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THEI
LIFE AND TIMES
TH OAS JEFFERSON.
BY
SAMUEL M. SCHMUCKER, LL.D,
AUTHOR OF "THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS I.,"'CATHERINE II. Of RUSSIA,
"LIFE AND TIMES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON," "ARCTIC
EXPLORATIONS AND DISCOVERIES"/ ETC.
PHILADELPHIA:
JOHN E. POTTER AND COMPANY.
No. 617 SANSOM STREET.




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1857, by
J. W. BRADLEY,
[a the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for tue
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.




PREFACE.
THOMAS JEFFERSON was one of the great representative heroes of the age in which he lived. He
will always remain a very prominent and remarkable character in American history. Several biographies of him have already appeared; but they have
not satisfied the wants of the reading public on the
subject. They have all been partisan works, filled
either with indiscriminate praise, or with wholesale
censure. Thus the largest and most valuable of
these productions, that written by Professor Tucker,
is a glowing eulogy from beginning to end. Books
of this description fail to present a correct and faithful historical picture of the subjects of which they
treat.
I have endeavored in the following pages to
throw as much light as possible upon the career
and character of Mr. Jefferson; and to aid in ac(iii)




iV                PREFACE.
complishing this end, have quoted largely from his
own writings, from his Anas, his Memoirs, and his
Correspondence. It is true that these are represented by his opponents as containing many partial
and discolored statements; but this objection will
not apply to any of the quotations made in the
present work.
This book is neither a eulogy nor a tirade of
censure. It has been the aim of the writer to present both the merits and the defects of Mr. Jeffer.
son in their true light.  The chief fault of this illustrious man was a pusillanimous and morbid terror
of popular censure, and an insatiable thirsting after
popular praise. He indeed saw very clearly, what
every man of intelligence and observation must
perceive, that a large proportion of mankind are in
reality knaves and hypocrites; that vanity, selfishness, and perfidy, in various forms and under innumerable disguises, have always been the predominating qualities of human nature in every land and
age; that even the divine principles and institutions
of religion have been so perverted and distorted by
human passions as to have become, in many instances, only the convenient tools for the aggran



PREFACE.                 V
dizement of a more sanctimonious and aspiring
form of selfishness; that were it not for a desire to
preserve the "dignity of vice," resulting from the
innate pride of human nature, even the empty
boast of seeming virtue would rarely be heard, and
the reality of it would scarcely ever be seen, on the
face of the earth; in a word, that while the intellectual attributes of mankind assimilate them in
many instances with angels, their propensities and
their passions, in the majority of cases, leave an
almost imperceptible interval between themselves
and the brute creation.
Mr. Jefferson clearly perceived all this, and in his
confidential letters to his most intimate friendsone of which I have inserted in this work-he has
given utterance to his convictions on the subject.
And yet he has made himself justly liable to the
charge of insincerity and inconsistency by publicly
proclaiming, during his whole lifetime, different
and opposite sentiments; by upholding the dignity,
grandeur, and majesty of human nature; by asserting the immaculate virtue of the multitude; by
defending the infallibility of their judgments and
the perfection of their decrees; and by making
1*




Vi                 PREFACE.
himself the great apostle and champion of those
popular prerogatives which, in his inmost soul, he
held in unutterable contempt.
After having set forth this defect in the character
of Mr. Jefferson, together with the related weaknesses which naturally flowed from it, the residue
of the description of him should be commendation
of no ordinary character; it should be, that rare
praise which belongs to great talents devoted to the
accomplishment of momentous results, and that
too in the midst of imminent perils; persisted in
through many long, vexatious years; opposed by
tremendous obstacles; yet crowned at last with
complete and overwhelming success.
PHILADELPHIA, Jun, 1857.




CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAO!8
Birth of Thomas Jefferson-His Ancestors-Peter Jefferson
-Thomas Jefferson becomes a Pupil of Maury-Ile enters
William and Mary College-His Habits and Peculiarities
— Dr. William Small-Jefferson's Attachment to Miss Burwell-His Letters-Governor Fauquier —Eloquence of
Patrick Henry-Jefferson's Journey to Philadelphia and
New York-His Admission to the Bar-His Qualities as
a Lawyer —Is Elected to the Virginia House of Burgesses
-His Activity and Influence in that Body............   15
CHAPTER II.
Burning of Jefferson's Residence-His Marriage-Events of
1773-Proceedings in Rhode Island-Measures of the
Virginia House of Burgesses-Committees of Correspondence-British Aggressions-Steps of Resistance taken in
Virginia-Activity of Mr. Jefferson- The ConventionResolutions adopted by that Body-The " Summary View
of the Rights of British America"-Delegates to the first
Continental Congress-Jefferson's Resolutions in the Vir
ginia Legislature —His Answer to Lord North's Proposition...........................................       41
CHAPTER      III.
Mr. Jefferson Elected a Member of Congress-His Appointment on important Committees-His Reports-Mr. Dickinson of Pennsylvania-Mr. Jefferson prepares a Constitution and Declaration of Rights for Virginia-The Legis(vii)




frii                  CONTENTS.
PAGE
lature of Virginia recommends a Declaration of Tndependence-Mr. J fferson's Influence in Congress-Resolution
of Richard Ienry Lee-Mr. Jefferson Drafts the Original
Declaration of Independence-State of Parties in Congress
-Adoption and Promulgation of the Declaration-Excitement throughout the Colonies on the Subject-Literary
Merits of the Declaration-Its Historic Influence and Importance-Mr. Jefferson's opinion respecting it-Its Future Influence..............................         59
CHAPTER IV.
Mr. Jefferson declines a re-election to Congress-Results of
his Labors in Congress-Appointed    Commissioner to
France-He declines-He takes his seat in the Legislature of Virginia-He proposes a Law for the Reorganization of the Courts of Justice —Ie proposes a Law for the
Abolition of Entails-He proposes a Bill to overthrow the
Established Church in Virginia-Fierce Conflicts which
Ensued-The final Result-Jefferson's ultimate Triumph
-Establishment of absolute Religious Freedom in Virginia-Mr. Jefferson obtains the passage of a Law abolishing the Foreign Slave Trade in Virginia-History of that
Reform in foreign countries.........................  75
CHAPTER     V.
Proposition to Codify the Laws of Virginia-A Committee
appointed for the Purpose-Mr. Jefferson's portion of the
Task-Changes in the Law of Descents-Changes in the
Criminal Law-Meeting of the Committee-Their Report
to the Legislature-Leading Reforms introduced by Mr.
Jefferson into the Code-Religious Freedom-Abolition of
Slavery-General System   of Education-The Captive
Army of Burgoyne quartered at Charlottesville-Popular
Excitement-Useful and benevolent activity of Jefferson
in reference to the Captives..*..............    89,
CHAPTER VI.
Mr. Jefferson elected Governor of Virginia-His Measures
of Ret liation upon the British-Arrest of Henry IHamil



CONTENTS.                       1:
PAQU
ton-Washington Approves of Jefferson's MeasuresTarleton's Invasion of Virginia-Jefferson's Activity-Iis
Letter to Washington-Attack of the British on Richmond
-Schemes to capture Arnold-Their Failure-Attempt
of the British to take Jefferson at Monticello —His Escape
-Efforts made to Impeach Jefferson in the LegislatureTheir Defeat-Jefferson's Defense of his Official Acts.... 103
CHAPTER VII.
Mr. Jefferson chosen a Plenipotentiary to England-Death
of Mrs. Jefferson-Mission to England abandoned-Mr.
Jefferson elected a Delegate to Congress-Improvements
in the Currency-Washington resigns his Commission to
Congress at Annapolis-The Definitive Treaty with England-Anti-Slavery Ordinances proposed by Mr. Jefferson
in Congress in 1784-He is appointed Plenipotentiary to
France-Conferences with the French Ministry-Attempt
to negotiate a Commercial Treaty with Great Britain.... 120
CHAPTER VIII.
The Convention at Annapolis-$ummoning of the Federal
Convention-Adoption of the New Constitution-Origin
and State of Political Parties in the United States-Jefferson's Opinions in reference to the Federal ConstitutionHis Letters on the Subject-Opposing Opinions of Washington-Vox Populi, Vox Dei-Jefferson's Travels in Europe
-His Diplomatic Labors-Events of the French Revolution-Jefferson's Opinions in reference to those Events.. 147
CHAPTER IX.
The Convocation of the States-General of France-Jefferson's Description of French Parties-Jefferson's Plan for
the Settlement of the Kingdom —Iis Return to the United
States-His Reception at Monticello —He is invited by
Washington to become Secretary of State-He Accepts
the Offer-His Views on the question of Public CreditHis Reports on the Coinage, Weights, and Measures-HIis
Letter to the National Assembly of France on the Death
of Frankl'n-His Views on the United States Bank..... 166




X                       CONTENTS.
CHAPTER X.
IAtS
Disputes in the Cabinet of Washington-Jefferson's Statement of Hamilton's Views-Hamilton's Superiority-Mr.
Jefferson's purpose of Retiring-Giles' Resolutions-Jefferson's Vindication of Himself-His profound and able
Opinion in reference to the War with France-Conduct
of Genet, the French Minister-The Little DemocratGenet's Recall-Jefferson's description of his Associates
in the Cabinet...................................  186
CHAPTER XI.
Mr. Jefferson's Retirement from the Cabinet of Washington
-Ihis Motives for so Doing-His Letters to Mr. Madison
-His last Report to Congress-His Letter of Resignation
-Causes of previous Dissensions in the Cabinet-Mr.
Jefferson's Charges against Mr. Hamilton-Evidence of
their Falsehood-The National Gazette-Freneau-Mr.
Jefferson Refuses to Suppress the National Gazette-His
Return to Monticello-His celebrated Letter to MazzeiJefferson's Apology to Washington for its Strictures on
him...............................................  201
CHAPTER XII.
Mr. Jefferson elected Vice-President-His Relations to the
President-The New Cabinet-Disputes with the French
Government-American Envoys sent to Paris-Their Reception there-Mr. Jefferson's Political Creed-Indignation in the United States against France-Napoleon
Bonaparte succeeds to the French Directory, and makes
a Treaty with the United States-Termination of Mr.
Adams' Administration-The approaching Election-Dr.
Logan's private Mission to France.................... 224
CHAPTER     XIII.
Popular Excitement previous to the Election of 1801-Result of the Popular Vote-Jefferson's Letter to BurrElection in the House of Representatives-The Equality
of Votes between Jefferson and Burr-Influence of Alexander Hamilton-Election of Jefferson to the Presidency




CONTENTS.                        XI
PA~X
-His Inaugural Address-Letter to Eldredge GerryMr. Jefferson's Cabinet-His Letter to Thomas PaineMr. Livingston appointed Minister to France-War between the United States and Tripoli-Its Incidents and
Results-Mr. Jefferson's first Message to Congress-Measures of the Administration-Negotiations respecting
Louisiana..a.......s.............................O     242
CHAPTER XIV.
The Settlement of the Yazoo Claims in Alabama and Mississippi-The Purchase of Louisiana from France-Letter
of Mr. Jefferson on the subject to General Gates-Repeal
of the Bankrupt Law-Mr. Jefferson's Views on the United
States Bank-Death of Mrs. Eppes-Mr. Jefferson's Gunboat System-Results of his First Administration-Mr.
Jefferson's Motives and Excuses for a second ElectionHis Letter to Alexander I., Czar of Russia...........  264
CHAPTER XV.
The Conspiracy of Aaron Burr-The Nature of his Enterprise-Mr. Randolph's Resolution in Congress-Arrest
of Col. Burr-Incidents of the Trial-Eloquence of Wm.
Wirt-Jefferson's Prejudices against Burr-The Embargo
Law-Mr. Jefferson's last Message to Congress-Addresses
sent to Mr. Jefferson on his Retiring-Address of the
Legislature of Virginia-Inauguration of Mr. MadisonMr. Jefferson's final Return to Monticello-His Feelings
on this Occasion........................... 278
CHAPTER XVI.
Mr. Jefferson's Habits of Life in his Retirement-Incidents
of his Residence at Monticello-The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence-Mr. Jefferson's Pecuniary Difficulties-The Plan of a Lottery-Public Contributions to
his Relief-His last Sickness-His Death-Estimate of
his Character-His Religious Opinions —Defects of his
Character-His Want of Sincerity and TruthfulnessHis False Charges against Mr. Hamilton-Evidence of




X1i                      CONTENTS.
PAGm
their Falsehood-His Secret Opposition to the Federal Constitution-Novel and Absurd Grounds of his OppositionChief Difference between Jefferson and Iamilton-Conclusion.........................................  294
APPENDIX.
No. I.
A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States
of America, in General Congress Assembled, as First
Written and afterward Amended...................... 323
No. II.
Letters of John Randolph in relation to Mr. Jefferson's
Election to the Presidency........................  330
No. III.
Jefferson's Note on Mr. Bayard....................... 332
No. IV.
The solemn Declaration and Protest of the Commonwealth
of Virginia, on the Principles of the Constitution of the
United States of America, and on the Violations of them.
Written by Mr. Jefferson........................     341
No. V.
Jefferson's estimate of Federalism and Democracy........ 346
No. VI.
Jefferson's Opinion of George Washington.............. 348
No. VII.
Jefferson's Opinion of Plato.......................... 350




CONTENTS.                      Xlii
No. VIII.                      PAGB
Jefferson's Rules for the Conduct of Life............... 352
No. IX.
Jefferson's Correspondence after his Retirement........ 353
No. X.
Jefferson's Letters to the American Philosophical Society.. 354
No. XI.
Jefferson's Opinion of Bonaparte and the English Government......**....                                      356
No. XII.
Jefferson's Views on the Cession of Louisiana, in a Letter
to Captain Lewis................................    359
No. XIII.
Jefferson's Family and Descendants................. 360
No. XIV.
Jefferson's Opinions in reference to the Society of the Cincinnati............................. 361
No. XV.
Jefferson's Professions of Friendship and Secret Hostility
to Burr.......................................... 369
No. XVI.
Jefferson's Strictures on Washington's Administration..'. 376
No. XVII.
Jefferson's celebrated Letter to Mazzei...**..**oe*..  383
2








THOMAS JEFFERSON.
CHAPTER I.
BIRTH OF THOMAS JEFFERSON-HIS ANCESTORS-PETER JEFFERSON-THOMAS JEFFERSON BECOMES A PUPIL OF MAURY-HE ENTERS WILLIAM AND
MARY COLLEGE-HIS HABITS AND PECULIARITIES-DR. WILLIAM SMALL
-JEFFERSON'S ATTACHMENT TO MISS BURWELL-HIS LETTERS-GOVERNOR FAUQUIER-ELOQUENCE OF PATRICK HENRY-JEFFERSON'S JOURNEY
TO PHILADELPHIA AND NEW YORK-HIS ADMISSION TO THE BAR-HIS
QUALITIES AS A LAWYER-IS ELECTED TO THE VIRGINIA HOUSE OF BURGESSES-HIS ACTIVITY AND INFLUENCE IN THAT BODY.
VIRGINIA possesses the high distinction of being
the mother both of great empires and of great men.
From her bosom have gone forth, in successive
generations, the sturdy and enterprising myriads
who have peopled the vast domains which lie to the
south and west of her own borders; and which now
constitute so large and so important a portion of
this confederacy. She has also given birth to many
distinguished men, who, in different eras of the
past, have shed lustre on their native land by their
genius, their patriotism, and the splendor of their
achievements. Foremost among all these is Wash.
(15)




16            THE LIFE AND TIMES
ington, the most illustrious sage and hero of modern
times. It had been sufficient glory for any country
to have produced him alone. But very near that
stately and sublime personage, there stands in the
great pantheon of immortal fame another figure of
impressive and solemn presence, to whom Virginia
also gave existence,-and he is the subject of our
present history.
THoMAS JEFFERSON was born at Shadwell, in Albemarle county, on the 2d of April, 1743. His ancestors, on his father's side, were of Welsh descent;
and his immediate predecessors had been among
the earliest inhabitants of the colony of Virginia.
They enjoyed the reputation of having been intelligent, prosperous, and highly respectable citizens;
and were the possessors of considerable wealth.
The grandfather of Thomas Jefferson had three
sons. One of these died at an early age. Another
removed to the southern extremity of the State,
and there passed an unobtrusive and an obscure existence. The third, who was named Peter, had
removed from Chesterfield county where he had
been reared, to Shadwell, where Thomas, his eldest
child, was born. His wife was Jane Randolph, who
was connected with one of the oldest and most
reputable families in the colony. She was a woman of superior intelligence and amiability, and




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          17
became the wife of Peter Jefferson in 1739, at the
age of nineteen.
Peter Jefferson, the father of Thomas, had never
enjoyed many facilities for mental cultivation; yet
his natural talents were of a superior grade, and his
industry in the pursuit of knowledge had been so
persevering, while his judgment was regarded as so
correct, that he was selected to perform the task of
ascertaining and settling the boundary line between
the territories of Virginia and North Carolina. His
associate in this responsible task was Joshua Fry,
the professor of mathematics in William and Mary
College.
When five years old, Thomas Jefferson commenced his youthful studies at an English school.
At nine he began the acquisition of the Latin,
Greek, and French languages under the direction
of a Scotch clergyman named Douglass. Peter Jefferson died in 1757, leaving two sons and six daughters. But they were not destitute; for to each of
them their deceased parent had devised an estate.
The plantation called Shadwell, where he first saw
the light, was the portion which fell to the lot of
the subject of this memoir-it also embraced the
farm of Monticello.
After his father's death Thomas became the pupil
of Mr. Maury, an eminent classical scholar of that
2*




18            THE LIFE AND TIMES
day; and under his careful tuition he remained
during two years. At this period he was already
remarkable for his great industry, and for the rapid
progress which he made in his studies. He seemed
to possess an intuitive fondness for intellectual pursuits; yet he frequently took great delight in the
exercise and diversion of hunting, for which the
neighboring mountains, which traverse a portion of
Albemarle county, furnished the most favorable opportunities.
In 1760, when seventeen years of age, Jefferson
passed from the tuition of Mr. Maury to the higher
studies and advantages of William and Mary College.
He had been well prepared for the labors of this new
sphere by the thorough instruction imparted to him
by his former preceptors. He remained two years in
connection with this institution, which was situated
then as now at the city of Williamsburg; which place
Jetferson, in his earlier letters to his most intimate
friends, designated by the somewhat satirical epithet
of " Devilsburg."
Respecting his pursuits and studies while at this
institution Jefferson himself has furnished the most
satisfactory account in his "Memoir."  Says he:
"It was my great good fortune, and what probably
fixed the destinies of my life, that Dr. William
Small of Scotland was the professor of mathema



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          19
tics, a man profound in most of the useful branches
of science, with a happy talent of communication,
correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged
and liberal mind. He, most happily for me, became
soon attached to me, and made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school; and from
his conversation I got my first views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which
we are placed. Fortunately, the philosophical chair
became vacant soon after my arrival at college, and
he was appointed to fill it, per interim; and he was
the first who ever gave, in that college, regular lectures in ethics, rhetoric, and belles lettres. He returned to Europe in 1762, having previously filled
up the measure of his goodness to me, by procuring
for me, from his most intimate friend, George
Wythe, a reception as a student at law, under his
direction, and introduced me to the acquaintance
and familiar table of Governor Fauquier, the ablest
man who had ever filled that office. With him, and
at his table, Dr. Small and Mr. Wythe, his amici
omnium horarum, and myself, formed a partie guarre,
and to the habitual conversations on these occasions
I owed much instruction. Mr. Wythe continued
to be my faithful and beloved Mentor in eouth, and
my most affectionate friend through life. INt 1767,
he led me into the practice of the law at the bar of




