonograph by James Teit at Porter's Landing in August, 1915. The singer was a Tahltan woman named Ida Quok. The song was said to be of Gitksan origin; but it was used by the Bear Lake Indians and introduced by them among the Tahltan farther north. Song No. 6: Temsta Angyalaw a. You will not be my successful rival (with women), for I have always been bold since my youth. I am a chief, you cannot challenge me now. I will make a trail, and you will follow in my path. b. Will get the better of me / where taken you / have always / careless / always small me /... // Chief I / you cannot speak to (challenge) me (?) / now // Along (making trail for another) / will clear / the trail / will only follow you / after me. c. Pentatonic with a single anomaly - a D in the second measure. The song consists of a single musical phrase in two parts, sung in a fine melodic style. The tune is repeated three times, with slight variations. I should classify it as being based on D (minor). Range: octave. d. This song was recorded with Watserh and interpreted by Mrs. Constance Cox. Wilson said that it had been composed about fifty years before (1920) by a Kisgagas man (Gitksan) belonging to one of the Wolf clans, at the time when his wife left him. This song may have been a challenge to his successful rival. TSIMSHIAN SONGS 113 Song No. 7: Nahl Nutra a. Who is dead? Why do you ask this? It is because I have no heart left. I am ashamed of what my fellow-dead say about me; they talk to the spirits (in the fire). My heart no longer speaks now. I will hit the trees with my fist. Then the people will call me through the elderberry bushes. b. Who is dead say you / without in sitting heart / now /... // That is very ashamed / what my fellows dead /... / talk under the would-be or were (spirits) / the good people // Not say it heart now // Will hit with fist I the tree / will call me the person / through tree elderberry //Who is dead say you. c. Song of the pentatonic type, with six notes including a half tone. Two interrelated phrases. Range: octave. d. The following comments were made on this song by the singer and the interpreter: This is a song to comfort one's own sad heart. When travelling with a companion that seems downhearted, one would say: 'Who is dead that makes you look so forlorn?' 'The spirits in the fire will talk; I am ashamed of what they will tell when they see me so lonely.' The singer then says: 'I am no longer downhearted now.' Then the spirit speaks, saying: 'I will hit the trees with my fist' (and the trees will fall - as they do when hit by a spirit). The spirit is so powerful. 'Why should I, a man, be sad and less powerful than a spirit?' The reference to the elderberry bushes is to his own grave. He pictures it as a pretty place with shrubs growing all around. 'Why should you be so downhearted in the midst of all this?' This is a Gitksan song sung by Watserh of Kisgagas. Itwasusually sung in his family to bring cheer, but it was not their exclusive property. The interpreter was Mrs. Constance Cox. Song No. 8: Haythwil Nuway a. Near death am I. What has befallen me! The people have cast me aside. I walk about among the tall trees. Where can I find a thing to gladden my heart? I will hold on to both sides of the offspring of the sun. If you speak to me now your voice will soothe my heart. It will be like money. b. Stand I dead / now done now / like across to each side / all the people // Among the tall / only about walking // Where lies / will only in glad heart / will both sides hold the sun / the offspring // Will be like / now speak you (to) me / will settle your heart / small dollars (money). c. Song of the chromatic type; very "primitive" and strange; it is impossible to tag its scale, which is at variance with our musical habits. Wide range: from F to C below. (On this another opinion may here be 114 THE TSIMSHIA2, THEIR AtTS AND MUSIC submitted: this song is of a highly evolved type, one that is distinctly based on the whole-tone system, brought back into our musical language by Debussy. - M. B. -) d. This is a Gitksan song. It was sung by Watserh or Andrew Wilson and interpreted by Mrs. Constance Cox. Wilson said that it was a favorite song of the old people in his tribe. Song No. 9: Hayawahl Kawday a. 0 my heart! I have not seen you (for so long)! That is why I am lonesome. Sometimes I cry (for you). b. 0 / heart mine /... / have not seen / you now why lonesome / sometimes crying... I / c. This melody may be considered as related to the pentatonic types. It begins with an anomaly: the initial measures or the first part of the first phrase are altered. Is this due to imperfect rendition on the part of singer, or is it really part of the structure? In the fifth measure, the song comes into its own. Its profile or trajectory is expressive and graceful. I am inclined to describe this melody as in C major. Range: F to E flat in the first octave. d. This is a Gitksan song recorded with Watserh and interpreted by Mrs. Constance Cox. The interpreter said that some Tsimsyan words were mixed with the Gitksan, which tends to show that it came to the Gitksan from the Tsimsyan on the lower Skeena. This song was often used by the old Indians in drinking bouts. Song No. 10: Nahl Helene a. I am lonesome for you, to drink with you. We will finish the liquor. b. Am lonesome (for) you / to drink with you / will finish liquor. c. Pentatonic, a graceful melody based on only one musical phrase which varies upon repetition. When it is repeated a second time, a variation occurs involving a modulation on a chromatic half-tone; but immediately after, the pentatonic scale reasserts itself. This melody, in spite of its anomalies, seems to belong to the mode of A major. Range: octave. d. This Gitksan drinking song is from Watserh. The interpreter was Mrs. Constance Cox. The singer said that the Larhsail (Raven-Frog) families of Kisgagas were wont to sing it in the feasts to the Gisrast (Fireweed) families. Song No. 11: Gisrast a. The Fireweeds (or people of the Fireweed phratry) brew the liquor which the Wolves (or people of the Wolf phratry) and the Frog-Ravens TSIMSHIAN SONGS 115 will drink. You seem to think that we never made any before. This is why we walk about proudly: We have made some for a long time! b. Fireweed / to make fermentation /... / will drink / the On-wolf / and the Kanada /..// Think thou / that new have just made it /... // That (is) why proud (or haughty) will be to walk about /...// A long time we have done it. c. Pentatonic; a single musical phrase in two parts, slightly modified upon repetition. The variations in pitch during the second repetition seem to be extraneous to the melody itself. Wide range: from D to the A below the staff. d. This Gitksan drinking song is from Kisgagas. It was sung on the phonograph by Watserh in 1920; and it was interpreted by Mrs. Constance Cox. The singer said that it had been learned on the Nass by Kispayaks people (of another Gitksan tribe). He added that he, being a Fireweed, could treat the Wolves and the Frog-Ravens, and sing this song to them. Song No. 12: Lodzahut a. As I look over the valley I am downhearted. I threw a stone at the small grouse in the mountains... (Refrain: - As I look over the valley...). I will weave anew the rotten fish basket, to use it again at the foothills. (Refrain: As I look...). I will not yield to the bidding of the small moth spirit to me. b. Right here in the valley / will without heart / towards looking / right here in the valley // To throw stones I / small grouse/ on the mountains /.. / right here in the valley // To weave /... / to weave rotten / basket / will fix again to weave / will down from the hill use / now /.., / right here in the valley // Wont will do / its speaking (its bidding)/small moth spirit / inviting or invitation / to me / right here in the valley. c. Pentatonic; only one phrase, slightly altered uponrepetition; great rhythmic flexibility. The rest on the beat is typical in many Indian styles - the quaver is followed by an accented semi-quaver. This melody seems to be in D (minor). Range: octave. d. The singer, Watserh, a Gitksan of the Kisgagas tribe, gave the following explanation of this song. A man sent his wife away. The blue grouse in the mountain represents her. He threw a stone and hit it. After hitting the grouse he sat down and looked over the valley, downhearted. He refashioned an old fish basket, to use it again in the valley. But when it was finished he cut it up in his distemper. He was making another when a bat flew towards him. Pushing it away he cried 'no, I don't want it!' When the bat hits someone - according to a current belief - it is an invitation to come and die. The song begins after the bat has appeared. It is supposed to be from the grouse in the mountain - or the 116 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEI ARTS AND MUSIC wife that has been dismissed by her former husband. It contains a threat: the bat will appear to him! This Gitksan song is said to have originated at Kisgagas, but the singer was reluctant to give the particulars. Later, I learnt that it refers to an incident in the marital life of Dzeeus, of the Frog-Raven crest, at Kisgagas. The Grouse (Piste'i) is a crest of his family. A long time after it was composed, the song was purchased "for a big price" by the people of the Wolf crest in the same tribe. It was interpreted by Mr. R. S. Sargent, a white man, of Hazelton. Song No. 13: Ndahlwulskihl a. Where shall I find what will gladden my heart? Talk to me in jest! You will only see me a short while, for I am going to leave you behind. I have already sent you (my wife) away, because of your common talk. I will not take you back. (Refrain: You will only see me a short while, for I am going to leave you behind). You will not laugh very long. You will remain there, while I have gone in. (Refrain: You will only see me a short while...). b.... Where about lies / will that which happy / heart mine / reason why ridicule you talk I /... Brief you (pl.) see (pl.) me // Now will behind leave I thee // I already have left or dismissed (wife) I, I thee/ now has come common or small talk thine // Not I will take back thee // Brief you see me / Now will behind leave I thee // Will laughing not last long thine / while (where?) in standing I //(?) You are going to remain: // Brief you see me / now will behind leave I thee. c. Pentatonic; a single phrase repeated with slight variations. A single anomaly in the scale: a D sharp extraneous to this scale, is perhaps due to European influence. The tune is probably in C (major). Range: octave. d. This song for amusement and dancing (lin song or lu' amarawt, "in glad heart") is the exclusive property of Toq and his family - a Wolf clan of Gitlarhdamks, on the upper Nass. It was used in the feasts. Toq, or Henry Smart, had learned it from Timothy Derrick (originally of Gitwinlkul), now of the same village. Song No. 14: Yehlarhs a. The sun walks (in the sky), that is why I walk (or perhaps I walk just as the sun walks in the sky). While the sun only walks, I try to run... Who will listen to what I say as I walk about crying alone in the large village (of the dead), while I run away from my sorrows. Who will prevent me going? Who will keep the sun from moving when it starts on its way across the sky... My heart feels very small. So I am! But I go ahead just the same. TSIMSHIAN SONfGS 117 b. Walks the sun (that is) why walk I / away (from) walk I / the sun why walk I / try run I /... // Who will listen say /... / where along about walk crying / I in large village /... / will back (from) or backwards run heart mine / (lamentation) // Who will who stop or prevent me / who will who again stop the sun / when it starts out walking // Why or just as small thinks or speaks heart mine / small am I /.../.. c. This song contains a half tone in the melodic phrase, yet its refrain is distinctly pentatonic. Two phrases, that of the stanza, and that of the refrain. The latter seems to be D (minor). Range: D down to C an octave below. d. This lyric song was termed a kalihkawt (love song) by the singer Gysedemraldaw or Albert Allen, (of the Raven phratry), at Kincolith, Nass River. The singer said that it had been composed by his father, Kawawdzu, of the Wolf phratry, at Girhatin, when, still young, he married his first wife, a Gitksan woman from the upper Skeena. The Nass River women were naturally opposed to Kawawdzu's partiality for a stranger. They began to gossip. Some of them told him, "Do not bring in that woman." They were jealous. But he did not change his mind, and composed the song above, "Who will stop the sun.... However small I may be, I must have my own way. When I want a woman, I go and get her!" He was a chief, and if he himself said that he was small, it did not mean that he was to be taken literally. The song was interpreted and explained by the singer himself. Beynon later revised the translation. Song No. 15: Yuhaynay a and b. Yayhlay is the only word the meaning of which is clear; that is, Raven, in the Tlingit language. c. The scale on the whole corresponds to the mode of E in plain-song (III, Phrygian mode). We may consider the E natural (in the fourth measure) as an individual designation of the singer, and the A natural (in the 7th, 11th, 16th measures) as an unessential variation which does not affect the fundamental scale type - these are perhaps due to European influence. A single musical phrase serves for the stanza and the refrain. The words of the refrain and those of the stanza interchange musical features. Range: octave. d. This dance song for men and women was described by the singer, Gwirhmauh, of the Gitwinksihlk (or Canyon) tribe of the Nass, as having originated among the Tsetsaut people of the north. It was then learned by some Gitksan of the upper Skeena. From there it spread to Gitwinksihlk on the Nass, quite a long time ago. It was interpreted by Pahl, or Charles Barton, of Kincolith. 118 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Song No. 16: Wutsatsiksye a. Don't walk too haughtily, my dear! When you see me again, I will not think of you any more. (Beynon interpreted differently the last sentence: "You have just seen me. My thoughts are constantly of you.') Do you think I will be grieved if you throw me off? You are the one that will jump back to my side. Why do you howl, large Wolf, when the little Frog is playing dead (as frogs do when they are frightened)? On top of whom have you been lying in the forest b.... / Don't you proud walk / you dear / have just seen me /... / to you / constantly where walks or goes thought // Think heart you // will cry or be sorrowful / because off throw (me) /... 1/ Will towards / towards jump / to my side /... // Why howl you / large wolf / now pretend dead / the small frog / already on top lay / in forest. c. A beautiful tune which I should classify as in the Aeolian mode of plain-song (IX, A), related to pentatonic types. In part, this song is typically pentatonic; B flat occurs only in the 22nd measure. Wide range: from F to B flat below the staff. d. This ordinary dance song was given and interpreted by Pahl, or Charles Barton, of Kincolith on the Nass. Its translation was later revised by William Beynon. Barton explained that this song is that of a woman separated from her husband or lover. She addresses him, and wonders, in the last phrase, whether he is unfaithful. The reference to the wolf and the frog implies that the husband belongs to a Wolf clan (Larhkeebu) and the wife to a Frog clan (Kanhada). Song No. 17: Kwakashawt a. 0! it makes my heart glad to drink the fermented juice of berries, however so little. I mean it! I wonder how I could abstain from drinking, on the twenty-fourth of May! O! I could not again let it go by, when they put the crown on big King George. O! I could not again let it go by, the day when big King George was crowned! Now I see in the distance my companion getting old like myself, whom I once lost my heart to, my sweetheart. I will follow behind her, who is getting old like myself; and I will find the gold teeth she has lost. (The singer added that she had lost her false teeth and did not know it.) O! I wil taste the much vaunted juice of the berries of Sadak mountain. I am much surprised when you say that I again got drunk on the juice of elderberries. (He had sworn that he would not drink fermented juice again). b. Not seen (Barton translated this into the exclamation, 0 my!) / small (Barton: how small!) / which makes in good heart I / small waters or juice (of) berries / reason say I // I wonder how strong heart mine / why without drink I / on the twenty-fourth (in English) May /... // 0, TSIMSHIAN SONGS 119 sorrowful heart mine / should again I miss or pass / when hat of / (in English, big King George // 0 my! sorrowful heart mine / should again I miss / when (in English, the crowning / (of) big King George // In the distance about (to) see I / small old or weak (companion) I / where not in sits heart mine //... //I will / only behind follow / back of (or behind) I / small old (companion) I / Will... find I / teeth of gold // 0, will only do real taste /... always boasted of / the water of berries / where lies / Sadak / in astonished I / what say thou / when thou tell / that drunk again (he has) / the juice of elderberries / has signed (or sworn) he. c. This song recalls the dirges or funereal chants of Equatorial South America (particularly Peru), prevalent among the professional mourners. It, too, is essentially pentatonic, yet it actually contains seven tones. (The B natural in the 46th measure is an anomaly). I should not be surprised if this melody had been purely pentatonic at the outset and had been altered by European influence; the same process was clearly at work in Peru and Bolivia when I was investigating Indian music there. The rhythm does not seem to have been transcribed with sufficient flexibility. According to my impression, the bar hampers the flow of the rhythm, which would have been more at ease in triple (6/8, 9/8 or 12/8), rather than duple rhythms. Mode in D (minor) or Dorian. Range: from E flat to D an octave below. d. This dance song (lemih mayluh) was recorded on the phonograph with Tralahaet, or Frank Bolton, of Gitiks and Kincolith on the Nass. It was interpreted by Charles Barton; and itstranslation was later revised with William Beynon. It was composed by the singer, over twenty years ago, on the occasion of the crowning of the present King George. Since, it has been used in potlatches to accompany the distribution of presents to the guests. It is not really the property of the singer any longer or of his family; it can be used by everybody as an amusement and dance song. Song No. 18: Hlawdehlaw c. Belongs to the pentatonic type, although it contains seven tones or steps, and may be in D (major), perhaps because of European admixture. An anomaly occurs: B flat. The musical structure is in three parts, a simple form of what in Europe is called Lied; this feature too suggests European influence. Wide range: F sharp to B below. d. This is another dance song of the Nass River or, as the natives themselves called them, "glad dances." Like the previous one, it was sung by Tralahaet or Frank Bolton. The singer also had learnt it from his uncle of the same name, who knew a great many songs. Before the words began, he shouted "Sing loud!" (hlaw'dehl), as was often done, almost as if it were part of the song. Before it stopped he sang "u-" which meant "That's all!" 120 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Song No. 19: Kusgyaneedas a. Where is the whiskey? It is time for you to bring it out (Beynon interpreted: a covering garment you have). I know you have it - I saw it. Let it be that much! (The singer shows the glass, presumably in his hand). Now it is time to stop giving me whiskey. It would not be good if I died. b. (Beynon: garment (?) covering, shelter or robe) Barton: / where is it, it is time for you to show / another time (?) is that or what has thou /... // That have seen I // to thee, // Will small only that much this // Now stop thou / thou you do // It no good / will die I. c. This song, too, is of the pentatonic type, though its scale is a hybrid and contains six tones. The form is the characteristically Indian one of these regions: a single phrase repeated with slight variations; a few minor alternations do not affect the form taken as a whole. Range: octave. d. This dance and drinking song was sung in the early days by the members of the several Wolf families of Angyadae, on the Nass. But it was common property. The singer was Pahl, or Charles Barton, of Kincolith..No. 20: Takwawats a and b. The words Ha The text could not be closely interpreted, except that it meant,? it not for England, you would not be as good as you are." c. Pentatonic. A C sharp, clearly intrusive, is due to European influence. The tune may be classified as being in the mode of A (major). Range: from F sharp to the D below. d. This is a song called limih mayluh, dance song, or lu'amarawt, "in glad heart." Like the many others of its kind, it was used when the people had no trouble, were happy to find themselves together; or if they had troubles, dancing made them forget. It was given by Tralahaet or Frank Bolton, of the Nass River, and was explained by Charles Barton. It was composed by a Nass River man, Tralahset, the singer's uncle of the same name, before the singer was born. As this Tralahaet could speak Haida, he preferred Haida words to those of his own language. Song No. 21: Tisne a. (A woman had done something she was sorry for. Her lover, in the song, says), "Who told you to do it - that which you are sorry for?" (She TSIMSHIAN SONGS 121 answers), "Your little joke has to be chased away." (with da', as one says da' to a dog). (He rejoins), "I have a little green paper (money? or a ticket, as the interpreter said?) to give you (you won't chase me away!), and we will sit together at the edge of Ksemimqh (a spring of fresh water below Fishery Bay, on the Nass). b... Who said do (what you are sorry for) / why you? // Has to be chased away / little joke yours // Little green / paper / on edge/ water of Mimqh. c. Does not fit any known classification; now minor, then major; on two tonics: G and B. Its single melodic phrase is repeated thrice, with variants. Range: from D to the B below the staff. d. This dance of the Nass was sung by Tralahaet, or Frank Bolton, and interpreted by Benjamin Munroe. It was composed by the singer's cousin 'Nalarhse (belonging to a Wolf clan of Gwunwaq, at Gitrhateen) about thirty years ago and it became common property. It was added that even a dance song or a song for amusement may be owned privately and sung only by the family of the owner. But this never happens when the song is Gidaranits (Tlingit) or Haida. Song No. 22: Kanaweesan a and b. The words seem to be in Tlingit (or Stikeen, as it was called), and they are supposed to mean: "Every day I cry, because my sweetheart is far away." c. The scale of this song has undergone marked European influence. But the syncopated rhythm is typically Indian. Range from E to F sharp. d. This lyric song was recorded with Tralahaet of the lower Nass River. Benjamin Munroe, the interpreter, first said that it was in Chinook jargon, but later corrected his error. It was learnt from Qawhnao, of the village of Stikeen, by the singer at the time when he was at the gold mines there, about sixty years ago. It has since been used in the ordinary dances of the Niskae. Song No. 23: Mu'watsay a. I am possessed. No one can cure me. The salmon is in the same creek as the tabooed woman. I do not recognize the small spirit (narhnoq). I am possessed. It touches my ribs, where my body grows weak. (Added as explanation by the singer: "I don't know the name of the spirit that touches my body; I don't even see it. I am crazy!"). b. Foolish or possessed / I am // None cure me / am I /... // Will be in the same creek the salmon / never taboos (monthlies) the Woman // Do not I know / small spirit /... / foolish or possessed /... / touches he / ribs mine /... // where grows weak / my body I. 122 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC c. Pentatonic, slightly hybridized. Two anomalies: the G sharp at the start, which is probably a secondary addition of a half tone; and a D, because of which the song may be placed in the A (mayor) class. A single, long melodic phrase. Several rests on the beat, which is typically Indian. Range: F sharp down to E. d. This medicine-man's song was called "the Crazy Otter" (mu'watserh), and it was sung by a medicine man over his patient. It was sung by Tralahaet, or Frank Bolton, of the lower Nass River. Interpreted by Benjamin Munroe, its explanation was revised by William Beynon. It belonged to Bolton's grandfather, whose medicine (not his regular) name was Hawn or Salmon. The salmon was his helping spirit and he had a very small ivory (wood or bone) carving to represent it. The patient here is supposed to be a woman. To recover from her sickness she must abstain from things forbidden to a woman under taboo. Otherwise, she would die. The term ha'walk means to abstain or refrain from anything. The woman who infringes the taboos (while in her period) will die and be with the salmon in the creek, where she will really get lost. Song No. 24: Tsayahltu a. The Otter always pursues me, and it floats away with me. I place beside me the hallait (magic object or charm) of the opening underneath. Oh! the Otter floats and swims under me, in the opening under me. b.... / Always pursues people the Otter / towards swims with me / the Otter // To one side I put / the hallait / opening under me / 0! / opening under me // Undernath floats / the Otter / under me / opening under me. c. This is a very intriguing song, in two parts. The first contains a phrase with a strange, chromatic feature; repeated thrice. This feature is caused by the wavering between G sharp and G natural. The rhythm is very flexible and elusive. Range: from G to the E below. d. This Gitksan medicine song or swanasu (doctor) song was recorded with Watserh on the upper Skeena. It was first, but Twongly, called hallait song - or chief's song. Mrs. Constance Cox, of Hazelton, acted as interpreter. Her explanations were later revised by Wiliam Beynon. The singer or the interpreter compared the hallait or charm (the Otter, in this instance) to the things which a juggler uses in a circus. But, he said, it is like a supernatural being. Here the Otter was a mystic animal. The medicine man became part of the Otter, during his trance. TSIMSHIAN SONGS 123 Song No. 25: Needahlway a. Why do you sing this lin song (as the food he is to distribute is not sufficient)? My little cousin found that the large Eagle does not cast fish tails, hai hai hai (which represents the shrieking of the eagle, the owner's crest). I will stand on top of the pile of food, to abase them or surpass them, the beloved chiefs! I will stand on top of it. b. What reason / singing /.... // Because (a Tsimsyan term) find / small cousin /... // Without fish tail / large eagle // Cause why // edge or top of sitting I / to throw him (abase him) down / I long for or my beloved (other chiefs) // Will only or cause why edge of sit I. c. Pentatonic. The first initial phrase contains an A which forms a half-tone interval with the immediately following B flat. But after the ninth measure, the melody becomes definitely pentatonic, despite the fact that some of its intervals are modified; sung either slightly higher or lower; the first phrase, with its unsettled character, does not recur again, except in the eleventh measure before the end, where the A is repeated. Range: octave. d. This is a limih'mihla', a song for the distribution of property or food to the guests in the feast, known under the name of kseqawqse'msku. In this feast, green shrubs were burnt, which sizzled hu-; and the guests imitated that noise, to emphasize their acknowledgement that it was a great feast. It belongs exclusively to the singer, Tralahset or Frank Bolton, who used it on an occasion when he had a hundred boxes of "pilot bread" to give away. He stood on top of the boxes, before the distribution, and sang this song. It is an old song, which the singer's forefathers used only when they had large gifts of food to make. He learned it from his grand-uncle Halitkwse. The interpreter was Benjamin Munroe, whose translations were later revised by William Beynon. Song No. 26: Hayeltlehet a. He is uttering lies. A lie it is! A lie. He is lying. Lies!... Now the words! Who is afraid of you, Snow-on-leaves! (or: You are like the snow on the leaves: it melts in the sun! I am not afraid of you.) I mean, where is your gun? (that is: Where is your wealth? You are only boasting!) Sing louder! (spoken); Lies these are! (sung)... b. Talks lies he / a lie /... / a lie / lies he /... / talks a lie /...// Now about the song! // Who will / (be) afraid of thee / snow / on leaves / mean I / where will (be) gun thine /... lies / utter a lie /... //Only higher he! // Utter lies.... c. Song in part pentatonic, in part "chromatic." The first phrase, pentatonic, seems to bring forth a theme only to vary it chromatically. The conclusion is clearly pentatonic. The rhythm, quite accentuated, is varied and supple. Wide range: fron F to the C below the staff. 124 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC d. This potlatch song of the Niskse was used by the Eagle clan of Gwunwawq, on the lower Nass, to accompany gifts of food to the guests in feasts. It was recorded with Tralahlet and Pahl (Charles Barton) interpreted and explained it. It was later annotated by William Beynon. As can be seen, some of the words are Gitksan, and others Niskse - side by side. This type of song aimed at taunting the stranger to whom the gifts where made. The host abused him but atoned for his words, which otherwise would have been resented. To use the words of Pahl, the interpreter, "He roasted him before making gifts to him." And then, later, the guest would repay in kind. It is likely, the singer said, that at the time when the song was composed, the words were aimed at some one in particular. Such words as, "Now the words!" or "Sing louder!" are usually introduced by the singer himself. They are meant to call the attention of the listeners to the theme of the song. Song No. 27: Kyahkyaw a. Wait and see what I am going to do! Wait! that you may know, sweetheart, whether I am getting better, before you again send me word of your love, 0 flighty one! It is time now you should send me something, Woman of the Victoria tribe - a bottle of Old Tom! Then I will send out to you beaver skins. b. Wait and see / what doing I now // Wait and see / if cured or saved I / sweetheart / again love (?) send me / your voice / much often / light or flighty heart // Do you / in present me (something) / Woman-peopleof-Victoria /... / with bottle (of) Old Tom // Will I out present (to) thee / with beaver skins /... c. Song on four notes of the half-tone-less pentatonic type. It is a rhythmic psalmody on four tones, yielding to the requirements of the spoken text, typically native. Apart from a single D, a bit high in pitch, the intervals are regular. Range: octave. d. This is another limih'mihla' or song of challenge, for the distribution of food or gifts by the host in a feast. It was sung by Tralahet and interpreted by Pahl. William Beynon later revised the translation. It is claimed that this tune is ancient, as are the words of the first part. The song belongs to all the Eagles (Larhskeek). It was used when they took part together in a feast (hoks); it required "much money and property to make it go," as it was, "a big play." It is interesting to learn how the words in the second part of the song were added at a fairly recent date. Sarau'wan, an Eagle chief of Gunwawq, on the lower Nass (of the same group as the singer), composed it after his wife Weeyse had left him, to marry an important man of the Hudson's Bay Company in Victoria (Mrs. Capt. NcNeil). When Sarau'wan sang before the crowd, "I will send you beaver skins," he actually held in his hands tenmarten TSIMSHIAN SONGS 125 skins - a fine gift, and he sent them to her in Victoria. He intended thus to ridicule her, as she would presumably fail to reciprocate in wonted style. Neeskinwsetk gave a big feast soon afterwards. Weeyaee (Mrs. NcNeil), who was his sister, gave to Sarau'wan, her former husband, a present - a big canoe. Or, as the informant put it, "she madethe OldTom into a big canoe." "So she went over - she had the best of him!" He had wanted to cast ridicule upon her, because his pride had been wounded. She had heard of it, and through her family, she retaliated in a way that would silence him. Song No. 28: Kugwais Weesaiks a.... Poor Weesaiks is behind me now! (Addressed to him). Will you remember and bring a bottle for me? b.... / Like poor / Weesaiks / now /? / behind me / now //... Will you remember me with a bottle? c. Pentatonic with a single anomaly: a vestigial Note F in the 12th measure resulting in a half tone is an unimportant ornament. The rhythm brings forth syncopations and rests upon the beat. A single musical phrase, with variants. I should consider this song as belonging to the mode of A (major). Range: very wide - from G to lower C. d. This song is used in potlatches. It was sung by the host and his family when presenting gifts to a distinguished guest, such as Weesaiks (of the Fireweed phratry, of Kisgagas). The more they sing to his name, the more gifts they must produce, since the song otherwise would be an offense. In other words, the host teased his guest and atoned for his apparent discourtesy. The names of other chiefs were substituted for that of Weesaiks according to circumstances. The singer from whom it was recorded was Watserh, of Kisgagas. The interpreter was Mrs. Constance Cox. Song No. 29: Aguhlen a. What are you talking about? Hush up! Why do you concern yourself with what I do? Why do you gossip about me, when you are doing the same thing? I speak to you, women of Gitrhatin! (Interpreter Beynon -gave another meaning to these last two phrases: It is none of your business... You are doing the same thing to a woman of Gitrhatin). It seems as if I were the only bad one. For this reason you say that I am lost. You also will be lost! Women of Kincolith, I mean you! (Beynon again gave another interpretation: You also will be lost with your woman of Kincolith). You are constantly talking about me. My heart is now lonesome, because I have not seen my sweetheart, the Hutsini woman, I mean. 126 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC b. What talk! / hush! // What (to) do with you / where I or me do // Why you gossip (about) me / also yourself (in person) / doing // Woman of Gitrhatin /.... I mean // Seems only I / bad I // Why you say / will (be) lost I // Will also you (be) lost / you // With your / women of Kincoith or People-of-scalps / I mean // Again / constantly speaking / (of) me // Am now / in lonesome heart / because / not see her / my sweetheart / Woman of People-of-Hutsini or Water-of-Grizzly /... // I mean... c. Song of pentatonic type, despite its anomalies which, I believe, are clearly due to European hybridization. A single phrase, varied, is preceded and followed by a rhythmic statement on a predominant note. The words have been the cause for the syncopated rhythm. I consider this melody as belonging to the mode of D. Range: quite wide, from E natural to B flat below the staff. d. This Niskae song is of particular interest, since it was composed by the singer himself - Tralahset - when he was "young". It refers to his own experiences when he still lived at Gitiks. The only explanation which the singer gave through the interpreter, Benjamin Munroe, was that it was used in a spirit of fun; also in feasts, when he gave property away. Although composed by himself, he conceded that it couldno longer be considered strictly his property. The full meaning of this song was divulged by others, after the singer had gone away. He was the last of the pagans, and remained with his wives (polygamy being customary) at Gitiks several years after the others had moved away to the Christian villages of the neighbourhood. For that reason he became known under the nickname of Gitiks. One day, however, he went down to Kincolith and declared to Mr. Collison, the missionary, his intention of becoming a Christian. The missionary reminded him that a Christian may own only one wife; to this, he agreed. When the day of baptism arrived, Gitiks appeared with a young bride (the Hutsini woman). The missionary objected that he should have selected from his wives the only one whom a convert may own. But Gitiks was a kindly soul. He would not hurt their feelings by showing his preference for one of them while dismissing the others. The people began to gossip, the former wives first of all, and their families at Gitrhatin and Kincolith. To silence them he gave a feast, distributed presents, and sang this song which he had just composed to make fun of them. Hutsini means Water-of-GrizzlyBear (Huts-Bear) in the Tlingit language. This is the native name now for the Whales Island cannery, near the Alaskan frontier. Song No. 30: Tem'asemis a. I will sing the song in separate parts (or I will sing each song apart). I will mark separately each trail I have followed down. For I lost my TSIMSHIAN 0SONGS 127 mind because of what I did. (That is, I was always craving to give feasts. I lost my head over it). Now the song! The big Eagle (the chief of that clan - the host) will spread his wings, as he sits among the chiefs (that is, he will spread out his arms, as the eagle its wings, to receive his guests, the chiefs). I give the song of the Otter: "I will lure the man away with me " (The Otter is believed to lure men away to the lakes, as would a beautiful woman, bent upon their loss). Who will see me when I fall off the mountain tops? (That is, when I come back to my senses, I feel as if I had been clinging to the mountain tops. If I had fallen off, who would have rescued me?) b. Will singly separate (yats-chopping) I /... / small song /... // Will singly mark /... / down trail I /... / have not in settled heart or mind I / where done I / Now the song! (spoken) // Will towards / spread /... / large eagle / (its) wings / because / where in sits he / beside/ the chiefs // Song of / Otter /... / say I /... will take man /... /will take him with me /... // Who will see me / now will where off cf all I / on top mountain. c. This song shows the influence of the White man; with its modern European scale; G major, and with its sophisticated modulations. There is a rest on the third B. Its rhythm is far from easy to grasp, and is made still more intricate, for all but the natives themselves, by isolated quavering introduced at irregular intervals. Range: from E down to G. d. This is a huks (potlatch) song, which was frequently used in potlatches by the singer, Tralahset or Frank Bolton. He termed it "his own song, whenever he gives a feast." On such occasions, two songs were used by the singer; the above is the second. The lack of continuity in the words of this song goes back to its source. It was composed on two different occasions, the last part ("I will lure the man away") by a Niskse woman named Kwitrhaw'aw, a cousin of the singer, who learned it from her at the time when the custom of giving potlatches was stopped, "not very long ago." And the first part by Neesmuut, of the village called Gitgigsenih on the middle Nass. Neesmuut was a chief of the Wolf clan headed by Negwa'on. Bolton added that when he used this song Kweetraw'aw, the woman who composed part of it, sang it for him. She was his cousin. Benjamin Munroe acted as interpreter, when the song was recorded. But William Beynon later revised his translation. Song No. 31: Hlatrada Wahsay a. Now the words! I am towing the whole large village after me. So thinks the foolish one! I would not boast as the small nose ring does (that is, I would not speak as the man of low rank, who uses a nose ring, does), and say that I have money where I stand. Something like an arrow runs through my heart, when I remember my sweetheart. 128 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC b..../ Now the words! // Now all towards paddle I / large on village / thinks small without mind / am doing I /... // Never do say I / small sticking through / never do say I / small sticking through do say I have money (dollars) / am doing I /... // Stick arrow-like / through the heart / when where remember sweetheart I. c. This song is based on the pentatonic principle, although it has borrowed the seven degrees of the modern European diatonic scale. Some parts are very typically of the five-tone variety, and it has preserved the descending curve so characteristic of the majority of the native melodies. At times an interval is a bit raised or lowered, according to the special usages of this region, yet without impairing the character of the whole. Range: quite wide - from E to B below the staff. d. The chief who sings this song in a feast (huuks), before distributing gifts to his guests, makes a joke on himself. He means: "My power is very great, since I can tow the whole village." Yet he only says, "So thinks the foolish one!" When he speaks of the men of low rank who boast of their wealth, he avowedly does the same thing, since he alludes to the riches which he is about to lavish upon his guests. Or, as the interpreter puts it: "I would not be as the common people who boast that they have money when they have none. I say that I have none when I have plenty." The last part must be a later addition, since it is like a Uin or "lonesome" song. The singer explained that many people, also some chiefs, used nose rings of silver - small or large - through the septum of the nose. But not the owner of the song. He alludes to them as "common" or of "low rank," and there must be some of them among his guests. This is a taunt, such as is permissible to a host who is about to distribute gifts. The custom of wearing silver nose rings (kalsehlaw'sk, sticking through) is not very ancient, since silver was introduced by the White people. This song was recorded with Tralahaet interpreted by Benjamin Munroe. The translation was later revised by William Beynon. It is said to have been composed by Arhatat, a relative of the singer (also of an Eagle clan at the village of Kwunwawq), over seventy years ago. It was often sung in the feasts, particularly when the host had much money to distribute. The singer used it once, "not very long ago," when he wore a fine costume, and gave a thousand dollars away to all the guests, including the children. Song No. 32: Weelayaihl a. I know what you are. You are just thoughtless to me! Now the words of the song! Lucky is the lazy man. He sits at the foot of the tree. The arrows glance off him. Blessed is he! TSIMSHIAi 801SO4 129 b. Know I doing thou /... / without thought (to) me /... //.../ Now the song! (The dialect of this first part is Gitksan.) // Lucky (... day me ) / the lazy man /... // In against sits (at the) foot (of) tree /... // About slipped or glanced off the arrow /... / blessed is he! c. Pentatonic in spite of an anomalous F, which seems foreign to the scale. This is a pretty tune which reminds me very much of the Indian songs heard on the reservations of the United States, with its stair-like outline in a gamut ranging from a high-pitched tone to the lowest note. A single phrase is repeated over and over again, with little or no variation. The rhythm is firm yet supple, with syncopations and rests on the beat which follow a clear-cut pattern. I am inclined to classify this song as in the mode of D (minor). Range: from high A down to E. d. This song of challenge (the singer here called it "song of joy") was sung by Weerhae, Robert Pearl, of Gitlarhdamks, on the upper Nass. It belonged exclusively to him (Wolf phratry). He is head chief of the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan. It was sung in feasts of distribution of food and property to the families of the other phratries - the Eagles, the Fireweeds, and the Frog-Ravens. It was meant as a taunt to the chiefs who were about to receive gifts. The phrase, "You are just thoughtless!" was, to use the words of the singer, "like fire to them. It pierced their heart." It is also a boast in a general way, as the family of the owner was well off and could afford to be rude to others and tell them that they were poor and lazy. Benjamin Munroe acted as interpreter and William Beynon revised his translation. Song No. 33: Wawkalgis a. I am the Grizzly Bear. Don't pass me by when I lie eating. b. (?) Don't you pass me by /... / Don't you... when eat lying grizzly / that is me. c. Song on five tones, the scale bringing to mind the European major and, at the beginning, the A (minor) with its C natural. Very narrow range: a rudimentary melody and a short repeated phrase. The rhythm is of the slow psalmodic kind. d. This is a war song of the Wolf clan of Gitrhatin on the lower Nass. It was sung by Hlabeqs in 1869 (Barton, the interpreter, had a good memory for dates), in the war between the Gitrhatin tribe and the Tsimsyan, after he had shot a Tsimsyan in an open fight. It belongs as well to the other Wolf chiefs of the same tribe - Neeslesyaen, Kwarhsu, Qalkwaerhs and Keensaderh. Tralaheet, with whom it was recorded, was in Hlabeqs' canoe - although of an Eagle clan, and too young to take part in the fight - at the time. The song had so impressed him that he wanted to learn it. "It 130 THE TSIM9HIA", THEtR ARTS AND MUSIC lay in my mind," he said, "and as soon as I got a chance, I asked the brother of Hlabeqs, and he was the one who taught it to me all through." Pahl, or Charles Barton, was the interpreter. Song No. 34: Simdzu a. Give me my belt. I am near death. b. Thou give me / belt /... / near death I. c. This melody seems to wander at first; then it settles down to a tune of a pentatonic type. Its fine expressive psalmody glides downwards slowly, and a few slightly raised or lowered intervals give it color. The melody follows and sets off the words as it does in some Gregorian chants. In spite of its equivocal beginning, this song may be considered as belonging to the C (major) mode. Range: from C down to E flat. d. This is the dirge of the family of Arhteeh, the chief of a Wolf clan at Kitwanga, among the Gitksan of the upper Skeena. It forms part of the myth which explains some of the family antecedents and their ownership of the Ensnared-Bear crest and the Bear-Cubs. Here is a summary of the myth: At the time when the people of this family all lived at the headwaters of Kalem River, long ago, a beautiful maiden named Hrpeesunt, the sister of Tenemgyet and Hrpeelarhse, once made abusive remarks about the bears, as she slipped in bear's dung on the trail. Two bears in human form overtook her and, for her punishment, led her to the feast house of their chief, where she was taken to wife by his son. She imperceptibly changed to a bear herself and, when living with the bear in a cavern on the mountain-side, she gave birth to twins, who were half human and half bear. Her brothers meanwhile searched for her. She saw them, as they stood at the bottom of a rock slide, squeezed a handful of snow in her hand and let the tiny ball roll down the slide. The brothers, thus made aware of her presence, climbed the rock slide and slew the bear, saving her semi-human children. Before dying, the bear husband taught his wife two ritual songs, which the hunters should use over his dead body, to ensure good luck. Hrpeesunt's children behaved like bears part of the time; they guided their uncles to the dens of bears in the mountains, and helped them to set their snares. With their assistance and through the use of the dirge songs, which they always sang over dead bears, the families of Tenemgyet, Hrpeelarhse, and Arhteeh became prosperous bear hunters. And they adopted the Ensnared-Bear as their crest. The song is still sung as a dirge at the death of the chiefs of the family of Arhteeh at Kitwanga. It was recorded on the phonograph in 1924, with Lselt or Snake (otherwise called Salomon Harris), who was the present Arhteeh at Kitwanga. The myth was dictated by Hlengwah or TSIMSHIAN SONGS 131 Jim Larahnitz, the chief of a clan of the Raven phratry in the same village. The interpreter was Sinclair of Kitwanga. Song No. 35: Wihlwayltkway a. I came from the headwaters in the mountain caves, where the small streams are now dried up. b. Headwaters in mountain gorges (or cracks) / where came from I / without or extracted dry (plural) / its water or streams. c. This song revolves within the gamut of a fifth. It is full of intervals of half tones, or even less. It glides in a fashion which affects us as melancholy, on chromatic steps which cannot be put down on the staff quite accurately; it conveys an impression of moaning. Range: from C down to F. d. This is the second dirge of the family of Arhteeh (the head of a Wolf clan), at Kitwanga, a Gitksan tribe of the upper Skeena. It was recorded at the same time as the first (No. 34, above) and comes from the same sources. The words are those which the mythic Ensnared-Bear is believed to have sung at the time of his death. Song No. 36: Gilihla a and b. I look up towards the sky (larhe), where daylight comes down early from the east. c. Melody in a scale in which F and C (? see music) are alternately natural and sharp. Its single phrase recurs three times, the first and the third with the first form of its scale, the second with its other form (see the musical synopsis). Range: from F sharp down to F natural. d. This dirge (limerh'oih) belongs to the Eagle clan of Kitwanga, a village of the Gitksan on mid-Skeena. It was recorded in 1924 with Semedeek, the old local chief of the Eagles (Sinclair acting as interpreter). It is used, as are all dirges, at the death and burial of the chiefs of the clan. It is derived from the myth explaining one of their crests -the Beaver, of which here is a summary: Strange visitors mysteriously caused the death of some people at the canyon. They were pursued up the hillside to a lake, above Kitsalas, at Kwit'awren (Gravel-Heart, or according to another interpretation, Cracked-Stones). There, changing to beavers, they disappeared under the water. The people drained the lake, with the help of some of their Gitsemrselem relatives, and discovered the huge Beaver at the bottom, the body of which was covered with human faces. Gip-ranaa'o and Larh'ayseorh, ancestors of the Kitwanga Eagles, assisted the Kitsalas people in overcoming and killing the monster. After they had drawn its body to the shore, they cut it in two parts, thus dividing it among themselves, half for Gitsemraelem and the other for Kitsalas. 