20            THE LIFE AND TIMES
the general court, at which I continued until the
Revolution shut up the courts of justice."
During the period of his residence at William
and Mary College Jefferson was remarkable for the
same habits of application, and for the same proficiency in his studies which he had previously displayed. His chief amusement was playing on the
violin, in which agreeable art he acquired considerable skill. Iis letters of this date, also furnish
satisfactory proof that the future victor over British
despotism was himself vanquished by the potent
power of Cupid; and that he became even desperately
in love. The object of his adoration was Miss Rebecca
Burwell, a young lady of good family, and of considerable intelligence and beauty. For a time his
ardent suit seemed to prosper. The lady bestowed
upon her admirer a watch-paper containing her portrait. But this treasure, which Jefferson highly
prized, was destined to be as evanescent as her love,
for it was destroyed by the rain.
We will here introduce the only specimens of the
early epistolary writings of the future statesman of
Virginia, which are now in existence. They are
valuable both as being illustrative of his style of
thought and expression at this youthful period, and
as containing details of his life and experiences
which throw considerable light on his feelings, char



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         21
acter and pursuits. They were addressed to John
Page, afterward Governor Page, of Virginia; and
were furnished by his son to one of the biographers
of Mr. Jefferson.
"FAIRFIELD, December 25, 1762.' DEAR PAGE:
" This very day, to others the day of greatest mirth
and jolity, sees me overwhelmed with more and
greater misfortunes than have befallen a descendant
of Adam for these thousand years past I am sure;
and perhaps, after excepting Job, since the creation
of the world. I think his misfortunes were somewhat greater than mine: for although we may be
pretty nearly on a level in other respects, yet, I
thank my God, I have the advantage of brothel
Job in this, that Satan has not as yet put forth hit
hand to load me with bodily afflictions. You must
know, dear Page, that I am now in a house surrounded with enemies who take counsel together
against my soul; and when I lay me down to rest,
they say among themselves,'Come, let us destroy
him.' I am sure if there is such a thing as a Devil
in this world, he must have been here last night
and have had some hand in contriving what happened to me. Do you think the cursed rats (at his
instigation, I suppose) did not eat up my pocketbook, which was in my pocket, within a foot of my




22            TIHE LIFE AND TIMES
head? And not contented with plenty for the pre.
sent, they carried away my jemmy-worked silk
garters, and half a dozen new minuets I had just
got, to serve, I suppose, as provision for the winter.
But of this I should not have accused the Devil,
(because, you know rats will be rats, and hunger,
without the addition of his instigations, might have
urged them to do this,) if something worse, and
from a different quarter, had not happened. You
know it rained last night, or if you do not know it,
I am sure I do. When I went to bed, I laid my
watch in the usual place, and going to take her up,
after I arose this morning, I found her in the same
place, it's true, but! Quantum mutatus ab illo' all
afloat in water, let in at a leak in the roof of the
house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat
my pocket-book. Now, you know, if chance had
had any thing to do in this matter, there were a
thousand other spots where it might have chanced
to leak as well as at this one, which was perpendicularly over my watch. But I'll tell you; it's my
opinion that the Devil came and bored the hole over
it on purpose. Well, as I was saying, my poor
watch had lost her speech. I should not have cared
much for this, but something worse attended it; the
subtle particles of the water with which the case
was filled, had, by their penetration, so overcome




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          23
the cohesion of the particles of the paper, of which
my dear picture and watch-paper were composed,
that, in attempting to take them out to dry them,
good God! Mens horret referre! my cursed fingers
gave them such a rent as, I fear, I shall never get
over. This, cried I, was the last stroke Satan had
in reserve for me; he knew I cared not for any
thing else he could do to me, and was determind to
try this last most fatal expedient.'Multis fortune
vulneribus, percussus, huic uni me imparem sensi, et
penits suecubui!' I would have cried bitterly, but
I thought it beneath the dignity of a man, and a
man too who had read dv yov, W,  V Etsi P'wt, e es'x.,Etvw. However, whatever misfortunes may attend
the picture or lover, my hearty prayers shall be,
that all the health and happiness which Heaven can
send may be the portion of the original, and that
so much goodness may ever meet with what may be
most agreeable in this world, as I am sure it must
be in the next. And now, although the picture be
defaced, there is so lively an image of her imprinted
in my mind, that I shall think of her too often, I
fear, for my peace of mind; and too often, I am
sure, to get through old Coke this winter; for God
knows I have not seen him since I packed him up
in my trunk in Williamsburg. Well, Page, I do
wish the Devil had old Coke, for I am sure I never




24           THE LIFE AND TIMES
was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in my life.
What! are there so few inquietudes tacked to this
momentary life of ours, that we must need be loading ourselves with a thousand more? Or, as brother
Job says, (who, by-the-by, I think, began to whine a
little under his afflictions,)'Are not my days few?
Cease, then, that I may take comfort a little before
I go whence I shall not return, even to the land of
darkness and the shadow of death." But the old
fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and
gain knowledge to make us happy and be admired.
Mere jargon! Is there any such thing as happiness
in this world? No. And as for admiration, I am
sure the man who powders most, perfumes most,
embroiders most, and talks most nonsense, is most
admired. Though to be candid, there are some who
have too much good sense to esteem such monkeylike animals as these, in whose formation, as the
saying is, the tailors and barbers go halves with God
Almighty; and since these are the only persons
whose esteem is worth a wish, I do not know but
that, upon the whole, the advice of these old fellows
may be worth following.
" You cannot conceive the satisfaction it would
give me to have a letter from you. Write me very
circumstantially every thing which happened at the
wedding. Was she there? because, if she was, I




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          25
ought to have been at the Devil for not being there
too. If there is any news stirring in town or
country, such as deaths, courtships, or marriages,
in the circle of my acquaintance, let me know it.
Remember me affectionately to all the young ladies
of my acquaintance, particularly the Miss Burwells
and Miss Potters, and tell them that though that
heavy earthly part of me, my body, be absent, the
better half of me, my soul, is ever with them; and
that my best wishes shall ever attend them. Tell
Miss Alice Corbin that I verily believe the rats
knew I was to win a pair of garters from her, or
they never would have been so cruel as to carry
mine away. This very consideration makes me so
sure of the bet, that I shall ask every body I see
from that part of the world what pretty gentleman
is making his addresses to her. I would fain ask
the favor of Miss Becca Burwell to give me another watch paper of her own cutting, which I
should esteem much more, though it were a plain
round one, than the nicest in the world cut by
other hands-however, I am afraid she would think
this presumption, after my suffering the other tc
get spoiled. If you think you can excuse me to
her for this, I should be glad if you would ask her.
Tell Miss Sukey Potter that I heard, just before 1
came out of town, that she was offended with me
8




26            THE LIFE AND TIMES
about something, what it is I do not know; but
this I know, that I never was guilty of the least
disrespect to her in my life, either in word or deed;
as far from it as it has been possible for one to be.
I suppose when we meet next, she will be endeavoring to repay an imaginary affront with a real one;
but she may save herself the trouble, for nothing
that she can say or do to me shall ever lessen her
in my esteem; and I am determined always to look
upon her as the same honest-hearted, good-humored, agreeable lady I ever did. Tell-tell-in
short, tell them all ten thousand things more than
either you or I can now or ever shall think of as
long as we live.'" My mind has been so taken up with thinking
of my acquaintances, that, till this moment, I
almost imagined myself in Williamsburg, talking
to you in our old unreserved way; and never observed, till I turned over the leaf, to what an immoderate size I had swelled my letter-however, that
I may not tire your patience by further additions, I
will make but this one more, that I am sincerely
and affectionately,
Dear Page, your friend and servant.
"P. S. I am now within an easy day's ride of
Shadwell, whither I shall proceed in two or three
days."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         27
"SHADWELL, Jan. 20th, 1763.
"DEAR PAGE:
"To tell you the plain truth, I have not a syllable
to write to you about. For I do not conceive that
any thing can happen in my world which you would
give a curse to know, or I either. All things here
appear to me to trudge on in one and the same
round: we rise in the morning that we may eat
breakfast, dinner and supper, and go to bed again
that we may get up the next morning and do the
same: so that you never saw two peas more alike
than our yesterday and to-day. Under these circumstances, what would   you have me    say?
Would you that I should write nothing but truth?
I tell you I know nothing that is true. Or would
you rather that I should write you a pack of lies?
Why, unless they were more ingenious than I am
able to invent, they would furnish you with little
amusement. What can I do then? nothing, but
ask you the news in your world. How have you
done since I saw you? How did Nancy look at
you when you danced with her at Southall's?
Have you any glimmering of hope? How does R.
B. do? Had I better stay here and do nothing, or
go down and do less? or, in other words, had I
better stay here while I am here, or go down that I
may have the pleasure of sailing up the river again




28           THE LIFE AND TIMES
in a full-rigged flat? Inclination tells me to go,
receive my sentence, and be no longer in suspense:
but reason says, if you go, and your attempt proves
unsuccessful, you will be ten times more wretched
than ever. In my last to you, dated Fairfield, Dec.
25, I wrote to you of the losses I had sustained;
in the present I may mention one more, which is
the loss of the whites of my eyes, in the room of
which I have got reds, which gives me such exquisite pain that I have not attempted to read any
thing since a few days after Jack Walker went
down; and God knows when I shall be able to do
it. I have some thoughts of going to Petersburg,
if the actors go there in May. If I do, I do not
know but I may keep on to Williamsburg, as the
birth night will be near. I hear that Ben Harrison
has been to Wilton: let me know his success.
Have you an inclination to travel, Page? because
if you have, I shall be glad of your company. For
you must know that as soon as the Rebecca (the
name I intend to give the vessel above mentioned)
is completely finished, I intend to hoist sail and
away. I shall visit particularly England, Holland,
France, Spain, Italy, (where I would buy me a good
fiddle,) and Egypt, and return through the British
provinces to the Northward, home. This to be
sure, would take us two or three years, and if we




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         29
should not both be cured of love in that time, I
think the Devil would be in it. After desiring you
to remember me to acquaintances below, male and
female, I subscribe myself,
Dear Page, your friend and servant."
"SHADWELL, July 15th, 1765.
" DEAR PAGE:
"Yours of May 30th came safe to hand. The
rival you mentioned I know not whether to think
formidable or not, as there has been so great an
opening for him during my absence. I say has
been, because I expect there is one no longer,
since you have undertaken to act as my attorney.
You advise me to go immediately and lay siege in
form. You certainly did not think, at the time
you wrote this, of that paragraph in my lettei
wherein I mentioned to you my resolution of going
to Britain. And to begin an affair of that kind
now, and carry it on so long a time in form, is by
no means a proper plan. No, no, Page; whatever
assurances I may give her in private of my esteem
for her, or whatever assurances I may ask in return
from her, depend on it-they must be kept in private. Necessity will oblige me to proceed in a
method which is not generally thought fair; that
of treating with a ward before obtaining the appro3*




30            THE LIFE AND TIMES
bation of her guardian. I say necessity will oblige
me to it, because I never can bear to remain in
suspense so long a time. If I am to succeed, the
sooner I know it, the less uneasiness I shall have to
go through. If I am to meet with a disappointment, the sooner I know it, the more of life I shall
have to wear it off: and if I do meet with one, I
hope in God, and verily believe, it will be the last.
I assure you, that I almost envy you your present
freedom; and if Belinda will not accept of my service, it shall never be offered to another. That she
may, I pray most sincerely; but that she will, she
never gave me reason to hope. With regard to my
not proceeding in form, I do not know how she
may like it. I am afraid not much. That her guardians would not, if they should know of it, is very
certain. But I should think that if they were consulted after I return, it would be sufficient. The
greatest inconvenience would be my not having the
liberty of visiting so freely. This is a subject
worth your talking over with her; and I wish you
would, and would transmit to me your whole confab
at length. I should be scared to death at making
her so unreasonable a proposal as that of waiting
until I return from Britain, unless she could first be
prepared for it. I am afraid it will make my
chance of succeeding considerably worse. But the




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          31
event at last must be this, that if she consents, I
shall be happy; if she does not, I must endeavor
to be as much so as possible. I have thought a
good deal on your case; and as mine may perhaps
be similar, I must endeavor to look on it in the
same light in which I have often advised you to
look on yours. Perfect happiness, I believe, was
never intended by the Deity to be the lot of one
of his creatures in this world; but that he has very
much put in our power the nearness of our approaches to it, is what I have steadfastly believed.
"'The most fortunate of us, in our journey
through life, frequently meet with calamities and
misfortunes which may greatly afflict us; and, to
fortify our minds against the attacks of these calamities and misfortunes, should be one of the principal studies and endeavors of our lives. The only
method of doing this is to assume a perfect resignation to the Divine will, to consider that whatever
does happen, must happen; and that by our uneasiness, we cannot prevent the blow before it does
fall, but we may add to its force after it has fallen.
These considerations, and others such as these, may
enable us in some measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way; to bear up with a tolerable degree of patience under this burthen of life;
and to proceed with a pious and unshaken resigna



82            THE LIFE AND TIMES
tion, till we arrive at our journey's end, when we
may deliver up our trust into the hands of Iim who
gave it, and receive such reward as to IIim shall
seemed proportioned to our merit.  Such, dear
Page, will be the language of the man who considers his situation in this life, and such should be
the language of every man who would wish to
render that situation as easy as the nature of it will
admit. Few things will disturb him at all: nothing
will disturb him much.' If this letter was to fall into the hands of some
of our gay acquaintance, your correspondent and
his solemn notions would probably be the subjects
of a great deal of mirth and raillery, but to you, I
think, I can venture to send it. It is in effect a
continuation of the many conversations we have
had on subjects of this kind; and I heartily wish
we could now continue these conversations face to
face. The time will not be very long now before
we may do it, as I expect to be in Williamsburg by
the first of October, if not sooner. I do not know
that I shall have occasion to return, if I can rent
rooms in town to lodge in; and to prevent the inconvenience of moving my lodgings for the future,
I think to build: no castle though, I assure you:
only a small house, which shall contain a room for
myself and another for you, and no more, unless




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          33
Belinda should thilk proper to favor us with her
company, in which case, I will enlarge the plan as
much as she pleases. Make my compliments to her
particularly, as also to Sukey Potter, Judy Burwell,
and such others of my acquaintance as inquire after
me. I am,
Dear Page, your sincere friend," &c.' WILLIAMSBURG, October 7, 1763.
"DEAR PAGE:
"In the most melancholy fit that ever any poor
soul was, I sit down to write to you. Last night,
as merry as agreeable company and dancing with
Belinda in the Apollo could make me, I never
could have thought the succeeding sun would have
seen me so wretched as I now am! I was prepared
to say a great deal: I had dressed up in my own
mind, such thouglhts as occurred to me, in as moving language as I knew how, and expected to have
performed in a tblerably creditable manner. But,
good God! When I had an opportunity of venting
them, a few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder, and interrupted with pauses of unconmmon
length, were the too visible marks of my strange
confusion! The whole confab I will tell you, word
for word, if I can, when I see you, which God send
may be soon. Affairs at W. and M. are in the




34            THE LIFE AND TIMES
greatest confusion.  Walker, M'Clurg and Wat
Jones are expelled pro tempore, or, as Horrox softens
it, rusticated for a month. Lewis Burwell, Warner
Lewis, and one Thompson have fled to escape flagellation. I should have excepted Warner Lewis,
who came off of his own accord. Jack Walker
leaves town on Monday. The court is now at hand,
which I must attend constantly, so that unless you
come to town, there is little probability of my meeting with you any where else. For God's sake come.
I am, dear Page,
Your sincere friend," &c.
Jefferson is described at this period as having been
very tall, thin and raw-boned. His hair was red,
his features were sharp and pointed, and his face
was freckled. Yet, to counterbalance these disadvantages, his countenance was very intelligent and
expressive, his conversation was lively and entertaining, and not a few indications were constantly
given, both by his language and by his actions,
of the possession of a superior and a powerful intellect.
During the college terms of Jefferson, he was an
acquaintance and favorite of Mr. Farquier, at that
time the British governor of the colony. This gentleman was remarkable for his superior talents, his




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          35
literary acquirements, and his polished manners.
From these qualities of his friend Jefferson derived
much benefit; for being thrown into frequent and
kindly intercourse with the governor, he was enabled
to improve himself by imitating so excellent a
model. But Governor Farquier had other peculiarities which were not so commendable. These
were his approval of infidel sentiments, both in
philosophy and in religion, and an excessive fondness for gambling. It is not improbable that the frequent conversations which occurred between Jefferson and his accomplished fiiend may have resulted
in a similarity of opinions to some extent, and may
have laid the foundation for that boldness of speculation which characterized Jefferson throughout his
whole life. It does not appear, however, that he
imitated the governor in his devotion to the vice of
gaming.
Mr. Jefferson was still a student of William and
Mary College when the memorable dispute began
between Great Britain and the Colonies. A young
man of his superior intelligence would very naturally take a deep interest in such a controversy.
Accordingly he embraced every opportunity to
attend the sittings of the Virginia House of Bur.
gesses, and listened to the debates which there took
place in. reference to the encroachments and prero



4^6  ~     THE LIFE AND TIMES
gatives of the British monarch. It was in May,
1765, that he first heard the unrivalled alnd tlhrilling
eloquence of Patrick Henry, the Mirabeau of tle
American Revolution. Jefferson always contended
that, during his whole subsequent lif, he had never
listened to so powerful and so consumnmate an oration as Hentry delivered on that occasion. Whether
this estimate of the oratorical abilities of this celebrated man was just; or whether much allowance
should be nmade for tlhe profound impression which
such an unusual display would make up(on a young
and susceptible person who was then unfamiliar
with the triumphs of tlat great art, it is difficult
now to determine. At any rate, the whole soul of
Jefferson was then already enlisted in behalf of the
independence and the rights of the colonies, and his
ardor in the cause continued from that period without abatement.
At length having completed his studies at William and Mary College, Jefferson returned to Shadwell. lIe employed his first leisure in making a
journey to Philadelphia and New York, the object
of which was to obtain inoculation for the smallpox, and to enlarge his acquaintance with the colonies and their chief cities. He traveled three hundred miles in a one-horse chaise; and the inconveniences which attended locomotion at that period




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.            37
may be inferred from the fact that, in a si. Yle journey, lie was frequently drenched with rain, and was
several times in danger of being drowned when fording the streams which had been swollen by the rains.
Immediately on his return from  this excursion,
Jefferson was elected a justice of the peace of Albemarle county, having subsequently completed his
legal studies under Mr. WVythe, and having been admitted to practice as an attorney in 1767.    As
already stated in the extract quoted from his " Memoir," Jefferson established himself at Williamsburg. Seven years were passed by hinm in the quiet
performance of his professional labors. He exlibited the same qualities as a lawyer which marked
lrim previously as a student, and which adorned him
subsequently as a statesman. Ile was not brilliant
or showy in his forensic efforts; but he was laborious, thorough and learned. IIis manuscript notes
gave abundant evidence that he prepared his cases
with the most patient research. lie was gradually
advancing to a prominent position among the ablest
lawyers of Virginia, at the periodwhen the revolutionary struggle called him away to a higher and
more important sphere.*   As a speaker, Jefferson
* The language of William Wirt on this subject is explicit: says
he-" Permit me to correct an error which seems to have prevailed.
It has been thought that Mr. Jefferson made no figure at the Bar;
4