132 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC And they sang two dirges there, which have been remembered to the present day, the first, above, and the second, which follows. The Beaver then became the crest of the captors. Song No. 37: Weelukaw a. The chiefs mourn the last man-survivor of Gitanraet (only one woman was left). Now that the great chief has died, it is as if the sun were eclipsed. My heart is full of pity, because the burial boxes of the other chiefs (unlike ours) are quite empty. c. This melody wavers along its uncertain line through intervals which seem different from ours, either wider or narrower. It is hinged on what might be considered the tonic A flat; and it follows a melodic pattern of small range, now only a minor third, then a slightly wider third which, however, never widens quite to the point of becoming a major third. The tonal gradations of the tune can hardly be called a scale, yet it gives a feeling of minor tonality. It is built up from a single phrase, which is varied. Range: from E down to A flat. d. This is the second dirge of the chiefs of the Eagle clan of Kitwanga. It was recorded in 1924 with old Semedeek, the head-chief, at Kitwanga (Sinclair acting as interpreter). It is supposed to have been composed at the time when the old village of Gitanraet - opposite Kitwanga, on the south side of the Skeena - was abandoned, more than a century ago, for the site of Ta'awdzep, the Fortress, about two miles north of Kitwanga, on the Gitwinlkul River. When the last Eagle chief of Gitanraet died, so the account goes, the last woman climbed up the totem pole or the carved house post with a ladder, beat the large wooden drum (also a crest in this family) hanging to the side of the post, and sang this dirge, which she had just composed. It is evident that the last line is a later addition, as it is meant as a taunt to the chiefs of other families, and intended to enhance the singer's prestige at the expense of the others (whose burial boxes are empty of gifts to the departed). Song No. 38: Temyetihl a. I will sing the song of the sky. This is the song of the tired - the salmon panting as they swim up the swift current. I walk around where the water runs into whirlpools. They talk quickly, as if they are in a hurry. The sky is turning over. They call me. b. Will sing I / the song / of the sky or on-high // Downwards flies it / like round runs / the owl /... // All songs (of) / tiring or tired / salmon where swift current / this // Where around walks / where it is around runs // Quick / talking (plural) / these / only over goes the sky // They call me. TSIMSHIAN SONGS 133 c. The song, on a four-tone scale, wavers between a feeling of A minor with a half tone leading tone in the modern European system, and of A without the half tone. The melody itself is without interest, but the rhythm is syncopated with a rest on the beat. Range: from D down to G. d. This was described as a lin song, or better still, a hallait or chief's song; later the term semhallait, "real chief's," song was added. It is ancient, and it is the principal chief's song of Tralahaet with whom it was recorded. It was used in the potlatch before the distribution of gifts. The singer began the song by announcing its title in spoken words: "I will sing the song of the sky!" It was interpreted by BenjaminMunroe, whose translation was later revised by William Beynon. Song No. 39: Yadzaygyanin a. I strike you! I beat the uneven beats of the song (these are, one two three - one and two are beaten, and three is silent). There is no one to hayaw me (exclaim with surprise) as I appear, when I pretend to jump (like a salmon) at the end of the fish fence meant to catch men. You cannot see me as I run about, all excited. This is all the Little-Humming-bird is good for. She goes about getting husbands to herself in the villages abroad. b. Strike I thee / Beat the uneven beats / of the song / none (there is) to hayaw where pretend to jump I / close to the fish trap for person / Will about see / you me / will where run / the agitated or excited one // That all is good for / small humming-bird / will about gather husbands / strange where villages. c. The scale in this song appears under two aspects: first it assumes a modern European form with a single F sharp, and second, an F (micolydian) form with a C sharp, which forms a tritone interval with the tonic G. Although this song seems markedly adulterated under European influence, it nonetheless retains throughout the Indian way of singing, in particular in its syncopations. Range: octave. d. This Nass River song was described as a lin song for the appearance in a feast of the chief who owned it. It was also said to be a yadzegya'nin (I-strike-you!) song, from its first words. Tralahaet, who sang it, said that it had been composed 'long ago' by chief Weegyaet of an Eagle clan, at Gitwinksihlk. It was used when he appeared in his regalia of chieftainship, in the feasts given "up the river." Tralahset learned it from a sister of Weegyset after he had died, and he used it in a potlatch when distributing food, goods, and money. Although this song was the exclusive privilege of a chief, it is not too suprising to see it pass from Weegyaet to Tralahaet, as both chiefs belong to interrelated Eagle clans. There must, however, have been other reasons - such as personal friendship or services rendered-to bring about its transferfrom one to the other, 134 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Song No. 40: Hlayuktem Dedawt a. The wind will soon take me away into the sky. And I shall not come back. Do not let your hearts grieve for me, if the evil spirits have done this to me and keep me from coming back. It is well that I should be lost. (This is addressed to him who sings): Do not despair, do not lose heart! The people heard that you were not fit for the company of others. (An evil woman speaks to him): What are you trying to get from me? Why do you follow me about? I will take you with me to the place where you will become crazy and do foolish things. I will paint a red mark on your face. When you go back, you will gladden the hearts of the chiefs. I will paint a red mark on your face. When you go back, you will gladden the hearts of all the villages. b. The wind will take away me / in the sky or on the air // That have done to me / will I not return / in back I /... // Don't be / in great sorrow / heart thine / Bad or evil (spirit) / that does to me / will I not (be able to) / back in return I // It will or good about lost I // In sits heart or mind thine / don't be despondent or abase / you // You are not fit or good (for the company of others) that we heard (the news) // What will for do thee / me/ reason or why / about (?) chase me // Away will (I) take away thee / will where without in sits heart thine // Will red paint I thee / when back in return thee / will in make good or happy hearts / real people (chiefs) // Will red paint I thee / when return in back thee / when back / in return thee // Will in make good or happy hearts / where villages. c. Song with a definite pentatonic character, in spite of its E (E flat being raised to the point of being almost natural), and a few elusive A's, which form a half-tone interval with the B flat. It is quite typically Indian in its main features. A single melodic phrase is repeated with rhythmic and melodic variations. I consider this tune as being in the mode of D (minor). Wide range: from F to A below the staff. d. This chieftainship song (amhalklit) is the exclusive property of Haimas, the leader of a Raven family at Gitrhatin on the lower Nass. It was described by the singer, Tralahaet (whose father was of Haimas' family), as a lin song, to dance with the amhalait (the insignia of the chief), in a feast or when a totem pole was erected, or even - more recently - when a tombstone was put up. As Haimas danced to the tune of this song, he paintd a red mark on his face (such as is spoken of in the last phrases), and it made everybody happy. The song was interpreted by Benjamin Munroe, and his translation was later revised by William Beynon. TSIMSHIAN SONGS 135 Song No. 41: Sigway a. Here is my pretension! ("I pretend to be a chief, but I am not." The chief singing this sings in the first person, while he means to say in derison. "They pretend to be chiefs, who really are not.") The beaver pretends to sit down and build a new beaver dam at the corner of the lake. It pretends to gnaw all the trees with its teeth of iron; I mean, the Beaver spirit. Mucus pretends to sit and make a new chief of himself at the corner of the sky. (The chiefs sit at the back of the ceremonial house and in the middle. Those next in rank sit on both sides of the house. The people of low rank sit at the corners and near the door. When it is said in the song that Mucus sits at the "corner of the sky," it is understood that his seat is "not among the highest.") b. Pretending to do / am I /... // Pretending to sit / the beaver / pretending (beaver) house / at edge / (of) big lake // About pretends / eat (pl.) of all / the trees / (with) teeth of iron / the spirit / mean I /... /Pretend to sit / mucus (running nose) / just newly chief / at the corner of the sky /... / pretending / doing am I /... c. A very beautiful pentatonic chant, quite pure, with an expressive and supple melodic line. It consists of a long melodic phrase with a few kindred patterns, the forms of which are not repeated - quite a highly developed structure. Its modality may be designated as B (minor). Range: octave. d. This song was described by the singer Wirhae or Robert Pearl as a "real or high song" (semlin) or a "chief's song" (linsemgeegvet). It belongs to the Wolf family of the singer, at Gitwinlkul (a Gitksan tribe on the Grease Trail to the Nass) of which he is one of the two chiefs (both under the name of Wirhse). It is a song for the feasts known under the name of yuku, when gifts are distributed. Most of the songs of this kind - like the above - aim at taunting the guests upon whom gifts are being lavished. The singer added that the term narhnoq applied here to the beaver means "spirit" as well as "trick" and "cleverness." The beaver teeth are "like magic." The chief spoken of in the song is as clever as the beaver; he is trying to "break in" and be one of the chiefs. Benjamin Munroe translated the song as it was taken down with the singer; but William Beynon materially revised his interpretation at a later date. Song No. 42: Nawhltemdee a. Who will pursue me into the sky? Your little song - this song - really never pauses. (It is always being sung: This is a taunt, as it is a hint to some chiefs that they never give a feast, and their songs are never heard.) You are straight-forward princes who never owned an 136 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC abalone pearl! (It is inferred that the chief who sings this song is not like them. He is powerful and wealthy. He uses his songs in feasts.) The slave is ashamed who would have been greater than I. Cease chattering, you proud people! Cease chattering, all you members of the Luhlim fraternity. Are you trying to bring down the pillars of the sky? Who will run with me or follow me into the sky, you mock chiefs trying to rise from among the people? Who will follow me through the hole in the sky into the bright mirage beyond? When they see my footprints white as those of the Raven (in the snow), they will try to imitate me. b. Who will / upwards pursue me / in the sky /... // Really never where rests / your small song this // When straightened out / when straight run / large all haughty people / princes / where never in one / abalone pearl /... // Ashamed slave / will be greater than I // Really in cease speaking or singing / your tongues / proud people / of the luhlim (secret society) / Where will downward crash / pillars / the sky // Who will with me / on run I / where in sky // Pretending or imitating the real people / Pretending upwards foremost /... / unable to pass through / out going I /... // Where in through walk /... where through hole / in the sky / great bright through mirage // When... imitate of me /.. / why white I / in the bottom (of its feet) / footprints about walking /.. / like Raven / like Raven. c. My definite impression is that this was a very commonplace European song made to look Indian only by native mannerisms superficially put on. The rhythm itself, devoid of interest, is supple only because the Indian singers have put some of their own spirit into it. It seems to be in G (major) with modulations, unless it be affected by the unconscious chromatism of the singer. Range: from C to B below the staff. d. This is a chief's (haUait) song of Weehawn (of the Raven-Frog phratry), one of the leaders of the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan. When it is sung the chief dances with his head dress and paraphernalia, shakes his bird rattles, nods his head and the eagle's down from his crown fills the air, in sign of peace and friendship. It was recorded in 1924 at Kitwanga. Weehawn or George Derrick, of Gitwinlkul, was the singer, and William Beynon, the interpreter. Song No. 43: Kamnit Hligye a. (This song expresses what Hrkwawyem, a chief of that name, had seen in a vision): "Just what said the voice of the (spirit-like) chief about our wealth? The voice of the humming bird will be heard on my head in the springtime (amidst much wealth). My spirit has gone where the Nass flows." b. Only what said he / the voice / (of the) hallait / (chief) / about where wealth / Only what said he // Will on humming / of humming bird/ on TSIMSHIAN SONGS 137 head / during spring // Inside of has gone his spirit / where along runs / water of Nass. c. This song has undergone European influence, as shown by its B flat and then its A (minor). Yet underneath its surface it is easy to discern the pentatonic ways of the natives. Range: a full octave. d. Hrkwawyem was a Gitksan chief of the Kispayaks tribe and the Fireweed phratry. He used to send his nephews to hunt bears, as he had visions of great wealth. Indeed, his dream came true, for he had a charm or spirit, the humming bird, that helped him. When he was still poor and a small chief, his visions could not travel a long distance. But as soon as he acquired wealth and became a great chief (hallait), hisvisionary powers extended as far as the Nass. This hallait or chief's song was recorded in 1920 with Kweeyaihl, or John Brown, of Kispayaks, a Gitksan village, on the upper Skeena. It was interpreted by William Beynon. Song No. 44: Hagutihl a. The Gyadegik (the people under the water) have taken me to the place where their people were seen at the lake. It was thought that the People-under-Water had been seen. But it was only the chipmunk, which we all like. b... Taken they me Gyadarae / that is where saw / people (of that place ) /... // Taken they me... // The chipmunk / that we like (very good) / and this one //... c. Song in G major. However, in its rhythm it has preserved certain Indian features; also in the way of singing and in the descending curves or glissandos. Range: a full diatonic octave. d. This is the spirit name (narhnoq) song of the personal name of Gyadarae, in the family of Tralahaet (Eagle) of the lower Nass. Whenever this name is invested in a feast upon a new bearer, it is dramatized like most names of this kind. The new bearer of the name appears in costume, with a mask, and is supposed to be the first person of that name come back to life for the time being. And the above song greets him as he appears in the feast house. The name itself alludes to a raid of the Niske against the Tsetsaut (or Athapaskans of the interior), when moving shadows at the edge of a mirror-like lake disclosed the presence of the enemy. The singer added this as an explanation to the words of the song: "The Men-under-the-Water took the Tsetsaut away to their place. That is how the Tsetsaut got to know them. Gyadsegik or Gyadarae means "People under the water." And the spirit name itself is supposed to be that of a Tsetsaut. The Tsetsaut thought that he had seen the Peopleunder-the-water, but he had seen only the chipmunk. The sound haham is supposed to imitate the language of the Tsetsaut." 138 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC This song was recorded with Tralahet. It was interpreted by Benjamin Munroe, and the translation was revised by William Beynon. Song No. 45: Temguhlkalkaw a. I will finish quickly. I will at once give an entertainment. Now the song! The moon has knocked off the post of the sky. Now they throw it to one another. b. Will quickly finish I / will quickly play or entertain I //... Now the song! (spoken) // Suddenly outwards broken or knocked off it moon or sun / post / of sky /... / which goes through he /... / through the sky / c. A rather rudimentary song some parts of which are chromatic, and others pentatonic. Range: from D down to F sharp. d. This is the spirit name song of the name Kwultralah (in full: Gultqalkalah) in the family of Tralahaet. It is said to be very old. It accompanied the performance in which the name was dramatized, as it was transferred to a new bearer. It was recorded with Tralahaet or Frank Bolton, and interpreted by Benjamin Munroe (Beynon later revised the interpretation). Song No. 46: Temraks Maylih a. The Tlingit is going to dance for the first time, while the spectators look at him. b. Will first time dance / the Gidaraneets or the Tlingit / where look / on people or spectators (those not in the dance) /... c. Song based on a five-tone scale with two half tones. Two tonal rests, on A and E. Many intervals are either raised or lowered. Range: from C down to E. d. This is a spirit name song and it is dramatized like the other songs of the same kind. The personal name of Gidaraneets refers to a stranger from the nation on the coast to the north - the Tlingit. The song is handed down in the maternal line in the family of Tsenshoot of the Gitwinksihlk tribe, at the canyon of the Nass. Tsenshoot belongs to the Beaver clan (Larh-tsemekih) of the Eagle phratry. It was sung before the "real chief dance." The singer, Skateen (Alfred Skateen, of Gitlarhdamks), is the chief of the leading clan of the Wolves at Gitlarhdamks. When questioned as to his right to use this song (as it belongs to another phratry), Skateen anwered: "I learned this song from my father when I was young. He was the last to use it, as he was Tsenshoot himself. I also have a right to use it -though his son. It is seldom done, and this is called, 'Where born from ('amwilkse' watkws)', that is, from the father. When a man has no nephew (on the maternal side), he can make his TSIMSHIAN SONGS 139 son his heir and raise him to his rank. Otherwise he would have to fall back upon the second-class chiefs in the family." The interpreter was Pahl of Kincolith. Song No. 47: Traliks a. The hearts of the chiefs have changed. They are sorry for me (he had. disappeared, was lost for a year, and has only just come back). (Spoken): This is the moaning song (ksenal) of chief Kyserh. I am going to sing the moaning song of chiefs Toq and Kwarasan (of the same clan). The roast (that is, Kyerh, who has just reappeared as a spirit) walks at the edge of the fire. b.... / All changed people / the hearts / all / the chiefs / on account of what did I // (Spoken): This is or this here / breath or moaning song / of Kyserh / (added): supernatural (narhnaqum) / chief / now take I / the breath or moaning song / (of) Toq! and / Kwaqasn // Roast / that walked it / at on edge / where fire or fireplace. c. A very odd and interesting chant because of its scale and the interrelations of its melodic steps: augmented fifths (F natural to C sharp), and augmented fourths (F to B) - the tritone. Two rest notes. Range: from D down to F. d. This is the moaning song (or breathing) of Kyerh, the chief of a Wolf clan at Gitlarhdamks. It was sung by its owner before he "performed" his name, upon assuming it. He stood in front of the chiefs whom he had invited and sang it alone, while they listened. The singer Toq (Henry Smart) learned it from his "grandfather," old Kyserh. Sony No. 48: Temwalee a. Oh! what is going to be done to me? My heart is troubled as to how my body will be mishandled by all the people and the chiefs sitting around the large house. (Spoken): This is the moaning song of chiefs Toq and Kwarasan, before the people roast him (Kwarasan) on the stick. b. O! / will happen me // All will (or prepared) repent / heart mine / Will they wrong handle me / all body mine people / large on sit / in house / in people / the chiefs // (Spoken): Moaning song / (of the ) chief/ Toq / and / Kwarasan / now going to / will roast. c. Song based on two scales, or types of scales, a five-tone scale with a half tone, and a six-tone scale, with two half tones. A musical phrase is repeated and varied, first on the A scale, then on the B scale. Range: from D down to E. d. This is the second song of the series, of which that above is the first. Kwarasan is a spirit name (narhnoq) in the household of Kyserh at 140 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC Gitlarhdamks. A dramatic performance accompanied the song. It was recorded with Toq, formerly of Gitlarhdamks, and interpreted by Pahl and the singer himself. Song No. 49: Teekwawro a. (Spoken by the spectators): Well! now they have caught him. They are going to roast him, Kwawrasen. He walks around, the one to be roasted, with the roasting stick coming out of his mouth. Then he stands at the edge of the fire. (Sung): The sky that roasts him comes out, only pretending to be gentle. (Or, the sky that roasts him walks out slowly or gently). b. (Spoken): Well! / now have caught him or is caught he / now // Well, now will roast or toast him / Kwawrasen // Now walks he around / the roast (or as the interpreter put it - the barbecue / out of / to roast with or roasting stick / his mouth / then it stands / on edge / (of) fire // (Sung): Only pretending (pl.) good / out walks he /... / roasts him / the sky. c. This song conveys the impression of being on C (major). Although quite rudimentary, it has been no doubt under European influence. Range: from D down to A. d. This chief's song is the second part of the Kwawrasen song recorded with Toq, Gitlarhdamks. It was dramatized while it was sung on the stage by the unrelated families of the Eagles, Fireweeds, and FrogRavens. Smart (who himself explained and interpreted the song) said at first that his own family did not join in the singing, but he later corrected his statement. William Beynon added his annotations to our record. Song No. 50: Kawpsren a. Nobody knows what I intend to do. Wait and see! Now the song! The eagle can see the salmon far away, on the two points (like teeth). The copper shield of the brant geese flies around the Nass. The echo will carry this paddling song up the river to the people of the Skeena. There it will see the large village of Temlaham. b. Two (in Tsimsyan: lifeless, long, objects) / heart mine / will see thee/?