88              THE LIFE AND TIMES
could never have been eminent. Htis voice had
neither compass, flexibility, or power. But as a
writer and thinker his great superiority was clearly
manifest on every occasion, and it was not without
sufficient reason that he was subsequently selected
from among the large body of able and distinguished
men who comprosed the Continental Congress, to
compose the immortal magna charta of a nation's
freedom.'When twenty-six years of age, in 1769, Jefferson
was elected a member of the Virginia HIouse of
Burgesses for the county of Albemarle.    From  the
roment that lie entered this important body he
became remarkable for his industry, his promineince, and the decisive stanld which lie took either
in the proposal or in the support of patriotic measures.  Only a short time previous to this period,
the British parliament bad passed resolutions which
severely condemned the stand whicl the Legislature of Massachusetts had taken against tlhe growing encroachments of British tyrannly. The Legislature of Virginia, on the receipt of this information,
adopted   a series of resolutions in    which they
but the case was far otherwise. There are still extant, in his own
fair and neat hand, in the manner of his master, a number of arguments which were delivered by him at the Bar upon some of the
most intricate questions of the law; which, if they shall ever see the
light, will vindicate his claims to the first honors of the profession."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          39
boldly declared that the right to levy taxes in Virginia belonged exclusively to themselves; that they
possessed, and that they should always exercise, the
privilege of petitioning the king for a redress of
grievances; and they further declared, that the
transportation to England of persons accused of
treason in the colonies, in order there to be tried,
was illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust. In the
discussion and the passage of these resolutions, Mr.
Jefferson took a decided and prominent part.
No sooner were the resolutions passed than the
governor, Lord Bottetourt, dissolved the Assembly.
A crisis had at length arrived, and it now became
the duty of the friends of liberty to take a resolute
and determined course. Indecisive measures were
no longer available. The next day a large number
of the members of the dissolved legislature met
at the Raleigh Tavern in Williamsburg, and
formed an association for the purpose of carrying
forward and completing the movement which had
already been begun. These persons pledged their
honors not to import or purchase certain specified
articles of British merchandise, as long as the act
of parliament authorizing the taxation of the colonies remained unrepealed. Eighty-eight members of
the legislature signed this compact, and among the
number were George Washington, Patrick Henry,




40            THE LIFE AND TIMES
IRicliard Henry Lee, and Thomas Jefferson. Thus
was the first decisive stand taken in Virginia against
British despotism by an an association of patriots,
all the most prominent of whom were young men,
whose names and abilities were as yet almost
wholly unknown to the country.
It was also during this first term of his service
in the legislature, that Mr. Jefferson proposed the
adoption of measures having reference to the subject of negro slavery. He did not urge the general
manumission of the slaves, as has sometimes been
asserted; but he suggested that the restrictions
which then existed, and which prevented owners
fiom conferring freedom on their slaves when they
even desired so to do, should be removed. Yet his
efforts were fruitless; and it was only in 1782 that
even this cautious and limited policy was allc wed to
prevail.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.                41
CHAPTER II.
BURNING OF JEFFERSON'S RESIDENCE-HIS MARRIAGE-EVENTS OF 1773PROCEEDI)NGS IN RHODE ISLAND-MEASURES OF THE VIRGINIA HOUSE
-OF BURGESSES-COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE-BRITISH AGGRESSIONS-STEPS OF RESISTANCE TAKEN IN VIRGINIA-ACTIVITY OF MR.
JEFFERSON-THE CONVENTION-RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THAT BODY
-THE " SUMMARY VIEW OF THE RIGHTS OF BRITISH AMERICA"-DELEGATES TO THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS-JEFFERSON'S RESOLUTIONS IN THE VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE-HIS ANSWER TO LORD NORTH'S
PROPOSITION.
THE year 1770 opened with the occurrence of a
personal calamity of no small moment to Mr. Jefferson.   His residence at Shadwell, where he had
spent his youth, and which was then the abode of
his widowed mother, was burnt to the ground.
This misfortune occurred during his absence, and
his loss was not confined simply to the destruction
of the edifice.    Htis library, for which    he had
paid about a thousand dollars, and all his manuscripts, notes, and papers fell a prey to the flames.
Not a solitary piece of writing remained.    The loss
of his law books was particularly severe, inasmuch
as they could not be easily replaced, and that loss
greatly exceeded their nominal value.
The following letter was written by young Jef4*




42           THE LIFE AND TIMES
ferson in reference to this calamity, to his intimate
friend Pagee; and throws much light upon the nature of hismisfortune, and the feelings with which
he endured it.
"CHARLOTTESVILLE, Feb. 21, 1770.
"DEAR PAGE:
"I am to acquaint Mrs. Page of the loss of my
favorite pullet; the consequence of which will
readily occur to her. I promised also to give her
some Virginia silk which I had expected, and I
begin to wish my expectation may not prove vain.
I fear she will think me but an ungainly acquaintance. My late loss may perhaps have reached you
by this time; I mean the loss of my mother's house
by fire, and in it of every paper I had in the world,
and almost every book. On a reasonable estimate
I calculate the cost of the books burned to have
been ~200 sterling. Would to God it had been the
money, then had it never cost me a sigh! To make
the loss more sensible, it fell principally on my
books of Common Law, of which I have but one
left, at that time lent out. Of papers too of every
kind I am utterly destitute. All of these, whether
public or private, of business or of amusement,
have perished in the flames. I had made some
progress in preparing for the succeeding General
Court; and having, as was my custom, thrown my




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          43
thoughlts into the form of notes, I troubled my head
no nmore with them. These are gone, and like the
baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a trace belind.
The records also, and other papers which furnished
me with states of the several cases, having shared
the same fate, I have no foundation whereon to set
out anew. I have in vain attempted to recollect
some of them; the defect sometimes of one, sometimes of more circumstances, rendering them so
imperfect, that I can male nothing of them. What
am I to do then in April?  The resolution which
the court has declared of admitting no continuances
of causes seemed to be unalterable; yet it might
surely be urged, that my case is too singular to
admit of their being often troubled with the like
excuse. Should it be asked, what are the misfortunes of an individual to a court? The answer of
a court, as well as of an individual, if left to me,
Should be in the words of Terence, "homo sum;
ihumani nil a me alienum puto" —but a truce with
this disagreeable subject.
"Am I never more to have a letter fiom you?
Wbhy the devil don't you write?  But I suppose
you are always in the moon, or some of the planletarv regions. I mean you are there in idea; and
unlaess you mend, you shall have my consent to be
there de facto; at least, during the vacations of the




44            THE LIFE AND TIMES
Court of Assembly. If your spirit is too elevated
to advert to sublunary subjects, depute my friend Mrs.
Page to support your correspondences. Methinks 1
should, with wonderful pleasure, open and peruse a
letter written by so fair, and (what is better) so
friendly hands. If thinking much of you would entitle me to the civility of a letter, I assure you I nmerit
a very long one. If this conflagration, by which I
am burned out of a home, had come befbre I had
advanced so far in preparing another, I do not
know but I might have cherished some treasonable
thoughts of leaving these my native hills; indeed I
should be much happier were I nearer to Rosewell
and Severn hills-however, the gods, I fancy, were
apprehensive that if we were placed together, we
should pull down the moon, or play some such
devilish prank with their works. I reflect often
with pleasure on the philosophical evenings I passed
at Rosewell in my last visits there. I was always
fond of philosophy, even in its drier forms; but
from a ruby lip, it comes with charms irresistible.
Such a feast of sentiment must exhilarate and
lengthen life, at least as much as the feast of the
sensualist shortens it-in a word, I prize it so
highly, that, if you will at any time collect the
same Belle Assemblee, on giving me three (lays
previous notice, I shall certainly repair te -v place




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          45
as a member of it. Should it not happen before I
come down, I will carry Sally Nicholas in the green
chair to Newquarter, where your periagua (how th(
should I spell that word?) will meet us, automaton-like, of its own accord. You know I had a
wagon which moved itself-cannot we construct a
boat then which shall row itself? Amicus noster,
Fons, quo modo agit, et quid agit?  You may be all
dead for any tling we can tell here. I expect he
will follow the good old rule of driving one passion
out by letting another in. Clavum clavo panyere
was your atdvice to me on a similar occasion. I
hope you will watch his immersion as narrowly as
if lhe were one of Jupiter's satellites; and give me
imrmediate notice, that I may prepare a dish of
advice. I do not mean, Madam, to advise hiln
against it. On the contrary, I am become an advocate for the passion; for I too am coela tactus, Currus
bene se habet. Ile speaks, thinks, and dreams of
nothing but his young son. This friend of ours,
Page, in a very small house, with a table, half a
dozen chairs, and one or two servants, is the happiest man in the universe. Every incident in life
he so takes as to render it a source of pleasure.'With as much benevolence as the heart of a man
will hold, but with an utter neglect of the costly
apl-aratus of life, he exhibits to the world a new




46            THE LIFE AND TIMES
phenomenon in philosophy-the Samian sage in the
tub of the cynic. Name me sometimes homunculo
tuo, not forgetting little die mendacium. I am determined not to enter on the next page, lest I
slhould extend this nonsense to the bottom of that
also. A dieu je vous commis, not doubting his care
of you both."
Nevertheless, he immediately set to work to
remedy the misfortune as rapidly as possible. Several years then passed away in the performance of
his professional duties. On the 1st of January,
1772, he was married to Mrs. Martha Skelton, the
widow of Bathurst Skelton. She was the daughter
of John Wayles, a prominent member of the Virginia Bar. This gentleman died in 1773, and left a
large estate, one-third of which fell to the lot of
Mr. Jefferson. This union proved to be a peculiarly happy one, and during many subsequent years
became the source of the utmost domestic enjoyment to both parties.
During 1772 the political storms which had previously begun to agitate the country to some extent
subsided, in consequence of the partial repeal of
the obnoxious duties formerly imposed by the British parliament. New causes of discontent arose in
Rhode Island, in 1773. A Cuurt of Inquiry wNas




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           47
held in that province, vested with power to send
persons accused of treason to England for trial. It
had already become the determined purpose of Jefferson, and a few congenial spirits in Virginia, to
take advantage of every occasion to keep alive the
spirit of resistance to British tyranny in the colonies, as being preparatory to the final great act of
entire and absolute separation. Accordingly, aa
soon as information of the'proceedings of Rhode
Island had reached Virginia, a few prominent mermbers of the legislature, then in session at Williamsburg, determined to bring this matter before that
body. Previous to taking this step, however, they
met privately at the Raleigh Tavern, on the 11th of
March, 1773, to deliberate on the measures which it
behooved them to adopt. The leaders of this movement were Jefferson, Patrick Henry, R. H. Lee, F.
L. Lee, and Dabney Carr. These patriots adopted
the plan of appointing Committees of Correspondence between the legislatures of the different colonies. The ultimate aim of these committees was
to propose the meeting of deputies from all the
colonies in a general Congress. Mr. Jefferson was
appointed to draft a series of resolutions recommending to the legislature the appointment of such
committees; and also another resolution requesting
an inquiry to be made in. reference to the obnoxious




48            THE LIFE AND TIMES
and tyrannical proceedings which had but recently
occurred in Rhode Island. Mr. Dabney Carr was
selected, in consequence of his superior oratorical
abilities, to offer the resolutions in the legislature,
and to support them by his eloquence.
Accordingly, on the next morning, the resolutions
were proposed by Mr. Carr in the House of Burgesses, and were supported by him with extraordinary pathos and fervor. They were adopted unianirmously on the same day. The support given to
these resolutions by Mr. Carr at once raised him to
a high eminlence among his distinguished associates;
and a very brilliant future was naturally predicted
for him. But his name never once occurs again in
the stirring history of those times. IIe died suddenly and unexpectedly only two months after the
passage of the resolutions.
But though Mr. Carr himself vanished so quickly
from the scene, the influence and the rich results of
his activity remained. The legislature was immediately dissolved by the governor in consequence of
these events; yet his measures were utterly impotent to stop the mighty tide of popular feeling which
had already begun to flow. The committee of correspondence was immediately appointed. They organized themselves without delay, and commenced
operations.  They prepared a circular, copies of




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          49
which they addressed to the chairmen of the legislatures of the various colonies, and these they dispatched, without delay, to their respective destinations by expresses. The consequence of these neasures was, that similar committees of correspondence
were appointed by all the different colonies; a
channel of direct communication was thus opened
between them; an interchange of sentiment and of
purpose took place; energetic plans were discussed;
unity of purpose was introduced; and the grand
result followed that, in the ensuing year, the general
Congress assembled to deliberate upon the great
questions of political life and death, which then
agitated the whole continent.
It is true that the first idea of appointing a committee of correspondence between the colonies was due,
not to the patriots of Virginia, but to those of
Massachusetts. In 1765, immediately after the passage of the Stamp Act, the legislature of that State
proposed a meeting of deputies from the several
colonies to consult together on their common difficulties. And subsequently, in 1770, a similar resolution was adopted by the same body. But it is also
true, that these resolutions were in neither case practically carried out. They remained in substance a
dead letter. But Virginia possesses the credit not only
of following this excellent example, but also of being
5




50            THE LIFE AND TIMES
the first to execute the resolutions thus adopted,
To Massachusetts belongs the honor of first suggesting this admirable plan of furthering the aims of
freedom; to Virginia that of giving that plan prac.
tical fulfillment and efficacy.
Other difficulties soon arose between England
and her incensed colonies. In consequence of the
diminution of trade between the two countries, a
vast amount of tea had accumulated in the warehouses of the East India Company. This immense
monopoly was a favorite of the British government;
and it obtained permission to transport their tea to
the American ports free of duty, on the unjust condition that, on its arrival at its destination, a duty
of three-pence per pound should be paid. This
unfair arrangement at once threw the inhabitants
of Massachusetts into a state of intense indignationo
The first cargo was totally destroyed in December,
1773. As a measure of retaliation, the British
government passed the Boston Port Bill, by which
that town was to be deprived of all its foreign trade
from and after June, 1774. The Legislature of Virginia was in session when these events transpired.
Mr. Jefferson was still a member. At his instance
the small body of patriots who had convened on a
previous occasion, were again summoned in order
to determine upon the proper measures to be taken,




OF TIOMAS JEFFERSON.           51
ITe himself describes the events which took place at
this crisis in the following language:
" The lead in the House, on these subjects, being
no longer left to the old menbers, Mr. Ienry, R.
II. Lee, Fr. L. Lee, three or four other nmenmbers,
whom I do not recollect, and myself, agreeing that
we mlust boldly take an unequivocal stand ill the
line of Massachusetts, determined to meet and consult on the proper measures, in the council clhamber,
for tlhe benefit of the library in that room. We
were under conviction of the necessity of rousing
our people from the lethargy into which they had
fallen, as to passing events; and tlought that the
appointment of a day of general fasting and prayer,
would be most likely to call up and alarnl their
attention. No example of such a solemnity had existed since the days of our distresses in the war of'55, since which a new generation had grown up.
With the help, therefore, of Rushworth, whom we
rummaged over for the revolutionary precedents
and forms of the Puritans of that day, preserved by
him, we cooked up a resolution, somewlhat moderating
their phrases, for appointing the 1st day of June, on
which tlle Port Bill was to commence, for a d(ly of
fasting, humiliation, and prayer; to inlll(re lheaven
to avert from us the evils of civil war, to iinslire
us with firmness in the support of our rights, and to




62               THE LIFE AND TIMES
turn the hearts of the king and parliament to moderation and justice."
Tiis important instrument was duly presented to
the legislature, and it was passed without opposition
on the 24th of May.*    But the patriots did not stop
with this decisive step. They passed a resolution to
recommend to the counties of the State to elect
delegates who should meet in the ensuing August,
who should select representatives for the State in
the Continental Congress.      In pursuance of this
resolution, delegates were chosen to meet in convention. Mr. Jefferson was one of these. He prepared
a draft of instructions to be given to the congressional representatives who would be chosen, wllich
he termed "A      Summary View of the Rights of
British America."    This paper was addressed to the
king, and contained a clear and powerful exposition
of the political relations which existed, and ought
to exist between the colonies and the mother country. It was in consequence of the composition of
* Immediately after this event, the British governor, Lord Dunsmore, entered the House, and spoke as follows: — iMr. Speaker
and Gentlemen of the House of Burgesses-I have in my hand a
paper published by order of your House, conceived in such termls as
reflect highly upon his MaIjesty and tle Parliament of Great Britain,
which makes it necessary to dissolve you-and you are dissolved accordingly." As usual, the whole assembly rep;ireld immediately to
the Apollo Hall in the Raleigh Tavern, and resumed their deliberations.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           53
this pamphlet, that Mr. Jefferson was threatened by
Lord Dunsniore with a prosecution for treason, and
his name was included in a list of proscriptions by
the British ministry, intended for future prosecution
and punishnment.
3Mr. Jefferson was prevented by a sudden attack
of illness from  attending the convention which
assembled in Williamsburg in August, 1774. This
was the first popular or republican legislative assembily wich ever met in Virginia, without the authority of government, and at the call of the
popular will. Though absent from its sessions, Mr.
Jefferson sent his Instructions to Patrick Henry
alld Peyton Randolph, for the purpose of having
tlhem submlitted to the convention. A copy was laid
ol the table for the inspection of the members, and
it was read with niuch interest. But the measures
of retaliation and resistance which it proposed were
thought to be, at that stage of the conflict, too extrenle and excessive.  They were therefore not
adopted; but they were printed by an order of the
convention, and were subsequently widely diffused.
In this production Mr. Jefferson took the ground
that the relation between the colonies and Great
Britain was the same as the relation between that
country and Scotland after the accession of James,
or between England and Hanover after the acces5*




54            THE LIFE AND TIMES
sion of the reigning house of the latter country to
the British throne; that they had the same executive chief, but no other necessary political connections; and that the emigration of English subjects
to America, gave the British monarch no more right
over them, than the emigration of the Danes and
Saxons to England gave to the Danish and Saxon
monarchs over Englishmen. In substance, therefore, Mr. Jefferson first announced, in this able document, the great republican doctrine that there
should be no taxation without representation-a
doctrine afterward more clearly and ably stated by
him in the Declaration of Independence.*
The labors of this convention consisted chiefly in
passing resolutions to the following effect:-Not to
import any British merchandise after the 1st of
November ensuing; to import no slaves; to use no
more tea; to purchase no East India goods; to export
no more tobacco, but to encourage its home manufacture; to improve the breed of sheep; to contribute to the relief of the people of Boston; and that
the speaker of the convention be empowered to
convene the members again at such time and place
as he might think proper.  The convention then
elected delegates to represent the State of Virgnia
* Vide Girardin's History of Virginia-Appendix, No. 12.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          55
in th4 Continental Congress.  These men were
chosen with the care and deliberation which the
importance of the occasion required. Peyton Randolph was selected in consequence of his superior
acquaintance with the rules of pariamentary proceedings. George Washington was recommended
by his military talents and experience. Richard
Henry Lee was chosen for his great eloquence;
Patrick Henry for the same reason; Edward Pendleton for his profound learning as a lawyer; Benjamin Harrison because he represented the wealthy
planters; and Richard Bland in consequence of his
ability as a writer.
Mr. Jefferson was not elected as a delegate to the
first Continental Congress; but during the year
1775 he was not inactive in the legislature of his
native State. At the request of Peyton Randolph,
who had been chosen President of Congress, he
drew up the answer of the General Assembly of
Virginia to the conciliatory proposals which had
been made by Lord North, and which finally passed
the House, with some softening amendments. Mr.
Jefferson was subsequently appointed by the house
to convey to the congress assembled at Philadelphia, the result of their action and deliberations,
which duty he performed on the 21st of June, 1775.
Thus far the mental activity and the patriotism




56           TTHE LIFE AND TIMES
of Mr. Jefferson had been confined in their opera.
tion to the comparatively limited sphere of his
native province. He was still a young man of thirtytwo years; yet he had taken an honorable place, by
virtue of his great talents and acquirements, among
the leading men of the Old Dominion. In truth,
he had been the most radical and resolute of the
reformers in that State, the fiercest foe to British
tyranny, the most extreme and uncompromising of
all the patriots. It was he who had declared in the
Convention of Virginia, which assembled for the
second time on the 20th of March, 1775, that "by
the God that made him, he would cease to exist before he yielded to such a connection with England,
and on such terms as the British Parliament propose." It was he who had proclaimed that "his
creed had been formed on unsheathing the sword at
Lexington." It was he who supported a resolution
which was proposed in this convention by Patrick
Henry, that the colony should immediately be put
in a state of defense, and that a committee be appointed to prepare a plan to arm and discipline a
body of effective troops. This was the daring and
desperate resolution which was earnestly opposed by
Pendleton, Harrison, Nicholas, and Wythe-patriots
of the purest virtue-because they thought it too
ultra and decisive. But in spite of their opposition




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           57
this resolution was carried by means of the.,owerful influence of Jefferson and Patrick Henry, and
was ultimately executed. But in all these noble
achievements, the talents and patriotism of Jefferson had been confined to a comparatively limited
sphere. A man of such enlightened views, of such
bold determination, of such fierce hostility to despotism, of such devotion to popular fieedom, only
needed a more enlarged and elevated sphere of activity to give him a distinguished place in the
history of his time and of his country. Such an
opportunity was soon afforded him; and it may with
truth be said that, among all the distinguished men
of the Revolution, he who was the bitterest and
most uncompromising foe to British tyranny and
p erogative, and he who was most determined, impetuous and resolved in accomplishing their overthrow in these colonies, was none other than Thomas
Jefferson.
This fact was especially evinced in his answer to
the "Conciliatory Propositions" of the British minister, Lord North. This document, addressed to the
colonies, was specious, insidious, and crafty in the
extreme. But Jefferson, who was appointed on the
Committee of the House of Burgesses to answer it,
could not be imposed upon by its artful declamation.
lie penetrated its real character, stript its infamous




58            THE LIFE AND TIMES
propositions of their false and fallacious coverings,
exposed its cruelty and injustice, and gave it a blow
from which it never recovered. This was the last
service which Jefferson performed for the cause of
freedom in his native State. On the 24th of June,
1775, the IIouse adjourned; and it was the last Assembly which ever convened under the authority of
the British monarch in the colony of Virginia. The
governor, fearing an outburst of popular indignation, fled from his palace on board a British manof-war, and his authority was never again recognized by the inhabitants of the colony. This was
the loss of the first province, which was followed
subsequently by the defection of the whole continent, and by their hostile and triumphant attitude
against the slpremacy of the mother country.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.                  59
CIAPTER       III.
MR. /EFFFERSON ELECTED A MEMBER OF CONGRESS-rHS APPOINTMrENT ON
ISPORTANT COMMITrEES-HIS REPORTS —MR. DICKINSON OF PENNSYLVANIA-MIR. JEFFEF.SON PREPARES A CONSTITUTION AND DECLARATION OF
RyiHTS FOR VIRGINIA-THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA RECOMMENDS A
DrI'LARATION OF INDEPENDENCE-MR. JEFFERSON'S INFLUENCE IN CONGRl,"S-RESOLUTION OF RICHARD HENRY LEE-MR. JEFFERSON DRAFTS
THE ORIGINAL DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE-STATE OF PARTIES IN
CON.FESS-ADOPTION AND PROMULGATION OF THE DECLARATION-EX01TEnTrTT THROUGHOUT THE COLONIES ON THE SUBJECT-LITERARY
MERIT' OF THE DECLARATION-ITS HISTORIC INFLUENCE AND IMPORTANCE-wR. JEFFERSON'S OPINION RESPECTING IT-ITS FUTURE INFLUENCE.
BEFORE the adjournment of the second session of
the popular convention of Virginia, it became necessary for them to elect a delegate to the Continental Congress in place of Peyton Randolph, who, as
speaker of the Virginia Iouse of Burgesses, would
soon be required to return to his native State.      Accordingly in May, 1775, Mr. Jefferson was elected
to fill the place of Mr. Randolph; and on the 21st
of June he took his seat in the Continental Congress.   He was then thirty-two years of age; and
he brought to this high sphere in which he was
destined   afterward   to act so eminent and distinguished   a part, very considerable      reputation  for




60                THE LIFE AND TIMES
abilities, industry, and devotion to the cause of freedom   an d progress.
This reputation procured him       an appointment on
tlhe committee instructed to prepare a report on the
"Cause of taking up Arms against England," five
days after his entrance into Congress.        The portion
of the report of this committee which Mr. Jefferson
was   requested    to   prepare, has     been   frequently
quoted   and   admired    for its beauty of style, and
for the clearness and boldness with which it treats
the  subject.*    On   the   22d of July he was again
honored with an appointment on a committee with
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and R. H. Lee, to prepare
an answer to Lord North's resolutions.          Mr. Jefferson penned tllis important document.          It sets forth
in powerful language the fundamental doctrine that
the colonies alone have the privilege of granting or
Mr. Dickinson of Pennsylvania was a member of this committee,
and he seems to have been the cioaking owl of the Continental Cougress. He opposed all expressions of vigorous resistance, or of
open denunciation, in the reports of the committees; and it was he
who, alone of all the members of Congress, subsequently refused
to sign the Declaration of Independence  When the committee on
the "(Cause of taking up Arms against England" reported, their report had been softened down so completely by the trembling appeals
of Mr. Dickinson, as scarcely to amount to any thing. On its passage
he remarked, that there was only one word in it of which he yet
disap proved, and that word was "( Congress." Mr. Harrison instantly
rose and said, that there was but one word in the document of which
he did approve, and that was "Congress."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           61
withholding their own money; and that this also
involves the right of inquiry into its application, of
determining its amount, and of applying it to pr)oper
uses; and it condemns the propositions of Lord
North, because they do not propose the repeal of
the oppressive statutes which had been passed. The
tone and spirit of this report differ very essentially
from those of the report of the committee to whlich
Mr. Dickinson belolnged. They were bold, resolute
and defiant, and marked clearly an important step in
advance among that immortal band or patriots who
were destined to achieve the freedom of the nation. It
was the passage of this report, written by Mr. Jefferson, then the youngest member of Congress save
one, which cut off forever all hope of conciliation
and union between the colonies and Great Britain.
From that moment a desperate conflict was inevitable.
Mr. Jefferson had been elected to Congress by
the Legislature of Virginia in August, 1775, and
subsequently was re-elected in June, 1776. During
his absence from his native State, he was not forgetful of her interests. The regal authority had been
already dissolved in that colony. A popular government had been quietly substituted. But no settled
form for the administration of the goverlnlent had
been adopted. This then was the first task which
6




62            THE LIFE AND TIMES
demanded the attention of her patriots. A conven
tion accordingly assembled at Williamsburlg, on the
6th of May, 1776. for the purpose of adopting a
declaration of rights and a constitution.  On the
15th of May, after previous deliberations, a commit.
tee was appointed to report on the subject. Mr.
George Mason was the leading member of that committee. On the 29th of June the constitution which
they reported, after ample discussion, was adopted.
But during this interval Mr. Jefferson had not been
idle. IIe himself had prepared a form of constitution
for the consideration of the house, together with a
preamble, declaration of rights, and an entire plan
of government. These important documents he sent
to Mr. Wythe, but they arrived too late for the consideration of the house. They had already discussed
and adopted a complete form of government, and
had agreed upon a declaration of rights. Nevertheless some use was made of the valuable labors of
Mr. Jefferson. Two or three parts of his plan were
added to that already passed, and the entire preamble
lwhich accompanied his own form  of government
was adopted and added to that which had already
received the legislative sanction.  George Mason
was the author of the declaration of rights. Tlis
constitution and declaration  were unanimnously
adopted on the 29th of June, 1776, and thus was




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           63
established the first institution of fiee government,
by a written compact, which existed in the new
world. Virginia " was the first of the nations of the
earth," says Mr. Jefferson, speaking of this event,
" which assembled its wise men peaceably together
to form a fundamental constitution, to commit it to
writing, and place it among their archives, where
every one should be free to appeal to its text."
But this session of the convention in Virginia is
rendered remarkable by another act, which possesses
a national and not a local interest. They passed a
resolution "that the delegates appointed to represent
Virginia in General Congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United
Colonies free and independent States, absolved from
all allegiance to or dependence on the crown or
parliament of Great Britain; and that they give the
assent of this colony to such declaration, and to
whatever measures may be thought proper and
necessary by the Congress for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such
time and in the manner as to them shall seem best:
provided that the power of forming governments for,
and the regulation of, the internal concerns of each
colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures."
Thus rapidly and steadily were the representatives
of the nation approaching the decisive moment and




64            THE LIFE AND TIMES
the irretrievable deed, which were to decide the fate
of so many millions of human beings. And it must
l)e conceded that, in tlis perilous and immortal race,
Mr. Jeff(lrsoll holds no secondary place. IIe, though
one of the youngest members of Congress, though
he had much at stake, though he could not be unmindful of the many and great dangers which clustered around his path, yet he did not hesitate. Ile
was unquestionably the boldest, most determined,
and most radical member of the national representation. Others pulled back, hesitated, and deprecated
haste and rashness. IIe constantly urged forward,
endeavored to inflame the minds of his associates
with extreme hostility to England, and with unconquerable resolution to overthrow her supremacy in
the colonies. Accordingly, on the 28th of May, 1776,
he moved in Congress that "an animated address
be published to impress the minds of the people
with the necessity of now stepping forward to save
their country, their freedom, and their property."
He was appointed chairman of this committee; and
he prepared an address whose temper and spirit
were in accordance with this resolution, and which
was admirabl adadapted to prepare the way for tle
grald and decisive step which was about to follow.
As soon as the delegates from Virginia received
the instructions of the legislature of that State, in




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           65
reference to making a declaration of national freedom, they prepared to execute them.    Richard
HIenry Lee was the oldest and the most eloquent
member of the Virginia delegation. Accordingly it
fell to his lot to perform this responsible and honorable duty; and on the 7th of June, 1776, he rose in
Congress, then sitting in the State IIouse in the
city of Philadelphia, and moved that "Congress
should declare that these United States are, and of
right ought to be, free and indeperident states; that
they are absolved from all allegiance to the British
crown; that all political connection between them
and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be
totally dissolved; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign
powers, and that a confederation be formed to bind
the colonies more closely together.
Tlhe consideration of tlis resolution was postponed
until the next day.  It was then taken up alnd debated fo0r several successive days. Messrs. Adams, R.
II. Lee, Wythe, Jefferson, and others, were in favor
of the resolution. Messrs. Wilson, Robert Livingston, Rutledge and Dickinson opposed it. All tlhe
arguments of the latter gentlemeni, liowever, except
as a matter of course tlose of Mr. Dickinson, appIlied
only to the nost suitable period of lassing silChL a
6*




66           THE LIFE AND TIMES
resolution, and not to the abstract propriety or necessity of the act.
As unanimity of sentiment on the subject did not
seem then to prevail, it was deemed advisable to
postpone a final vote on the resolution until the 1st
of July, but a committee was appointed in the
meantime to prepare a document which might be
appropriate to the purpose contemplated. At this
crisis Mr. Lee received information of the dangerous illness of a member of his family. IIe was compelled immediately to leave Congress, and could not
serve upon the committee which was about to be
appointed, nor act as its chairman, as he would
have been entitled to do as the mover of the resolution. A committee was then selected by the house,
which chose the following persons: John Adams,
Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert Livingston,
and Thomas Jefferson. As Mr. Jefferson had received the highest number of votes, he was appointed
president of the committee, and thus was the preparation of the most illustrious and important state
paper of all ages entrusted to his hands. After its
preparation it was submitted privately to the examination of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams.   They
made a few minor alterations, and then it was
examined before the whole committee. It received
their unanimous approval, and on Friday, the 28th




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          67
of June, Mr. Jefferson reported it to Congress. It
was read, and then ordered to lie on the table.
On the 1st of July the house resolved itself into a
committee of the whole, and resumed the discussion
of the preliminary question, whether a declaration
of independence should be made.   After a long
debate this question was carried in the affirmative.
All the States represented in Congress voted in its
favor, except Pennsylvania and South Carolina,.
Delaware was represented by only two members,
and as they were divided in sentiment, her vote was
indecisive. The delegates from New York requested
permission to withdraw, in consequence of the fact
that they had received no instructions from their
constituents on the subject. The final vote on the
resolution was taken on the 2d of July. On this
ballot South Carolina voted affirmatively; an additional delegate had arrived fiom Delaware, which
gave the voice of that State in the same way; the
representatives of New York had received instructions to give their influence in favor of the measure
and Pennsylvania had happily changed some of her
representatives during the interval. A unanimous
vote was therefore obtained at last in favor of the
original motion, to declare the colonies independent
of British rule.
Much more difficulty was experienced when the
discussion of the Declaration itself which the corn



68             THE LIFE AND TIMES
mittee had prepared, came before the house. Great
violence and intense excitement prevailed. Every
clause and every expression were rigidly criticised.
Every sentiment uttered and every principle announced were fiercely combatted and assailed. Inch by
inch was the great battle foulght, on the issue of
which depended such vital and inestimable interests.
The clause condenling the slave trade was struck
out in accordance with the peremptory demands of
South Carolina and Georgia.    The whole amount
which was eventually erased, equalled olnethird of
the original composition.   The battle raged for
three days, durinlg which the nost intense excitement prevailed.    Jolln Adams especially distinguished himself by his eloquent support of the
document in its unaltered state.    Mr. Jefferson,
thirty-seven years afterward described MIr. Adams as
having been a colossus on the floor of the house on
this great occasion, and in debate powerful and
convincing in the highest degree. It became evident
that it would only be by a spirit of compromise tlat
unanimity could finally be obtained. In efecting
these compromises, several of the best passages of
this remarkable production were erased.*
* In the Appendix the reader will find the Declaration in its original form, with the changes and emendations which were introduced
into it, before its final adoption. A difference of opinion may well
exist as to whether much or even any advantage was derived from
the mxpurgati'lg process througl, whiichi it passed.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         69
The Declaration as thus amended in committee
of the whole was reported to the house on the 4th
of July. On this day it was adopted, and signed by
every member then present, excepting one. The
recusant was the pusillanimous member from Pennsylvania, Mr. Dickinson.  Other representatives,
who happened on that day to be absent, appended
their signatures at subsequent periods. On the 20th
of July Pennsylvania elected five new representatives, omitting Mr. Dickinson from the number, and
all of these subsequently signed. The ignominious
eminence of being the only person in the whole
Continental Congress who shrank from the glory
and the danger of giving his influence in favor of
tlis immortal declaration, belongs to the discarded
representative from Pennsylvania. On the 19th of
July it was ordered to be engrossed; and on the 2d
of August, after having been carefully compared and
verified by the original, the parchment was again
signed with all those whose names were appended to
the manuscript copy.
Thus was consummated the most memorable
event of modern times; an event, the influence of
which on the destinies of the world in all climes,
has exceeded in importance that of any other event,
and which through all coming ages will be the subject
of congratulation to countless millions of freemen.




70            THE LIFE AND TIMES
It would be difficult to find among the most re.
nowned and felicitous productions of the human
intellect, one which has higher claims to admiration
than tlis Declaration. Its chief merit consists in its
admlirable adaptation to the purpose for which it was
intended. It is indeed remarkable for the polish
and beauty of its language, for its clearness and
force of expression. But its directness, its comprehensiveness, and its condensation of thought are
higher merits still. Within the narrow compass to
which it is necessarily confined, it utters volumes
of ponderous and unanswerable truth. It is a singular and admirable combination of argument, of
pathos, of vindication, and of invective.  It is pathetic enough to enlist the warmest sympathies of
the reader, and it is argumentative enough to convince his reason.  It is not more pathetic than is
necessary, lest its atlhors might seem to have been
defective in argument; and it is not too argumentative, lest a suspicion might be excited that its authors
were conscious that the weakness of their cause
required an elaborate defense. Its style is declamatory, but not sufliciently so as to render it vulgar or
undignified; while at the same time its manly dignity does not degenerate into haughtiness. Had it
been more condensed, it might have becone either
obscure or flippant. Had it been more expanded, it




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          71
might have lost in vigor and directness. The very
best evidence which can be adduced in favor of its
claims to admiration and approval, is the universal
judgment which the civilized world has passed upon
its merits. The highest encomium which can be
bestowed upon it, is to assert that it is a production
worthy of the memorable occasion with which it
was connected, and whose matchless glories it aided.so effectually to increase and to perpetuate. Had
Jefferson accomplished nothing more during his
long life of eighty-three years than elaborate this
immortal document, he would have deserved to be
held in honorable remembrance for ages to come;
and having accomplished this noble task, it is venturing nothing to say that his name will be forever
rescued from the common oblivion, and will be
numbered among the bright catalogue of the world's
greatest heroes until the latest period of recorded
time.
On the 8th of July the Declaration of Independence was publicly promulgated in Philadelphia, and
rapidly the glorious news of its adoption spread
through the whole country. It was received with
transports of joy by many millions, and throughout
the whole length and breadth of the continent a
universal frenzy of delight prevailed. The declaration was published in New York on the 11th, in




72            THE LIFE AND TIMES
presence of the American army there assembled;
and was g-reeted with the utmost pomp and splendor
of military pageantry, When the news arrived in
Boston, the public excitement becamie unparalleled.
All the civil autlorities, the military, and v a vast
multitude assembled in front of the Capitol, where
the document was read, and was reeeived with
tlhe most enthusiastic plaudits. An immeuise banquet w'as afterward given, at which in-numerable
toasts were drank in praise of liberty, and in denunciation of tyranlts  Dluring the ensuing night every
ensign of royalty, and every badge of kingly power
which existed in Boston, was defaced Iand removedo
Similar scenes occurred throughout all the eolonies. In Virginia the name of the king was erased
by an act of the legislature from the liturgy of the
established religion. All the embwlems of the fallen
monarchy were at once obliterated; nd a new coat
of arms was ordered for the rising conmmonwealth,
just then emerging from chaos into a vigorous and
splendid existence.  This commendable example
was followed in all the remaining States.  The
declaration seemed to have inspired new )ire into
the hearts of patriots, and to have steeped the spirlts
of the minions of despotism in despair,
Mr. Jefferson was himself fully conscious of the
importance of the event which had just taken place,




OF TIOMAS JEFFERSON.          73
and of Ihe high dignity of the drama in which he
had acted so pronminent a part. HIe regarded the proclamation of the declaration of American independence as the great starting point in the race for freedom
in modern times; as the initial step in the emancipation of all civilized nations from the supremacy and
the outrages of despots. It was in his judgment the
first chapter in a glorious history. It was the sumnion0s which spoke in thunder-tones to the criingi
millions who were yet slumbering in the dark night
and gloom of tyranny, inviting them to arouse, to
sllake off their shackles, to assert their long plundered
rights, and their dignity as men, and to achieve
their liberties. Nor were these anticipations disappointed. The noble example thus set before the
world was not lost. The leaven soon began to work
vigorously in the mighty mass of humanity. France
was the first nation to follow this example; but she
followed it after a fashion of her own, and her endeavors were marked by the peculiarities of the
national character. To the declaration of American
independence mayjustly be attributed, as their ultimate and original cause, all the revolutionary movements which have since occurred, with such various
successes and with such conflicting and dissimilar
incidents, in Poland, in Italy, in Hungary, in Spain,
in Germany, and in Central and Southern America.
7




74           THE LIFE AND TIMES
And it is scarce.y hazarding too much to say, that
the potent influence of the example given and of
the principles inculcated by this declaration, will
continue to operate until republican freedom and
republican governments will replace all th.e rotten
thrones and despotic institutions which now afflict
and disgrace the world. Snch is the inherent and
unconquerable power of truth!