// (Spoken): Now the song! // Two / sharp teeth / where can see he / eyes his / large chief (of) / Eagles // In about flies he / brant geese / copper shield of / in about in / Nass River (Kloosems, in Tsimsyan, and Leesems, in Niskse) // Will up river go it / about sound (echo) of paddling song / up / People-ksan (or the Gitksan) // There will see it / large village / People-on-good or the People-of-Temlaham. c. Virtually impossible to analyze for tonality. If we consider its notation, setting aside the portandos and glissandos, the tune rests on TSIMSHIAN SONGS 141 the notes of the perfect chord in A, major and minor. But its vocal interpretation and quality conveys a very special impression which cannot be reproduced in writing. Range: octave. d. This is a canoe or paddle song of the Eagle clansmen of Gitrhateen, on the Nass. It is used when some members of the clan go out in a canoe to invite (hitc) the chiefs of other clans to a feast, or when the tribe is called out to tow a pole with which to make a totem pole, or hawl large timbers and other materials for a new house. The song is called quaw' awmkan (going after a log). The Eagle clansmen also sing it when they arrive paddling, at the village of the chiefs inviting them to a feast. It was recorded with Tralahaet and interpreted by Pahl. Song No. 51: Yawmawmaw a. When the skies are red, it means that the blood of my people flows among the Haida (spilt by the Haida). b.... (These syllables are like those used in the luhlim fraternity; but they are not meant otherwise to suggest similarity): When away red sky / blood theirs / (of) people mine / over on Haida (people). c. Song of a pentatonic type, based on two five-tone scales, merging into each other (first, in the mode of C; second, in the mode of D). Very monotonous melody, but in a typical Indian style. Range: from E to the D below. d. This is a song of victory or conquest in war (lemih sxsgyet), when the warriors are on their way back. It belongs to Tralahaet, Legyarh, and Skagwayt, the leaders of the war-like group in the Eagle phratry, who figured at the head of the Tsimsyan in the nineteenth century. The singer with whom the song was recorded (Tralahset) explained that there was a large sand bar outside of the Haida village (the name of which is forgotten) that had Neestekana for a head chief. The fight between the Niskae and the Haidas took place there. After the Niskse had fought the Haidas for a long time with their knives, bows, arrows, and spears, they gained the upper hand. They scalped those whom they had killed and brought back the scalps. On their way back they were saddened at the thought of the ten warriors of their own tribe who had fallen in the battle, and they for the first time sang this song, "The blood of my people over the waters of Haida." It is to be presumed that this battle took place within the past hundred and fifty years. The interpreter was Pahl. Song No. 52: Yagwaw Daiskaw a and b. The words are Haida and unintelligible to the singers. c. This tune conveys the impression of being in C (major), although it is based on a pentatonic scale, chiefly because of its rests on E and G, 142 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEI ARTS AND MUSIC which are like our third and dominant. The melody is pleasing and well proportioned. Range: from D down to C. d. This song was called limih kawagyaeni or "peace song," by Gysedemraldo (Albert Allen) of Kincolith, Nass River, who gave and explained it. The singer said that he learned it from his father Kawawdzu of Gitrhatin). His tribe, the Gitrhatin, had fought the Tlawaq Haida long ago, and peace was at last restored, after prolonged enmity. Nine canoes of Nass River people went to Tlawaq, and a feast was held, when the singer was a child (he is now over sixty). A Gitraits chief of the Haida, whose name was Yaihlta'adzih, sang this peace song in the ceremony. The Niskse stayed there for three weeks, and Kawawdzu learned some of the songs of his hosts. After that time the Haida and the Niskse have intermarried. The singer said that the peace songs of the Tsimsyan are all in Haida, and.there are only a few of them; he added that this is also true, to his knowledge, of the Gitksan and their Gitwinlkul tribe. Song No. 53: Nahlkuwaw a. Whose young brother am I? I do not belong here, among the people of the Ksan. I came from far below (down the river). That is why this child does not recognize me. I do not recognize my grandfather's big village. I do not recognize this child. That is why this child is different. (Refrain): Whose young brother am I? I carry in the Double-headed-Person (a family crest) that belongs to my grandfather. I will stand it in the middle of my small house. All the people will see it, and all the chiefs. (Refrain): Whose young brother am I? b. Whose small brother I? /... // Never / came from I at Gitksan (or People-of-Ksan) // Long way down river / where come from I // Reason why different / small child // Where... walk I / not know the large village / reason why different / small child // Whose small brother I? Carry it in I /... / Double-headed person / grandfather mine / will stand he or it / in the middle / in small house mine // Will all people/ all together the chiefs (real people) /... c. Impossible to reduce the very complex tone material of this song to a simple scheme. It passes from a diatonic scale to chromatic notes with narrow intervals between them, then it either comes back to the diatonic arrangement, or shifts to a pentatonic system. Peculiar and nonetheless attractive. Range: octave. d. This lullaby (limih-inzauku) is the exclusive property of the family of Weerhe. It is said to be very old. When a male child is born, the people in the mother's family rejoice, because he is expected to become a TSIMSftIAI SIOlGS 143 chief, some day. This ceremonial lullaby is sung in a family feast, as the child is being carried around and shown the relatives. It was recorded with Weerhae, or Robert Pearl. of Gitlarhdamks, and interpreted by Pahl, William Beynon revised the translation. Song No. 54: Amtehl Rawden a. (Refrain, the mother speaks): I, the slave woman, am glad in my heart. I will spear a whole salmon for you. I am glad in my heart... I will snare what you are going to eat, the backbone (of the groundhog). (Refrain): I, the slave woman, am glad in my heart. I will spear a whole salmon for you... (The child is now supposed to speak): The large timbers of my grandfather's house will not be lost, since I was reincarnated, O my sister. (The singer added: When I grow up I will build the house of our family. The "timbers" here refer to a crest of Weerhae at Gitwinlkul. Bear heads are carved at their ends). (Refrain): I, the slave woman, am glad in my heart... Our three spear poles, my sister, will be used at once (by three people) to catch salmon. You will fill yourself with meat, O my sister! Why are you looking for meat? It is only the salmon eggs that really fill you. Yes, I got filled with salmon eggs. Now I will give the bitter heads of groundhogs to my sister. I will snare what you are going to eat - the backbones. You will swallow all, the meat, and the liver. My wife swallowed the tail of the beaver at once. My grandfather's timbers will not be lost, since I was reincarnated, O my sister! b. In glad heart / slave woman /will spear / whole salmon// Will trap or snare I / will large eat backbone (of groundhog) thou / in glad heart / slave woman / will spear I / whole salmon // Not will I / be lost / whole or all large timbers my grandfather I / where I come down or come out or come to (in the sense of being reincarnated) / sister mine // In glad heart... // Three / poles spear / my sister / together (several) one at one time // Will be full thou / (with) meat, sister // Why thou going (there) / only fried salmon eggs'/ that fills thee // Much filled I with salmon eggs // Only fried heads bitter /..?../ my sister mine// Will trap I / will large eat backbone thou // Will all swallow thou / its liver // Swallow whole / wife mine / its tail / at once // Not will I / be lost.. (The singer said that this last part is in the old language of Gitwinlkul which the young people no longer understand). c. Song based on four notes with a transitional tone D (in the 14th measure). It reiterates the notes of the perfect major chord of A. Indian rhythm with rests on syncopations. Range: from A to F sharp an octave below. d. This is a lullaby for a boy. It is the exclusive property of the family of Weerhae of the Gitwinlkul tribe. It was sung by Robert Pearl, of Gitlarhdamks, on the upper Nass. It was used in a feast where a child - 144 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC a nephew of Weerhae, of the same clan - was brought in, showed to the guests, and rocked to sleep. It is said to have been composed by Ksemlaelt, a woman of the same family, "long before the singer's time." It was interpreted by Pahl or Charles Barton, of Kincolith, and later re-examined and annotated by William Beynon. Song No. 55: Nehlwegyedes a. Whose brother is this dear little boy? (refrain). My brothers were very kind - It is only I that calls them "brothers" -. It is because of it that they did not kill (with a club) my grandfather (The singer added: The heathens had a right to kill him, whose name was Kyserk, because he had become a Christian). The people of low rank will no longer want their dishes together (now that the people have become Christian and the yuk - feasts - are no longer held). I am sorry because Wutarhkyet, the Large-Person, called me "father." (This is a play on words. Sometimes a boy would call his father hla'ts, and it is said that squirrels when eating cones in trees utter the sound). I am really Tsenhlik, the Squirrel. He is my father. (These are traditional names of people at Gitlarhdamks). Why did he say that he wanted me (the Squirrel) to gather pine cones, that I was starving? b. Whose big man (brother) this boy (naat is an endearing term)? (often repeated). Very kind or generous / brother (?) mine (or of the heathens?) / do small call brother / why do not hit or strike / grandfather mine / that will want no dish / together people behind // Real sorrowful heart I / why called me father (hla'ts is only one way of calling 'father', which is sometimes used by boys) / great large person or old person (wudarh-kyadem is a general tr d to old age, or the aged) / squirrel / am I // Is mine / father minm // l towards gathered / will eat cones (of hemlock or spruce r is starving r eating cones he. c. Song based on four notes, 'i tgiizes a half tone in addition. Its character is definitely Indin. he fourth is repeated obstinately, very rhythmically and with emphatic accents, as if the notes were the even beating of crochets on a drum. Range: from F down to E flat. d. This lullaby for a boy (limih 'inauhl) belongs exclusively to the house of Weerhae, of the leading Wolf clan of Gitwinlkul. It was recorded in 1927 with Weerhe or Robert Pearl, of Gitlarhdamks, upper Nass. Pahl or Charles Barton was the interpreter. It was composed over thirty years ago by Kyaerhk, the chief of a Wolf clan at Gitlarhdamks, for his grandson. When he became a Christian, his influence helped considerably in the break-up of the old pagan customs. But he still seemingly remained friendly with the heathens, since he thanks them in the song for their indulgence. TSIMSHIAN SONGS 145 Song No. 56: Temram Sakalamps a. She will pick wild roses, the little girl. (Refrain): That is why she was born. She will dig up wild rice with her (index) finger, the little girl. That is why... She will gather the sap of young hemlock (or spruce or pitch pine) trees (in the early spring). That is why... She will pick strawberries. That is why... She will, the women, pick up blueberries.. She will pick soapberries... She will pick elderberries... She will pick wild roses... b. Will only gather (wild) roses / small child / woman // Why where down what come she // Will only point with finger (or use finger) she / small child woman / small bitter (or wild rice) / (Refrain): why where down what come she // Will only gather sap (of young trees) she / small child woman / (Refrain): Why where... Will only gather strawberries she /... Will pick (in large quantities) she the woman / berries of / under leaves (blueberries) / (Refrain): Why where... Will only gather soapberries /...// Will only gather elderberries /...// Will only gather wild roses /... c. This song has a faltering scale, impossible to classify; it is a beautiful chant, the originality of which is gripping. It begins with a prelude-like opening followed by the melody which has faster tempo, but is executed against a background of drum beats which continue the slower tempo of the opening; the two distinct tempos, of the voice and the drum, coincide, however. The melody is repeated with slight variants. Range: from E down to E flat. d. This lullaby for girls (limih 'inaulkum hanaq) belongs to the family of Weerhse (the head-family of the Wolf clans) of Gitwinlkul; more explicitly, it belongs to Tsagyaran, one of the mothers in the household of Gwawslan (a subdivision of the family of Weerhas). The singer, Weerhse or Robert Pearl, of Gitlarhdamks, learned it from his mother who was Tsagyaran's sister. It was interpreted by Charles Barton, whose translation was revised by William Beynon. Song No. 57: Naseerant Hanag a. Who is this young woman? (or, according to Beynon, To whom has this girl come?) (She speaks): "I will pick the berries before they are ripe," that is her wish, the woman. For she now sees what she could buy (in exchange for the dried berries). That is why she says the sand filled up her little basket. b. Who (interrogative) to come she / the woman // Will pick green I / berries // What say you heart woman // She all sees / what to buy (berries) with// Reason says she / why where in went sand / little basket hers // Who to come... 146 THE TSIMSHIAX, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC c. A very harmonious chant, based, in our perception, on six notes with C at times raised to C sharp, which changes the character of the scale by shifting the position of the halftone. The same phrase is repeated thrice in the recording; the third time it has a different coda-like ending. Range: from F sharp down to D. d. The women of several families at Gitlarhdamks and Gitwinksihlk, on the Nass, ge to the hills and gather berries when they are ripe, and dry them into cakes in the sun. Other people exchange goods, silk handkerchiefs, and other things for the dried berries. / The women who have no berries for barter then wish they had some, as they convert the goods. They say that the sand filled up their little basket. But they think, "Next year, I will start early and pick the berries before they are ripe." This lullaby for girls was recorded with Weerhse or Robert Pearl, but it is the exclusive property of the family of his father Neeskinwast, of Gitwinksihlk. It seems to have been composed by his father. Charles Barton interpreted it, and William Beynon later revised his translation. Song No. 58: Wildeewayt a. Why were you born, 0 sister (or brother)? Where were you born from a worthless father? Why were you born, 0 sister (or brother)? (The singer explained that it should not be taken to mean that the father was worthless, but, indeed, was "worth of great deal"). b. Why or because / have arrived or were born thou, sister or brother (dawts and kimxt mean the same thing, "brother" and "sister". The first is in Gitksan, and the second, in Niska) / sister or brother (of the opposite sex) mine // Because or why have arrived thou sister or have arrived worthless (that is, your father is of low rank) / why have arrived you sister / sister. c. A graceful vocal arabesque, winding its way entirely around three or four notes. Range: from E down to A. d. This lullaby of the family of Weerhae, the head chief of the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan, is also sometimes used as a dirge. It is the exclusive property of the family or, more precisely, of the family of Nampks, a subdivision of that of the head chief. It was recorded with Wirhae or Robert Pearl, who said that he had heard his mother sing it "long ago" over a boy, in a family feast. The interpreter was Charles Barton. Song No. 59: Nadudu a. Dear boy, dear boy, dear little boy... (The child is supposed thus to speak to his mother, while she rocks him to sleep in her arms): Sit up at night, my sister! Sit up at nightwith TSIMSHIAN SONGS 147 me, 0 my sister, to make me grow, till I become a man. Then I will go to the large creeks of my forefathers, to Hyanmas, where I will catch the large spring salmon. Then I will fish at Echo-Cliffs (the name of a cliff at Hyanmas, close to the stream). That is where I'll gather the backbones or fish spines for Thunder-Woman (In Tsimsyan this is the term applied to an old woman unable to work any longer. The people give her the fish spines to eat). I long to be at the place of groundhogs found on each side, where my forefathers set their snares, at Kanuks house (there are leaves on this mountain which remain green the year round; these are called kanuks; the hunters cover their log cabins with them), at Place-of-snares, at Half-leaf (some parts of this mountain are covered with green trees, others, with spruce), at Lying-Across (a ridge there seems to lie in the path of the creek or across the creek), where all your useless sisters live. (The meaning of this last sentence in Barton's translation was different: This is the place where together we are poor, while looking after the little boy, not being able to go anywhere until he grows up). Boy, dear little boy... b. Dear (boy) / dear (boy) / small dear (boy)... (At) night sit (plural) (with) me / sister (in Gitksan) / (at) night sit (with) me / sister mine (in Niskae) / thou make me to (cause) grow me // Will be big man I / when will where go / great all or together waters or rivers / our forefathers mine / at Hyanmas / will where catch / big (spring) salmon / now will fish I at in Echo (-cliff)// Will gather backbone or fish spine / woman Thunder// I long / where each side stand they / the groundhogs / at its place make (traps, snares) / our forefathers mine / at house Kanuks (green leaf of... ) / at big place make or snares /... at Half-leaf / at place across lies (Kamalk) / where together poor we / useless sister mine // Dear (boy) / dear (boy)... c. This fascinating cradle song oscilates between two scale forms, the one major in our feeling, the other minor, with the raises and depressions involved in this shifting. Sung with intense feeling. A single musical phrase consisting of two themes, one simple and stable, the other variable. Range: from E down to C sharp. d. This lullaby for little boys was the exclusive property of the family of Trahahset, or Frank Bolton, (the chief of an Eagle clan, whose hunting grounds are at Hyanmas, below the mouth of the Nass, on Portland Canal). Unlike most others above, it seems to have been used privatelynot in the feasts - to put a child to sleep. Pahl, or Charles Barton, interpreted it and William Beynon revised his translation. 148 THIE TSIMSHIAN, THEItR ARTS AND MUSIC Song No. 60: Eyakwastay a. Lend me your spear, little Crane, that I may spear the old salmon (in the stream) for the slave woman. I missed it! Instead I hit the large water-soaked log of the sky. The darling small boy, the dear boy newly born, the little darling! Wah, wah, wah (the barking of the dog). The pussy-willow dogs will bark at the animals standing on the cliffs. The dear boy has made a great slaughter behind Hyadakut (Driven-in-Solid) mountain. Wah, wah! (Refrain): Here is my brother! I hear that no one represents (in dramatic impersonations - with masks, etc...) my forefather's (crest), the Grizzly-Bear-of-the-Sea. That is why I came down (was born or reincarnated), my brothers! Wah, wah! (Refrain): Here my brother"! (Beynon, instead, translated: "On my way down I meet my brother"). I heard that you, slave woman, were without a brother. That is why my grandfather sent me down. And you see me here, slave woman. (Refrain): My brothers! Wah, wah! Here is my brother! b. Lend me / gaff or spear thine / small crane // Will spear I / will old salmon / slave woman // Missed / instead pierce (it) I / large bottom of log or wood of sky // Small new dear (boy) /... dear (boy) / small new made (or born) dear (boy) / little boy /... / wah! (the barking of a dog) / here brother mine! // All bark or yelp / dogs (pl.) / the willow //That will bark at / on the cliffs standing / large kill / dear (boy) / behind/ Hyadakutgya / (yelping of dogs) / here brother mine // Why where hear / no one gets inside or in crawls (represents) / our forefathers mine / Grizzly bear of water (or sea) / why have done I / returned I // Down in meet I / our brothers I // (barking) here brother mine // Reason where have heard / without brother I / small slave woman // That is why grandfather mine / down put me / only to see (you) / slave woman / brother mine // (barking) of the dogs) / here brother mine... c. A tune the first phrase of which is repeated twice, once with a B natural slightly lowered, the second time with B flat. From time to time the F sharp is also lowered, and the F natural is raised; in fact, an intermediate tone between F natural and F sharp, seems to be the norm, in both versions. The refrain remains the same throughout, ending each time with the scale containing B flat. Range: from D to B flat below the staff. d. Further explanations of the text were given. When the crane is asked for the spear (nats), the crane's bill is meant. Nats means a spear the point of which is of bone; sayqs is the term for the shaft, which is made of young spruce. "He will borrow the crane's spear (its bill) to spear the salmon for his mother. But when he aims at the salmon, he hits only a log and blunts his spear point." "The people were glad when a boy was born. That is why they sang this song. The child would grow into a strong man. He would spear salmon for them, hunt the wild animals..." TSIMSHIAN SONGS 149 The mountain Driven-in-Solid (Hyadakut), mentioned above, stands on the hunting territories of Hyanmas. It is supposed to have stood above the waters at the time of the flood. Moreover, the song is said to have been composed by the people who took refuge on its top and were saved. When the woman singer calls herself slave woman (Tlingit, from the fact that the Tsimsyan captured Tlingit women for slaves) she is only belittling herself as is often done, though not in a real spirit of humility. It shows, however, that the child is addressed with reverence, in the belief he is the reincarnation of some deceased brother (this explanation was given by William Beynon). This lullaby for a boy is called the "lullaby of Hyanmas." It belongs exclusively to the family of Tralahaet (of the Eagle phratry). Unlike some other lullabies, it was sung at home, privately. It was recorded with the present Tralahaet, and interpreted by Pahl. William Beynon revised the translation. Song No. 61: Lurhshlee Kulrawday a. The heart of the mountain goat is broken when it falls below. b. In saddened heart / below. c. Based on a pentatonic structure with anomalies. An expressive chant, syncopated, as if panting. Range: from E to B below the staff. d. This is the first of the ceremonial mountain-goat songs (limih matih) of the family of Weerhae at Gitwinlkul. It was sung by the hunters of this family whenever they went to the mountains for the hunt. It was meant to attract the goats. It was also used in spirit performances (narhnoksem matih) in the feast house. A member of the family came into the house dressed up as a mountain goat, while dogs barked outside - as if goats were actually being hunted. Something was made to represent a mountain in the house, and the hunters were supposed to camp on it. When the goat entered the house, they started to sing this song and pretended to stalk the wild animal. Soon this first song gave way to another - the second, that follows. It was recorded with Weerhse, and interpreted by Pahl. Song No. 62: Nayhlkan Hlantk a. This is why the large Mountain has moved: The large spirit goat of the sky will go there! (The dogs): huhuhu! b. Why has moved / the large mountain / will where walk / the great mountain goat / of the sky. The dogs bark): huhu! c. A chant consisting of a series of exclamations, some of them in medium range, others in falsetto-like voice, like the yelping of a dog 150 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC while running. In the circumstances, it is difficult to analyse the actual tones. But since Mr. Barbeau's notation is very clear, I succeeded in isolating a six-tone scale. Range: from F to A. d. This is the second song of the mountain-goat performance. When the goat spirit (or masked performer) entered the ceremonial house, the dogs barking outside were those of Kweenu, the Frog-Raven chief of the same village of Gitwinlkul. Weerhae being of the Wolf phratry, those assisting him in the ceremony had to be of a different phratry. Indeed, a family - declared the singer - "does not conduct its own dances. It must be the other families of the same village." These dogs were known as "dogs of the sky" (ashusem larhse). The goat, after entering the house, climbed the pretended mountain, while the above song was sung. It soon was shot down with bows and arrows and supposedly killed. The hunters then cut its head off and roasted it, as they still sang. But the head was spirit-like (it was a mask representing the head of a bearded goat); "it performed", and fell open. It became a Thunder-Bird (skyamsem). Closing, it changed into the head of a mountain goat once more (that was done by means of strings). Meanwhile the body of a real goat, killed beforehand in the mountains, was being roasted. The hosts distributed the meat to the guests and it was eaten as if the goat had just been killed in the house. This song was recorded with Weerhae who had seen the goat performance once, when he was young. It was interpreted by Charles Barton. Song No. 63: Adzuwalskihl a. (The goat is supposed to say): There is no place where to lie my empty body (at the foot of the mountain, where it has fallen). The Raven will pluck out my empty eyes. I will kick the mountain to one side with my hoofs. b. No place (for) where to lie / empty body mine /... //Will out prick / the Raven (this is the Tlingit name for the culture hero, the Raven) / empty eyes mine /... // On one side of the mountain / that where swing / to one side hoofs mine.. c. Song based on four notes; the scale is of a pentatonic type. The elusive B introduces a half tone which seems foreign to the whole; perhaps it is fatuitous. A monotonous melody, although the rhythm is fairly elastic. Range: from E down to A. d. This third song of the mountain-goat ritual was sung by the hunters on the pretended mountain, after they had killed the goat and had started to roast its body. Both this and the proceeding song were used over the body of the goat. It is probable that all these songs were also used in the actual goat hunt in the mountains. Like the others it was TSIMSHIAN SONGS 151 sung by Weerhse as these songs were the property of his family at Gitwinlkul. Charles Barton was the interpreter. Song No. 64: Hagungyawn a. Go on, my dog, make the goat stand! Make it go to the foot of the large falls. Go on, my dog! Lead it to the foot of the large rock slide, where there is a good place for the large bearded one to lie down - at the foot of the slide. b. On caused walk thou /? / stand thou, dog // on caused walk thou / at the foot / large falls (of water) / stand thou, dog // On caused walk thou / at the foot / on slide (rock) / good where to lie / large beard / at the foot / on slide. c. Song with a pentatonic base, and with some intervals which seem to be secondary or may have come about through artificial raising or lowering due to a whim of the singer. (This, at least, is my impression). A single musical phrase is repeated with slight alterations, followed by a short conclusion. Typically Indian rhythm, jerky and syncopated. Range: from G to E flat below. d. This is the fourth mountain-goat ceremonial song. It was sung by the hunters in the mountains, after they had killed the goat and roasted its head. Before eating it, they sang this song over it. And this was done over every goat they killed. It was recorded with Weerhae or Robert Pearl, of Gitlarhdamks, upper Nass, and interpreted by Charles Barton. Song No. 65: Kawmdedaldaw a. The Raven drum now has come back. We can hear nothing but its large voice. It is like a great brightness.The great voice of the Raven, the cawing Raven all covered with pearls, is ahead of me. We can hear nothing but its large voice... b. Only or nothing else large noise /... / Like great brightness /.. / Raven drum / now returned it /... / Only large noise // large voice of Raven / cawing Raven / all over pearl / ahead (of) me /... / only large noise... c. This song, from an aesthetic point of view, might link up with our mediaeval religious "complaintes." It is built up from four tones, with F as tonic; so far it suggests the old Dorian mode (D), then as if under European influence, it introduces the half tone leading tone of classical F minor. The melody, revolving upon itself within a narrow range, is peculiarly sad, according to our feeling. Many intervals are either raised or lowered by the singer (+ or -), but without altering the character of the scale. Range: B flat to E flat, 152 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC d. This is the dirge of Raven-Drum (kakum ranuhl), a crest or emblem of Kweenu, a Raven-Frog chief of the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan. The origin of the Raven-Drum as a crest is accounted for in the myth that gives the history of the clan. This dirge is used at the death of any important member of the family, and is sung to the sound of a drum on which a picture of the Raven is seen (Cf. Totem Poles of the Gitksan. Bull. 61, National Museum of Canada. Pp. 28-35). It was recorded in 1924 at Kitwanga with Kweenu (Mrs. John Larahnitz). The interpreter was William Beynon. Song No. 66: Ksemnaw Sayayanse a. Although my head bows down in grief, I am crying to the Wolverine woman (holding her responsible for his or her death), but without avail. b.... / For bowing head crying / crying am I /... // Woman Wolverine / am I // Without avail am I /... c. Impossible to define the scale of this song; the tones are too unsteady. Its singing at a funeral must produce a very strange impression. Like the preceding song, it revolves on the whole within a narrow space. Range: from E down to F. d. This is the dirge of Nawzek, a chief in the family of Kweenu - a Raven-Frog chief on the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan. It was sung at his death. The name of Nawzek is an ancient one. The song, like the name, appears in the myth. They were handed down in the family for generations. It was recorded at Kitwanga, in 1924, with Kweenu (Mrs. John Larahnitz), who had learned it from her "grandfather," Kweenu. William Beynon was the interpreter. Song No. 67: Hlkudisyaw a. I am bemoaning the small human-like Raven of my sorrowful heart. b. Bemoaning I... (hiline') / small like human /... /... Raven /... bemoaning I /... / bemoaning I... What pursuing heart mine / what pursuing heart mine /... c. Of the same type as the two preceding melodies, this dirge moves within a narrow range, now diatonic, then chromatic, without a definite scale that we can grasp with certainty. Range: from E down to G flat. d. This is the bemoaning song (hillin) of Hlkwaqaq, a sub-chief in the family of Kweenu, of the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan. The Raven is one of the principal crests of their clan, in the Raven-Frog phratry. It was sung when the hereditary name of Hlkwaqaq was assumed by a new holder, in a ceremony. Upon assuming the rank consistent with the name, Hlkwaqaq meant to express his feelings through the song: "I TSIMSHIAN SONGS 153 am left alone. I am broken-hearted when I take his place, for I remember him and all my predecessors." It was recorded at Kitwanga in 1924, with Kweenu (Mrs. John Larahnits), and interpreted by William Beynon. Song No. 68: Kamlugyawl a. My heart is breaking with grief, when I look back and see the mountains I have left behind. b. Only on one side sits heart mine /... one side heart mine // When only backwards see view the mountains / the place have left I (sung and spoken). c. This tune wavers between two diatonic scales, one in A major, the other in A minor; this at times gives it a chromatic character, which is not inconsistent with its melodic development. A single phrase is varied in its scale and rhythm. Range: from C sharp down to E. This dirge was recorded at Kitwanga, in 1924, with Weehawn (or Tseegwse or George Derrick), the chief of a family in a Frog-Raven clan at Gitwinlkul, among the Gitksan. It is called the song of Skanisemhabes, and is ancient, as it forms part of the traditional narratives of the clan. It is used at the death of the sub-chief of that name. The interpreter was William Beynon. Song No. 69: Hano a and b. The only words with a meaning in this song are: Taqawq: the first (he is) or the head (chief); and suwawdet: call name they, or they call him. In other words, They call him the head chief. c. A magnificent, yet primitive, chant, with a gripping, tragic grandeur. It is very close to a pure natural lament and cannot be analysed according to our usual musical standards. Range: from D down to E. d. This is the dirge (lemaw'i) of Skateen, the head-chief (of the Wolf clan) of the Gitlarhdamks. It is used at the death of the chief of that name. It was sung by Alfred Skateen, the present holder of the title. The family of Skateen was originally the same as that of Weerhae of Gitwinlkul, and it is interesting to note that the dirge of Hano is also used under a different form by the family of Weerhae (see N. 70). Interpreted by Benjamin Munroe. Song No. 70: Hanawyaw a and b. The meaning of the word takawkay, according to the singer, is "Foremost I" or "I am the foremost chief." The significance of the second word saywawday was not clear. It seemed an old word, perhaps meaning "brother." 154 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC c. This tune vacillates between a diatonic and a chromatic type of scale. The actual scale cannot be classified according to our conventional standards. A single phrase is repeated and varied. Range: from F down to A. d. This dirge was sung by Weerhse. It is the property of the head chief of that name in the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan, and it is sung whenever a chief of his household dies. The singer added, "When I die, Weerhsa of Gitwinlkul (there are now two of that name), my nephew, will use this moaning (or crying) song over me. And a year after my death, at a yuku (feast), this song will be used again - only on these two occasions." It is to be compared to that of Skateen, above (No. 69), as both were originally the same. Pahl, or Charles Barton, was the interpreter. Song No. 71: Kamkaldzap a. The tribe is low down (socially). (It is dying out). The potlatch is gone. b. Low down village / gone or lost the yuk (feast or potlatch). c. Tune of an indeterminate type, with a melody revolving within a narrow range. The musical strain is exclamatory, or like moaning. Range: from F down to A flat. d. This is the second dirge of the family of Weerhae. Like the two others, it is said to be very old, and is used on like occasions - at the funeral feasts of the family, and also by the members of the household when they want to show their sympathy at the funerals of other chiefs. It is their exclusive property. It was sung by Weerhse and interpreted by Benjamin Munroe. Song No. 72: Ludepkwaw a. The Grizzly-Bears sit looking down from the top at the (four) corners of the graded house of stone. The Grizzly-Bears sit smelling down from the top, at the corer of the graded house of stone. Poor man, who stands at the four corners of the graded house of stone. I am sorrowful when I stand at the four corners of the graded house of stone. b. In down sits / grizzly-bear / on (or at) corner / (of the) graded house of stone // In down sits / about smells ligyin'isskul) / on the corner... // Poor man (Kwae'ehlTyat) poor heart I / poor heart I / in against stands / on (or at) the corner / (of the) graded house of stone. c. Song of a definite pentatonic character, in spite of the note B which is casual in its occurrence and seems foreign to the composition. While the tune is much more markedly melodic and musical, in our feeling, than the two previous numbers, yet it remains fairly monotonous. A T8IMSHIAN SONGS 155 single phrase is repeated with little variation. The melody may be classified as being in C (major). Range: from E down to G. d. This dirge of Weerhae refers to two ancient crests or heraldic emblems of the family of which he is the chief, at Gitwinlkul: the GrizzlyBears of the four corners or the Grizzlies that were carved on the four corner posts of the ceremonial house of Weerhae; and the da'q or the same graded house (which is said to be of stone). The grades or steps (two or three, downwards) ran parallel to the four walls of the square house. They were like seats for the guests; the center of the house being below the level of the ground outside. The following account or myth was given by the singer to explain the origin of the crest of the Four Bears: There was a man of the name of Kamut, in the family of Weerhae, who ascended the mountain with his bows and arrows for the hunt. He could not get any game. He went over the cliffs, with the long pole which he used for climbing, and he looked for mountain sheep. But he lost his way. He crawled down into a little ravine and passed through a cleft in the rock. Then he stuck his pole into a hole below and slid down the pole. There he saw a da'aq, a graded house, all of rock. Within the da'aq, there was a smaller one, a very small one, which he marvelled at. At each of the four corners, outside and on top of the roof, there was a grizzly bear. A man stood at one of the corners (the sorrowful man in the song), and he was swaying from side to side and humming: "hum hum." He seemed about to die. Kamut took the small da'aq in his arms and carried it away. Then he noticed that the Grizzlies too were alive, but dying. On his way down the mountain, he met his brother and exclaimed "Kwayuq" (meaning?). And this became his brother's name from that moment. Kwayuk said, "It is not well that you should let these things die. They must have good medicine. You had better give them to me." He extracted the juice from the bark of the devil's club (waw'awmts), and mixed it with water. He washed the grizzlies and the man with this decoction and covered them up. Then he saw that they were reviving. Kwayuk kept the da'aq, took care of it, and sang songs over it - including this song. And from that day the graded house is the exclusive privilege of Kwayuk, and it is called by his name." This dirge and the myth were recorded with Weerhse, Benjamin Munroe acted as interpreter. Song No. 73: 'Lipkcalcet a. Now the words! I am the only broken-hearted one! I would rather be dead (or, It is better to be on the other side). I wonder what I am saying! (spoken). I will cause the river to run upstream (to run the other way), because my heart is aggrieved (That is, he wants to change the 156 THE TSIMSHIAN, THEIR ARTS AND MUSIC course of rivers; he cannot do it. But he wants to do the impossible). Your boast goes all to naught, you small man at the corner of the sky. I am like you (of low rank). Why do you speak? (spoken): It is a costly song, this song of moaning! b.... / Now the words // Only grieved whose warm heart I /... // Only good / after (behind) other side I // What matter (in sorrow) I/ where say I /... Now, the words! // Will all one side / see water against walk / where in upset sits heart mine /... (spoken) Now! // You are boasting (of low rank) for nothing or you are saying great things! /small person of / corner of sky // Will together with / that why speak or say thou /... (spoken) This costly / lament / song / weeping or moaning / this one. c. The song suggests to us a feeling of the tonality of G major. A rudimentary and monotonous melody. The rhythm is made intricate for us by the coincidence of 6/4 in the drum beats and 9/8 in the melody. Range: from B to A below the staff. d. This lament (lin) was sung by Weerhae. It belongs to the family of Weerhae of Gitwinlkul, among the Gitksan. It is sung immediately after the death of a member of this family, and a year later. The interpreter was Pahl. Song No. 74: Heemeenah a. It could not be helped; he ran away with the princess, my niece (the Woodpecker ravished her). That is why I cannot stop crying... I am the last of my nephews and nieces that were chiefs. That is why I am continually crying. b. Away ran he / I cannot help it (?) / that princess / niece (with her) or nephew mine // why continually / much crying I /... /... // In finished person (in that's all person) / on me (that's me) / realpeople (chiefs) / niece or nephew mine // Why continually / much crying I //... c. This suggests to us the tonality of A major. The tune may have undergone European influence, and it seems quite commonplace. Range: from E to C below the staff. d. This is the dirge (lemaw'i) or crying song of Kawawdzu, a Wolf chief of Gitrhatin. When his ancestors long ago lived at Temlaham, they once traveled down the Ksan (the Skeena) with their clan. With them were several of their nieces - all of good standing. One night, as they were camping, some stranger came along, took one of the nieces to wife and ran away with her. It was the Kingfisher spirit (demgytek). They did not know where they had gone, and expressed their grief with this dirge, which has since been handed down in the family. The singer Gidemraldo or Albert Allen, with whom this song was recorded on the lower Nass, is the son of Kawawdzu. "This is a very old TSIMSHSAN SONGS 157 song," he said. "Every time a chief dies in the family, the people sing this all the time over his body. When my wife died, I opened the window, and sang this song, while crying. When I die they will sing it, also when putting up a monument or a totem pole. It reminds the people of all those who have died." Song No. 75: Crying Chant c. This brief lament is based on four notes. Range: octave. d. This is not a dirge, but only a sing-song-like way of weeping among women on the North Pacific Coast. Sorrow and distress there have an easy way of breaking out into clamor. The afflicted relatives of the deceased would not be satisfied if their grief were not supported by the moans and lamentations of professional criers, whose services are sought and paid for. Some old women even now are known as proficient criers, irrespective of their own personal feelings. The above crying chant seemed spontaneous and sincere at the time when it was heard. It was moving. Yet on paper it seems conventional. A number of people had died of poisoning from eating decayed fish roe, at Arrandale on the Nass, in the summer of 1927, at the time when Dr. (now Sir) Ernest MacMillan and myself were recording Indian songs. Women were often heard crying loudly in the woods around our camp, and the above notation was taken down by ear (not on the phonograph as usual), while we were unobserved. CHAPTER TEN TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE SONGS No. I. Pirst no~e,. C (upper). Ma.~ J-. 65 (Largo) No Drum heh..e- -12- ha-ni-nio ye-ni-ne ye-ni-ne --- hay ha. yay a ee ha net nsw yay ni vnay - -ei ---a~ ha-ni -no ma~ 5witi-ha,- - + y u lrm ha, not naw ry sweet Vvart. you come bak - -rna~ awit-hia-+ har-ni no hani -n - he- ni n fl - back my swee*t head - h.ni -nv_ he -ni-ne i ha -yo s- d~ce.my swwf har+ (Vd) iakeme honme, mnyaweechert, take mne - t- a- se-c-ho ni-ne. heni-ne - - -hi he-nihome, mry SW4,e+ Vad! I& flEflon-nL e - ne - - - - h - - ni - -i Record VI IC ItZ (22) No. 2. 2U11 4 (faine to Qwuesn) First nOt. BO Ova). Ne+~.1. GO (Largo) In - y - hoayo -yh E- haey h ya3 hF-e -ha Yok - a) ~ nek -n le wyeye-wh6, a hxh.2ta ~ haywayh -yae-h haywhaye.h h-iy~ he ~l~am-b8.ge b _ h yon-eAhwiF_ y5iUf he9W0y I- Sela *n e 9WC - n I uss ne tern 0aryir yst hwyU s ynsy we.ay Iu sy i i44 4se gw.- selun se-h - ho tam ba9efam yd+- xwe lun ~segun. ter ba rattm yzt hway lun iwdgy'un TEXTRcoVICob(0 haya... tzm9am'neyuwoT kenal Itma~ ay-xeu ~g~a No Firsit no~e: BS Met.-. J =GG(Largo) ha -hadm a-a1dmaia. a- d~m'an4t'ab gu'an-t hiadimn adih iarh a aw ha dem ardsakb 9yufl 4w -a dim a - d is- ax- a, Ja m'ant-sa'be hi I a dim a dokb.&2 ak - bay hf hlaw a 8 im &Adk. a &ko aw 1~a-dim a-8~akts'-aks~ fm-6-iakSo-e.- Iun t-i ' dis ~sh in ah ay gyuvn Joy e nay ha, hay fa adim-a, - dks'a aks6 {-dJim'a.d&ks'aks - - fim-lu'a'ke-e gu,'rn an-de- ho l- me -he dike kcpe he e-Ile hani n yohe - ha&He nirne ha he - ha - hanirie m y. h ha ni noe ye - he. ha ke ni no6a he ha nlraflwila -saks -e ~4 ni-a n4ahl wi hA saks lee yz. dcf a nitst I C' r-\ I I S j C 1 -, (* a 1dictam - ya ha g,- no - kwi+ - kwo -iuxc-dot a, dis la'm kanaw Lcwit kwaw iuh datt +,a- n e-ha e4i' iay navy ha, Record VIAl C 5 (1s) TEXT 3 4 5 hehe admdifa Idam' anf5ab aun h eh adim'ad-aks 'ak!5 tIMlUa ~urnde flhehe. I fadlm'adaxs~a~swa tam angtu'di~'9~nj hahaenena l~hehel hiniatwilasaks lTyf-dai 'I an'icia'adicli'm }ga~nhwkwitkwatudwdd,~`in hh fadam' adiclmote I t'3mga~Uwecje 1 I g~n hehe, I fadam 'adicfgan~ famwilniie'l 1 24 ' 26 27 28 hehe I 'amlax+sekwa'dicsus~wde wi.d3axtsoqTiyeljds+ hhe idtwask Iye 331 321 33 14 daf T an" ica'adics I aaya I ganthwkwitkwocd3 at ey al olman, guxs'yina hayuktonar Ifm m (~Imu, siser!)Recorded by James Teit Fi rat noie C one singer and 8vg, thz other. Mei.- 70 (Larghe~o) No Drumn(? kai- +eSI a -na-na-o -nis - a -na-n; no-ni. no - o o I 0 a, alal e k - l se also-aka ane -. la-,ololalo-alolso-as f- 70@ 61 7 -~wul-ka~-sine- (u.0 - as ne - -asi-Ia I " n'Ia no -a la a,- no -a,-a, lao o he o- a, klo-11lalo- - lalase a 0 0.J 0- - -4 * Illa, lolalo-a latlose a 1ok aw, km tos-ife a km o e-a, kIo si te Record VI IC Z (II ) No. 5. Ion front First note G*. Met... J 100 (Adagio) Recorded by James Teit I f1 I Ii 0: III I I I 'I p I I I,& 5 -r If?0 v Io A. dJ I I II ho- ne ko ne ho no km - horne ke- ho nene - k ho- kane kaw >-words? *4~ [v7# jl.f i J Il I L...{ IIL.r ko- -on en-u un-ku- n e h u n a oh te u-noks- -un un - ku n~ - ne (O- u k un kunat unkt- u n kunia at ihate a h-f a loI II * I P-9 If s nat'hai as n J~ I I lop un ku- n - hu n km Ru6c- -$nVun C3 (127-)na No. 6. mrk aUdh First note: C (upper) t'Me.t. 132 ~Andanie) termia$-4a-n-ga- 10" wj1. da.9p-den- tunr o h jp Jer;,a y law a wit da, 6w~ den lun yew hay ki Drum The'-Mrs- a nax id' same regular.ttti i The rhythm of ihe drum at?irst does noti coincidt with that of ihe voice el *a - xa-gaa-ked -- I~-4Il'8t -. e- h0e+ v 17 I - P I * E., ~ P-I*r!1 y I v I I~ik Voice here iravel5 much faster ihan the drum ne-ht-ne - ha-it.-il-ne' ga-nE.- mox - -i -ne-he- - may ha nay h& la if nay k-a nae maurb ee n &y hiby v V~~~ 10 -JI 0 0 gavv1-b wi-mri-famlal- t.-gaf-e-ho-+fi-ne-ht —yt,yal wit tahi wee mee tern an faw re n ay hAw +te nay hit yay rf i F' f j' r I area he- he-.t —hhir-i ax ~- pan - ixu n e y-e. -bt se arh pant fru nay yaL hza or;r; S u - 0. I I - i wil-se~{aq fa-g~e-nan ne. he +'am'- am-+ -i lu wit sa hlrtk iii ray non nsay h~y *im am tay lu I rpm If u yumxea knal I&m widgdnkan hawy~ 6w haxagAn 'ywd,1i..hl t anmos~ln Io g wildagpwdi~~manlun1 janY Et~ w a 'lUc'5xanxui hawil5elfe.9'qI4g*~ timartaeuyu' I.alane No. 7. ~_a I nmfra 5econd note EJ F-. et.: 116Ilr (Nda~glo) Drum f o el l e I I -1 —r -- - - et 7. n -T rnu~txa,- ne na 'ne-g - l I udat1-gq0 t in hya-h a'nF-"nu-txznermh n u i nr, n rzi ry tse tu da.ta gaw tin n a hy& - h&' ne' nu.xar i n- he.ne -glu daf tin 9aA1 tsilm ncte raw ha nmy k.2i nees tse h at f ~-eheaI511I-de da. wa' ly eal 9an det leU am- gi- qE i,3aw kay hunt oil day cla, way Viyb n na-y al cyn geeA m s qyat I- -------- - - - ma gas teo. yAh kaw day gyun team amr-h say fis fhhl ka na tern it sx wa, til gS7t kal, ksts kan law 5ta naw hiaw I0I r;v I 1.f (V.J ky 'aet- 'n u.+xa.. nw - hya nathi t~ Record Vll C 30 b (63) TEXT nal 'nu'tx~nena. negi ~ g~ n es cagih~a'tpfin 9,Un Ihyaha gaiq rniisamnhef3C' e w ) h y a h a 7 a g ~ d t u a g 9 a j n g t y t e e & n 1 t f 1 a I t 5 i ~ a l b m i s w t l c t13 14 lcigalksisq3anlot Iseno ~L naf-Inu'txane na No. 8. First noie -.FU (upper).- Met.-.. 126o (Andante) No Drum A,~z I I I b 0 he P-I -6 0 0 0 e ih - jI II 'IiI he[Kxwi-nu-' we haf-we le 9Ulan wai-vnt-mrax-$Q. +xa - ka - a - hayid hwil nu way hahi wel lay 3y un wahl na ma&rh aytra kya ta -.I - tku gai-sem-le- yet 9am pn-wilgw9rA-ye' in dal - wis - ket --- isu ka i atm I-ay yayhl Icam ran wilgwihl yay indaUhl wis kygi in-daf-wis-ke em 4 arc3n @ - -d -hi ha ya ha jo-i in c~la wia kye+l om ram lu am am kaw day 0 ya-he- hi a-ha ha haya a' a- a-a itm-6s-lax-io-g9a ITo *)C8 * 0 0 ff.f-'i+ iem-su1-wiI- 96.-xuflra' alIs~tgn-l.' iam'aiu - da'r - temnMael gi+ g.i hu4 hia al gyaren hiaw tern alu cia 4by gats-ikU-da a- la - he hay. - ahor li3-haye. f am'al-u- daf-am- 9 -rawla, hlku ia a, 61u hay Uern &hl U J&4 amt b&iW IS 1s4t-[ucdat i -ye - ha - he. haye. he - le hi ye. It ht4"ohI [6 ciai etyv IV b -.0 '4S -oNf — +O - I w If-t:: I 46 h -, p I -0 1 Q - x 11 I -,r- I r-lo-!f I'I. I I;A I I I 'S V. V I1 I V I I. - I1 I 64ha-kw,1'-nwi-we ha~f-we-le. gun 0l~wal-nL-MaX-+e a - wal- na - max W ax~& a ye+ gbn-ptn wiigwAl-ye - i ya- he - hiRecord V11 C 7a (14.) TEXT.,wiye' indaTwi5k~lIt2tm9~nlu'amlqoide temkseiaxfaq9oufaxs fef 9i4 ~~~i xut I' taal9f9 sri si Itam'aIudalaMg.f5I tkuda' No. 9. Fi r5t nroe a~. ~a-(fals,*O). VAeh.1.J 12G (Andante -Aciagio). *A Ki,4LA haal I-Au deg4 a-a-aUg.de n khya. wNwe kawd.gwewno -wu larkniswords? tini kxweeQ-cA 9!anq~x -pe wi - hau.x+cis ya ha&ws. a e fin h~a an wa. 9yat kway &y daw tanharh pt. Wat hau irty d*Wa ya. hb. wa. Jay yu hay ha ha.ya.wac.a 9- cie. -I9O ha. ya. - a- de (earn. words &a above) ne wu lax - nis -fin Ta7 an - wa- 9~+ kxwe -e - de an - 9&ax- po- wi 1 *W * v~ ha~u - txe -de -ya,- he - l - 6a o - he.- le -- h Rec~ord VII C 7b (15) TEXT. 1 a' aI I3 (1pzwha4f hayi war gadekwa) hacw nawulaxniTstin IWaanwagf + weda agxpwhz xeda I yakiweleyahe Ihu'elihL- deha-ia No.lmwz. am Fi rs~ noce F* Mef. G3 (Largo)reovsyan -ya -he -he lie ne ye4he~hL ye-neke- he he ye-he-he ye-he-he r~akf~he1Qernclun nc-dam-sai g- ak.5-r 1a+ n hiu n~kh I -h~y 1y ri~y un n v.d.e m sQ1 k bik sem la. gya~hawdei Hiam iema ne eh& u _ s~va-_ Ha a he -Ie la, 6e u n yeQ he unl nzIkt hefe l ne un nE ciaM SQ1., aks~r -a rkf -e leI ne lun ori crs V 7 12? T4X na~u~h~I~n~I~rl namsIqakkuna1xdad No. 11. wizrast (0rtreeb-penjavf) First note: C. Met.:.J 66 Drum 9 asi an d:3uaf s i no f +em'aa aet a-~ki - um kam knae a ~yw w a I&-is-y& ya h-I a-o h-fna eI adIah-e he -YE -gYa h-dsn Is bey yaw hAw lACay haw law zhaw lear #_6un am kn.8 hay nee y eaw 6en "29/ 4' I''t V V 4- 4-~ lsesa wh a ee ye aweeo nay~ hay yaw kaw sam- ahdtnee ds wwl yn ~~'~2 ~ ~ IA tf -i jIJ>: E ') ya- a. u wil-u se - ya ha wi -ho- ya - ye ye ye he- hi FMe- ya he ye 9. 9 'aH- di-wl ni-gwi-dyn hei- ciwla- ye yo-whi o-I -w- na y- m a - ye 9 ane-y d ycwo-hioi.~i —ye h yo - he-e ym- he- wil- ao- ye -4- E-4qV *L (S z- v aU Vw he - yao ho ye ho - ym- hzye -I e yo he li ya-ye-he hut.Record Vil C I") a (37) TEXT gisq~asf 'and~,aplalm 5incD fimakcetIl axkbcu gantgan d- 1 aya'hal' hi (4 tm~es) h1 ha'ni94odan t5iciwtL'anditwin hyah-lbyec g ansam'adicwlId1digwit' yin F yauhf-IiE fa'agu'candiwvi{in No. 12., olbza1lut first mole - C* (upper). Maf.' J 7Z (Largine~o) A F A Sb- ~ranyaqi amaxa-senie. ne-aede-i -- de senate.k he ca lee InyS~ say nG ieskcyzay 5omewhai faster than The rhythm of the song I II I of j S 0 0 I0w 6 - - se ne.df- ~<ehi cl - senetE.~ taem a, sern n*L.sede.-n. n e s eca y ky,%iemeka~nen~w mm di - hi - -he ye-{ ix ye de - Stne. ye-kwe'-wil-o-d.3axul 'a~cpz~m~i~a dew hee fih y& kW~y Wi1 o ci3? hUi a, mna aiikwdren mahl Iigya ka na, )sluggish 'ina~udible (i) A I jr- i7 Artr l '-%i' I 10 10 10 i sene.- ke, he- si-ni hetye+ - he. sin hfike fe- hi-lE~n~en~e. ye k c eWI I en y ky a e" note +44Snin ewaia drum) ~ w~r~l?. *.... I, stower +han drum 1 o~ d u ~ u a m a c ~ d n m 0 f i ~ i g n e ' s e n e~ y h e y e ~ ~ s e r r v x g o-d a -n & 'a m. drum somevvhak fas4er 4han.esinv~irn 0 S 0 09 lam-axgqo *de-no sane nanoke. -eye tte se kwe heye 9yet- SCede tic Recoird vitO c 1b (35) No+ iranscri-bed to the ev4; very long sonig; tupper notes acta+ndad to ui t worch. TEXT yvke'~h~3~ut ~m' a~~~n ixg$2i yF-kce wd~od3axufEa 1 hil-n - den kye " ne' Iomtsax& 'aiiax~qaXsg~an1 ~ Iscna YF~h kcewiloda Xufe cteq~ seo ctga kwiIa9gm wa nitbm'ama9.fx*i ' nifiam yapahoi 'j- an yFkcawilod3axu+ fIkw'md d~ taa x uayui~ cemr3 c&' 11k5 le'D yakCeWidod3a)(xd No. 13. First notes: D nd A~xmveshU~we) Mvet.- J 15Z.(Alkgqrd) Vast.&Akalti!j owad thea nd Drum f tI ek 5 0A.0 III ~-'. 0 Johy~-Im6 hym hato ha6k0o10 - kaei 6blo o - loh heh6 k. to'D&W 4a yaw law VI Ii[1 1 Im a, I& Ihoe b h6y lawiraw ha lay Iu+rAi so rarr words? ~** I, I - - A — 'D - I yx u im no nda~wLdskiltibm an tu'a Wrpt magpnus ka,+~am-clad e.