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.                  75
CIAPTER IV.
MR. JEFFERSON DECLINES A RE-ELECTION TO CONGRESS-RESULTS OF 1111
LABORS IN CONGRESS-APPOINTED COMMISSIONER TO FRANCE-HE DECLINES-HE TAKES HIS SEAT IN THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA-Hb
PROPOSES A LAW FOR THE REORGANIZATION OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE
-HE PROPOSES A LAW FOR THE ABOLITION OF ENTAILS-HE PROPOSES A
BILt, TO OVERTHROW THE ESTABIISHED CHURCH IN VIRGINIA-FIERCE
CONFLICTS WHICH ENSUED-THE FINAL RESULT-JEFFERSON'S ULTIMATE
TIUtIMPH-ESTABLISHMIENT OF ABSOLUTE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN VIRGINXA-MR. JEFFERSON OBTAINS THE PASSAGE OF A LAW ABOLISHING
THe: FOREIGN SLAVE TRADE IN VIRGINIA-HISTORY OF THAT REFORM IN
FOhEIGN COUNTRIES.
M a. JEFFERSON'S term of service in the Continental Congress expired on the 11th of August, 1776.
Before the arrival of that period he had notified the
convention of Virginia that he declined a re-election.   Nevertheless that body chose to act contrary
to his wishes, and he was again unanimously reelected.   This result did not alter his own purpose,
and he again wrote to the chairman of the convention, resigning positively the proffered honor. Two
causes induced him    at this period to withdraw fiom
the national councils.    One of these was the necessity which   existed   that he should     attend  to his
private affairs at home.    But the chief reason was
a desire to participate in the formation of the new




76           THE LIFE AND TIMES
constitution and government which were about to
be formed and adopted in Virginia. Says he: "The
new government in Virginia was now organized, a
meeting of the legislature was to be held in October, and I had been elected a member by my
county. I knew that our legislation, under the royal
government, had many very vicious points which
urgently required reformation: and I thought I
could be of more use in forwarding that work. I
therefore retired fiom my seat in Congress." On the
2d of September, 1776, Mr. Harrison, his successor,
arrived at Philadelphia, and Jefferson immediately
returned to Virginia. The period of his actual
presence in the national councils had been only nine
months; and yet at the early age of thirty-three he
had taken the first rank among the leading patriots
of the colonies; he had led their opinions and
moulded their measures; and he had impressed the
stamp of his genius and of his principles upon the
great title deeds and symbols of the nation's rights
and liberties.
On the 30th of September he received another
evidence of the confidence with which he had inspired the members of the Continental Congress.
They appointed him a joint-commissioner to France,
with Dr. Franklin and Silas Dean, to negotiate
treaties of alliance and commerce with that govern



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           77
nment. This was a trust of the greatest importance
to the interests of the nation; and yet so earnest
was the desire of Mr. Jefferson to superintend and
assist in the establishment of the new government
and constitution of his native State, that he again
declined an honorable appointment which would
have interfered with the realization of his wishes on
that subject.
We have now reached that period in the life and
labors of Mr. Jefferson when he ceases to be an exponent and representative of national measures, and
assumes the attitude of the founder of a new and
distinct school of politics; and when he began the
proposal and defense of doctrines which have not
unjustly won for him the epithet of the " Father of
American Democracy."  This course, it will be seen,
he consistently pursued throughout the many years
of high official position which marked his subsequent life.
Mr. Jefferson took his seat in the Legislature of
Virginia on the 7th of October, 1776. Five days
afterward he moved for leave to introduce a bill fir
the reorganization and establishment of the courts
of justice. lie was appointed chairman of the
committee to whom the matter was referred; and
he drew up an ordinance, which he submitted to
the committee. They approved of all its provisions.
7*




78            THE LIFE AND TIMES
It was then reported to the house, by whom, after
a thorough and careful examination, and the introduction of a few unimportant changes, it was unanimously adopted.
The provisions of the law prepared by Mr. Jefferson possess the qualities of simplicity, symmetry,
and the spirit and form of republicanism. But in
addition to these it could also claim the merit of
great originality; for although a similar arrangement exists in the judicial institutions of other
States at the present time, that proposed by Mr.
Jefferson was the model after which they have all
been drawn and executed. Ile divided the State
into counties, and devised three courts of ascending
grades, called the County, the Superior, and the
Supreme Courts. The jurisdictions of these courts,
and their relative number, were found admirably
adapted to meet all the wants of the community.
Ile gave new prominence and importance to the
trial by jury, as the great bulwark of the rights of
the people. He ordained that in all questions of
law and of fact combined, as well as in all pure
questions of fact, the reference to a jury was made
imperative and unavoidable in the courts of law;
and he would have carried this principle also into
the Courts of Chancery, had he not, in this movement, been opposed and defeated by the efforts of




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          79
Edmund Pendleton, the ablest lawyer in the State,
who was opposed to the extreme measures of popular
reform introduced by Mr. Jefferson. The chief features of the law on this subject, as proposed by Mr.
Jefferson, remain in force in Virginia till the present
day.
On the 12th October Mr. Jefferson continued his
labors by introducing a bill for the abolition of the
law of entails in Virginia. This was a measure of
much greater importance than the preceding one.
It was a desperate and destructive blow struck
directly at the aristocratic order in that State. Nowhere else on the continent had the lines of demarcation between the higher and the lower ranks, between the gentle and the vulgar, between the
exclusive and the popular, been drawn with so
much distinctness as in the Old Dominion. And
that distinction was based not simply on differences
of education, birth, and breeding; but also on the
more unpopular one of the possession of wealth.
The State having been settled at an early period
by a body of men who had embraced the privileges
granted them of taking vast tracts of the free domain of nature-these estates had become immensely
valuable with the progress of time; and in accordance with the English law of entail, they had been
devised from generation to generation in fee-,ail to




80            THE LIFE AND TIMES
the eldest son of the family. This aristocratic transmiission of estates had gradually created a body of
men who formed a patrician order in the State,
whose wealth, luxury, and expensive and ostentatious establishments were little in harmony with the
simplicity of republican manners. Together with
the possession of the land, this class of men gradually absorbed all the political power, which only
increased the evil, and rendered the state of things
more obnoxious to the friends of liberty and reform.
If this aristocratic class of the community were
useless to the State, the other existing orders of
society ill Virginia were such, that some of them
invited, and others of them demanded, a reformation on this subject. Next below the great landowners, in the social and political scale, were the
class known as "half-breeds."  These were the descendants of the younger sons and daughters of the
aristocrats, who inherited the pride without the wealth
or the influence of their ancestors. Below these again
were the upstarts, or pretenders, who were usually
men of talent, and having obtained wealth by means
of their superior enterprise and abilities, were desirous of separating themselves from the class in
wlich they were born and to which they originally be.
longed, and of imitating the manners and habits or




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          81
the aristocracy, and if possible to obtain admission
to their society. Below these again were the plain,
substantial yeomen, who were industrious, simple,
frugal, who knew nothing and cared less about
aristocratic splendor, rank, or wealth, and whose
whole attention was confined to the cultivation of
the small farms which they possessed, or to their
mechanical trades. Below all these again, and the
vilest of the race, were the class of persons termed
"overseers," who tyrannized over the slaves, who
were the most cringing of human beings to their
superiors, and most the tyrannical to their subordinates and victims.
By abolishing the law of entails in Virginia, Mr.
Jefferson destroyed the entire fabric of this social
structure; for the whole of it gradually grew up
around, and in consequence of that institution. His
purpose was also to open the way for an aristocracy
of intellect and talent, as being more in accordance
with the spirit of a republic. And although this
measure was resisted with the utmost violence by
the representatives of the aristocratic order in the
legislature, led on by men of the highest abilitysuch as Edmund Pendleton and John Robinson, the
measure was finally adopted. Entails were abolished, and a law passed by which real estate, as well
as personal property was distributed, on the death




82                 THE LIFE AND TIMES
of the possessor in equitable proportions among the
whole of his children.        Mr. Jefferson     also subsequently introduced another bill, which rendered this
reform    complete, which      destroyed   the preference
given   to the male over the female sex, and to the
eldest child over the younger childreno*
After accomplishing this great republican movement, which gave a new appearance and form            to the
secular and material interests of the State, Mr. Jet
* Mr. Jefferson describes his labors in reference to this event in
the following language:
"On the 12th, I obtained leave to bring in a bill declaring tenants
in tail to hold their lands in fee simple. In the earlier times of the
colony, when lands were to be obtained for little or nothing, some
provident individuals procured large grants; and desirous of founding great families for themselves, settled them on their desceidants in
fee tail. The transmission of this property from generation to generation, in the same name, raised up a distinct set of families, who
being privileged by law in the perpetuation of their wealth, were thus
formed into a patrmeian order, distinguished by the splendor and luxury of their establishments. From this order, too, the king habitually selected his counselors of state; the hope of which distinction
devoted the whole corps to the interests and will of the crown. To
annul this privilege, and instead of an aristocracy f wEalt2, of more
harm and danger than benefit to society, to make an opening for the
aristocracy of virtue and talent, which nature has wisely provided for
the direction of the interests of society, and scattered with equal
hand through all its conditions, was deemed essential to a wellordered republic. To effect it, no violence was necessary, no deprivation of natural right, but rather an enlargement of it, by a repeal
of the law. For this would authorize the present holder to divide
the property among his children equally, as his affections were
divided; and would place them, by natural generation, on the level
of their fellow-citizens."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           83
ferson directed his attention to the religious relations and interests of the community. lie introduced a bill to abolish the church establishment in
Virginia, and to place all religious sects on an equal
footing.
The establishment of the Church of England in
Virginia had taken place at the period of the first
immigration thither. The charter granted to Sir Walter Raleigh contained an express clause, which provided that the laws of the new colony to be founded
by him, slould in no respect militate against the
true Christian faith as then professed by the Church
of England, and established by law in the realm.
At an early day the colony had been divided into
parishes, and in each parish a minister had been
settled, a church built, a glebe and parsonage assigned, and a support provided for the incumbent
from the proceeds of a specified amount of tobacco.
Schismatics were severely punished. It was a penal
offense in parents to prevent their children from
being baptized by the minister of the established
church. The assembling of Quakers was forbidden
by law; and they lhad been ordered to leave the
State, with the penalty of death if' they returlle(.
In 1705, a law had been passed to the effect tlat he
who denied the truth of the Clristian religion, or
the existence of the trinity, or the inspiration of




84            THE LIFE AND TIMES
the Scriptures, should be incapable of holding any
office, civil, military, or ecclesiastical, and should
further suffer three years' imprisonment. Even
the Declaration of Rights, passed in 1776, had
not abolished and obliterated these infamous enactments; although the legislature, in that year, had
been overflowed with the most urgent petitions
from thousands of respectable and influential citizens asking their repeal. In the progress of the
several centuries which preceded this date, the
morals of the established clergy had become a by.
word and a disgrace to the Christian name. They
were, in the majority of instances drunken, idle and
debauched.  Numerous dissenters of intelligence,
piety, and wealth had gradually immigrated into the
State; and at the period of Mr. Jefferson's activity
in the legislature, they formed an important portion
of the community. The Presbyterians especially
had attained a high position in point of importance,
wealth and social influence, in many portions of the
commonwealth.
With this large class of citizens the labors of Mr.
Jefferson met with much favor. They supported
lini with numerous petitions to the legislature. The
opposilg faction, long  ecure in its prerogatives,
and undisturbed in its domination, awoke froni its
lethargy, fiercely fought against the project of




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          85
change, and presented numerous memorials against
the proposed reforms. Many arguments were urged
by the supporters of the established religion, the
most cogent of which was that the Episcopal clergy
had entered on their livings with the understanding,
on the part of the government, that they should
hold them for life; and that, though the form of
government had been changed, yet the tenure of
these rights was as sacred as that by which the citizens held their private property.
The conflict between the advocates of conservatism and'progress in the legislature was violent in
the extreme. Mr. Jefferson describes them as having been the most furious in which he had ever
engaged. Nor were the efforts of his opponents
without effect; for so vigorous was their resistance
that they compelled him to change his position from
the absolute to the partial abolition of the establishnent. le eventually succeeded in obtaining the
passage of a law, which removed the penalty which
had formerly been inflicted for maintaining irreligious opinions, for refusing to attend church, and
for the exercise of any other than the established
mode of religious worship. Hie also obtained the
exemption of dissenters from contributing to the
support of the established church. But Mr. Jefferson
8




86            THE LIFE AND TIMES
was not a man to yield in the full accomplishment
of his purposes, to any degree of opposition. IHe
accordingly persisted in his endeavors for three successive years, until at last, by unwearied exertions,
he succeeded in attaining his end in the final passage
of a law which enacted that no general assessment
should be established by law, on any one, either for
the support of the Church of England, or for that of
other sects; but that every one should be permitted
to exercise his own free will in reference to the
maintenance of any form of religious service. The
passage of this law not only overthrew the power
of the Church of England in Virginia, but it established religious liberty on the fullest and largest
basis. It is true that he was at that time not a
member of the legislature, but the governor of the
State; yet it was well understood that the final
triumph of the measure was secured through his
influence, by his assistance, and in accordance with
his wishes.
The next measure of reform proposed by Mr.
Jefferson had reference to the slave-trade.  His
opinions on this important subject were that the
emancipation of the slaves, accompanied with their
colonizatio., was practicable. But his efforts at this
period were not directed to the attainment of this




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          87
Esult; for he undoubtedly perceived that the period
for the accomplishment of so radical a measure had
not yet arrived. But he proposed a law abolishing
the foreign slave-trade; and in the attainment of
this result he was eminently useful and successful;
a law making the foreign slave-trade piracy having
finally passed the legislature in 1778.
The honor of having led the va in this great reform, among all the nations of the earth, belongs to
Virginia; and the honor of having proposed and
accomplished this result in Virginia belongs o Mr.
Jefferson.  The praise of priority in this matter
has long been claimed for Mr. Wilberforce, and for
Great Britain; but the claim is unjust. It was in
1791 that Mr. Wilberforce introduced his bill to
abolish the Foreign Slave Trade into the English
parliament   He failed in carrying his motion
through both branches of the legislature, during
fourteen successive years; until he triumphed at
last on the 25th of March, 1807. In March, 1792,
Denmark passed a similar law, interdicting the slavetrade on the part of Danish subjects after January,
1803,  Sweden passed a similar law in 1813; Netherland in 1814. Bonaparte forbade the traffic in 1815.
Spain followed with a prohibitory decree in 1816,
to take effect in 1820; and Portugal did the same in
1828. Thus it appears that the credit of leading the




88           THE LIFE AND TIMES
way in this great and beneficent revolution belongs
to Virginia, acting under the promptings and guidance of Thomas Jefferson; inasmuch as her statute
on the subject was passed, and went into full and
permanent operation in 1778, and consequently long
prior to any of the rest.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.                89
CHAPTER V.
PROPOSITION TO CODIFY THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA-A COMMITTEE APPOINTED
FOR THE PURPOSE-MR. JEFFERSON'S PORTION OF THE TASK —CHANGES
IN THE LAW OF DESCENTS-CHANGES IN THE CRIMINAL LAW-MEETING OF
THE COMMITTEE-THEIR REPORT TO THE LEGISLATURE-LEADING REFORMS INTRODUCED BY MR. JEFFERSON INTO THE CODE-RELIGIOUS
FREEDOM-ABOLITION OF SLAVERY-GENERAL SYSTEM OP EDUCATION —
rHE CAPTIVE ARMY OF BURGOYNE QUARTERED AT CHARLOTTESVILLEPOPULAR EXCITEMENT-USEFUL AND BENEVOLENT ACTIVITY OF JEFFER.
SON IN REFERENCE TO THE CAPTIVES.
MR. JEFFERSON deserves to occupy the first place
among the eminent men who have labored to repub
licanize the institutions of America, both those of
the Federal government and those of the States.
Having succeeded in introducing those important
reforms into Virginia which Lave been described in
the foregoing chapter, he proceeded on the 24th of
October, 1776, to introduce a bill providing for the
appointment of a committee of five persons, who
should prepare a new code of laws for the government of the State, by revising, altering, amending,
and repealing what already existed, or by adding
new enactments thereto. This measure was in substance providing for the erection of an entirely new
system of laws in the State, and the total destruction
8*




90            THE LIFE AND TIMES
of the civil, political, and religious institutions of
the past.
The committee appointed by the joint ballot of
both houses of the legislature to perform this important task, were Mr. Jefferson as chairman, Edmund Pendleton, George Wythe, George Mason,
and Thomas Ludwell Lee. So important were the
duties entrusted to this committee supposed to be,
that the legislature excused Mr. Wythe from his
attendance in Congress, in order to enable him to
perform the more responsible labors which devolved
upon him as a member of this committee.  The
committee appointed their first meeting at Fredericksburg on the ensuing 13th of January, for the
purpose of making a distribution of the respective
portions of their onerous work.
When the committee met, the arrangement which
was adopted threw the most difficult and laborious
portion of the work on the shoulders of Mr. Jefferson. To him was committed the codification of the
Common Law and of the British statutes down to
the period of James I., when a separate legislature
was first introduced into Virginia. The same statutes from the reign of James I. to the then existing
[eriod were committed to Mr. Wythe. The statutes
of Virginia already in existence were consigned to
Mr. Pendleton. The two remaining members ol