-s kwa& mux-%:ndAhl wul skih iom am luain kyail kaw ma kamnue kan L~yer ala ~,cm skcwz. m uhg90 ii iI V[6. &"I I I r j fr g, fp ut- a-+. fe ga CD fe -IEhe9a iyo ga IE- eya - gile~ - e kyassla kala I IM c1 -r —r —r —r — N0 0 *D se de. ta-c~m.g i namNiq e'nrin haotaho ha nonoIho ha o - h h'ndfhi kadoclrn 9"' na mbki &y nn mild1 [[F I rr F I0 0 0I 0 Iisi-duks maq.to'nin ia 'aks' avdalcafwa l-ga~qgan n a-a~m-de mucj kwu lks 4ut kwulkslcu hNi m uks mak Iamnin h6 a kr. adek*61 -a S y& ran nay gun do muk kwuikkd kulWks kut don skwafrnukyegymih idyihskla ad RecorA V11 C 1E,2b (117) TEXT ohayolo wayolo ondafwulskit f-mnnanlu'am kaiga-deI mag. tF1bm:5 a___ ~kwamuxl~ai jfadamq na macjte1 mnn ~ dusm~+&nn ~ ~ ~ ne'91ndam{ux kwulkkeludzn _5kwafmu)(9A9a~,'anlx fadzm 'nam~q+e' Iam~~oi8q~n~n ilam u'kwi-, t anamixa(&d-aiku4 5kwafmuxq(9Igal; fad-am 'namaqfemlnr No. 14. (94t mm sw atks) Transeribed by lr-st not,.- EO. Me+.- r 60 (Larsgo) Drvrn I L IV se -a i i&sgnooka xE. kw -flt ye. - o gpn -we-le - se~neRefrain YE- se -rna ne - ha. ye - ha, If., Hz,-la, a- ha -ya - hea l -I ha ye he fla. lh4-yz ha la. YAY hy yehl-I- h-y ay a-a I-ay f ias nweI I Iwo 'I. N III I I-* D L~I ay e h&y&& haI-ye-h Ia -hyI, F y!I-a I 5 - j.* 0 ye ha a.. ha - e, yet hat g ~-we-& - 6e ne aic Ian-s g-n e nai - - naf 0 -.! S -.r S -- 0 y n-w itaxs-hay& - x 4lc ianye +leW-e n0-, faw-9l4ap g see nu- -n ha. na w~y ly~rhahruy +hn gyaayayynk nzhA r. IcI An efrin _ tsnpa o e-w y I lo-y - Iia.I ian tens prh k V 4___ w -AXN 'dai iim Aian 'ciisget- - kwe - swo, n'da.~n tam-fez l6-l'.qs aVnahi iem tan azs-at kwvoy gwaw *~ u ~ lma yayhlwksAhl I S r 0 I a-di-Pgari -5 sye, nrt i-ku. ba.di elkf- d - s- -ne ' ia-dea ga nee $a Y&Y nabi ~cu be c&e z kyahi kew dxy Refrai n 00 )U-di4,u i I It e h a, ha ye. - a-ye he -ye. kLJ4@qhu.wee I Y 6 Record VII C i2Ia (.47') TEXT yElaX5sganwele isaye'5U1E Iz ydo q s panwe(~egwa Isixpaxkwta laahayEaxtangax'naxnathe. 5an~e ')nEwele fxasfiyfdwiyF- I fkwi 'alawigald3ap sen fa~san53spaxgode gwco yF hayE-iF 2 3 'Inatiami'andlsgcEl kwegwo Ij natfam 4'ndi~am i:skotqs 2''Attadli~ani Saye 'nrakubadi dtkeigode I atkudi huwifei' No. 15. Fim-s note - C'S. Met.-. J 13Z (Andante) Transoribed by Ernest M&cMIllan Drum I A _- - I L I I'i e-ne hi -y.-he yu -he. ne hi -ye -h h. be., a -i-ye. yu hay nby hi yu he SIOLY ya- ne -h i ye he.h' he-'- ~ye he~h- e.- ~ h he..he i -he yxne. hot. h& W h'. hal. eaya hesy'h6yhay ea yz ~ l e i. I e i. T h.. h e. e. e. i n t i ' h o -.y4i a a a - he k he'-'-hi. (+e fmn)i o..{hel- e A'y. o yi. he-ne - I. - I- -I na tnu yay Waey TEXT YUhE~ne...I andsuye ye t yete. 1uxe-no. l~hay nay Record Vil C 98 b (10) No. 16. F'N 8f (Pmt't gou...tfl too pwubl?) first notes B anc6 F. V~et.. J 40 (Andante) inie hyhm yet faster p - I - I I I - -1:1 - I - I r" " I I 1- Ir, p 1 14 P,. 1 Jr —r I * I F - I I I I I I. -f A -1 t I I N,r. ye" u ha Yus- 6a.ni -ko-ha, Viu4 thfu ha ya-rik n' ma., 'nea haw I \-v 0 1 1 w - I I 4- of-46- 1 ---l I — 4 -a- 1-1- I — - ] I -1 - J —f -1 --- - - I -F I I I I ya,.ho yakaH hbya-nrt ho y&ako.a. I& lao at hi ho ya, ho wa ha 11indiWindt - _ -yal -lbho ha,.II he l o 0 kZ haD 1k(D ha-l 1O i kU \N itt haw law e - 1 1 w - w yahii hayo n i he yz. ko we Hz. ya~o ha y&ni ho ye, owa I ha, (I ) I jI 1 'F'.EI~ l I *F7 6K ail-yo-kay a ni iAno ya, niw hoa ya t o- o i-n YE U fi- a tok e wit yai b~a-t da ham- -d f Im;-?w -dxw m Jis m I Ieo Je- Ih ~f gcwcah mwa s at kws rn g ak 4yya washa uk a- m ux hag wan -qsha& la ' Lw, haya, hu ha. ia tha ha.Y& i- h0 kos ha~a. wxRecord V1 C 14 b(33) TEXT 23 4-.5 ya~uhayalhha... Iwut1~atsiksyE-f'k` I'nin'augwFs muwalqakskE'l J na igf~j i'nin tsdap'wdlyaI4t9de haIh.. ha'mgm90dan tamdiwiyefxwiJ m et samaqte' ew e. ul7 u19Ihagwan 6'san haflawu Ihayi:... Walcdecage'-ft~u'nin I'wigibul fa' si-sd3akz5 3 kwz'gna -o I2QgWetq~a(3'liskI4 kuftanI 'alg~je-II lx No. 17. (Aow smU!) First -note -.G (above staWr) Mei.- J G2 (Largo) Drum - rno drum e__ __ _ __ _ __ _ __ _ __ _ __ _ _ V 1h0a2fA o eri I.1 Ik I F_ Ni I I a nahKai hoi ha na halfhai &oi oi ha nahoi w wi -. 'no an)hoy aw cy a rtaw 0 0 - - heheahai haif-he-he,:1 heha' a ahe.yrDianzan - rnaw Qn * -J 0 0 of 00001 n o haiai ho ne 'ai arnohaiaiinat a - n aw nl2 gaI -" a -k as98.90t o - 'an iu-'amt- go -0 - de~L~wM0D-0-k~aa.D rnol a,gyahI Ali Iwa Lka. kawt o +eatan lu amiN 6~w ZW cke hl kwaw ksaa &i moi nF.Ii fsi gwe. ai 'al a al hat 'al hane gwle ha he.i h; he hanah aihai hu d ine. bar& nt ea fzigwa d VPa__- - qf *e *,, w U o- -*I.. 1 ha hai m he - o hL not r. hai'a a% ol a *e. ea.ni ne ai ha ni yE. h-net ux-isa'- u-nit9.. d e' wita - ka).'xwi l'ak-se'4tfwan - 4D rta a urhtsa, unkh kaw day wil srh kyarhuh+ee ak say ahli wan 4~ du m e E.-a - n dih h nt ia'aa I' a a thai h ze. na a o a na. ha. ho i b; ye 0I D I I ha naahe alha &- o i "a - na he. c-ah' he e e hai ye he Record VIIC 151 (95) an~ai~i eian-.i lla'nigade" jwil~an&axluxft akke I attwantipe-d"m aaah' 13 j 4 I lLhag9wud3sag&de" tsangAnux 'Ilagist wulg 'itku1 'wikintse4 I hagw uda 5 garde I tsanqganU)6 lagi~5f 16Wilk{w.aark 7wigir- y n faqamgutgj a' -Ii' i 11<sitali~skwi'l 1fuwl'~axlu'-dafqp.e' aihe' ~rwbm) aml~ayuIg~al a n e I kusallalis~w01+amqpmgul witwc-,fwenamg~ut anedam sodIsam-spacjtc fagamida+ ia~k~aam20i I wiIJi+ -5ad-ja- j usanalkwie? No. 18. First note %E.Mei. - 130 (Andante) y& ho h0 hQ ya ho m m o ha o-e-ho ym ho he ha) ye o e Y,& h&w hbv h ay ya, haw Drum yll h e e ya. H' he- e ya hmh& hehe y,&ho he yb -- - he yaho be.y;., I or1 1 - weP~wK I *.J1JIJI T t4~4f yo h40-o e- yo hohehuwmho —. e- eyoh hogheym he 0-he. -ya ho - f4d jt h O, ya..mC o - - - o -A' Record VII C 10osb (2 2) TEXT yai haya'a.. fo V. LA No. I Q"A Fi rsf noie F r M ei. 74 ( Largheftt) YaU we Yah~,( ka y, u we y&heIi km hayuwe y~hz-i ha, u wsym - e hih y&u wLi y&hab1ee h4 \w hiea haw yeU we.KMu hm y u we -yahbb it ha yau we yaha I i h yauweya-hali hC0 ya uwe y& ha li ho kuisgami-dasia-nu win da yu-a&.wey&Viali ha kud6'kuniJ.y%4ta'kus gioeess tamnu wan kuahku M 043U MA gwan ya u we ya h k, ~ h 4hamf + ml 9wc r- sqmksa4&Swi ya u we ye. he he lernhl kwa,r 6m kai se i& gW*I y& uwelI(Dh6heh yauwe I-haho yauweihohai h' kwus a er Ionnuu - ku~e kagyaw1'nmrun win-d. hu aya -he hohe iesaI-kudam iarndJ3ab y&uahb-ehah yaua ra is he Wand&Y is& Ahl -abwr tkm d~,5&gya h. ya u we la -heho ya u we la a h& ho fa uwel hD hm O F A I k I r —T ---T I I I I - IL I I ffl k I I I I j j j I A -% I I A A 0 1 EM V F 9: 9 F 7 —: 9 i i I -,el a I I I I 1-0 NZ 14 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0::;;px I 0 1, I I I - - I - ya u we lo -" ho ho. ya uweela I oDV lo ~ e1 0h ya, u we to -50 he he he ya Uwe I'm- he 4(. ya Uwe k-ehum h0 kuyukuy Record VilC 112 b (2$8) TEXT yanwF-yabali ha.. k~us&aac ta'nu1a ~yauwe. ku ia' k<ufa'nid31(u" ta'9wati mt~mkwopam scj - sa~bqwli yauhatyahal I Iuw isa'atka'am tSaMd3a,~e uc No. 20. Firsi rno+e D Met.- 132 (Andante) 222 ha I~~(jh/Q~tmark the bea h8*ha' ha- h, elilam he c m hosty& (1 Ehsa aiem ~ whw~cwA - y- Ha-ohiyvet ar he -yt.hc heh CD hlD- h)-yM h ) 0 - 5beat 8fle hF a i e a- —. ho i yh i-k wchvat a, sae q- y<D Ho h 1'ya heD ~~&~waw a +as 5ate k ya~wliwwhee Record VllCIOea (?I) T IXT (ir7flalda) I 3 4. hahKyahaF-... takwo'wat aasa5, sq a i'nqe kultankw33sa 1tyF-KF No. 2 1. I s First note: EY1(above). Mel.- 1 148 (Allegro) I ' IA I kh F IF I 1 I Fl- I I k fis na lehl an gun wit I~a nan hW y i-L4'i ~n9nwl ga-nrlnfs-~a'm-u- -en Ss.n m lt&n gu-wlg n is (on phonograph J r JV Ft e t E i T it iI J S P. ep LL rI a n l~by.dunwi.dse dal u fis-ynr a f at~an-un-mal-mi&-an low wsncl indisi i 0* E mix mt -lat5 5&' wan-s- ki 6a-imtt kee larh taJ Record Vil C 127 (Go) TEXT A -naI i nafl qflw l n 3 -n n (61:5) 'tamJn it 12 'l~u '~ + 35 "wnk,4 5 ni tsdtt ku I fkufymssan 11 aakm mfi swa i I IaXisE+ krs;mi'Mqx No. 22. First note Bk'8. Met: J 76o (Larghetto) ~ )r u v n _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Aki L+f~ i u LZ L.. i L_-I L...j Li u...J ' - 'Va -aIe~ hat ai ra - e aLI b,-y hua L Ua~ u ai ui heI 1by wy at& hu ati le'at'at huai le 'ia hu a le h.&i u a u>s Iefai a Va-u a, l Ziat hu a le'ai 'ai hu a&le 2aA 'alI hu aea 10a.I2 HU' a at arw sana, - i'r "Icl Iaj' nek-S5f rr ai~a ia&- a I -le ahau U a l "na a ky.+&id n;,.yy.&sas itamanalat s, e P e __ __ _ _..J LJJ 1~ Li1 at atU leai he u e \e hai 'a U Wabwe aii 20 nowlIyana~wwea Record VIUC 133 b (6G9) TEXT Z 3 4 (os StAeeri?2 kan(Dwlian lanfska~ifat als ns asTVt saysII e~ No. 23. 4 9u t r d a (u i 0 3 m First n~otes G and A. M-z -. 138. mu' wafse hr. - - ni -di-9e. - q'a-ral'dc tsay h& nee dee sz ak snsa dia b CD o w - aitwe-IL -0 0 - Dq'-&-nal-4 a alw Wea ahw&Y I B. &Wda. vM ahl if# Anl. W L- It-F. s - -~a-&raa - yaig - nc ye- n F Ha6Wa -.. -.1 I A IT-N Record ViI C 119 c (A-5J TEXT MU~wat.,),Vxana d( 7 'w i law eIl he 1 tamiusaig 4k xhc a t kust hanaq niqi~nwulafif kunaxnocjq 21yf- mu'watsaxI ne5F-(la I{at I i-apta'ne'j I e wulap'wi'lfkufI tegde No. 24. A.... (Pt R~UMPz PurOt) Firsl no its -. ' andi A - Aeh.- J - OS 0 - I*.. ~ -, i 4pzjzz iiq I -) 0. i haym-ne-9wm he.ycD gw haym - he- ha-yo he-he h& aa h a. hfym - - ha~ytwmny wa~w hayyawxq waw hayawh& sOU heIlo- he I'mhaymha&YCD- hNYO heeh hi-ye Hy&ho-ha- h& hz Wa iy5 t~gal, Iwa sx fe~. -,wI -tfye-n&' he-gqwA-h'-&h~ he.gjwi.hi.hy.ho tisa yahi fu 8yal wafserh bygyaw ya.w 9wa\W at irmy nay hby 9wee hoe kia hay hya.ha, ka isa y~af wa - -af. itie5in - hehahi-he e*syfahl gyal w a, tserb +uyy &ANI iray ayfistnu 2ay hz.y I p 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 he kehyohkOhQ ys.- E nac - ID 0D-{fO- b raqx+ ha-W+ qlac- B narh hia aw hiaw a maki Ha 64 kak< - ha we' kwa,- ha a haq4-we -le -9wo E h e- - h f nax -f - way kwaw hay a lA a way xy gwawv h - ntrh hlay a 0 I r —v a T'I Iam - mawgd h,- 1A - it cqacq-f-we1<w a.hzjwal lkwo hzwe a h( q-weIeqwo h~hz Hiam matd ha ta e cak kia2~ waykwaw hak wal kwaw hna way a hawk waylaygwa~w Record Vii C i0a (i~a) TEXT Tsa ydftu~a' natsx te._* 3~wa ltxene' hegwih ihahe naow+m aqx tef Ihal-a- 1 oqtiwe'a~m ahicqtwele _wq~ ahocjx welt lo9*aI d abp gatxuft I as) awe' cqaqxlawe' No. 25. (what wieon) First note:.GR. Met.:. I Ira(Adiaglo) ni -dat 'W&'d - - li-nin-te ha,.la-ye t'&*I - ye- t. j needabJl wai hI4lu "in h~t,' ya a a y&Y a et hiaw tDrum nr r r ye. ni -he.y Ya ni-cliltwa~ - le - i-nin- e ha~.Ia- ye - nan yNy n to haw ya law lee run xy ye - ihE he LE he he It. re 'na9A-)Wa.t - lUh~). We ag-ix460nt kahi Iitku +rMw oi sway WAl +ih sna&-o - he~d3.ke'wix-s4k Iah~'ha' h he - la - ye ho.Io.-ha, 'n&-g4 enm xw fwa 43.yw wirIk Askya m kah I -I I I no~ +Smgam GoP - g~y de.if-ikwi s41a-ka-aux4 a'an - k i - n;1 - u M&W Record VIIC 136 b (74) TEXT Iir'n halayvFIna~at'wa- tkwu4~o)D.)I w 9WE wa t; 5nm<da k~s wi-x5kEJlam~,a m i~udfkl s janli-ni 11 tamg~amsagaude'-kwe No. 26. tvtlt f tt Owt, 1038!) Fimi note -. F-. Met.; 4 - 15Z. Transcribed by Ernest MacMillan Drumi v - (Rqfrair) ha- e.yeJ1'zhctfaWkh u Ydet 1t- ta..hu. ye je ta.hu - at yayl tta hati&,hu u yal tIig ia - hu & y~tIl vf i hu yGI I4ef ta - h u Z a, pi -ku ieht f. u ka, h aya - 6. Pat ku 1tlal Spoken 2 k 1S hL rw(.TIin af E- ah u yE'l - ta. hu - yet -A ia - Spolken Fine wa~i rnlemin aU YII& t hu a~oh~ ~~mln pi - ruXd fm. hu W-.0nnA~ nehi4-unhp~dzwuia rm Ia et; -_ J -! nhll pmehed kuu aw1rt ha I ttmxYd -Une.-h aksrlxyak —s -A mrk sarn - la'- ys - nsa- ne- 't 6- Y& - ha hoi, B S-S 0 1' L' 3~-1 E pi - u - icfa -hu I9W1 d at kam law -d+ Record VI(C Il0a (23) (in? Gitkesan) z 3 Nisrae) 5 r haye.Vtt~hF- yt tahu yttLE.1 apikuLr.'t IAyAhAl-ii' IayFA-I' t iakhD (SpOke/7): Wa" MIix (sung): anattarnInchadnackt"r lax'y'nks ane& du'1afm de'papr9la~ 'ne o yelte api kutej tahu. (.spoken): 9 Am m ~d -a (sung,): aysF-tt tabo.. No. 27. (PAR t ar w!) rirst noiee — C and E. Met.: J 11 5 WAag io) Drum -inau~bl~a on phonograph part of the time al $su~a La kt~a~ lltsuwadeA0. * kaxks, 'Llte.*e ~kae&m wealtsiWe. I6em he wac aelaetaw akyahkyo hahiye iltetm kaxe altsi wel[Etom hahahiye. ilEA+n' y& hata ti wt i 64a haa, a lew ahiIL-he. d3)me tkwe anle~ ten kax k.' ad!,e-mm" +we'an Ie awtkway kyahkyaw A* Ian med3I9 ~ de na a ic"I Record Yll C 1I18 C (421 TEXT 1;~'d3lwileqwE (rewhna)m k 2 3 6, ~a~a 4ya M d5Dmtixwe'I 'lanlele'n Imed3iquwa'dene I'a13'alqax 'I 'Wi9Wix I'ma1 3 4 53 g ~ i j uyulsie I k-sam!&l+mikte I qatseweheleqwe. laf anda 'anditm tamdi 'uksyUSftbnin latpiba's-e-n ga4 eh, No. 28. ~ U3taZ e~ir Secon-d note N~t~~.66 (Largo') low, ira Wi6Ie, hai-ha.yo- ka - - e ay -~ H ye hayO. ye k~ a y -hai - y.&yh& yw ha ya~4 o awy bZZI w h at - Ha m-yHehaye - ha ye heha.o hma - ye.-ha 4D- h a ta' wa4-kucj-we3 loii-ceka' at-gun 'lawat kug -we' % Wi-cet; at - guAn 4 a.gina-a - -9g&- Ian-6hfeqan ha ye - tsiyun se ne'a lot - me41.. Record VII C 13a (Z3)1 TEXT 2 S 3 6 7 ahia kOawa~kuqwes ( w iceks 'atquun cDgna g9iarl ag~r yu~zne 'ai'otlmo' ka'awatkugw1e fsi yus 'dtgY 'n No. 29. (0 at ar VWu ta tt abtm t?) Transcribed by Ernest Macmillan First note -.F. Met. -.J SB (1 Lrghetto) zei I it m2 I * f I,AI e? 'I F I 1 r K 7 1 V U -- - - -f 21 (Refrain:) a (auJ. ~r - ha~wi-yc..K ha~u kj -r ha gwi F t a quhl an ha, wea ya ha ka- gu - fn - h4.qwI~y KE h - hag (u ten -hakgwi yF.. 9 9 9 9 9 W ha, u men hag wi-ye he, ha, gute~n- hzagw ityfehe, End of Refrain Vi- g i ye.K- h a~ 9u. lte-f - ka,.9Wi YC h 9 S ti Wil1ce.9qt~r w iilu.w t le! mna n l i ce. W'W 9We fee wol sa gun wea Iu w I Iw mna kn Uv4, et lea sq. wee 9wa. 9i x- ti lip gwe. h I -we I'mr ks m d, a in 9~, a, nC i gwe. gyet urkh he I p 3wa hu way Ian 'ksem;It rha +@Qrn gya a nu c eewa -S. If-fMD.S. ha guI-tn - a.gwI.7.hL ha,.gu i-n hag9wi YE he Le- b a, dih-sax n'M san~ha.cdax'kwut,ma.gan -lu- rnia-falt tam.qwe+.kwa a dih saijh net sen ha da)h kwuf mb. kanr lu maW&61h++vn gwahkway A.S. tarn-ux ti gwwt-kut.'fin a. TE-ry ksam-gif iin.9 g i a. nO~~M i gw& tern 9uh +et. gwawi k~u nin a. himn kerm _9i4.kin ka~w.Ith b. ma. ec gwa. M I V we. J. hux -a.ln 9?n a. ni "gwr- yu kwif IL4.fa+ - al Luit- q. ca w&w - 4l huh W~ ken 9y nec gwa yA kwehl Iu kat fehl kuhl ka"w dhy I N. I I'. I I D-S. I nu -wil ~a k'a+,!Z Wi - taf - flu wit a~rh kya at eowm iat ce ks-rn-0-huf Si ni a..- ne IvgwE u ksam githuil —Annee -ana. % ri gwa uh! Record Vi C -1 (39) TEXT aqutke-ri hagwiyehe- (repeal~ed) maganux Iiewi'~we giuxbh I gwc2huwe'enjj ka 9,,4aTin I ga' anE' 9IWf. adif~saxni,' sanhada'xkuf ~ maganluatftamgw '+kwe' ~m diwku 'nun ate n kXmrtu go~fg ane~w woq.aI huxtaI19an I ga~n(I)9we I yuikal IIuqFafkui'gade~ 'nuwil )ax~a'4f uswif ksamgi1thutsi-ni 9ga anf"u'gwE No. 30. m'a mi F'irsf noie A, Me 74 (Lanrgbtt) Drum % I If i inIJ 2r J -A TI J tom' a, $mIs YE -d~i gwe tkwolin serw,tam'aeamdbm I-9ofa tern ya. 43ee9gwaw hlkwva In et swby 5x jyxkwe' 9wo iy$k~y e y emnzsam-d-rnmtamn z- tf f -m - hIi yarh lkw&y gw2,w I n - r JI as san& tam a.am dem tamse.9wo sem i yox-kwa'g,,. haye sent- ha' a y& -- a YE YE a. YE- la,6ux wLA-la)x-lude.If f -dlatax gs n8 -cayax ye aIab6u r4 w uIadm Iu f a-dlel kaw wahaw yl, br hv a y f k ye ye, a' a ye noon o~ nwud t,<f-~ stc Wixs s~ek ftei a,~ f-a 9La sae nF yO.esea a~1 ye sae- a'a ye, le e- ha wearb skak a hlb kak5ai ye yea a ye yo 'alttam wi-1uwan-dad6 yesec~e.seno ha y(e ser'a. a,' a yaw ahltzm wea dw ye yM 'al-kmr Wj-ju-Wean saech a, J"l we- se no -hkaye sne n a'a ye ye h l ',I - - k - - I- I- I -' - `- 06 * C d a g (? ESenC I a, E-n-a bv a a rn qwm -ene a, lax kwo se&d -hKa, ye se nP a' V.1 - I K za ye. nFRw Ii lint, wch a n E ana ear nf- - ~-an It,- ylya) ay eaY& io6-ha.'0- op I I. 0 I0 ye yo lo a'a, ya ladbarn gu 6!. s g5 nE tam deda ar-\c haye. se ne a,'a, ye. yetha 0* -0; ~Z a -= 0 * -haw kyalsaw a ye -he ka ye serne. a'a ye -I& nc-tsa-tan9ga-bte QbmwuIS&d&euiyalwale. ntIse iirn 9y ewha It 0! J I II.1 1I hiJ I..1 I * I I ki 1~ kil I 1 a'~ CY E. ya It h& ye. yzalek> -a, ye. te ay& hlb 2~a, ye a - dam -wvul- za&-c4a* se n c. tsarn-i- sga-nljse ne.6 ye. Cie Ikp a 'a, YE 1<cll se no an netsxeang a4rl a Et kny0se -~-n a h ya n~ kewt le&w sew naw ent insse +arlgy& tern yaw Skm Recorcd VII C 131 (G5) TEXT tfk tarn4'srndfsmy JL a sw1 w a's&W w1'nL<DKaw~ 2 4 57 tWrnwktikn __ t wixsaak &taI q( Iuwarid-2i fanwudb+ngaa Idmwuad t tsmS sI No. 31. I iual First note:C* Met.:i J 04 -Drum2 p p? r ib p to? p et C Ill% I I jj j O I IP 1 j - haY o-h - ha -yo to h- ha yoha IchF lo ke Ie l-hc he-le ke e h4, ya&w law haw hay Iby he le kayE-hyaYlc F- JIM Y i h i hf-hz.hahi haye he ye-hke N - y hee IE -h ha E ye.- ha, yaliza h- isemelim fa4f z~du wbx-kQ 'wi zx -dybP.9P isemm lrn hlafrh — du wah +ay womlar -i cl3aj kaw hla+re~ du warh lay my wetlarhka +I yakl Lw &w ar hawe day hlay wil Itay hay yit e.- he1 ye- hz - a a-y-ha yE - he yf - eh hoha e -e -hehslaI e, e haya A;M.-ar-4.2in hal ya-hey yhah, hayahhaahk F-E V EhE he ni ~i- ti~e.-fe P-4kwm SIklks-to" neo keetee -ahlz -a Vlkwawralksoc kiaw IIn 1 - - ii 1:skwa n i- - cI e.4'.E1i6we9lL.6i lf05- kwO f ain mat-blitse- da~ -a Hal we-lIC ye Ia he. skwaw nee gea dee a hit a lain maidt ahl.Am w 71VLj. r WJjI- iW F~ F h~ I I 11.1 -, 5- -P I I I I.I I he -ye he K&ayala le, eye,-he - hek eh~hI i hehka ye leh ha ILi7 y& le Ie he ye 6c he ha ya & k~e k.- kEF hc ~'It rrM 5aweakWM Tafqdi4-q,.&~ 7 _ _ 1aslji w a A i ~r'r~.rJ~iii - rr~ii ~i V ntw ml4i - l'an-Ia-nez 6t yeila ye ha, ye, h~a- ha-e - 6,-he LA nee -a am kaw?bw Hian Iay nay VI- " - - - f- -' Record VI IC 1 0 (G,4) TEXT fafxaduw taxte l wilaxg~ald3~t9'e fiya~kwo'axggqde hayahlaa. n'tk fk~'j fw lstsw daijT ag.alk a twcltn at fa Ihalwele'j heye hale hit kum saweltkwm I ag alcdix'a-de (,61,~)' 'lnrw~ll-mqcIanle'ntiO No. 32. (Pl you kwivf) Transcribed by Ernest MacMillan 'rm Firsi not-es C ai'id E.- Met~lJ G9 (Larghefto) I L- e t c ha.z ewii a ye't na-ha 1 ha, na - ha' - hax -W hby wee la ySAIh barb wee I - - get - kweQ-.we la.-ha-i haj. he, he' hbx wi-g9.et kwe - lu - ha;4i hevA kway way herh wee rawk kway a J;: l ~. a ha,- ha' ha' wi - a yiete wilna. ha' ha, ha,' wi- la, ye". et wit e - he \Mae la, yaihl ay hay, ~ (Spoken n& he-h.' ke haK.ye wi - I& ye 'e WilIna, ha- he'- he wemelemi n ha 6ay hImy yuy w h ez s.x - wi9Qi- kwe -Iu -hVI. no,.hi- hei, y. ht., ax -wi -qpo.'"alu ha ye. arh we. rawt kwaW~ 0 M0 S o I 00 hQ - ye. -he. - hE o~-s f - w hwe- I w it a, e' - ye. huhay yay ha sa -a, u Gas kway lumen (spoken) )77 J71 Fa' am ant g~n -he! i e - h i -h he.'~ Lcu-h - yat Lfa gak -la fa, ahl menh rAn kulet-yahla r4\6wsy ku lee ya. Na rah la Fzz]T44P! I hi'a S. 11 L I - lj I J I-, We ia ha, ha~ YE h) ha. pm-gut ye$~amtwel iba ha hb, romr guib y~ygyonN~bA.i spok*n or 9 ha& ha! ha WI a ye, et1- w~i vi nali ha ha"'6,wi I,.ye. he l 6ie he' urFh.N&*4 sa.gau.sao.kwc hai a is.+aha'he'hc ye - ha'h a'-ye wi5& rauA ss kway l ta ye'at wil.n&. i.ha-ha'-~ ha m-bn~t )1 manlgoan he. T EXT ha, ha' ha - he, w't-la-yeI'na ha I ha na, -ha;.. Record VII C 14Sa (85) wil a Ba'hai bnhayw i9. -fkwe' luhana ha 11hawilaye'. (bis) wo'm aft.mil 5ag~ausaskwex hal-a'ist ahE.-'yF- ~Imn -~rn~' <.i,{yat-agaklawe ku ihyaLik 9am {99w>fbm yeqmflwed No. 33. pamb DrmFirst note-. C*. mvet...J. A 58 (Largo0) Drum- r r f 11 I ~ ---etc.. 8 'U L~~.JILJ~ '~'~u1' '~IL eglg$yiIn.-e u he we sgaye ka no waw kM gis 6 aky~Jy~naw iw haw JS I I S. I I ya ye u hewe gaAlqis g.&ya ke no heaythe~ u he Wm-#9a;s-9a-ye&k i,..LI II p *.. IL ' 1P ~.. ne h~~~ y&~ u heP,~aa~-wdagmi.~+r wikyahgiW maalu go guhN nee (I / Yu -no - - yag,9. u he 9 wo~ig gyx he- no Record VI IC 158 b (I IO) TEXT I2 wogalgis~gay{'k1j.J', ~anoyiyehu wag~adids (bs~) w~iya-ux~jmadi-k i wutniYu No. 34. Fire+ n~ote G - Met.-. 46o (Largo) solemn, very slow -I 0 yE. -ewe y -~ E. hi yc~hi YEey LE yatZ 9V"It S. 9wE.W a hee ye hiee 6ay h~ertenar LL~ y i.70.qca nt a - - kaw heS k ii8U a I 1 Aan!Zi wa - en b~ hor ce r 6'n I.. Inea~ we - - e +XOa eye el x-N * O *. w&Y IWiws ay fKway ay an ayb kwaw Y 5 Wim, - i * e-a o aoe we. ea Yaw ~f~IlWW~ EV I, WLJL %.~/ Record YIl C 88 (132) St md3{,"x I sibaI{tni Ihcini sonwiho No. 35. vtfuaglUkfna (04tre r ramt frm..-) First notes F and G r Mef. - - 90 (Larghd+~o) hayehayahaI- ahlya, a he. be he ya 6~ yDa. 6, hph- ha a, Ya&w aw hay vary ragular drumbeat ~all through_______ yo Y~da.- H >a ye f- e. ke -ha ye he yo koiy a he cx ha> ha wiiwytLka 1asy aw w YO h0-D ~l a he Wi-Who e giX g'-s-Wi?-gwalk hytt U-~e C e a lee wA'Y gyw. yM hoSi lo aHe o bk hoha y hiy gw.- -h Iyo ha> -l ye ha. rriDrr a 9p n d Iy eI d3a' YM - W4Wal- Acwe- Iye ~l yoD h (r h~ Io h0k hoD kawndduyitc~a ay -yaw Reco~rc VII C B'D (133) T EXT eycsgllok-a)h ey~h'zwcxflmhaheyQ, moq(and-ya.1d5{', wil'welixwe' gas-6wi19W~h No. 36. 1iLIZf Rlrst nlotes: F * ancd E Met.~ J.=5 ( Largo) Drum 41 1 1- 01 I 1 e1 J 1 1j 1 1 1yeHO ya ho h yahO W yi hi hi -yaho -yehihe hit hi ye. et ye haw F~.y ha h0k o il.hehiye.hebhi ye Vlye hi i y he. o- ye A wo rds? Ii I I I - o ya0 h. - ye hi hi i ye ~( o he. yeQ he hi ye A -gitfxw -,se - no 9 ee leefiIac haw 0ae s-i.noh hmlo hedkhe y~astrim ho- no nae- p aw Vuw -su new lirw y~hm- he ye hi hi hi ye hiya ho- he. ye In;. Record VI I C SG (ISO0) T EXT iy~hf, iyohCD I axf. 9i TI 0IsenohCD wingi'siyu tkumisa'ix No. 37. 1idku First note: C kMel-. 60 (Largo)....... hhay ho hayo F-bo h- ht hyc - Ho ho & Ye ha a yo ho Ma A rum _______________________ I_ __ ifI~ DI-I_ f e~7qn-*om conie st w mel lei 11C~e- ~~i~An Ai~nIg -1 ra-c~e I Jc wee luIaxukcitayhlhsen gee gyat nav z met yamhl C3"ee ian ra he* hayaw aw -- warn?.fo-oxaslyo o-'a- wiIdMa-k4we e-'aSna n 9a-flnt. WAY hDoawha aw a kwyayayuyna gya na Record VI I C 67 (131) TEXT ayuhu ayuchu "Ohaye,91 w~iuga4,a1Jszmgi4j~I i ___qfaxe~ szrnwe'ef<wfO.de ad:5oxzs-mlIined E uh. tihotcjan-amksq!sg.,n No. 38. 1( CfnTet I{ Firstnofe -C. Me+.:.1 7Z(L-&rqhe~o) Transorib~d by (9r-urn Ernest MaoMillan (R ton ter Ye tit fIe-mixta-ire tem-ye-fifleImix la Xc t-m-ye-fifl emix IU\. XE +amyaw kihd k1wee yo '~t'wil.gu ku- 6am 9ut -wu-n i yuks. ~ ~ cxi y&wh kiN wihN gu 4u 6enm gu* ku n" yuks &wh eah Imw hiw p *..or W0 ix h.aox 'Ix ha a x U aha ox 'Ix u b ox Ix h.a, aIx ax ax (Ref.) Tornm ye -ti Ie-miX la, X& (2) he. ni lirnix 9~asu-nd xan-wildo'kis h6ku9gw.2, at4dkwi-yF. kil wil-dit. ku-bax mnal hawn.o lriki 6&u rnai hn wit dawlk ha kug9wz i ahl ial kweeyz i wilI d ii k 6av41t met I*A 0IO 0 m a larn'al I' 9a*g s-a p -kwo' qlom WIpke~x limAtaXFSE- tsatewo t u ma temn &t - &I gyerhmsvp kwah komr gilap faut livr6 laka sa tSU waw tu' A ~00 0.*0 oxIrh xi aa oxx h~~oi a It Recor / Zd VIC3a(8 tarn miI axL (et-. barnrdtkunICuk3 _a__G__ lyxi wtuku~ pukn-us (x ix h~ha ha baxt - _ _ hoaimi p 'nat IxanwilldCDik hakugweli b& 3 aD a tux No. 39. Firstnotet GO go:J~$ (Laxrghe~o) Drum,?, I 0 ~ * * *.I 0S - I ya-d31-ga nin hangwo- ts.t gne 4u-1a!S-yeaS-te'lqpcl-it -~ttn h&1'aht ym ya d3by gya& ni n hb4ngwbw 4s-a gy& ru tu biad ye&t tayni kmn d4t ti~n % I cDa, -1 iIen o'm.Io -ha,.yo a'a wyQ- kayen y Ii~n y 'c_.ye a,1B ha, YFn I aw an ~. f 1-~ ~no 0ther bcai *I r I F- I haYE h 'acjtan-hayo - kw&' mi -t wi wit. sisa lba i4&pi +a-navmqe a&k tan hayawt kway awi +ay wee wilIsea so ha, vekekp *~ ne 9yat a — ma- a-ma- Iu~ a -U I ydt u A ma ailu a~u a. (U a yL-yel y~ e taJ% 74. l rBP axt* t r hE hF. h&yf. - lE. e a-W~,-a q&,a.a-nn t NNu-a ~ ~tx fe qwuhIsyx z Iif Ii ka nin m em wul av twht- arh 4Vh smk he ta-ha ya, l'&a to1 - iys o- ta Vahyay -ya.'(- a&llo ka YE. ye lesem ekyarh hiaw J J V 0* - fa-+w Ls r-eka yk IE y liswi.w0d ap Wlloc hga l'a-ya o'u -d -ik n& Record VI I C I BGa (73) TEXT yad,325aF nin 11tulaI~yatsft g~andifflin II aqfnha'1{fwe2' wi1{pt-' (tknlma~ qan"F-n tmuax St ~at)sarm kje~ ttnmI+tmlw 3%Itmvl a(a I~~wlta~amt _qc:il'necq I tamfkwusen'6skutf U Iwild~axd~a~q No. 40. ibm bt Uawl First nole E. Met.- Drumnbeats, J 72 (Largheito) Drum y.r ir r t. yukl tfam dQ..dJ~ta Ia~xa+ an-wulaku.4e2 iam~An -ax kwatk lu' yalt. kwe, htayukhltemnde daw He laha+ ran arh kway a ayQcD- le- ha - yehay26ye ~y h-h YCiL --- hi- hayo o l- kaaw (lnaudibke) C. MI W hyeye.l1.hp& ki -le.d85~a samlu~qe+~9, -8dar hla-d~xk'&n wu-la-ku. OwOW) k'ee law d~as raw den dlarhk I- JE v - I - L- 7do I I V I V I I gee224 L::: I I I - -- - - - C= I fe1 farn.p*anax kwvls.lu yal4 kwe ~Ta.- am - yeu gqtd an kwoa+ kwe a, ye-le If V V U T I loye. kwe. ye he (lw ha ye. It Llu'a,. del dap9p cIan wa, - (kw) raw asx.wi-laks lap maqs 'nin tsani - a~-dii qa, la, man -JI ~swei -di +xa.-1 da' +Serh nee gee I IIs I:II Ili. & +Xwo.-aye le.t.Ile y*.ht. Ih i li -ha ye hay-ek hi a- gw* ta*m a&. I f tiv i*.Ji 1 7-j r jLi-9ItJ J wa, tifl 10' & am u - 1<~tutyoy "e 4a-yuxf'-kt damcdedautaimwilkdaxiufafiara 9.odsm a ye ah y k yAe. ha t aye -E. baye????(rfar TM- -. *I - gana* i.9 ni.re wi fa wksa - sus~lu~ya+kun brn u - sam amqane q a - go Samg. 9e9t-ar aya k&le ay.e YF.Eha ye - le h1a ye E. ha, ye haye he -hE 4am 'as- u - Record Vi I C 13 5 (.72 TEXT fay~,ktidm de-dk~ute' Ia4~at anw6Ia'kute&, tfnmanaxkwIlks5 Iu-ya'1tkwe-ay-Ek hay~E kilod3~s {5c~mluqdgkut I godbn hada{'kutt anwula'kute' fairnqanaxj kwilkslu' yaitlwe fa'amfwulcj'a~kw4D'kweI Iida-61a9ica wsakwi aI abp g ThInn ts~anigid~ii cfa'aa'-m-n aikwaIdI'bfa(Ida' 3 4 5 aqwutfamsawa'thn i e"magan 31l<ku~y6Axwe'1 fayuk<u~ dam~dad-43n tbw laxlt'itat gaidan am~sfilni-n iwiiagwilks luyatkun I famnlusama' arn5-am gt - r -mnq gd' t (repeafed) t-am-a5t-afirein witauxgwils I uyat'Kur f amlu'sam -la-maniqaga'tI wId3axdyi'x No. 41. IT First note: F-. ekh J. 6 (M~agic) Drum 0 sigowe hat eii ewe. To o al sie we o hat l ew swTo h he. he to M~wyhaw hay Miaw -a hSi yrt he yf a ha, hal fo a as iy& a, yahaho wa~ltmeltrn e hF iee-a hlo as waisvn~j -a ~ha susay w yA. 0 U fr -'it gop serneiix ot - ku -ul el- ea-9~ - - kul w -a ua-mu 'wihi roh +semaelih raw+ see say ksaw awt k~ut SW hla mnuhl Wee aeAho lkwuk - as- xsa,- d3a-dyI - ie+ ai- teitpnf-gwfl ho he. he ha-yal> ho karh ho kwuhl say hrsay d3e l~awh tay+ Ahl ieh I ran rawn, yahN ho Record '1I1 C 149 (93) TEXT SISa.vili k~if we_'( e' halyahaho ( bies) C Cu L_ _ _ _ _ 5,st,&~ sam-, I ' itc-a.tkutl 'alamnuil 'wla-x '5 kwu~sis-at xs-adzzfdzii aangan wen-am d "'tskt 'naxneq a" haiyF-hahm. a,~d' nuxj cdceei9~ 'afamul IWALlS aiy~haho I cicewilf kus ciPl'wle' IaiYaHahoD No. 42. Fir5+ novaeiG and A. Mt.aV I - (Ad ag c) Drurn is-I i-I iI a.:~ _. A I I1 K~ nlatyaiabMdi ma~n ya-xkw IyF aEI h K. ha * Wm he - 1 nawhly.& tgmn de man ye 6"twyra lzhe cc ha et Ww %.hv6aw tarh hwO ai&cm kern lam Kxe Xwa e- _o XWO IjU wo 4axim iye- hi we l, iTwavv 6him ~yarn lah& ihwa~vv hwaw R.an -n 1hwaw T)x a hu wao hUWO a~ I'% WC nti,+amdi mzn 'ye - xkwi y& lzaxfa ya -_ Mandl (dru m somewhbi fisiar) nah 1 h K. h ha.- xWo Oh -IXWO fam di rman ya_.xkwi-yF lb&XL hIx wo Hu - hee ha w~l hea - I-xwo h0 yO-4-amidt manya aXkwi-yE aca iF_ wa'X Wa on haw on ixw yWmdiahhh ~ +adhK hih. 5amri ha ani -------— ~ —a ----. --- —-e ---. --- — -~- -— a ---- -— a --- —-------—. ---- 2 ---- __ wa.xti-Wil 5kWtI ixp kw&. I aIy- wc WE- Y.& Wm 681~ Wo' W&lltg ha "Xwacl igvw- yahwaw uidta la, 6gyah skyal adeg~ waw On F7- I I. — 2 2-__ fa-a-~xpEadi yf. wit xaEX arn-atf-xamr T~-F adIgq wcD wit xaFx 'amg yarh pa weet re h amn gyef herm hlku wa i - - I - f - I glf- Xai fku~wil al-koatkum (') wl W ct IA9&t~~h-Is-tu gwe'-van1 ksehl kum (7) wa Wbl1q t IU kau i~rb'1 hasyu "a tu gwVAW wan VYnI1 II I I1 7. r. 7. hax a he. h~,uf hep he. i stoXfl he i-h hi 61 he vhE.t 1W he. I~e kra he6 cI x n w0 uw~l yuW _h tag y 7. W. da. gwa yu wbt yu woz Lfd1narat. ~11Tile 0i7wrently froM flP9e i~g(D u wA h he hu hLthie- first, but in the very 9,F dg wo u wa WU h V)spinmm manner Record VIUIC 8 2 ( IZ) TEXT fniD hmdi jm2)n'1yaxkwi YE x I h. (surig:) (sfa 11 15 a~kw - 1i w FY2s'lalq~ (soen. C m II-Li [elm Im %txa f~vilk.AUM.1ugut~v~ Iha 'stugwe. hihao hi he-. fSOst~ td am -a na'gedgw Sam~u-sedaxt,fE4, nag~ad-aidu'lstI cawalad3~Pj 9A9q'Iu)im latfa m anf(' na~ganda~xe'hJu5 I SXE' Ott nEdzmdin!5e IfXapax, Ikwo s arn 1 ax f bpfa~xaank5amS,q,,i ' tapx snmindagci~xs hhu1inag{wage d. ksat~fxwe 98 9 heho 1j)in~uga1ksiyax I x6e~was nagafrqCx I1 wid3sam~axKL wtsaq.an ndx stagm'nitd.0 ih. ne~tamqasisit tapwtqaqf.'x - Ssamkwilye's tiyo witqe_'qaye IwitfqcqayF~he... No. 43. 1g (lJust hv4d it saiib) First nlo+o: D Mel.-. 1 Z (Aciagio) A 0N* 0wm I 0. 0 kw-JjwA'o.w-e. - 9mtt{i I ~am A 7t rewr-I awwIwylwlamth y hy km ~wl laeg-kawa aw gwil9wd aa law [ -it hl wy 4srn rt a R~ec~ord V11 C 26 b (55) TEXT garniiig~~t q1~xI h-aI_'da Ikw) ti-9w{~l'ogwilwec~ ho~g.ornn I i'i I 7 1*0 ~imid~d~Xf( IwidxqT)tmssYWWye{ ma 1he16qatrn~id3idfzptan 'WI 9'eiy EJ kclEasamstv No. 44. (Ighgg took mte) Fi rst no+e G*. M ef:J 70OQLarghe*o~ DrurmNo drum i. r f r etc.... Q ' 1 i rr Ji.i r r r..rr Il. 1 I a ha ha ha all all e ye& la ehe p-e he" e. - YeFIo' m)D'e hm h Q ya Ilm he -e ha V%e ha, h ye ~ia ehe hah i ya, e ha&a h~ha i ya hluw h&94u- tif'nilqideqgik qw.fif'ni~i-dt.g'k 'nil'- nL4 - tihlnihlgeec6.gyoak nihi wdl f'-fel-g.dtf se-no haguifal-ges 9aJ6p'an-wi 'wrv'9?,n-akunsnoai gyah I Way gm Jett say n aw ete kus karh lep an wee awm k&ne5 kun saynawah-mer* hie H hE h~yeyEheFE. hahke - ha heye yeYEhe- hE ke Lhe 6 e- he - Reccsrc VII C 146 b(89) TEXIT ah~iythE fauiiilrd 'k, EndtnfI'1 Ikhapsf IL bis) 1 I `iri w5',t' 4 haguitfslg 's i 9axiap'anwO '~~m gpnskun js-'ne hahamn No. 45. Firit sunig note: 0 Mef,- 104 (Adagio) D rum __ _ _6__ _ __ _ _ __ _ _6__ibm-gutnl - g~D-d-ni'hw fam9uttcgaI9 Iaaq nt' ha YeD ha,.YeD he ~oarnguhl fkal kaw Je nee how ha y~w hi km hayo a-o- ho ai ya, ho yw.K. h~h I Ff0% I j,(JO _1 ecvsc. - i-yu hai-yoehe. hiycrhahohe.- haha, ha'ha hah-a hah4 ha Con secon~d note I I 0 I - her-no -o- he ar- ye ha- ye-h& Hi he m a. he hE -aJr I I L - I I I.~ 7J I J. I I ~' II I 1 'aZ r ye hai -yoehh_ hi -yea-heh ha).h _h F haha he. h.SE_ t ya - SR keee ya L I L1. 1 a18tit5-k (a-9tm - k d cD-xzm de-lo- x& e- e - n ni narnaq at.5fef i's ky~ge 9m kadow hem d~y iaw ha v. aw hat nee namnak lo t ' Ir rF to Ft 12 AN -. t!) fa I h ao &-a -xab-XEye HUh ietfi h~ o at h ha tyaL huhatm CD - hc a-ya-hai yD. he 7p 1., r f -.. 9. hiyok hHhe ha ha h&hF~izm9ufiqa cp-odniI.. It p 1' r IJ A-IIIJ r I i LD-tks-yasta+-+s, -. t k Et~ *Id.-XbM Cie-IoDX 'L -OXC - OD - bw se ksee ye, aei tis kya 9yam lq~tet daw hem day law haz aw km nin-ma~q - ha iao -al-lz - x u.ho - 0- - l I Y y&.ha..hO 11 i~YCDhaohD a ha Hak ha.h h6wo Wm Record VI I C 147a (90) T EXT (spoken:-) M bI E MilX J(0SkSkiyetike2 3 4 EV~,ytta q~MkE Id D'xam Idela'-xx i-F l'nInzm~qfttI ihaeo I alyaeh No. 46. (PiU bance for first time) Fir-5i note -./\. M~e+., z i2G. t51ihfy increasing toward5 the endi iir r I 1 1 *?V 0. 0 0L0.0 7TT Transcribed by mrest MacMillan - - h KM hi Y -m h4D yV I hi y~ hi- h C ld haya, hew hkm yaw haw k' hn- hi Y(D hE- hi yalh M - Ye ym~ -o hi yo hE rrh 10 An A femnaI.% may khtaw9esda ma nfli5 W- yan lea saw tyet eamq- - -l* c yf& he ycDvho yF - -yhe h i y~ he ee yyhi y am" g~w ad eaya ecord V11 C 123g. (51) TEXT hiyah(D- lyIahC-.. flmgA~smelix I tj da'9Anitfu )ntam i{yalDly No. 47. IiradIS~ (~u Ybffrnd) First nofe5: E and C Mei.'&. 56 (Largo) VI U hay'a a a a a a y av hayo - he,& yaYEhe. ay Drum vrr o PEPIv h2 wyt oo ye t&i i-9fk ff ya Shy -apho a ixhia. i ho aayahayo Ta~ndks~na.I. hi n 7 k VvzeM r! rJI b WeA6, to w a~t y aRecck dy aC 6I hoay(h4y TEXT aiya hakyE-ha f xaliksg' tku cjqaqaD txanaks 5arn 3,gf&t jatwal (apoken): fa-'ne ki~enal v kIUI SZ)M)CDs t I an-amqu-de, ksenalj trq2 cI anlI 5kWDg95l iI tfyulkuy~f I alaxtse I anla'ku No. 48. a First note: F. Met.: J 7Z (LarghetIo) U-yuwaT tarn-wali' imi-gwe hauwe hayuwehe 4am -tvil I wa~hl igrr w~ale isee 9waw etc -:t words? yet- kwo wyi y& he-he he hayu <wai-dam-gusIi+-kus g* -de hay~wWE h.hibmyzti kwaw dem ka~w day yakI~tL A we he he. hay u we h E. hi tem+wil 1ayikuteQ ya~ krn+wil layE kufe(?) waY words? S. I ta, msl-9.~daf siicja-9pt-hut hi hi hCD yuwsaY-U WE. an eh 5i +ra. niteh gym de+ sit ka. kawt hlut hee seeA -0 0.. - # - - -- - - -- - - - - -W.j r r fl= I fl AA. 4-1== A A. - - v V- - I VJ — charitgd (like 5poken) __ _ W) sam'a)-g,)f-xn kscmakums-)rrm'0qai9 kwO9Pa!an... ay L - sQem 4w gye+ huf kvw- ra~& r I?. wat tam-wali kun~-9 -,de 9wo h~b ta m-iwil- la-yje - ku-ta- hF_ 'wl l+ -kLu vv~n- ne u t- Wit I~-~c+ wi1-I1-wE de gwe y iwed &61 1uhi gy-a diehl w i larh wa. de gwaw yb~i Record V11 C 15 b (35) TEXT famwa'l P (bls) kwald-am{~uks~K5 gde famtwil.1aY ~jtuk tnis9d wcxKwn 'at'w'ip 'I luiqada~' a 9~ 2 4 5 6 (soei:keahm SaM agt u ans I kWCag'ssn Ifayt'k tZMtiyarT No. 49. tWQU4WZIWU Firs+ no4e F Met.: 74 (L~a~rghei~o) J ti' ~w- I<o-' ti 4wz,. y ya, hoi ha ho he ho' ayaohe Ocrnie as'nsAi tee kww rat hai haha~w hoi karn say sam sa dee Drum f f f Ia a. ~'Owords? pkr.. 0.I. I I I it yet ya he h m-d ti - Ia-ne 'a he hc' lfdirnyw+ aflyci+ yat 'avr yaw deft vit lar ha his, demyawt anyawt 6XJ TC- bowU. Record VI IC II SC (3G) TEXT (.spoken)wai I talq.jdigu't I -un I waitadamyeI I fkwmqarzn 11 wa qf~hetkwiyE&riyMafkui ksabax anyolt. tszmay, ~'1A9iihedku Iaxtse- laku (,,ung)-garsisalalm 'J sadiyct -f yuaha at'n yodax'ni No. 50. (fiva t4inp) First note G# Met. 76 (Largheito); Drum beaf5: 4.2 (Largo) Drum qw1 - psg~n tI XCD -cU tarn'rnl - disn cd.4< cD psyan ise 'wa- nax kz~w psiran H hw utkm nee 8sen gt ~,Swy nerh ya ha lu — a he Y sI- f ha hz. e- e ye haThlay h y yaw hi-&y _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ a pkgin I Ilka - __ -i~j~ -. a -. - 6 yo ye 6 - ye - TE XT Ha) - yai~twil-yetf rap~a tawi wii yeI+ kad tsalt Record V I IC I 59 (11 2) q~PSg9{ I tix6-du I fmniJ53an I agosku (5poken): m 21e'mni'x (5ung 'rn 7,/5iK'~yn.-) qzpsgpn tsa'wa'nax Iwlyuf-tf SA5alf 14(in MAse) 'Wi/sam-n'Daqidarnixk2 3 4 lufkutqjpcvyuk5af gadalk I9amayais(I lukut~am kt-samnq Pamq~.Jaya'k2,f kwul''dam~{7.s Iqala- qitkca rEdJmalnl'sf Iu~w~g~ald,)ap 1 Jam Iax a',m3f No. 51. PaLOW rl - n21111 First note -. C#. Mei.-. Drum -- J = 5Z(La' 6) rg 1 IId yaw maw maw MaeZ nak iawil 9~l-18P MO mO md) mO mO m ycr MOm rnab mo M YO MO nehlitawi Igy~l istP Maw I VI ~il fs~ fi-fatltai d~a6e? lvdi~eidkea uV% lashai d6)xe monwmomome mememomerrhe hk~h~~h~ai~abayReccrd VW1C ~5Sa (105) TEXT yomc3omcmo m L nat'tawgi9yftap j i kiWtal 1- ftd.5be-) ukslaxsfhcAa-~ x No. 52.flU UktU Transcribed by Firs noe C. Mi.-. BA-(Lagheto)Ernest MacMillan y9 waw da is kzw Siy ho h e- - he- - yo he y~.ha)- 'm hn D he yz heym ho, (shouY) i meI haRfecorcdVIlIC V2O (A-G) TEX(T 23 yanqwoda iskofana-5i yangwo I falska~ I ana5i' yankugwe IsqgwungwJ lynhe ~iivhi- ___ No. 53. (p aot gttn bruaf F~irst note: E~. Mele.: J 74. Drum II.I Q1 ". -. > - I ~g- * I I I I I * I LM k I r?I j I (! i r f1 nalkuwo -h0 -ag se n4 kuwe-hk - q se-he-he X.k w -h 9 - nb~h1 ku waw haw 9yaw~ say hby.0L e-o. he 9 - he Q- 9 i -dt I ' Iw -Iq qit d t- ksan~ i kw I wagct g4 9 - Se seA' nvy9ee deA wit Icwea ahlqii 1~mau ec kwee warsmt qi f 9y a+ sty WITl wet- cw ei net-9qan Iet- sksal -nef- ef u wi-I- 91A. y e x-wi-Id wih I w2,yt nayt kan layt sky~ta, nyt kyalhlktA v we ag l yay arh we.4 la 94 Wp ye ye tl-6-W(D ho - ya - e nA~u\O h0-o -a sue kahl d~ap > > > - >': t LEi I - p.I we0-ho - go-se-he n aNu -wohkmo.9T-se.he he -ye n a,~sen -y.-. - nx~ sen y kUie,' wa1ge ga~udtg# gas ya'g.4m.9 kut tamt-ku-wiI b e wo - w&w ga kaudithgyat kas ymeag~latems kayt ku terml ku wi be waw I L v I A {6 - K ge-he izmtkuwit -6e'- waihm-g -b xg',+i2xsm9i-9 s-w hCD-gQ e e 9yxy hay tamfra 9ydet frab stm qtaeyetLA* wxw hw gyay I I I * * *bI F fI - ho 90g -se e e a naT- 1u- wm- he go se he e Record V11 C 142a (32). TEXT natkuw aoiV,,, h~he neg-idi wilkwi gtanwlwfw't &q- e - jwty 1t0gL9&~ nei'gan leiske arlefLkU W IlI ule e Iax' wIlaq ald3aP netganletsk~f anedkt~kl enef luwoqgcDse... tasanyhA<+ 2 3 4 5 6 kutb n'at n9~e)___i NmsC'UO gu 1cde atu~~ 7 g^et txanh+kusa%!d ~ ~ tsmtxa ~dat Itxax5am gig 1 No. 54. ~~~mT#aiuu Ftirst note:. Me.~.1 82 (Larghd'o) am targo cdar wa-daok ism ja$ kwil~am lax' Ion 'am 1at - gocln wa'Jclk +amn - am+ehl rawden wa del +emgyehl kwihl am larh lawn v aL~1LIL f*.1 U. g'4an-al am ta9.danwadak tam gal kwitam laxden am af raw denI tern ga' kwadIm lam Ion god- n wimg an-wuc n k am hap kwd'%m-w'a nax ~or nbgdSPah weearwtpyun iea hpkla rhm eealawna l neege L= MM i i f -b-g.i darn di* akwvafkwolt 4xlpsnapy'aM.lit. 0.di ye l'wilinbx - dem deeka kwayf kwahli trahal pran stepyas ee am tehl rawdce, yae ahl wildee nabaril i's ra- p onyo A gw-%5Agn-ata -amis tadmiui qwu la sganats +a~wd Iy gwu 6a skan &as Z IIw__ & a-m is ta-dote daw4te / ke le dap1'~a.lad+ kele dap to tA dat gwu1a sga-naia kyaylaydephlawhlded kyayiledep New Nde+ emis +a dos fa map kwe' im wi a, nax ko n 4am ixa, pax" a te map k~way tern wee a narh kyawn -iem tra parh o V(halting) dan fa dap log kwt1l nak tie T —quki- taquiki f a fogq-tax tsa {oq dlen hiehi dep hlawq kwuhl naksa- Hie qukhf klaquk+~ Re d 'VI( C 150 C94) T EXT tornhap~we' tf2,mnwi-'anayj{mi'n a' rnda~ngpd-an wa'ad,,kJ 4m) afAwe'anxl ngidarrdi fq(31w{'tkwoi~ tx{a '[n sb p y awi~d~ Iu'_mdrn n.zden (relrain) 2'Sparf -) mitadoYtY qwul.3 sg~annA{s' 3-nsldDf' S~'qfk5edapfm'%dzf (his5) ilfadyaf madida Im~q~andiqp-it qamksax~Ill hady'`yan tgie~Wt cark - se-x5'wii.~q~a'~s ~x{~lTmixs5 n ~iyu5 S t<D yo 3-a tornapkwe' I bmwlanaxkce') Cn farntlxpaxr{dan~ Ia1'dp tecjkwut na~<se' ` 7 S7 0 t fsafeqkwe& I nicjrd ca. -) u 9n"9~a -ei) No. 55. cA, g Ij (Phvu brAer) Drm Fi rst n ote:Ft M eE 96 (L argheft,) Drum regular +lirouglhouf nti{wia.9ids-nai nti-wE-Tda5rai neA. wak nei- wak naliwa-aye do.. ne-+ rwhl wkky IVI Ik 1- L r U I rV R I r. cl -wek~ nt}- wo.9eA nd-wt. ~daznisi nJ-e~.w 9~-doiats n ne-I wpok n -I wek nahN waw Syef neIf-we-k naf-w -~ ns-f-wo-3l-das -noat ne-t-wo-ga-da - nat ne-t -w4l neJ wa-k nJ- - w& 1ne.T-vv a 9, ya ge- ni -gpl-qpu-wa~ al-Lu-6axa wa~<-i -sat 9g-a -nal ye- kv. nee kal ga bu we-ky aNl ku I~arha waket see ka ne-h kyel 0 1 IL0 yai 3itp YE' e- -; nEf - we-h et-wE k ETr.' w E- ~nei-wo-ge 'af -f am -wulye,+ Sig ya a at ahl +em wul AC a- hux wm-m-wus-eftate-{wase- P ~f-Wson nif-I-Wek neitw4 ndfjw4k metaerh hiuh wew wu& We ahi w- gyltl gii sawn W.-9D iem-wul- aXhuc..wO' Wus iet aI-wa-g~9sn ne -I-wa n - wekI A sem-axs5al-qp-de' Ti apndix sla'iaek wi-wu- dax sern arh sehl kawde-y 4sa ran dih *ic t544 wae wu darh nlEf-vvEk nef-wo -set iydjem iben Wlik ~a +law at we - gf ne- c~ai-60 ne -qwawde4.W aa~ni kwung~ C -8a)Hirffw mq al.w %I- nmnzy 4N kym no 8w.&w de tlawi ka riea+ ku~n aw - do+ ttnmbrhmz-qta~1 whld r1~w maqt ntt-wel ne.T-we4< ni- wutl nef - we - nalA I I iI-fI I flC. n-9D-d6 nl8t nJi-wa-9D-4aa-flat nt-f- we-~ nlLt-we< flL{- wz Record Vil C 171 b (137Z) TEXT nefwzqdas&ni4 (repeled) 9aaI{I ni -kwel aI~u~wksat g.anax kaly'f stap ye- 'altkmwutl'axh'uxw(o`,wuskfeJ atwa9eqif5,zn 5-amlax5atg90de' tsa9 and'x 'wi-wudaxka-da- ' af C ~7 ndafke Inegwo'delo-t 1 anf kwung&'~dat tzma>xmfi{tt I-at'wit-anolmaq nat-amax(mEvxt. 1No. 546. '~ zrt zktmp!ir.s+ notes A and E. Met.: Melody, J.1 63(Largo);. tlOOCAdagio pF If~~l~ a- he- he-he a-e-kehei _-,,WY hay hee ADrum II I.T w,-k{a-he ahohe-hea i - hi a meh-ym ksa- aq 4e,4e txaw' u akw hy u a Orun h~ker kbn aft- ic trah H lot el n rail f normsi *...*. I~ V I Itk V 4VI a V4 'Z1411&_I kdJ-kum nar Tkw-qasek 9ariwlli' WIw- k a h(DhO-e-he- hi - kyal <Lum 6inak hU<~a kask kamwll fee wit~ ~ku 1111 ~Drum~L J L~ ~ 0 *0 tbrngam sa. anixf txal-ket-4um k.nac9 gan wI1 4Ibik re m rtm sa k& niht trahl-~Yal kum karnac ~<an wiiejez wt I~ay - h~.heheh ~ gamsam ga -nixi txal-kA- hum ha-naq qanr 0 64 0A fee wif kmay se. Ma 9uri+ +xat-Ef - kt u m ha, nag ~ tmt{Ha~n8 4-em fahl Record Vii C 172 (133) TEXT i+amgamsf,99alamps I ~efkum hana'+' 11 ganwilikudi'wl'tkuf t6mqamksaqs'qt-af tx~I1urmhana' I2~ was ~aw~-Wf famqgamsaaqanliP Iketkum hanaq ganwlW~tiliiftkU bm atdtf h a n aq ma-yzm 'anl~x 1pnwlliekwlbu tamg~ams{~itS ganwilu 'cdi'wi~u tam9amseldi't5 No. 57. ast rtiit ImUUU First no+es Fu and E. tAQ*-. = 8$ (Largheito') Drum - I I na.zi. gp -i+ha nag kHi n- nsiqg.si THa.nag ke, nas-sqc san ha na see Law i+ 6 nis kyayh~ee sihi I { F T I r j:J. JL I1 J I ~J 7 naiqkP A'itk 9il-nac *ka h oiknigqvkl'h naq se-qoi- han-. nigaM Xa'i isia ki+aq Ma n-i f~i+ -yanaI mt - of a,- nasig'i h~Weq. ti2rm i rok is kee txy kah I m a ta tee ya ez gimhl kawtl kway ec 6 4* +bwlfx arn -%a,. algamrnI wag.~ i-rL It 'ali twi lu - aptfi-gaI-bus ZT'=kwit t wi I ieram gyb al 9ycmaAI waka ee If 'ahltw IWeu hp tot kahi ahi kwce Jrr no -0i- - - nasig 4!iH-an~q ka - nasige'l hanta-ke - nasi-gqv flaw aw4 ~" -%1 Record VlII CI1hb (135) TEXT nasig~o)iti hana'4 kehe ('bl~j t-amfxa4" Iskie 9.atmn i H yti49im 'qeolf hana ~ f ~ i b m a mOM aI wa - 9,anfl latft wiuaptip {" noeDf tkwinm-t flasig... No. 58. I0 10 (Phu gm Obt Drum-, First note 0-D Mef.- J a 50 (Larc I IS1 f I I Ti C f I! t I r r I I I - r f I - — I- I -e-ML = A* t - i 0 1-44 ---pi -01 * - -- i f, VI IN wviI-dil-w~t a ha - ho- he~ wil di wet kunedofs ~irrlxfe wil-di-w - l4jnw~i dce wayf haw ~ cundaw+s grnrhftay d -~ g'mxte -ah -C hD -hO wildi -wo-kundmbs Am I Z- 4 rI. is-.rr 9,imxt e wil -di WOD -he hus kun-6e kundots - gimxfte Re-cord V iic C I41b (Fs) 1 jwundI weT Lwuda Ikmt i*ikulebsbe-E iwildi', wet kwunde-ts I - ~ V.~nd.~ la Wdewkunasmd I No. 59 first not. A. Met.: eK. 105 (Adagio) A I-j ~0 - O" j rj na-duwnadu.du 'na-du nadu.dlu rta du rm~du -dw~ n& -du na -du AG r +iN I I du U una.du i&~du~du rnacdu na du du niadu na du~du hu- 'iad u rta~huu 'atta~dedatkwe d.*a 'a'ta dG Jai kwedet. me- d5i sam'&a.e. tarn' wil-wi-~ aid1 tajay Jde, lway, dxwts deayn de sarn a say Wft q.Ede ne. dam it gs' f'wisa.ge.+'aka p yei idJ-xon-maz srwi.wi —AmuqT 'w-_ gym da~y n a demwn wit aw weessa rat bke h p yat a a.M law yawm I 4 muki YwU ye *.~'~~i.srgI WIt +a'av 90 Iem1?t i~d ~ud i dunYhAluvaci iaci viaasl# -dusnamgduclu nbadu. nrwdu-lu ypmak welit yula, hia +ep goya at lswh Witf lpr kewe cv P,& stgnwb. m WI lq 9~,4wc ~m go cimxi na.du nrdvA. PM se* k&n ans kz& wil k<bw 4 qwy -arnka~w gmrhtea ciu n&-du nadu~cLA na du n~clu -u kU-na,.du nba8UciUcnz du ri, dunb-du reddu.iu U -U na cdu m'du-du. a,' a, b-wl J 1 * 0-. A* ci du'du nac~u nadu- du n;! d u na'&dudu - ku-na-du nz, du du narm na9u ) J ii..kn+.. 3 4- 5 - dLa d ~dUCIW n wede LA na~ade U h m h m LiAm ae. d j kwi wqde u - c wilu Re ord Vil C 1 40a(5,9)f'wi-sagetaks ftapyF~'ij cDTx~manrts Id-amwlimuqT 'wiyE,21 atam')a/'deatsaismgulhatiI '5 t-am'ansig&plf ksamaIpl-ailp a'~napwiltkumi jwilaq.apmaq5at Ikw'iyuku~ lafa'and~apf tb p YC~.I lpwil p - 7 B 0 fxanks" anci.3apku qanxpiya'nsai 9.anansq8malku wiI9!Nqaqvve'mjm qamxmf nadi4 -nadu du No.60. 1 Firstrnote. B. Mei.:opening part I69; saecond part J138. Du A lot time kakwvs4e 2r&.iflfnwogs9p5 -o a iam~a Iwi'tmam lmwa-.tak4 - Is.ky& kw"s *&y &6iI na*34an1 kw&.wkaa k~ws aww en tt9yahlkwe"tem h~rvdhwa Ve% kya-y te~w A.rdtime> (Sama words) Drum (1JW L aIt time to, 2nd ti,-e X p xIts SOp 4 W0 9d~ 'as- ti.4- l'we.' W I Pa I 6, qanam 1a-y* ka kw:&$ -t+e Pat teawp pal J nJt'~ime ~p~rumDrum 2rndtire 6 Z no drum fv i Drum _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ cus - se -na - t maJl)naf AtU -Si - sesu~nai- I mif-nat i t~lu- Isequ nat ta,r'nat ta hl4U sea a >> kea 4; Vwe hcs way wOa91iye-e we we wo OW 0 9~~,i * r lcaylew w&hw&w gma)Y&y 43e say ceam ixii-96o'aks &a.&mus s uwasn tan trrigaswex -& wt lu Iit-I~ ' wi tsa. qua -kus tra Iatk. b"v ay I amwa Y-h r:. I J. 21 I I e) ha 6aq9j~xfrdkutwIyIa biwaxwqwhe W6)(Wqocilge we WO we gyew gyahi h.. wahwarh I [2 I- t I I I #I 'n~anI fweI' ha yaIIIu.4Ii-kwavI -. iyt~ i hew Irb kM V i- I I I -I t I 3 IvI3I C g)it fli~nuIU lw-g48*p-1-pmMt nda dbm-lge,-g ~ yu3 wo 4e4 h wyo I I II' I II SII.hIlI.' I we wax wo 91,194. r. 0 WwI)Wowowe Mv6Xw09!9~ nuwdlra)xrtali'rnxet LuRecord VII C '43 (84-) TEXT k-akwi-stel atIna,8s an lkwopqaDs nas 3-e ta rs1a, tamxam laxr wate Idej waigef ir9ak I wi' paksga'n-marn(af tkusisena&H rmatn'n-f- fkusisggunat i wataacwewt waxwa~pie samfxaqa'aks )asi j' 1suwasan ' 7nap'* iut'A W t. a ad~9we7~ Iuua td+U'ijguskusj na-fI hajoit I:ada- k9L Iwt wax w d 3 4 5 C nbwi Ina-A0nkf Io'314'k tapyp&'i jmadie~gmdYm~aks l'nilganul we'le'l nab "'i Ii yap~lu'dalkwe' I depwagj!&E 11 o" woc.. waxa' 13 A nuwinaxnat ~axk~im'xti" tkinagd I nixqganf`5yE'~ fatpmacie' nidcimgAm la~nis wa'di'u I waxwagag jwiwq (qu sabkeb enkhat) No. 61. First note:5: F *t an d F-. M et. -- J = G9 (LarQo).c -.. -I -. -, 011- - - - - %Al %I- -IT 6 J* st I if -17. * -, > I rn rII9 r-I -1 tfwj 7 hi-Nhye he he- he- hi- hie hi h-hth-hE. lu h~be a y hm,(&y Kwy Iurh rf f I!" r hI IawI H-if Ih ya _ _ _ _ I I - e Yu -ye H i a he Wu la - h1ky-a. r__ —;O' 4 -i Y& ----:t Record VH BG b (s TEXT ux I~tk9~4~~at~u v~h~h~I No. 62. (Almkasit-1m61) First notes: G# nct C#. M~et.-.; 96 (Larghetto) _n l_ l.TI -i in.A VWiunn Ar.A~nn, ka " ro u-r-I I~ I *. &., P.O I I 'r F I V~ r 0' j I 0*. 1 I un hurt urn hun e he un ~urt un hunr- he ni hiy YL e. O rtih W9 IL ni hi a a ne~hey Vi veya ADrum_. oom~imas Is acceaersh*A or ihe rey- se,ava (falseito) yelpifl9 of COC - -tn~~ n 11 t=:- 0@ g = OE 66~ huhu ahoan uhu ahu uhu uhu ul~un u hunt u he. u. hun u rhythrr not regulot 8V cyelpihtg)- --- ---- A 7Pin V W.:. 'I 171 a LL7 7 Ii%.?L?7i4 -.L.' ~ I nlun urle. unu~n un h un EhfE n fI I qf. E F rnt i gf riaf arhea, ah- Wh. nl ful oca ir y-ro"'/l- ~I 11 +0:I 1 iam'Wil'ytf 'Wi'rmnune o he, ep 'wi rna,-Jxr-M wle. Ysqgnis tern wil y'ahl wee nwa n~wk wee mat hem 1ar ha wis k-& nis 1drmslower. oeat ouaer. muc slower ta-sler slower:1 Record VII C IGI3a (1i20) T EXT hu hu... h~L. n,.t9 aflh,4 'wi s9qliS I m 11Ye FE matnm In No. 63. (cI~exe isn UPi=c) Fi rat notes: C anci F. Met.% 66 (L-argo6) a h ye. ko b.Iaym oha ye shea b -y - hew-a khe a hee yay 'h~ ybw ~~119 yD.hlo YoDa h' ye - CD he -a le Itohayo y& ~d.3u Wais fa qV6 I 0Y 0 ptan hehi yoha hym 6aa~y-Ie a,-4am- kse.9aw cl- qee ~'ai gwcb p~bX havw6s yaw 4tri 6aey k-&+ 6vv hw s 43waw a~lted obaas tan muao *LL.J I LJ L....L.4 -- R AAA0 0 hea wO ha Ye O h yr. - 6ye. trn 'ans-+e'.. sg ri is nul.Stax- na-waf basnow coincide wiih melodly Hw$4 i tr &% 10 I be F 0.0 stoff n me ohayo haye ho kayo- hohe - e 'Ii ye,- e. hi ay a, i 5+l!w ONh nbyamw - > >~. Ik-v I VI y v IVIC V L.-L-. I t ~ i v i v -A (S a ( 8 kya - lE. a hj i ye.-e ' a, a- i y&ahalaZ,- 6a kyah-b 1 o Record VII C IG4 b 020) TEXT ad!)uw;)lalskif ' Tlaqalpfar'el hohayo tzmks~_~xqc~@cjs qal~saie~ haligwa) hay,3 nrwltaxeW, i&tise No. 64. (Palk up) First note -.F # Met. — J 90 (Larghetto) A..;- dragginS behind $he beat ha'gwunr3. na hi lat we he he, -ta faril' u s.'e. he he haqwun Drumha rwun gyvnt na hiii lat' waw ha hia saw a hiL DruA g,~n na hi lat we hp eha lanli u e, a' t - he. haqwan~,n nahi Iai wo hE-i. hao Ih yo VIe h h L yo- ho - he ho- he hagwangon' at-tip w;-fieitaks a he - tan-f'an so hagwmn 9yawn Wh tip mee toa teks a haty *an hian I i 0 0 - A. A0' a P -- o- ha9 wang(Dn al-tip wi-i~iks e a ye - - La os e ay a y ay hlue V. ha hagwun9.nnahi-6a-w-h -o-ho, A -yo-hO -K ho hi. wee yrmk e WaI-TIP Ia%(-5ukst hagwufl hiRecord VI I C 165 (122) TEXT, Inahil-aIWCD hefanltal'ss& rl ha w ai I~ j t~tk IK 7 1 ' M9 2 ) I ax3 ks fan a 11 hagwa9sn I atiB I laxsu'kst I amfw'sk's Iwi'yirn at~1xJkt No. 65. - nukes a 4 noise) First note -.C#. NWe.: J 76 (Largl,.ito) ftAqv lw firI, I r I, eT I W,.' - -" -" ----— I I.. 0 9- I. *. '. 9 * gm -de-dal-dw d - d&-o ye - k e ye -e. - - dal dlo -do - ka~wm daydbl daw yay VI&Y b J0T9 S 1 17-1 -- e- ye-hev gpm de -dal-do-yo he - ye - he S S kom -drel-do -do-hye — hye -ye gpm & e-del- do - ha~wr da1 bw, I 1 I7 Uk *. PF F91 I wonr- wix paqwz Sk-te ha- hi- h1' ye -~ g6 9a- gem -'a, wb~wn wih p&gws. xhlk rslw h -&W hot ka kawm nu~ ~a- yWT -bwa -hu de ye - Ve -he -he dal donuhi I hf-a yalil +rw& * I P0 0' 4 5I 0 3 ye - ye — ye he cm - de-dald Jo do wan'wix- ps-agwL I 1 L- v I F9 I I I ) -7 I J'I' - 1 0 1vJ. gJ I (,I AJ 14. Wv 4 I 4J. J7J iIU f F * yeha e- eix & aF h 9 - ye - he - h e im - o del dod hto cha~y ye - he Record Yll C 50 (94) TEXT dirge of gagym-)anut ~ 2- 3 4 & ((surng:). 9.mdadalde-cdo I heye I wan'wixp5-gwe Elkst~hej yei'yeheI 9a9cpml anufr f''X 1(spoken:-) gAmwideldaf — fIul C. 7 $ to 01 II 3 ba idayehe I q!vmd,!da'd&.- I wi'&e$19V(9yX I Jyctq&.~ ye I txaxapolf Iyahe qsqrn dedaldo'.... No.66. nxl ~ U First note C. Met.-. 56 (Largo) DTrumn ru louder hY eyh — ey-e e e- - -:- ye-h e - - %1 ne0 ye - ye-he - ye, h e ha e- yre-y hdd_ y-h h knonse a, I IAf O" i -. 1T 1 I J9E 0[r 1 JI Ii iiw,' - - =w he ksms - enc. -- %- ig.ha. kwuI.7 netc_ne ye -nhe -eye heye.he-ye - ye. f' hi hshi hno- heygEhie record here P vIsaure iwe. h e - k-z o3 e he. WcIywz-ne-tewske n-.E -iwe h Irwa Alks sznedis &6e y~e~ hee wyet wye E I lE YE'e-se ee+a sydli gw.weaweahi -A /- ~3 3 3 n - h E he - ne he e - ne — ne - f.- hi e-n.naHi -yf J-ho-yo —f1 1 i. h? ye..-ye- - I 7 n~sg~r i~~hEj ~nc~~i'efec..eie No. 6 7. 'S, 9 (*UA 4==-Iikt) First noie - B Met.: J =.54.(Largo) I MN A h -)he a - nE- gwem hua - hEhe iku Jdi5 -yehaw h v. a, nza gw aw h u am a hay hIku di5 y~i~ w s4gishVGyW L - +xwb, hohe - 5*.kwo-qoq hohoQ qogm o- a- ho - ho er.' nee- ne -- +hwa h~~wha hbws k~wqaw v hawhaonawmanwonawa, hww h,~w halyny ay nuy I A - rI I v w einC e l loda. n reoc -h- - - - - - -n.-ne erni hi.ne o -ho hee nw. 6een aten -JU-arr r [. f. If r ri r ~ T)0 na~ah.ei~e &slrniha French en' p — 7,N rsw go a K — o-ha h o-nkwo-~cI~o - g9p yo h u xcD - m h & Iwe kwaw kiw kz ta F` I0 O. r. 4i J-J.im J f 1 S S S oZ I I f a == 1, - NZV FY,- - -- 1%_7 - 1-1 - V- T.6 L-M 7 -V I, 1, -- - - ot -H -o-hFa e.ne - 9wo +hi - ho - hb - he km- hf-h ~ -nay gwa Record VilOC 53 (97) I fm W"R4 I L.L i WM16W LLI TEXT ho61E1C'anoqgwm hu ha)o.. I kudismdxwa, 21_~~ hh I'eOnegwoz h Ih oplehanegwohukio { gut anymxIqcdeiSpo'en ttaln~yo g de No. 68. First note: B. M~et. -. 50 (Largo) hehhe e Ii heE - e - -ach e. ya h& he a 40 I. S 0 haN ha h I Im - ju~i + —e- h - - hJ r I.~, ~.. I sN-Iaeh h 6 uv 0 S d 0a he -n On P I.Is 4 -ho - -. ya heF.- nu -wan garn - ~s.sa wan, kar guiks s v *. 0) n e yan 000M 0.M u S 0a ky) $x X — la h o no ha - E - he -~ gnuw lyto trah kys - - '~- - - n 9o - a-no ho-h. ha — fuw TEXT Record VI I C 7G ~ (iz0) mfua{q.Ivde hahitg.I(D~a... hE'nowzngamgulksI~a'atkusqants jflag alohfniL (,suoYn) No. 69. tqrdw Transcribed by E~rnest Mac~Millan Second noftg- C#.- Met.: - 78 (Larghe.*~O) — Drum jz 16:a I9 *II1 A zlI - etc, (Refrain) ha no - h no - Hi hi- ye - hea b ye kz hno - no hi -h; ye -h-he& no - ye - e i -ye e iye. e ye- ye -- h yely h ea YaYy no hano -e i-i e- hta. qe -c ia 9 h hi - ye - - ye go i~ -c9c +&-gocjq h -h ye - h we- dehki- ye he.ye -e i-~ye.e ye- - waw, da~ EM JN I IN~ b~.e~~ I 1?)ye - - ha -no ha,-nro-ae hi -- h(- - y&.- - hIa- - Rec~ord V/~l C 124 a (53) TEXT han o- h IYE F c taq(Dq (bl/5}~I ye SUWcD1' deh No. 70. Fir-M notes -.C# and E.M. Drum-4 =54- (Largo) Drum ha no yo-e ye - h e hano hanro rl I h ha naw yraw by YaY ilh&e ya hno-ni ci nt K yehe c- cye Ye - go h h& laqco fatxq hi hi ye, h i akaw kz kay kx a a ~ _ he~T T EXT SE gwo-da da- he- de -he- - yFe e ve - 5a swo day Record ~c 1AJ hanoye he ha hano - h~a-o L-jYe.. yef taqo fag~o I hiye sewo-del he he sewo s~vo hiyehehe hanoyc a (,78)1 No. 71. (fmufrwbza Fi rsi note: E_. Met. -Drum: 6Z (Largo) Drum he ye- he- ye -h P. -& ha -he ye. e 6e hay yay A F r ft IF If 179 YE. ha. - e ye he he ke hc qam.a - - y W. kar kat do-be-he. cgomn al d3w- w be- he he. hk hi -e dkraw b6y ha 6wm vkal 45aw &w bay he r,I.F r"' r.- - I w i MN 1 LzFdzj- I I I I I I I %.-Il w. - i i:T - Vw i N 9=2=2= ( I y - - h e - o- ye - hpe ye - ha)ye. Record VII C: 140 (79') TEXT (qmgdldobe he he Fkw~mfkufYfeuk- I1Z9-We ke No. 72. (pt sits Mifiw) Transcribed by Ernest MacMillan First note: A (aboyc slave).- Mef.- J 7Z (Larghedta)Dru~rn ~ a I4 I \-IV j L 1 L!: I I hi-hi-yt- he ne -he -kh-i-yet-ne — hp- ye h Ihi I YF he he* hoe ya ha nay hay u - c h p- k w o - y- r k w. dE h F h i y E hEh - i Y- hi i y E -. lu dep kwaw n kwzw day sob IFJ. YE rr hm, u- dap -kwc~n kwmcde 1u~dap-kwm ho.de I U -dap yam hami NAdep "cwwi kwaw uity J J J 4 I 1 J 1P ' > > > k sob > > hE.