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          91
the committee resigned without taking any share in
the work, on the ground that they were not lawyers,
and therefore not competent to the duties lwhich
would have devolved upon them. No substitutes
were ever appointed in their place; and the whole
of this immense labor was performed, in about two
years, by the three remaining members of the committee.
The department of criminal law and the law of
descents both fell within the range of Mr. Jefferson's
task; and he embraced the opportunity thus afborded to impress upon both, the peculiar sentiments
which he entertained on those subjects. In speaking
of his labors in a letter to Mr. Wythe, in November,
1778, he said: "In style I have aimed at accuracy,
brevity and simplicity, preserving however the very
words of the established law, whether their meaning
had been sanctioned by judicial decisions or rendered technical by usage.  The same matter, if
couched in modern statutory language, with all its
tautologies, redundancies, and circumlocutions,
would have spread itself over many pages, and been
unintelligible to those whom it concerns." When
re-enacting English statutes he took care not to
change their ancient diction, lest he should give
rise to new disputes by introducing new phraseology;




92            THE LIFE AND TIMES
at the same time avoiding all useless amplification
of language.
In regard to the criminal law, Mr. Jefferson
adopted the fundamental rule to recommend penalties not repugnant to benevolence, to abolish the barbarous remains of ancient usages and punishments,
and to inflict death only for the crimes of murder
and treason. At that period the penal code of England affixed the penalty of death to two hundred
different offenses. The humanity therefore which
Mr. Jefferson recommended was at that time the
more remarkable, as it was so far in advance of the
age in which he lived.
The changes which he introduced into the law of
descents were radical and extreme. lie proposed to
abolish the law of primogeniture, and to make real
estate heritable in equal partition by the next of kin,
as personal property already was by the statute of
distribution. This project, which harmonized with
the acts of the legislature already adopted on the
subject, was violently opposed by Mr. Pendleton,
who was also one of the committee; but Mr. Jefferson persisted in his purpose, and introduced this
reform fully and prominently into the new code.
After the continued labors of two years the committee assembled in February, 1779, at Williams
burg, to review, approve, and consolidate theii




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          93
respective labors into one general and complete
report.  Day after day the several parts were read,
examined, criticised, altered, amended and confirmed according to the decision of the majority of the
committee. They had embodied in their labors all
the Common Law, all the British statutes, and all
the existing laws of Virginia; and had condensed
this vast mass of jurisprudence into a single printed
folio volume of ninety pages only, comprising one
hundred and twenty-six bills.
On the 18th of June, 1779, the committee of
revision reported the results of their labors to the
general assembly. These were not adopted in a
mass, but single portions were taken up from time
to time, discussed and approved. It was not till
1785, after the conclusion of the Revolutionary war,
that the whole code had received the sanction of
law. The peculiar and most remarkable principles
which Mr. Jefferson elaborated, and incorporated
into this code, were important in the highest degree,
and indicate the great originality and boldness of
his views. In addition to the repeal of the law of
entails which he introduced into the code, and the
abrogation of the law of primogeniture, together
with the equal division of inheritances amongi
children, lie asserted the right of expatriation, or a
republican definition of the terms on which aliens




94            THE LIFE AND TIMES
may become citizens, and citizens may make themselves aliens. tie also proposed the establishment
of religious equality and liberty upon the broadest
foundation. Ile advised the emancipationof all the
slaves born in Virginia after the passage of the act,
and their colonization or deportation at a proper age.
This measure was entirely stricken out by the legislature. lie recommended the abolition of capital
punishment in all cases except treason and murder;
and the graduation of all other punishments upon
the principle of humanity and reason. lie devised
the establishment of a systematic plan of general
education, reaching to all classes of the citizens, and
adapted to every grade of capacity. This portion
of his labors was not carried into effect by the legislature.
The act providing for the establishment of religious freedom is the most remarkable and praiseworthy of all Mr. Jefferson's productions, except the
Declaration of Independence; and it exhibits the
largeness and liberality of his views in the most
impressive manner. It was the work which stood
second in the author's own estimation of all his
labors; and he proudly ordered tliat a reference to
it should be inscribed upon his tombstone. And yet
it was with very considerable difficulty that lie succeeded in obtaining its passage by the legislature.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           95
That portion however of Mr. Jefferson's labors as
a codifier in which he took the greatest interest,
which met with the fiercest opposition, and in the
establishment of which he was totally defeated, had
reference to the domestic slave-trade. He himself
declared that on that subject he could scarcely write
or speak temperately. His proposed law provided
that after a certain period all negroes born in the
State should be free, and afterward at an adult age
be transported to some foreign colony.   As his
opinions on this subject are of great interest and
importance, the following extract from his own
writings are quoted. It was penned at the age of
seventy-seven, and shows that the progress of many
years had made no change in his sentiments. Says
he: "The principles of the amendment, however,
were agreed on in the committee, that is to say, the
freedom of all born after a certain day, and deportation at a proper age. But it was found that the
public mind would not yet bear the proposition, nor
will it bear it even at this day, (1821.) Yet the day
is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or
worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written
in the book of fate than that these people are to be free;
nor is it less certain, that the two races, equally free,
cannot live in the same government.  Nature, habit
and opinion, have drawn indelible lines of distinc



96            THE LIFE AND TIMES
tion between them. It is still in our power to direct
the process of emancipation and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degree, as that the evil will
wear off insensibly, and their place be, pari passu,
filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary,
it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up. We should in vain
look for an example in the Spanish deportation or
deletion of the Moors. This precedent would fall
far short of our case."
The bill providing for the introduction of a general system of education contains three prominent
and remarkable divisions. It proposed the establishment of elementary schools throughout the
State, for all children generally, without distinction
of rich or poor. It recommended the erection of
colleges, or more properly speaking, of academies
in each district, to impart a middle range of instru:ction. It advised the creation and endowment of a
general university, wherein the highest and ultimate
grade of instruction should be given. An addition
which he added to this bill called for the establishment of a public library, and a gallery for the exhibition of paintings and sculptures. The first portion
only of the bill, providing for the establishnlelnt of
elenllentary schools, received the alpprobation of the
legislature.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.           97
Having concluded his labors as a codifier, and
naving obtained the authority of law for a large
portion of his bills, Mr. Jefferson's agency as a
legislator for the present ceased. Nor should it be
forgotten that these elaborate researches were carried
on, and these legislative reforms were effected, at a
period when the whole country, and Virginia particularly, was convulsed by the vicissitudes of a
desperate, protracted and uncertain conflict. The
storms of the revolutionary war were then raging,
and many dark and gloomy hours harassed the
spirit of this faithful and devoted servant of the
popular interests and supremacy. But none of these
things diverted his attention fiom the important
task which he had assumed. To this day the laws,
legislation and jurisprudence of Virginia bear upon
their front the deep and ineffaceable impress of the
master mind and the indefatigable industry of Thomas Jefferson.
In January, 1779, an incident occurred of a more
personal nature, which serves to illustrate clearly
the qualities of Mr. Jefferson's disposition, and
which proves that his views of reform and amelioration were not theories merely, but were substantial
and practical realities.  After the capture of Burgoyne by General Gates, four thousand British
troops became prisoners of war. At first they were
9




98           THE LIFE AND TIMiE
quartered at Boston. After twelve months they
were removed to Charlottesville in Virginia, six
miles from Monticello. This arrival in their midst
thew the inhabitants of that district into the utmost
terror. The scarcity of provisions and other causes
induced them to imagine that the presence of this
large force would lead to a famine.
Mr. Jefferson immediately exerted himself to
quell the popular excitement. He assisted in the
erection of capacious barracks, in establishing suitable accommodations for the officers, and in providing
rations for the troops. Soon the residence of the
prisoners became the abode of comfort and contentment. Hie frequently entertained the officers at
Monticello.  His large and valuable library was at
their disposal.  Gradually the presence of these
captive troops was found to be a great advantage
and profit to the surrounding planters, and universal
contentment reigned. At this period Patrick Henry,
then Governor of the State, formed the resolution
to order the removal of these troops from Charlottesville to another location.  This step would have
been exceedingly impolitic and unwise. The whole
community revolted against it, loud complaints were
made both by the people and by the troops, and a
riot was apprehended.
At this crisis Mr. Jefferson addressed an energetic




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          99
appeal to Governor Henry, urging the relinquishment of the proposed change, at great length. The
governor and his council carefully deliberated on
the arguments of Mr. Jefferson, and finally concluded
to acquiesce in his views. His agency in this matter won for him the enthusiastic applause of the
whole people in the neighborhood of Monticello,
and especially were the officers of the British troops,
who had derived so many advantages from the
proximity of Mr. Jefferson, intensely grateful.
Some of these were Hessians, and many years afterward, when Mr. Jefferson was traveling in Germany,
he had the pleasure of meeting some of these officers
again, and of receiving their demonstrations of
gratitude and esteem. When the foreign officers
eventually left Charlottesville, they addressed letters
of acknowledgment to their benefactor, which indicated how greatly they considered themselves under
obligations to him.
The communication addressed by Mr. Jefferson
on this occasion to Governor Henry, is so peculiar in
its style and spirit, that we will here introduce a
portion of it. It is as follows:
" It is for the benefit of mankind to mitigate the
horrors of war as much as possible. The practice,
therefore, of modern nations of treating captive enemies with politeness and generosity, is not only




100           THE LIFE AND TIMES
delightful in contemplation, but really interesting
to all the world, friends, foes, and neutrals. Let us
apply this: the officers, after considerable hardships,
have all procured quarters, comfortable and satisfactory to them. In order to do this, they were
obliged, in many instances, to hire houses for a year,
certain, and at such exorbitant rents, as were sufficient to tempt independent owners to go out of
them, and shift as they could. These houses, in most
cases, were much out of repair. They have repaired
them at a considerable expense. One of the general officers has taken a place for two years, advanced
the rent for the whole time, and been obliged, moreover, to erect additional buildings, for the accommodation of a part of his family, for which there
was not room in the house rented. Independent of
the brickwork, for the carpentry of these additional
buildings I know he is to pay fifteen hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to my knowledge, has
paid to one person three thousand six hundred and
seventy dollars, for different articles, to fix himself
commodiously. They have, generally, laid in their
stocks of grain, and other provisions; for it is well
known that officers do not live on their rations.
They have purchased cows, sheep, &c.; set into
farming; prepared their gardens, and have a pros



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.        101
pect of quiet and comfort before them. To turn to
the soldiers-the environs of the barracks are delightful, the ground cleared, laid off in hundreds of
gardens, each inclosed in its separate paling; these
well prepared, and exhibiting a fine appearance.
General Reidesel alone laid out upward of two
hundred pounds in garden seeds for the German
troops only.. Judge what an extent of ground these
seeds would cover. There is little doubt, that their
own gardens will furnish them with a great abundance of vegetables through the year. Their poultry,
pigeons, and other preparations of that kind, present
to the m ad the idea of a company of farmers, rather
than a camp of soldiers. In addition to the bar
racks built for them by the public, and now very
comfortable, they have built great numbers for
themselves, in such messes as fancied each other;
and the whole corps, both officers and men, seem now
happy and satisfied with their situation. Having
thus found the art of rendering captivity itself comfortable, and carried it into execution, at their own
great expense and labor, their spirits sustained by
the prospect of gratifications rising before their eyes,
does not every sentiment of humanity revolt against
the proposition of stripping them of all this, and
removing them into new situations, where, from he
9*




102           THE LIFE AND TIMES
advanced season of the year, no preparations can be
made for carrying themselves comfortably through
the heats of summer; and when it is known that
the necessary advances for the conveniences already
provided, have exhausted their funds, and left them
unable to make the like exertions anew?"




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.               103
CHAPTER VI.
MR. JEFFERSON ELECTED GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA-HIS MEASURES OF RETALIATION UPON THE BRITISH-ARREST OF HENRY HAMILTON-WASHINGTON APPROVES OF JEFFERSON'S MEASURES-TARLTON'S INVASION OF
VIRGINIA-JEFFERSON'S ACTIVITY-HIS LETTER TO WASHINGTON-ATTACK
OF THE BRITISH ON RICHMOND-SCHEMES TO CAPTURE ARNOLD-THEIR
FAILURE-ATTEMPT OF THE BRITISH TO TAKE JEFFERSON AT MONTICELLO
-HIS ESCAPE-EFFORTS MADE TO IMPEACH JEFFERSON IN THE LEGISLATURE-THEIR DEFEAT-JEFFERSON'S DEFENSE OF HIS OFFICIAL ACTS.
ON withdrawing from     the legislature of Virginia,
Mr. Jefferson was complimented with the highest
trust within their gift.   He was elected governor
of the State. This event took place on the 1st of
June, 1779.
One of the first steps which the new governor
took was of a retributory naturn toward the fierce
and implacable foes who were then ravaging the
land, laboring to crush the liberties of the people,
and striving to destroy their military defenders.
The generous example of their conduct toward the
captive army of Burgoyne, was now totally lost upon
them.   The American officers and soldiers who had
been   taken  prisoners were loaded with       chains.
They were confined in crowded and filthy dungeons
and prison ships. Their food was pernicious and




104           THE LIFE AND TIMES
detestable. Many had been transported, tried, convicted, and punished in England.  Mr. Jefferson
determined at this crisis to try the effect of a just
severity upon those prisoners then in his power, in
order to soften the measures pursued by the foe. The
cruel and rapacious governor of Detroit, Henry
Hamilton, was then in the hands of the Americans,
together with Philip Dejean, a justice of the peace
of Detroit, and William Lamotte, a captain, all of
whom had been taken prisoners by Col. Clarke at
Fort Vincennes, and brought under guard to Williamsburg. These men had been notorious for their
great barbarity toward the Americans. Hamilton
especially had been unequalled for his crimes of
blood. He had spurred on the Indians to acts of the
utmost cruelty to the settlers; and to increase the
number of murders he had given a high reward for
scalps, and had refused all rewards for prisoners.
All of these men had rendered themselves notorious
for the scalping parties which they had organized
and led over the frontier settlements, in which excursions they had butchered, with indiscriminate
ferocity, men, women, and children.*
To punish these villains, and to strike a whole.
some terror into their former associates, Mr. Jeffer.
son ordered that they should be put in irons, con
~ Vide Jefferson's Works. Vol.. Appendix, note A.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         105
fined in a dungeon in the public prison, deprived of
all use of pen, ink and paper, and be forbidden to
hold communication with any one except their
keepers.
These decisive steps received the unqualified approbation of General Washington. He thought it
highly desirable that at least one solemn proof
should be given, that the patriots of the Revolution
could be just as well as generous. That proof could
again be repeated, should a repetition be deemed
advisable. The first effect which these measures
produced upon the British was to retaliate.  They
published a declaration that no officer of the Virginia
line should be exchanged as long as Hamilton and
his friends remained in captivity. As soon as Jefferson received information of this resolution, he
ordered all exchange of British prisoners to be
stopped. He intended to retain them as pledges for
the security of the captive patriots. A prison ship
was fitted up for their especial accommodation.
Special means were used to ascertain the kind of
treatment the Americans received at the hands of
their captors.  The final result of this retaliative
proness on both sides was precisely such as Mr. Jefferson had anticipated. The appeals of the British
prisoners to their own countrymen became so urgent
and so pertinacious,- that the latter were at last




106           THE LIFE AND TIMES
compelled to yield, to treat the American captives
with the humanity required by the laws of civilized
warfare, and by so doing to secure the comfort of
those minions of the British despot who had fallen
into the hands of the patriots.
The period of the memorable invasion of Virginia
by the notorious Tarlton now arrived. His pathway through the young commonwealth was marked
by blood and rapine.    Terror spread  rapidly
throughout the whole community; but the prevalence of terror did not prevent those who were in
imminent danger from arousing themselves to energetic deeds of fortitude and self-defense. At this
crisis very great responsibility lay upon Mr. Jefferson as the chief magistrate of the State. He employed all his influence and abilities to provide
proper means of protection against the common foe.
lie called upon the legislature to act with promptness and decision. That body immediately clothed
the governor with extraordinary powers. The summer of 1779 passed away in repeated alarms, and in
hurried preparations for resistance. On the 11th
of June Mr. Jefferson addressed the following letter
to General Washington, advising him of the critical
state of affairs in the State, and the surrounding
colonies:
"Our intelligence from the southward is most




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         107
lamentably defective. Though Charleston has now
been in the hands of the enemy nearly a month, we
hear nothing of their movements which can be relied
upon. Rumors say they are penetrating northward.
To remedy this defect, 1 shall immediately establish
a line of expresses from aence to a neighborhood of
their army, and send thither a sensible, judicious
person, to give us information of their movements.
This intelligence will, I hope, be conveyed at the
rate of one hundred and twenty miles in the twentyfour hours. They set out to their stations to-morrow. I wish it were possible that a like speedy line
of communication could be formed from hence to
your excellency's head-quarters. Perfect and speedy
information of what is passing in the south, might
put it in your power perhaps to frame your measures
by theirs. There is really nothing to oppose the
enemy northward, but the cautious principle of the
military art. North Carolina is without arms. They
do not abound with us. Those we have are freely
imparted to them; but such is the state of their
resources that they have not been able to move a
single musket from this State to theirs.  All the
wagons we can collect here have been furnished to
the Baron de Kalb, and are assembled for the march
of 2500 men under General Stevens, of Culpepper,
who will move on the 19th inst. I have written to




108           THE LIFE AND TIMES
Congress to hasten supplies of arms and military
stores for the southern States, and particularly to aid
us with cartridge paper and boxes, the want of
which articles, small as they are, renders our stores
useless. The want of money cramps every effort.
This will be supplied by the most unpalatable of all
substitutes, force.  Your excellency will readily
conceive that, after the loss of one army, our eyes
are turned toward the other, and that we comfort
ourselves with the hope that, if any aids can be furnished by you, without defeating the operations
more beneficial to the Union, they will be furnished.
At the same time, I am happy to find that the wishes
of the people go no further, as far as I have an opportunity of hearing their sentiments. Could arms
be furnished, I think this State and North Carolina
would embody from ten to fifteen thousand militia
immediately, and more if necessary.  I hope ere
long to be able to give you a more certain statement
of the enemy's as well as our own situation."
On the 30th of December Mr. Jefferson received
information that twenty-seven British ships had
entered the capes of Virginia on the preceding day.
He immediately sent General Nelson to the lower
counties of the State, for the purpose of calling out
the militia. The fleet proceeded up James river.
On the 3d of January, 1780, it anchored at James



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         109
town. At Westover one thousand men were landed
under the command of the traitor Arnold, and they
proceeded at once toward Richmond. This was a
complete surprise; for no attack at that point had
been expected, and all the militia had been marched
to Williamsburg. The legislature immediately dispersed. When the British were at Four Mile Creek,
twelve miles from Richmond, Mr. Jefferson also
deserted the capital at seven o'clock at night. He
proceeded to join his family at Tuckahoe, eight
miles from Richmond. There he remained until
the approach of the enemy compelled him to retreat
to Manchester. While halting at this place he was
visited by some of the citizens of Richmond, who
conveyed an offer from Arnold not to burn the town,
provided the tobacco there deposited was delivered
up to the possession of the foe. This offer was instantly rejected. As soon as Arnold reached Richmond, he destroyed the cannon foundry, and a large
quantity of tobacco  as well as many   public
and private buildings were burned. He then returned to his ships after an excursion of forty-eight
hours; and committing deeds which will involve
his name in eternal infamy, as the foe and assailant
of his native land. Immediately after the departure
of Arnold from Richmond, Mr. Jefferson devised a
scheme for the capture of the traitor. He addiressed
10




110           THE LIFE AND TIMES
the following letter to General Muhlenberg on the
subject:
"Sir: Acquainted as you are with the treasons
of Arnold, I need say nothing for your information,
or to give you a proper sentiment of them. You
will readily suppose that it is above all things desirable to drag him from those under whose wing he is
now sheltered. On his march to and from this
place, I am certain it might have been done with
facility, by men of enterprise and firmness. I think
it may still be done, though perhaps not quite so
easily. Having peculiar confidence in the men from
the western side of the mountains, I meant, as soon
as they should come down, to get the enterprise
proposed to a chosen number of them, such whose
courage and whose fidelity would be above all doubt.
Your perfect knowledge of these men personally,
and my confidence in your discretion, induce me to
ask you to seek from among them proper characters,
in such numbers as you think best; to reveal to
them our desire; and engage them to undertake to
seize and bring off this greatest of all traitors.
Whether this may be best effected by their going in
as friends, and awaiting their opportunity, or otherwise, is left to themselves. The smaller the number
the better, so that they may be sufficient to manage
him. Every necessary caution must be used on their




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          1ll
part, to prevent a discovery of their design by the
enemy. I will undertake, if they are successful in
bringing him off alive, that they shall receive five
thousand guineas reward among them; and to men
formed for such an enterprise, it must be a great
incitement to know that their names will be recorded
with glory in history, with those of Vanwert, Pauld.
ing, and Williams."
The guilty fears of Arnold rendered him doubly
cautious, and the plan of his capture was not successful. Nevertheless Jefferson was not disheartened,
but devised a second trap, in which he was to receive
the assistance of General Washington and the
French fleet. That plan was to block up the river
by means of the land and naval forces of the patriots
as to completely hem in the foe, and eventually to
secure his capture. But the arrival of a British
squadron of superior size drove the French fleet
from the Chesapeake, and again defeated the plan
of Jefferson for the capture of the arch-traitor.
Arnold having retreated from Virginia, Lord
Cornwallis immediately afterward entered the State
firom the south. The legislature convened at Charlottesville on the 28th of May, and soon began to
discuss and adopt measures of vigorous resistance.
The very day the legislature assembled, Mr. Jeffer~




112           THE LIFE AND TIMES
son addressed the following letter to General Washington:
"I have just been advised, he says, that the
British have evacuated Petersburg, been joined by a
considerable reinforcement from New York, and
crossed James River at Westover. They were, on the
26th instant, three miles advanced toward Richmond,
at which place Major-General the Marquis Fayette
lay with three thousand men, regulars and militia,
that being the whole number we could arm, until
the arrival of the 1100 stand of arms from Rhode
Island, which are about this time at the place where
our public stores are deposited. The whole force
of the enemy within this State, from the best intelligence I have been able to get, is, I think, about
7000 men, including the garrison left at Portsmouth.
A number of privateers, which are constantly ravaging the shores of our rivers, prevent us from receiving any aid from the counties lying on navigable
waters; and powerful operations meditated against
our western frontier, by ajoint force of British and
Indian savages, have, as your excellency before
knew, obliged us to embody between two and three
thousand men in that quarter. Your excellency
will judge from this state of things, and from what
you know of your own country, what it may probably suffer during the present campaign. Should




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          113
the enemy be able to obtain no opportunity of annihilating the marquis's army, a small proportion of
their force may yet restrain his movements effectually, while the greater part is employed in detachments to waste an unarmed country, and lead the,minds of the people to acquiesce under those events
which they see no human power prepared to
ward off: We are too far removed from the other
scenes of war, to say whether the main force of the
tenemy be within this State; but I suppose they
cannot any where spare so great an army for the
operations of the field. Were it possible for this
circumstance to justify, in your excellency, a deter-;nmination to lend us your personal aid, it is evident
from the universal voice, that the presence of their
beloved countryman, whose talents have so long
been successfully employed in establishing the freedom of kindred States, to whose person they have
still flattered themselves they retained some right,
and have ever looked upon as their dernier resort in
distress; that your appearance, among them, I say,
would restore full confidence of salvation, and would
render them equal to whatever is not impossible. I
cannot undertake to foresee and obviate the difficulties which lie in the way of such a resolution.
The whole subject is before you, of which I see only
detached parts.  Should the danger of the State,
10*a




114           THE LIFE AND TIMES
and its consequences to the Union, be such as to
render it best for the whole that you should repair
to its assistance, the difficulty would then be how to
keep men out of the field. I have undertaken to
hint this matter to your excellency, not only on my
own sense of its importange to us, but at the solicitation of many members of weight in our legislature,
which has not yet assembled to speak its own desires.
A few days will bring to me that relief, which the
Constitution has prepared for those oppressed with
the labors of my office; and a long declared resolution of relinquishing it to abler hands, has prepared
my way for retirement to a private station; still, as
an individual, I should feel the comfortable effects
of your presence, and have (what I thought could
not have been) an additional motive for that gratitude, esteem and respect, which I have long felt for
your excellency."
It was at this period that Tariton made his famous
attempt to surprise and capture Mr. Jefferson at
Monticello. Having approached within ten miles
of that place with his whole force, he sent a detachment of horse rapidly in advance, under the command of Captain McLeod, to accomplish that
purpose. But several of Mr. Jefferson's friends had
apprized him of his peril, and he was able to mako
his escape, about ten minutes before the arrival of




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         115
the foe. He rode rapidly on horseback through the
adjacent forests to the house of Edward Carter, six
miles distant, and thus eluded the British.
The following extract from the defense which was
made by Mr. Jefferson against the charges which
had been preferred against him, at once both vindicates him from the accusations of his foes, and
exhibits the peculiar spirit with which he repelled
their malignant attacks upon his honor and his
fame.
"M. de La Fayette, about this time, arrived at
Richmond with some continental troops, with which,
and the militia collected in the neighborhood, he
continued to occupy that place, and the north bank
of the river, while Phillips and Arnold held Manchester and the south bank. But Lord Cornwallis,
about the middle of May, joining them with the
main southern army, M. de La Fayette was obliged
to retire.  The enemy crossed the river and advanced up into the country, about fifty miles, and
within thirty miles of Charlottesville, at which place
the legislature being to meet in June, the governor
proceeded to his seat at Monticello, two or three
miles from it. IHis office was now near expiring —
the country under invasion by a powerful arnly-no
services but military of any avail-unprepared by
his line of life and education for the command of




116           THE LIFE AND TIMES
armies, he believed it right not to stand in the way
of talents better fitted than his own to the circunm
stances under which the country was placed. He,
therefore, himself proposed to his friends in the
legislature, that General Nelson, who commanded
the militia of the state, should be appointed governor,
as he was sensible that the union of the civil and
military power in the same hands, at this time,
would greatly facilitate military measures.  This
appointment accordingly took place on the 12th of
June, 1781."
After narratingthe particulars of Tarlton's attempt
to surprise him at Monticello, he thus comments on
the charge which his enemies had founded on that
enterprise:
" This is the famous adventure of Carter's Mountain, which has been so often resounded through
the slanderous chronicles of federalism. But they
have taken care never to detail the facts, lest these
should show that this favorite charge amounted to
nothing more than that he did not remain in his
house, and there singly fight a whole troop of horse,
or suffer himself to be taken prisoner. Having
accompanied his family one day's journey, he returned to Monticello.  Tarlton had retired after
eighteen hours' stay in Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson then rejoined his family, and proceeded with




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         117
them to an estate he had in Bedford, about eighty
miles south-west, where, riding on his farm, some
time after, he was thrown from his horse, and disabled from riding on horseback for a considerable
time. But Mr. Turner finds it more convenient to
give him this fall, in his retreat before Tarlton,
which had happened some weeks before, as a proof
that he withdrew from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which Don Quixotte would not have
practiced.
"The facts here stated most particularly, with
date of time and place, are taken from the notes
made by the writer hereof, for his own satisfaction
at the time-the others are from memory, but so
well recollected, that he is satisfied there is no material fact misstated. Should any person undertake
to contradict any particular, on evidence which may
at all,nmerit the public respect, the writer will take
the trouble (though not at all in the best situation
for it) to produce the proofs in support of it. He
finds, indeed, that of the persons whom he recollects
to have been present on the occasion, few have survived the intermediate lapse of four and twenty
years. Yet he trusts that some, as well as himself,
are yet among the living; and he is positively certain that no man can falsify any material fact here
stated. He well remembers, indeed, that there were




118           THE LIFE AND TIMES
then, as there are at all times, some who blamed
every thing done contrary to their own opinion,
although their opinions were formed on a very
partial knowledge of facts. The censures which
have been hazarded by such men as Mr. Turner,
are nothing but revivals of these half-informed
opinions. Mr. George Nicholas, then a very young
man, but always a very honest one, was prompted
by these persons to bring specific charges against
Mr. Jefferson. The heads of these, in writing, were
communicated through a mutual friend to Mr.
Jefferson, who committed to writing also the heads
of justification on each of them. I well remember
this paper, and believe the original of it still exists;
and though framed when every real fact was fresh in
the knowledge of every one, this fabricated flight
from Richmond was not among the charges stated
in this paper, nor any charge against Mr. Jefferson
for not fighting, singly, the troop of horse. Mr.
Nicholas candidly relinquished further proceeding.
The House of Representatives of Virginia pronounced an honorable sentence of entire approbation
of Mr. Jefferson's conduct, and so much the more
honorable, as themselves had been witnesses to it.
And Mr. George Nicholas took a conspicuous occasion afterward, of his own free will, and when the
matter was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          119
erroneous opinions he had been led into on that
occasion, and to make just reparation by a candid
acknowledgment of them."
While Mr. Jefferson was confined at Poplar Forest, his estate in Bedford, in consequence of the fall
from his horse, and was thereby incapable of any
active employment, public or private. He occupied
himself with answering the queries which Mons. de
Marbois, then secretary of the French Legation to
the United States, had submitted to him respecting
the physical and political condition of Virginia;
which answers were afterward published by him,
under the title of "Notes on Virginia."  When we
consider how difficult it is, even in the present day,
to get an accurate knowledge of such details of our
country, and how much greater the difficulty must
have then been, we are surprised at the extent of
the information which a single individual had been
able to acquire, as to the physical features of the
State-the course, length and depth of its rivers, its
zoological and botanical productions, its Indian
tribes, its statistics and its laws. After the lapse of
more than half a century, by much the larger part
of this work still gives us the fullest and most accurate information which we possess in reference to
the subjects of which it treats.




120             THE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER VII.
KR. JEFFERSON CfHOSEN A PLENIPOTENTIARY TO ENGLAND —DEAT1 ObF I RS.
JEFFERSON-MISSION TO ENGLAND ABANDONED-MR. JEFFERSON EL]T]CTB
A DELEOATE TO CONGRESS-IMPROVEMENTS II THE CURRENCT-WASHINGTON BESIGNS HIS COMMISSION TO CONGRESS AT ANNAPOLS —-THE PEFINITITE TREATY WITH ENGLAND- ANTI-SLAVERY ORDINANCES PROPOSED ]B
IR. JEFFERSON IN CONGRESS IN 1784-HE IS APPOINTED FPENVPOTENTIARY TO FRANCE-CONFERENCES WITH THE FRENCH MINISTRY-ATT]EHPT
TO NEGOTIATE A COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
ON the 15th of June, 1781, Mr. Jefferson was
chosen by Congress, in connection with Messrs.
Adams, Franklin, Jay and Laurens, as ministerplenipotentiary, to negotiate a peace which was then
contemplated with England, through the mediation
of Russia. He however declined the appoir.tment.
The expected mediation of Russia never took place,
and very soon the memorable capture of Cornwallis
at Yorktown rendered it unnecessary.      The cause
of tyranny became thereafter hopeless in the United
Colonies, and the enemy was compelled at once to
treat. On this important occasion Mr. Jefferson
was again chosen to represent the interests of this
country. This appointment he accepted, and among
the motives which influenced him so to do, was one
of a domestic and painful nature.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         121
In September, 1782, Mrs. Jefferson died, and this
bereavement produced a deep effect upon her husband's mind. He had three daughters who survived
their mother, and to every member of his family
he was tenderly attached. He supposed that a
change of scene might produce a beneficial effect
upon his spirits.  Mrs. Randolph, his favorite
daughter, thus speaks of the effect which the death
of Mrs. Jefferson produced upon the mind of the
subject of this memoir:
" As a nurse, no female ever had more tenderness
or anxiety. He nursed my poor mother, in turn,
with aunt Carr and his own sisters; sitting up with
her, and administering her medicines and drink to
the last. For four months that she lingered, he
was never out of calling. When not at her bed-side,
he was writing in a small room that opened imme.
diately at the head of her bed. A moment before
the closing scene, he was led from the room almost
in a state of insensibility by his sister, Mrs. Carr,
who with difficulty got him into his library, where
he fainted, and remained so long insensible, that
they became apprehensive he never would revive.
The scene that followed I did not witness; but the
violence of his grief, (when, by stealth, I entered his
room at night,) I dare not trust myself to describe.
He kept his room three weeks, during which I was
11




122          THE LIFE AND TIMES
never a moment from his side. He walked almost
incessantly, night and day, lying down only occa.
sionally, when nature was completely exhausted, on
a pallet, that had been brought in during his long
fainting fit. My aunts remained constantly with
him for some weeks; I do not remember how many.
When at last he left his room, he rode out and
from that time he was incessantly on horseback,
rambling about the mountains, in the least frequented roads, and just as often through the woods."
Having accepted the mission offered him by Con.
gress, Mr. Jefferson started on the 19th of December, 1782, for Philadelphia. There he arrived after
a journey of eight days. He proposed to embark
at that place; but the French minister, M. Lucerne,
offering him a passage in a frigate then lying below
Baltimore, he proceeded thither. The ice still impeded and suspended the navigation, and he was
compelled to wait during several months. In the
mean time, however, a provisional treaty of peace had
been signed by the American commissioners on the
3d of September; and this event precluding the necessity of the further agency of the new commissioners, Mr. Jefferson returned on the 15th of May
to Monticello.
On the 6th of June, the Legislature of Virginia
appointed him a delegate to Congress. He left




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.        123
stonticello on the 16th of October, and arrived at
Trenton, where Congress then sat, on the 4th of
November. On the 25th of that month Congress
adjourned to meet at Annapolis, the capital of
Maryland; but it was not until the 13th of December that a quorum could be obtained.
The first subject which engaged his attention as a
member of this Congress, was that of the currency.
The colonies had always experienced the want of
a sufficient supply of the precious metals; and
although their currency was nominally the same as
that of the mother country, it had greatly depreciated, not only abroad, but even among the States
themselves. A hundred pounds of English money
were then equivalent to a hundred and thirty-three
and a third pounds in Virginia and through New
England. In other States the disproportion was
still greater. The attention of Congress had been
first called to this subject by Robert Morris in 1782.
That great financier made an elaborate report, showing the importance of a general standard value of
money. At the session of Congress which then
convened, the subject was referred to a committee,
of which Mr. Jefferson was a member. He suggested a plan, in favor of which the committee
eventually reported. This plan of arranging the
currency was adopted by Congress during the fol



124          TIHl LIFE AND TIMES
lowing year. IHe suggested the introduction of the
dollar as our unit of account and payment; and
its division and subdivision in the decimal ratio,
into dimes, cents, and mills. He proposed the same
principle in the regulation of weights, measures, and
distances. The plan has been found admirable in
reference to the coin; but it has never been tried
in regard to the other matters.
On the 19th December General Washington
arrived at Annapolis for the purpose of resigning
to Congress the high military command with which
he had been intrusted, and which he had exercised
with such success and glory.
A committee, of which Mr. Jefferson was chairman, was appointed to make arrangements for the
occasion. The ceremony took place in the State
House Hall, at 12 o'clock, on the 23d of December,
in the presence of all the officers of the federal and
state governments and of numerous spectators. The
moral grandeur of the scene, and the patriotic exultation it was likely to call forth, could not suppress a feeling of tender melancholy on beholding
that connection dissolved which had been the source
of so much national pride and glory; and many of
the spectators, yielding to this emotion, melted into
tears.  The principal actors themselves, General
Washington and the president of Congress, General




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          125
Mifflin, were almost overpowered by their feelings.
This closing act of the great drama made a deep
impression on the whole American people, and
f)rms one of the interesting subjects with which
Trumbull's gifted pencil has adorned the Capitol at
Washington. The addresses of the general, and of
the president of Congress in reply to him, exhibit
the same beautiful simplicity, both as to thought and
diction, which was suited to the occasion. That of
the president, ascribed to the pen of Mr. Jefferson,
is quoted as a specimen of his happiest manner.
Sir: The United States, in Congress assembled,
receive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the
solemn resignation of the authorities under which
you have led their troops with success through a
perilous and doubtful war. Called upon by your
country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted
the sacred charge, before it had formed alliances,
and whilst it was without funds, or a government to
support you. You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and f6rtitude, invariably
regarding the rights of the civil power through all
disasters and changes. You have, by the love and
confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to
display their martial genius, and transmit their fame
to posterity. You have persevered, till these United
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126          THE LIFE AND TIMES
States, aided by a magnanimous king and nation,
have been enabled, under a just Providence, to close
the war in freedom, safety and independence; on
which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations.
" Having defended the standard of liberty in this
new world; having taught a lesson useful to those
who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you
retire from the great theatre of action, with the
blessings of your fellow-citizens-but the glory of
your virtues will not terminate with your military
command, it will continue to animate remotest
ages.
" We feel with you our obligations to the army
in general, and will particularly charge ourselves
with the interests of those confidential officers, who
have attended your person to this affecting moment.
" We join you in commending the interests of our
dearest country to the protection of Almighty God,
beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of
its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded
them of becoming a happy and respectable nation.
And for you we address to him our earnest prayers,
that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his
care; that your days may be happy as they have
been illustrious; and that he will finally give you
that reward which this world cannot give."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSCN.         327
Immediately after this event the definitive treaty
with England arrived at Annapolis, and its provisions became the subject of protracted arguments
and discussions. In reference to this occasion Mr
Jefferson has said: " Our body was little numerous
but very contentious. Day after day was wasted
on the most unimportant questions. A member,
one of those afflicted with the morbid rage of debate,
of an ardent mind, prompt imagination, and copious
flow of words, who heard with impatience any logic
which was not his own, sitting near me, on some
occasion of a trifling but wordy debate, asked me
how I could sit in silence, hearing so much false
reasoning, which a word should refute? I observed
to him, that to refute indeed was easy, but to
silence impossible; that in measures brought forward by myself I took the laboring oar, as was incumbent on me; but that in general I was willing
to listen; that if every sound argument or objection
was used by some one or other of the numerous
debaters, it was enough; if not, I thought it sufficient to suggest the omission, without going into a
repetition of what had been already said by others:
that this was a waste and abuse of the time and
patience of the house, which could not be justified.
And I believe, that if the members of deliberative
bodies were to observe this course generally, they




128          THE LIFE AND TIMES
would do in a day what takes them a week; and it
is really more qrestionab e'than may at first be
thought, whether Bonaparte's dumb legislature,
which said nothing and did much, may not be
preferable to one which talks much and does nothing.
I served with General Washington in the Legislature of Virginia, before the Revolution, and during
it with Dr. Franklin in Congress; I never heard
either of them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to
any but the main point which was to decide the question. They laid their shoulders to the great points,
knowing that the little ones would follow of themselves. If the present Congress errs in too much
talking, how can it be otherwise in a body to which
the people send one hundred and fifty lawyers,
whose trade it is to question every thing, yield
nothing, and talk by the hour? That one hundred
and fifty lawyers should do business together ought
not to be expected."
At length, on the 14th of January, the delegates
from nine States having arrived, the treaty was ratified without a dissenting voice..Subsequent to the conclusion of this important
matter, on the 1st of March, 1784, a committee consistinlg of Messrs. Jefferson, Chase of Maryland,
and [Howell of Rhode Island, reported to Congress
the following celebrated ordinance for the govern



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         129
ment of all the national territory lying beyond the
limits of the thirteen States, and not merely the
lNorth-Western Territory, and for the exclusion of
slavery therefrom.
"Resolved, That the territory ceded or to be ceded
by individual States to the United States, whensoever the same shall have been purchased of the
Indian inhabitants and offered for sale by the United States, shall be formed into additional States,
bounded in the following manner, as nearly as such
cessions will admit; that is to say, northwardly and
southwardly by parallels of latitude, so that each
State shall comprehend from south to north two
degrees of latitude, beginning to count from the
completion of thirty-one degrees north of the
equator; but any territory northwardly of the
forty-seventh degree shall make part of the State
next below. And eastwardly and westwardly they
shall be bounded, those on the Mississippi, by
that river on one side and the meridian of the lowest point of the rapids of the Ohio on the other;
and those adjoining on the east, by the same merin
dian on their western side, and on their eastern
by the meridian of the western cape of the mouth
of the great Kanawha. And the territory eastward
of this last meridian, between the Ohio, Lake Erie,
and Pennsylvania, shall be one State.