-yE-h h-hi-yF_-hWo. M F y le 1-clap. wan, hse.yFhP lu-8ap rl > > > > _ _ _ we do. kA -dsp- ~wsn kw o-dle Ij nsk?d-a-mul taam 10 IK - I - op i-hi-ytL hD - yo-h. i.hi-yo-ho y 0D- he. - l w ' yaw h Ina kwz. sga dhL. ye - h. kee~.1g - dt-lIu'2ma ni+- kui Wht gya -de ha yaw ha kwu -kAl.Iyaw d. ha Iu man nit ku4 A I. ii. - - I I F —W i * NL i t.I k t 0. a a ie.;,i: p1p - ' N I I Irl 1'. V w r Iilm J J I J...J I J -1:1 I I U 10 I I 10 1 L —l I I k- it" -1 A N.X i -— 407 1 1 - 1. w V I % —". m I ma - - 4 ~l - y -he yo - h E. i -i-O-hO- - - Y - HE. - Rec~ord VI IC 141 a k 1&O) TEXT h ihi yFha hoya..m ~~ilkcd ya jILd~w~ L~De~I Ifs ul 'aramut tag~am{P tant~ul LIe nsku, amu-t )0'p Ole ~ f'IC6dtd z liumrnrittku 7armLAf kwkeE dP ttu-menetkat Il~atamu No. 73. am I L-brke) Transcribed by Ernest Maomilan First noie: 0. Met.: J 7ro (L-argheito) Drum~. ef.tc Wm -hta yo ha y,- lo -ye IE,~ 'C waw hi, yaw hi.b ya lw ha, y2aw IL. -fa yO -.IQ -Y ho-yLW I W - 2 -y yal, - hzaw YaL hugwxh -I - IL- ha *YO (E. ha, yoJ -l ho -y*E Ip' 9.Lt 6W~1 a4-_gp de 9W4 yQ 6p-,'- em c->ax-ar d-vs f kal kwu%*mi~kaw day gwaw yaly lep a &wm rn 1Iri daws +ay (J(ISt lip- c9a./, _ c (ZI"1) aq.wi - I W- IC'at 5~ E~. -r — w& E.9W I& ak we& la wa lay ahl hx sa f%&W W.J 044 WE F- l? kl.E' I Se no 2 iarr-ta.bgis Pe p. iidaqs - - fcrrifth 9yis P&w net hlako SQ nfle - yle Wi-ula. t &T i.,.O Cie gwe bD$s naw yat wee Iu a14 +&aN Na kkw d ay 9waw Urn fr&!BY is ik~~'Y rj~fld Rfrain I* E -- h,-y - Ic P. - ha'.yol l - b e - YEL hi -ye - 9wo qwbw h. - (Spoken)wolflrn-31im (3) Ja ti yet -kue. -i - yE. he- se W&h tame a im ya4ai i+~ 6Au. h~i YIL h V & no - - yernu mof. d-&ke- - drn'-. mo bm..9 n bw yay hlku Si+ sahl Iyaw cJAem mort+ la K em-A ik AwA& 4k y ~ a a I aIj a. (?) YE. h y. i Y.V; - flhl9pA9Etkunfl inlimx wiyd~k' itxZ m nuhllckwicun linlirnrh wcqyait' ith~ urn Record VII C 129 (63) TEXT hohaye hayalm.. I wo,'fam-alin lpg~ag.etkwiq&E~m~ qsidt gwaye. LpamtI gaplandasf i-c w' ttawe.le'l Oal~ sE~n. hEhp-ye. (spoken) worft)m -am-zlin tmx.!s{ 1n4 k5-nMyE Wilu aaqagd& __y______ (spoken): woD' xj d 1ytksy-sny 1kqfee-mzaelx. Vkg.tt e.da amolttO tamsed a['lltk e~ni'(spoken.) nitg~aqefkun tin Iimx weye'tkuj IHikum No. 74. MtIX=e7nZILI frtrst nole - E. M eft. J 108 (Adagio) Drum (first phrase. wae actuaiiy sung one inierva1 below normal) r.,i if I F f ec I A+ j IlICJ I 4 - I~I hi miii-no he-mii-no-ho hi - Jo he -do he-de4~odt- hehoe met n&w haw moo at nlew haiy e e h.b d&.no he-noD a - - nio ge. he. herno ho-ge-ne ge Iu - ho gnay W vy I- I a~pudi.&F-i u*.i'm YUW~hn e. oal- E-di E kUe lihis-k-wr 49 e k b'~afih.e-u diugeffne e e get y kue - al - wki n& kup Ua gp~. ui -knu L wan ka no wee nodL he no o.we-n kof Was ha n & gaynewJ& 6 MN IU W g I W If ge.-~ g Ne-e iter0-ge h~ni-ra '6d e fi bo'-skalni -hU- E kuRecord k -waC 121 ba (4 TEXT ((ungj fibmiskt I nihuIf.'kutE kuIgl4 irauixant("en)tbat' Iabiul'&k fE kutku iksq Ikusliskudf] 7ni gangap I uwihukd hf'nakadinE k wehiyEka34- nixan s lUg a'diIt~ I gut'niyuwe- I am e'iy& kuslis kuwp-1 ta. Jy 'nitgpn~qAp I huwihaufkuwg hL'n*EdinrgwF-hlyt AZ No. 75. wrgmg 11 - - lo * - 11 - -- - - - -. I. ---- --- -- - - I I I I Ilk I I O *-.1! r::= 0!.0 i! rpm- a -- -- L — I 'J. I I I I (,I X-V Ca- =4 ". w U.&N-0 hayl-gut.ku-st-gubayiguikusig-wE hthEhE h r- — a Y't Cj Ul tl L Si -WE. BIBLIOGRAPHY ARCTANDER, JOHN W. 1909. The Apostles of Alaska. New York. BARBBEAU, MARIUS 1917. "Growth and Federation in the Tsimshian Phratries." Proceedings of the 19th International Congress of Americanists. Washington. 1929. Totem Poles of the Gitk8an, Upper Skeena River, British Columbia. Canada Department of Mines, Bulletin 1, Anthropological Series, No. 12. Ottawa. BARNETT, H. G. 1938. "The Nature of the Potlatch." American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, No. 3. 1942. "The Southern Extent of Totem Pole Carving." Pacific Northwest Qarterly, Vol.33. BENEDICT, RUTH F. 1923. The Concept of the Guardian Spirit in North America. Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, No. 29. BIRKET- SMITH, KAJ, and FREDERICA DE LAGUNA 1938. The Eyak Indians of the Copper River Delta, Alaska. Copenhagen. BOAS, FRANZ 1895. "Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada." TenthReport of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. 1897a."The Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians." Report of the U.S. National Museum. 1897b."Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast." American Museum of Natural History, Bulletin 9. 1902. Tsim8hian Texts. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 27. Washington. 1916. Tsimshian Mythology. Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual Report 31. Washington. 1927. Primitive Art. Oslo. 1930. Tsim8hian. Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40. Washington. CODERE, HELEN 1950. Fighting with Property: A Study of Kwakiutl Potlatching and Warfare, 1792-1930. Monographs of the American Ethnological Society, No. 18. DAVIDSON, D. S. 1937. Snowshoes. Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 6. DAVIS, ROBERT T. 1949. Native Arts of the Pacific Northwest. Stanford. 281 282 BIBLIOGRAPHY DEE, HENRY D., Ed. 1944-45. The Journal of John Work, 1835. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vols. 8 and 9. Victoria. DRUCK ER, PHILIP 1939. "Rank, Wealth and Kinship in Northwest Coast Society." American Anthropologist, Vol. 41, No. 1. 1948. "The Antiquity of the Northwest Totem Pole." Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Vol. 38, No. 12. EMMONS, G. T. 1903. The Chilkat Blanket. American Museum of Natural History, Bulletin 3. 1925. "The Kitikshan and Their Totem Poles." Natural History, Vol. 25, No. 1. 1930. "The Art of the Northwest Coast." Natural History, Vol. 30. GARFIELD, VIOLA E. 1939. Tsimshian Clan and Society. University of Washington, Publications in Anthropology, Vol. 7, No. 3. GARFIELD, VIOLA E., and LINN A. FORREST 1949. The Wolf and the Raven. Seattle. GOLDSCHMIDT, WALTER R., and THEODORE H. HAAS 1946. "Possessory Rights of the Natives of Southeastern Alaska." Office of Indian Affairs. Chicago. (Mimeographed) GRENFELL, CAPT. HAROLD R. N., Trans. 1938. "The Journal of Jacinto Caaman." British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 2 HAEBERLIN, H. K. 1918. "Principles of Aesthetic Form in the Art of the North Pacific Coast." American Anthropologit, Vol. 20, pp. 258-264. HATT, GUIDMUND 1949. Asiatic Influences in American Folklore. Det Kgl. Danake Videnshabernes Selskab Historik-Filologise Meddeleser, Bind 31, Nr. 6. Copenhagen. HEnzoG, GEORGE 1949. "Salish Music." In Indians of the Urban Northwest, ed. M. W. Smith, pp. 93-110. New York. HOIJER, HARRY, and others 1946. Linguistic Structures of Native America. Viking Fund Publication in Anthropology, No. 6 INVERARITY, R. B. 1950. Art of the Northwest Coast Indians. Berkeley. JOCHELSON, WALDEMAR 1905. Religion and Myths of the Koryak. Jessup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 6. 1924. The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus. Jessup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 9. BIBLIOGRAPHY 283 KEITHAHN, E. L. 1945. Monuments in Cedar. Ketchikan, Alaska. KINDAITI, KYOSUKE 1941. Ainu Life and Legends. Tokyo. KRIEGER, HERBERT W. 1927. Indian Villages of Southeast Alaska. Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report. LEVI- STRAUSS, C. 1943. "Art of the Northwest Coast at the American Museum of Natural History." Gazette des Beaux Arts, Vol. 24, pp. 175-183. MACLEOD, W. C. 1928. "Economic Aspects of Indigenous American Slavery." American Anthropologist, Vol. 30. McILwRAITH, T. F. 1948. The Bella Coola Indians. 2 Vols. Toronto. MURDOCK, G. P. 1934. "Kinship and Social Behavior among the Haida." American Anthropologist, Vol. 36. 1936. Rank and Potlatch among the Haida. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, Vol. 13. NELSON, E. W. 1899. The Eskimo about Bering Strait. Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual Report, No. 18, Washington. NEWCOMBE, W. A. 1931. British Columbia Totem Poles. Report of the Provincial Museum of Natural History for the year 1930. Victoria. NIBLACK, ALBERT P. 1890. The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia. Report of the U.S. National Museum. OLSON, RONALD L. 1927. "Clan and Moiety in Native America." University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. Berkeley. PAALEN, WOLFGANG 1943. "Totem Art." Dyn, No. 4-5. Mexico. QUIMBY, GEORGE I. 1948. "Culture Contact on the Northwest Coast, 1785-1795." American Anthropologist, Vol. 50. RANDALL, BETTY U. 1949. "The Cinderella Theme in Northwest Coast Folklore." In Indians of the Urban Northwest, ed. M. W. Smith, pp. 243-286. NewYork. RICKARD, T. A. 1939. "The Use of Iron and Copper by the Indians of British Columbia." British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 3. SAPIR, EDWARD 1915. "A Sketch of the Social Organization of the Nass River Indians. Canada Department of Mines, Museum Bulletin, No. 19. Ottawa. 284 BIBLIOGRAPHY SHOTRIDGE, L. 1919. "A Visit to the Tsimshian Indians." Museum Journal, Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, Vol. 10, pp. 49-67; 117-148. SWANTON, JOHN R. 1905. Haida Texts and Myths. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 29. Washington. 1909. Tlingit Myths and Texts. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 39. Washington. SWANTON, JOHN R., and FRANZ BOAS 1912. Haida Songs. Tsimshian Texts. Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. 3. THOMPSON, STITH 1929. Tales of the North American Indians. Cambridge. WINGERT, PAUL S. 1949a. American Indian Sculpture: A Study of the Northwest Coast. New York. 1949b. "Coast Salish Painting." In Indians of the Urban Northwest. ed. M. W. Smith, pp. 77-92. New York. INDEX Native terms are given in the usual phonetic transcription, followed by Dr. Barbeau's transcription in parentheses whenever these are given. The prefix git-, "people of," appears as often with initial k, kit-, so that words beginning thus should be looked for under both letters (Ed). acculturation: changes in marriage customs, 126; changes in house construction, 11; continuity of old culture, 68; effect on art, 69f., 106; first contacts with Europeans, 43f., 51f., 64f., 70; mimicry of Europeans, 57; see also drinking songs, fur trade adoption: 21 adz: 74; marks of in decoration, 79, 86 Ainu: carved posts, 69 alcohol: see drinking songs Aleutian Islands: song contests, 57 Allen, Albert: 106 Annette Island: 8 archaeology: art in, 68; bone spear point, 148; copper arrow points, 64 argelite: 84 Arrandale: 99 art: animal form in, 75; materials as influence on style, 60, 68; styles, 60f., 67 ff., 73ff.; see also naturalism, representional art, symbols, etc. artist: goal of, 59; training of, 70; use of brush, 63 Arts and Crafts Board: 66 Asia, eastern: ties with North America, 49, 55, 97f. Athapascans: 4, 5; carved columns, 69; clans, 18; dog transport, 13; drum, 56; houses, 10; moiety, 18; music, 105; snowshoes, 13; war practices, 29; see also Carrier, Tahltan Babines: 7; Sky clans, 20 Banks Islands: 13 Barbeau, Marius: 19, 52 bark: canoes, 12; use in houses, 11 Barkersville: 9 Burton, Charles: 99, 105f. baskets: 67; decoration, 63 bat: in myth, 115f, bathing: 39 f bear: in myth, 49f., 130, 155 Bear Husband: 130 Bear Lake: Indians, 112; trading post, 43 Bear phratry: 19 beaver: in myth, 131, 135 Bella Bella: 5; art, 58; influence on Tsimshian shaman, 47 Bella Coola: art, 58; dramatic performances, 58; endogomy, 18; language, 5; origin myths, 18f.; potlatch, 17fn.; property rights, 18; supernatural power, 38 Beynon, William: 99 birth: 25, 142f. Blackfish phratry: 19; Coast Tsimshian, 20; myths, 20f., 42; Nisqa, 20 blankets: decoration, 65f., 75 Bluejay: as trickster, 50 Boas, Franz: 51, 52, 53, 100 Bolton, Frank: 100f. bone carving: 67, 68, 74 boxes: ornamentation, 58, 75 Brown, John: 106 brushes: paint, 63 Bulkeley Canyon: 7, 22 cache: elevated, 10 Cannibal dance: 45 canoes: 12 Cape Fox: 22 Carrier: music, 98; Sky clans, 20 carved boards: as crests, 42 carved bone: 67 cedar: use of, see wood work ceremonial objects: ownership, 23 ceremonial season: 37 chiefs: 4; council, 35; duties, 15, 16, 17; houses, 11; powers, 32ff., 35; see also lineages, heads of children: feasts during childhood, 25; training for power, 39; where reared, 23; see also birth, initiation, puberty 285 286 INDEX Chilkat: blanket, 65f., 93 China Hat: 20 Chinook: metal work, 63 chipmunk: in myth, 137 clan: 20f.; elements of organization, 18ff.; history, 100; obligations, 22; see also descent, inheritance climate: 5f., 14 clothing: 65ff.; decoration, 63, 66 Coast Tsimshian: 4; chieftainship, 33, 34f.; economic specialization, 16; facade painting, 58; fishing, 13; language, 6; phratries, 19, 21f.; secret societies, 25, 34, 57; songs, 107 Collison: missionary, 126 collections: art, 70 colors: see painting, pigments contests: settled by songs, 57 Cook Inlet: metal work, 63 copper: see metal work Copper River: 13, 18; derivation of clan from, 21; source of copper, 64 Cox, Mrs. Constance: 99 Coyote: as trickster, 50 cremation: reference to, 112 crests: of clans, 20f.; origin, 41ff., see also origin myths; transfer, 21, 42 culture hero: 54 Dancers: secret society, 45 dancing: 56f. death: 26: disposal of dead, 58; mourning at, 131, 157; of a chief, 36, 57; see also cremation, grave markers deluge myth: 54, 149 Derrick, George: 105 Derrick, Timothy: 116 descent: from slaves, 29; importance, 18, 27f., 59; reckoning, 26; see also clan design elements: 60f., 82ff.; continuity, 68; of blankets, 65 Destroyer dance: 45 d'Hartcourt, Marguerite B6clard: 107, 110 divorce: 24 Dixon Entrance: 5 dog: hunting, 150; transport, 13 Dog Eaters: secret society, 45 dog hair: use in blankets, 65 Dog Husband: 49; see also Bear Husband Dolphin Island: 6 Pouglas Channel: 5, 6 down, bird: use in ceremonial, 136 dramatic performances: 56ff.; at installation of chief, 36; at spirit encounter, 41; at taking of name, 137, 138f.; eagle's down used in, 136; of mountain-goat hunt, 149ff.; purpose, 42f., 44f., 56 drinking songs: 111, 114f., 118, 120 drums: 56, 98f. Duncan, William: 8f. Dundas Island: 13 Eagle phratry: 19; myths, 21 ear piercing: 25 ecological variation: 3f., 5f.; see also climate, fauna, flora economics: inheritance, 23, 26f.; labor, 15ff., 29f., 36; obligatory property return, 17, see also potlatch; ownership of natural resources, 14, 17, 22f., 26, 33; ownership of songs, 98, 119, 126, 129f., 133, 138f.; property exchange at marriage, 24; property rights, 14. 19, 23f.; specialization, 16, 70, 146 Edensaw, Haida chief: 100 education: 8 engraving: 58ff. Eskimo; carved columns, 69; moiety in Alaska, 18; song contests, 57 exogamy: 18, 23 Eyak: clans, 18 eye: in art, 80, 84 fasting: 40 fauna: 5f., 13; in art, 74f. feasts: singing, 114, 115, 123ff., 133, 141 feud: accounts, 21, 22; ransom, 30f. Fire-thrower dance: 45 Fireweed phratry: 19; Gitksan, 20, 114; myths, 20 fishing: 13f., 15, 29 flood myth: see deluge myth flora: 6, 10, 15 Fog Woman: 53 folklore: chiefs in, 17, 27; forts in, 11; supernaturals in, 39; see also mythology food: 13f., 15f.; as wealth, 26; storage, 10f., 146; trade, 16, 146 Fort Connelly: 7 fortifications: 11 Fort Simpson: 7 Foster, William; 106 INDEX 287 Frog-Raven phratry: 19, 22; Gitksan, 19, 100, 114 Fugitives clan: 21 fur trade: 7, 69 Gardner Channel: 19 Gauo: myth figure, 43, 51 ghosts: 52 Gilutsan: 47 Gispaxloats: 9 Gitando: 47 Gitiks: singer, 100 Gitksan: 4; chieftainship, 34 f.; language, 6; phratries, 19, 21f.; potlatch, 57; secret societies, 57; songs, 100, 107; totem poles, 58, 67; trade, 7f.; villages, 100; white contacts, 9 Gitlan: 9 Gitlaxdamks (Gitlarhdamks): 10 Gitsaxlal: 47 Gitrhatin: 99 Gitwilgoots; 47 gold: discovery of, 9, 111; work in, 64 grave markers: 69, 81 Grease Trail: 10, 16, 105 grouse: in myth, 116 Guilbert, Yvette: 98 Gulf of Georgia: 5, 58 Hagwelget: 22 Haida: art, 58, 67f., 92f., baskets, 67; canoes, 12; clans, 4, 18, 19, 20, 22; language, 6; land claims, 14; location, 5; masks, 76; metal work, 64; olachen fishing, 13; origin myths, 18f., 49, 52; position of women, 28; potlatch, 17, 57; songs, 57, 107, 120; supernatural powers, 38; totem poles, 83, 90; trade, 67, 70; trade with Tsimshian, 16; villages and chieftainship, 32; war with Tsimshian, 141, 142 Harris, Solomon: 106 Hartley Bay: 5 hats: 66f., 93 Hazelton: 9, 99 headdress, Tsimshian chief's: 67 Heiltsuq: 5, 45; clans, 18 history: 7f.; and myth, 43f., 52 Hoijer, Harry: 6 horn: in art, 74 house: construction, 10ff., 36, 69, 141, 155; decoration, 58ff., 67, 75, 81; names, 23; ownership, 23 house group: 11, 17, 22 f.; s8ee aso lineage Hudson's Bay Company: posts, 7f. humming bird: as spirit helper, 137 hunting: 6, 12f.; ceremony, 39f., 49, 149ff.; mountain goat, 13; seal and sea lion, 15f. industry: premium upon, 17 inheritance: 23, 26f., 36; by women, 28; of crests, 41; of songs, 138f.; of supernatural powers, 38f., 41f. initiation: 25, 37, 44: of women into secret societies, 28; seizures during, 41, 45; see also throwing dance inlay: copper, 64 iron: 64f., 69 ivory carving: 74 Kamchatka: song contests, 57 Kats: myth figure, 52 Killerwhale phratry: 19 Kincolith: 99; mission, 9 kingfisher: in myth, 157 kinship: 17, 22ff.; adoption, 21; exogamous divisions, 4, 18; obligations, 26, 35, 51 Kisgasas (Kisgagas): 21fn., 100 Kitasu: 5 Kitimat: 5; clans, 18; transfer of dances from, 57 Kitkatla: 3f., 47; contact with Europeans, 51; language, 6; trade from Coast Tsimshian, 16. Kitkiata: 5 Kitqa'ata: 5, 47 Kitwanga: 10, 99 Kitwinkool (Gitwinlkul): 9f. Kuinwoch: 9 Kwakiutl: art, 68, 92f.; clans, 18; masks, 76; origin myths, 18f.; potlatch, 17fn.; secret societies, 38, 45, 57; supernatural powers, 38; totem poles, 83, 91 labret: 25 Lake Babine: 7 language: 4, 6 Larahnitz, Mrs. John: 105 Laredo Channel: 5 law: 4; compensation for murder, 14; ransom, 30; trespass, 14, 17 leadership: see chiefs; lineages, heads of Legeax,: Tsimshian chief (Legyarh): 7, 9, 100 LillQoet 119 288 INDEX lineages: 22f.; heads of, 4, 14, 22, 23, 26f., 32; contractual arrangements between, 24f.; ownership of property by, 14, 19 literature: 52 loom: 66 MacMillan, Ernest: 99 marriage: 23ff.; arrangements for, 24, 37; ceremony, 24, 29; property exchange at, 24; regulated by phratries, 19; relation between spouses, 17, 23, 26, 40, 117, 124f.; rules, 18f., 126; with Haida, 142 masks: 67, 75ff.; movable, 150; use of 56, 137, 150 matrilineal organization: see clan mats: decoration, 63; use in houses, 11 McCauley Island: 6 McLeod Lake: fort on, 7 Mackenzie River: metal work, 63 medicine: herbal, 155 menstrual tabus: 40, 122 metal work: 58, 63f., 128; in tools, 69 Metlakatla: 8, 33f.; see also New Metlakatla Mink: as trickster, 50 missions: 8f. moiety: 18; in ceremony, 150 Mongolia: music, 98, 99 monsters: killing of in mythology, 43, 131; see also Nagunaks mountain-goat ceremony: 149ff. Mouse Woman: 42 Munroe, Benjamin: 99 music: instrumental, 56; see also drums, rattles, songs mythology: characteristics of Tsimshian, 41f., 49ff., 59; see also folklore, monsters, origin myths, Raven, Sky Being, etc. Nadene: 6 Nagunaks, supernatural: 20, 42 names: 23, 25; ceremony at taking of, 137, 138f., 152f.; ownership, 23, 28 Nass River: 6 naturalism: 59, 62 Nepean Sound: 5 New Metlakatla: 3; founding of, 8f. Nez Perce: 63 Nisqa (Niske): 4; chieftainship, 34f.; economic specialization, 16; language, 6; phratries, 19, 21f., 52; secret societies, 25, 34; songs, 100, 107; totem poles, 58; trade, 16; white contacts, 9 Nootka: metal work, 63f.; secret societies, 38, 58; supernatural powers, 38; trade, 70 Northwest Coast: coastal vs. interior, 5f., 98f.; languages, 5ff.; see also tribal names nose rings: 128 olachen: 13, 16, 34; trade in oil, 10 origin myths: 55; differences between northern and southern, 18; given in brief, 115f., 130, 131, 155; of Blackfish-Fireweed clans, 20f., 42; ownership, 23, 52f. ornaments: personal, 25, 58, 64, 128 Pahl: singer, 105 painting: 58ff., 67, 74, 77f., 82; see also pigments Peace River: copper deposits, 64 Pearl, Robert: 105 Penutian: 6 personality: example of during grief, 113; example of during anger, 115f.; example of at marriage, 117; of chiefs, 27 phratries: 19ff. pigments: nature and preparation, 63, 74 pipes: 69 Plains: myths, 49 Plateau: and Tsimshian folklore, 55; metal work, 63; moiety in northwestern, 18 poison: deaths due to, 157 population depletion: 70 Porcher Island: 6, 13 Port Chester: 8 Portland Canal: 5, 6, 100 Port Simpson: 3, 9, 34; secret societies at, 45; slaves owned at, 30 potlatch: as validation of prerogatives, 27, 44f.; at birth, 142, 143f., 146; at funeral, 36, 132, 152, 154, 156; chiefs in, 37; derision in, 57, 124f., 128, 129; gifts at, 30, 67, 123; invitation to, 141; obtaining property for, 17, 28; order of receiving gifts at, 28; seating at, 27 f.; women in, 28; see also feasts primogeniture: 28; see also descent Prince of Wales Island; 5, 19, 107 28s Prince Rupert: 7 Princess Royal Island: 5 property rights: see economics puberty: ceremony at, 25, 39, 40; seclusion at, 10, 16 purgatives: 40 purification: 49 Qaldo: 6; Wolf phratry at, 21 Queen Charlotte Islands: 5, 13; see also Haida Quesnel: llOf. quest, spirit: see supernatural power, acquisition of quill embroidery: 66 raiding: see war rattles: 56, 68; decoration, 75 Raven: as trickster, 50, 51, 53f., 59 Raven phratry: 19f., 22, 53 realism: see representational art religion: see supernatural power representational art: 59; 74f. Rivers Inlet: 19 Runaways clan: 21 Russian American Company: 7 Salish: language, 6; music, 98; Tsimshian contact with, 110 salmon: fishing, 16; varieties used, 13 Sapir, Edward: 6 scalping: 141 sculpture: 58ff., 67ff., 73ff. secret societies: 25, 45f, 57; womenin, 28; see also initiation sex tabus: 40 shamans: 38, 46ff.; abnormal experiences, 40f.; costume, 66; tricks, 46, 47, 56, 122; women, 16, 38 shell: decoration, 74 Siberia: carved posts, 69; drum, 98; music, 98 silver: work in, 64, 69, 128 Sinclair, Alfred: 99 Sitka: 70 Skeena River: 6 Sky Being: 43, 49, 51 Sky clans: 20 slaves: 29; as wealth, 26, 30; living quarters of, 11; relation with master, 51; restrictions upon, 25, 29 smallpox epidemics: 70 Smart, Henry: 105 snowshoes: 12f. social organization: see clan, descent, house group, kinship, marriage, phratry, tribal organization, village song contests: 57 songs: 56ff., 97ff.; types of, 106; use of, 47 soul return: by shaman, 46 spear: 148 Sqawo: myth figure, 43 Stikine River: 98 stone carving: 58, 68, 74 supernatural power: acquisition of, 38ff, 41 ff., 46; and animals, 49f.; and man, 113; carving connected with, 122; experiences with, 23, 40f.; see also secret societies, shamans Swanton, John: 52 sweat lodge: 10 Swindle Island: 5 symbols: in art, 59, 75 Tahltan: derivation of clans from, 21; music, 98; songs, 99, 107, 112 tatooing: 25 Teit, James: 99, 112 throwing dance: 37, 39, 44 Thunder Bird: 150 Tlingit: art, 58, 67f., 92f.; baskets, 66f.; chieftainship, 32; Chilkat blanket,65f., 93; clans, 4, 18, 19, 21, 22, 100; land claims, 14; location, 5; masks, 76; metal work, 64; myths, 18f., 46, 49, 52f.; olachen fishing, 13; phratries, 19; position of women, 28; potlatch, 17; property.rights, 17; songs, 106; supernatural powers, 38; totem poles, 81, 83, 90f.; trade, 16, 70; Tsimshian name for, 121; witchcraft, 48 Tongass Tlingit: 21 Tongue-licked clans: 22 Toq: singer, 105 totem poles: 58ff., 75, 80ff.; carving of, 16; development of, 67 ff.; erection of, 134, 141; styles of, 67f., 89ff. trade: 7, 16, 35, 64f., 146; see also fur trade, Grease Trail Tralahaet: singer, 100, 120 trickster: 49f. tribal organization: unique for Northwest, 33f. Tsetsaut: 22, 105, 137; song from, 117 Tsimshian: local groups of, see Coast Tsimshian, Gispaxloats, Gitlan, Gitksan, Gitrhatin, Nisqa Tsimshian, Coast: see Coast Tsimshian 290 INDEX Tsimshian Peninsula: 7 Txamsem: myth figure, 50 village: 4, 9f., 14, 18, 32f.; change in location of, 132; chieftainship, 33 war: captives as slaves, 29, 31, 149; chiefs in, 35, 37; trophies, 22, 141; between Tsimshian groups, 129; with Athapascans, 105, 137; with Haida, 141; with Tlingit, 149; see also feud Waterlily clan: 22 weaving: 65ff. whipping: 39 whistle: in ceremonies, 44, 56 Wild-rice clan: 22 Wilson, Andrew: 100 witches: 48 Wolf phratry: 19, 21 woman, position of: 16, 17, 24f., 28 wood work: 10, 12; as specialization, 16; in art, 58, 74 Xaihais: see Heiltsuq Xaisla: 45; see also Kitimat Yakutat Bay: 58 MONOGRAPHS OF THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, Inc. I. Law and Status among the Kiowa Indians, by JANE RICHARDSON. 1940. viii, 136pp. (out of print) II. 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With folded Linguistic and Tribal Map of Vancouver Island and Vicinity, drawn and compiled by VINCENT F. KOTSCHAR. $3.00. XIX. The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations 1795-1840, by JOSEPH JABLOW. 1951. x, 100pp., 2 maps, index. $2.50. PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, Inc. (in print) Vol. XVIII. The Tsimshian: their Arts and Music, in three parts by VIOLA E. GARFIELD, PAUL S. WINGERT and MARIUS BARBEAU respectively. (In press.) XIX. Arapesh, by R. F. FORTUNE. 1942. vi, 237pp. $5.00 XX. Linguistic Map of North America, C. and E. VOEGELIN. 1945. Wall size, color. $2.00 jNIVE/SJ iC, MICHIGAN 3 9015 01191 6684 DO NOT REMOVE OR MUTILATE CARD The~rPr and )hsicei 51 VOL X-VIHI