1o0           THE LIFE AND TIMES
"That the settlers within the territory so to be
purchased and offered for sale shall, either on their
own petition or on the order of Congress, receive
authority from them, with appointments of time and
place, for their free males of full age to meet together for the purpose of establishing a temporary
government, to adopt the constitution and laws of
any one of these States, so that such laws nevertheless shall be subject to alteration by their ordinary
Legislature, and to erect, subject to a like alteration,
counties or townships for the election of members
for their legislature.
"That such temporary government shall only
continue in force in any State until it shall have
acquired twenty thousand free inhabitants, when,
giving the due proof thereof to Congress, they shall
receive from them authority, with appointments of
time and place, to call a convention of representatives to establish a permanent constitution and
government for themselves; provided, that both
the temporary and permanent governments be
established on these principles as their basis:
"1. That they shall forever remain a part of the
United States of America.
"2. That in their persons, property, and territory,
they shall be subject to the Government of the Unit.
ed States in Congress assembled, and to the Articles




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON. *13
of Confederation in all those cases in which the
original States shall be so subject.
" 3. That they shall be subject to pay a part of the
Federal debts, contracted or to be contracted, to be
apportioned on them by Congress according to the
same common rule and measure by which apportionments thereof shall be made on the other States.
" 4. That their respective governments shall be in
republican forms, and shall admit no person to be a
citizen who holds any hereditary title.
"5. That after the year 1800 of the Christian era,
there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the said States, otherwise than in
punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have
been duly convicted to have been personally guilty.
" That whenever any of the said States shall have,
of free inhabitants, as many as shall then be in any
one of the least numerous of the thirteen original
States, such State shall be admitted, by its delegates,
into the Congress of the United States, on an equal
footing with the said original States; after which
the assent of two-thirds of the United States, in
Congress assembled, shall be requisite in all those
cases wherein, by the confederation, the assent of
nine States is now required, provided the consent of
nine States to such admission may be obtained
according to the eleventh of the Articles of Con



132           THE LIFE AND TIMES
federation. Until such admission by their delegates
into Congress, any of the said States, after the
establishment of their temporary government, shall
have authority to keep a sitting member in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting.
"That the territory northward of the forty-fifth
degree, that is to say, of the completion of forty-five
degrees from the equator, and extending to the Lake
of the Woods, shall be called Sylvania; that of the
territory under the forty-fifth and forty-fourth degrees, that which lies westward of Lake Michigan,
shall be called Michigania; and that which is eastward thereof, within the peninsula formed by the
lakes and waters of Michigan, Huron, St. Clair, and
Erie, shall be called Chersonesus, and shall include
any part of the peninsula which may extend above
the forty-fifth degree. Of the territory under the
forty-third and forty-second degrees, that to the
westward, through which the Assenisipi or Rock
River runs, shall be called Assenisipia; and that to
the eastward, in which are the fountains of the
Muskingum, the two Miamies of the Ohio, the Wabash, the Illinois, the Miami of the Lake, and the
Sandusky rivers, shall be called Metropotamia. Of
the territory which lies under the forty-first and fortieth degrees, the western, through which the river
Illinois runs, shall be called lllinoia; the next ad



OF THOMAS JEFFEtiSON.        166
joining to the eastward, Saratoga; and that between
this last and Pennsylvania, and extending fiom the
Ohio to Lake Erie, shall be called Washington. Of
the terrritory which lies under the thirty-ninth and
thirty-eighth degrees, to which shall be added so
much of the point of land within the fork of the
Ohio and Mississippi as lies under the thirty-seventh
degree; that to the westward, within and adjacent
to which are the confluences of the rivers Wabash,
Shawanee, Tanisee, Ohio, Illinois, Mississippi, and
Missouri, shall. be called Polypotamia; and that to
the eastward, further up the Ohio, otherwise called
the Pelisipi, shall be called Pelisipia.
" That all the preceding articles shall be formed
into a charter of compact, shall be duly executed by
the President of the United States in Congress
assembled, under his hand and the seal of the United
States, shall be promulgated, and shall stand as
fundamental conditions between the thirteen original States and those newly described, unalterable
but by the joint consent of the United States, in
Congress assembled, and of the particular State
within which such alteration is proposed to be
made."
On a test vote on adopting the anti-slavery provision above, sixteen voted aye, and seven no; but
the requisite number of States failing to vote in the
12




1-4           THE LIFE AND TIMES
affirmatv'~e, it was lost. And three years later the
Ordinance of 1787, for the North-western Territory
alone, was adopted.
Congress having resolved to send another minister
to Europe for the purpose of negotiating treaties of
commerce there, in addition to Messrs. Franklin
and Adams, Mr. Jefferson was appointed for that
post.  He accepted the proffered honor, which
allured him by the highest inducements, both of
usefulness, fame and pleasure, so to do.  lie thus
describes his voyage: "I left Annapolis on the
11th, took with me my eldest daughter, then at
Philadelphia (the two others being too young for the
voyage,) and proceeded to Boston in quest of a
passage. While passing through the different States,
I made a point of informing myself of the state of
the commerce of each; went on to New Iampshire
with the same view, and returned to Boston. Thence
I sailed on the 5th of July, in the Ceres, a merchant
ship of Mr. Nathaniel Tracy, bound to Cowes. He
was himself a passenger, and after a pleasant voyage
of nineteen days, we arrived at Cowes on the 26th.
I was detained there a few days by the indisposition
of my laughter. On the 30th we embarked for
IIavre, arrived there on the 31st, left it on the 3d of
August, and arrived at Paris on the 6th. I called
immediately on Dr. Franklin, at Passy, communi



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          135
cated to him our charge, and we wrote to Mr.
Adams, then at the Hague, to join us at Paris."
In Europe, the services of Mr. Jefferson were
highly beneficial to his country; for independent
of his diplomatic talent, the moral force of his character as a statesman, a man of science, a philosopher
and a sage, elevated the reputation of his country,
and extorted that respect which civilized mankind
always pay as the tribue of reason to the power of
intellect.  Having negotiated several treaties of
commerce, Dr. Franklin returned home; and Mr.
Adams having been appointed ambassador at St.
James', Mr. Jefferson was leftas minister at the
court of Versailles.
A treaty with Prussia and Morocco was the only
fruit of the labors of the three ambassadors.
At the request of Mr. Adams, Jefferson now went
over to London to attempt a treaty with that power;
but returned to Paris covered with disappointment,
mortification and chagrin at the cold reception which
the overture had received.
From Paris, Mr. Jefferson found leisure to travel
into Italy, and to explore Holland; and his powers
of observation fully enabled him to amass a fund of
information as useful to his country as it proved
beneficial to I imselfo
In Franao., t long residence and a perfect mastery




136           THE LIFE AND TIMES
of the language could not fail to imbue him deeply
with European politics. His prepossessions in favor
of the French were warm and evident; he did not conceal his attachment to the French character, and to
French modes of thinking, acting and feeling; and
he therefore naturally became a favorite with their
philosophers and men of letters; nor was it a slight
honor to call D'Alembert his friend, to embrace Condorcet as a companion, and to acknowledge the Abbe
Morrellet as his literary godfather, who from love
to the author translated his Notes on Virginia.
Although at a foreign court, the thoughts of
Jefferson were too much directed homeward to allow
him to overlook what was going on, in the formation of the new constitution, to which he looked
with an anxiety and solicitude proportioned to the
magnitude and importance of the subject. As it will
forever remain an interesting subject of'rational
curiosity, as well as of political importance, to know
in what light he viewed the constitution at the time
of its adoption, we will quote from his memoirs and
correspondence all that appears to bear directly
upon this great point. He says, page 63: "Our first
essay in America, to establish a federative government, had fallen, on trial, very short of its object.
During the War of Independence, while the pressure
of an external enemy hooped us together, and their




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          137
enterprises kept us necessarily on the alert, the spirit
of the people, excited by danger, was a supplement
to the confederation, and urged them to zealous
exertions, whether claimed by that instrument or
not; but when peace and safety were restored, and
every man became engaged in useful and profitable
occupation, less attention was paid to the calls of
Congress. The fundamental defect of the confedera
tion was, that Congress was not authorized to act
immediately on the people, and by its own officers.
Their power was only requisitory, and those requisitions were addressed to the several legislatures, to
be by them carried into execution, without other
coercion than the moral principle of duty. This
allowed, in fact, a negative to every legislature on
every measure proposed by Congress; a negative so
frequently exercised in practice, as to benumb the
action of the federal government, and to render it
inefficient in its general objects, and more especially
in pecuniary and foreign concerns. The want, too,
of a separation of the legislative, executive and
judiciary functions worked disadvantageously in
practice. Yet this state of things afforded a happy
augury of the future march of our confederacy,
when it was seen that the good sense and good dispositions of the people, as soon as they perceived
the incompetence of their first compact, instead of
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138           THE LIFE AND TIMES
leaving its correction to insurrection and civil war,
agreed with one voice to elect deputies to a general
convention."
Immediately on his arrival in Paris, Mr. Jefferson
rented a house in the Cul de Sac Tetebout, near the
Boulevards, and furnished it in an elegant and
expensive manner.  His household consisted of
Colonel Humphreys, the secretary of legation, Mr.
Short, his private secretary, and his daughter, who
was afterward placed in a convent for her education.
One of the first projects which occupied his attention
was the printing of his Notes on Virginia. He had
refrained from publishing the work in America in
consequence of the expense. He found that the
cost in Europe would be only about one-fourth of
the price in his own country. Two hundred copies
only were printed at first. One of these fell into the
hands of a Parisian publisher, who procured a
French translation to be made, but so imperfectly
was it done as to deface and deform the work. Mr.
Jefferson then negotiated with a London bookseller
to have the volume properly given to the world, and
thus introduce it to general diffusion.
The Legislature of Virginia had authorized him
and his colleagues to employ a competent artist to
execute a statue of General Washington.  In the
performance of this duty, Mr. Jefferson selected a




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         139
distinguished French artist named Hludon for the
task. This person visited the United States, in the
execution of the work, and the result of his labors
now adorn the Capitol of the State of Virginia. Mr.
Jefferson also recommended Itoudon as a suitable
person to execute the equestrian statue of Washington which Congress had resolved upon. But difficulties postponed and subsequently entirely defeated
the realization of this enterprise.
On the 15th of August, 1785, Mr. Jefferson opened
his negotiations with the French minister, Count de
Vergennes, in reference to the establishment of a
commercial treaty between France and the United
States. Mr. Adams had previously left Paris for
London, Dr. Franklin had returned home, and Mr.
Jefferson was left alone to conduct this important
and difficult negotiation. He desired to place the
trade in tobacco on a footing profitable to both
countries. The policy of the French government in
reference to this great staple had been exclusive and
selfish, "contrary to the spirit of trade and to the
dispositions of merchants to carry a commodity to
any market where but one person is allowed to buy
it, and where of course that person fixes its price,
which the seller must receive or re-export his commodity at the loss of his voyage thither. Experience
accordingly shows that they carry it to other mar



140          THE LIFE AND TIMES
kets, and that they take in exchange the merchandise of the place where they deliver it."
The deliberations were long, intricate and tedious.
Mr. Jefferson was called on to answer many objections to his proposed arrangement. One of these
was that the treaty would encourage smuggling.
The answer to this argument was, that "the temptation to smuggling would be less, when what
costs fourteen sous may now be sold for sixty, but
will then sell for but forty." Ie desired to remove
all restrictions on commerce, and he thus asserted
fully and boldly the great democratic principle on
that subject.
In a letter to Mr. Adams in July, 1785, he thus
speaks of the policy of subjecting aliens to higher
duties than are paid by citizens: "As far as my
inquiries enable me to judge, France and Holland
make no distinction of duties between aliens and
natives. I also rather believe that the other states
of Europe make none, England excepted, to whom
this policy, as that of her navigation act, seems peculiar.  The question then is, should we disarm
ourselves of the power to make this distinction
against all nations, in order to purchase an exemption from the alien duties in England only? for if
we put her importations on the footing of native, all
other nations with whom we treat will have a right




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         141
to claim the same. I think we should, because
against other nations who make no distinctions in
their ports between us and their own subjects, we
ought not to make a distinction in ours. And if
the English will agree in like manner to make none,
we should with equal reason abandon the right as
against them. I think all the world would gain by
setting commerce at perfect liberty. I remember
that when we were digesting the general form of
our treaty, this proposition to put foreigners and
natives on the same footing was considered; and we
were all three, Dr. Franklin, as well as you and myself, in favor of it."
In a letter received from Mr. Jay, he had been
asked " Whether it would be useful to us to carry all
our own productions, or none?" and he evidently
shows a preference for the Chinese policy. This
opinion may seem inconsistent with a clear perception of the benefits of free trade; but on this occasion
he postpones pecuniary gain to what he deemed
the higher considerations of national policy.
"We have now," he says, "lands enough to employ an infinite number of people in their culiivation. Cultivators of the earth are the most valuable
citizens. They are the most vigorous, the most
independent, the most virtuous, and they are tied to
their country, and wedded to its liberty and interests




142           THE LIFE AND TIMES
by the most lasting bonds. As long, therefore, as
they can find employment in this line, I would not
convert them into mariners, artisans, or any thing
else. But our citizens will find employment in this
line, till their numbers, and of course their productions, become too great for the demand, both internal and foreign. This is not the case as yet, and
probably will not be for a considerable time. As
soon as it is, the surplus of hands must be turned to
something else.  I should then, perhaps, wish to
turn them to the sea, in preference to manufactures;
because, comparing the characters of the two classes,
I find the former the most valuable citizens. I consider the class of artificers as the panders of vice,
and the instruments by which the liberties of a
country are generally overturned. However, we are
not free to decide this question on principles of
theory only. Our people are decided in the opinion
that it is necessary for us to take a share in the occupation of the ocean, and their established habits
induce them to require that the sea be kept open
for them, and that that line of policy be pursued
which'will render the use of that element to them as
great as possible. I think it a duty in those entrusted with the administration of their affairs, to
conform themselves to the decided choice of their
constituents: and that, therefore, we should in every




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          143
instance preserve an equality of right to them, in
the transportation of commodities, in the right of
fishing, and in the other uses of the sea."
But he thinks that wars will be the inevitable
consequence: " That their property will be violated
on the sea, and in foreign ports their persons will be
insulted, imprisoned, &c., which outrages we must
resent. That the only way to deter injustice will be
to put ourselves, by means of a naval force, in a situation to punish it. I think it," he says, "to our
interest to punish the first insult; because an insult
unpunished is the parent of many others." In case
of a war with England, he thought we should
abandon the carrying trade, because we could not
protect it. "Foreign nations must in that case be
invited to bring us what we want, and take our productions in their own bottoms. This alone could
prevent the loss of those productions to us, and the
acquisition of them to our enemy. Our seamen
might be employed in depredations on their trade."
He afterward adds: " Our vicinity to their West
India possessions and to the fisheries, is a bridle
which a small naval force on our part would hold in
the mouths of the most powerful of these countries.
I hope our Land Office will rid us of our debts, and
that our first attention then will be to the beginning
of a naval force of some sort.  This alone can




144          THE LIFE AND TIMES
countenance our people as carriers on the water, and
I suppose them to be determined to continue such."
In March, 1787, Mr. Jefferson proceeded to London to assist Mr. Adams in perfecting the treaties
which were then in progress of negotiation with
Tripoli, Tunis and Portugal, together with that then
pending with England. Mr. Jefferson at this time
uttered the conviction to one of his correspondents,
that notwithstanding the treaty which had already
been ratified with England and the United States,
the former was the enemy of the latter; that her
hatred was deeply rooted and cordial; and that
nothing was wanting with her but the power to
crush her rebellious colonies from the face of the
earth. And this opinion seemed founded in truth,
and was supported by ample evidence furnished by
the press, the parliament and the court of England
at that moment.  The ulcerations of the king's
mind seemed to be so great as to hold out no hope
of reconciliation whatever. On the presentation of
Messrs. Jefferson and Adams, their reception " by
their majesties" was most ungracious. Before leav
ing England, Mr. Jefferson wrote as follows to Mr
Jay, then Secretary of Foreign Affairs:
"With this country nothing is done; and that
nothing is intended to be done on their part, admits
not the smallest doubt. The nation is against any




OF THOMAS JEFPERSON.         145
change of measures; the ministers are against it;
some from principle, others from subserviency; and
the king, more than all men, is against it. If we
take a retrospect to the beginning of the present
reign, we observe that amidst all the changes of:ministry, no change of measures with respect to
America ever took place, excepting only at the
moment of the peace, and the minister of that movement was immediately removed. Judging of the
future by the past, I do not expect a change of disposition during the present reign, which bids fair to
be a long one, as the king is healthy and temperate.
That he is persevering we know. If he ever changes
his plan, it will be in consequence of events which
at present neither himself nor his ministers place
among those which are probable. Even the opposition dare not open their lips in favor of a connection
with us, so unpopular would be the topic. It is not
that they think our commerce unimportant to them.
I find that the merchants have set sufficient value
on it. But they are sure of keeping it on their own
terms. No better proof can be shown of the security
in which the ministers think themselves on this
head, than that they have not thought it worth while
to give us a conference on the subject, though on
my arrival we exhibited to them our commission,
observed to them that it would expire on the 12th
13




146           THE LIFE AND TIMES
of next month, and that I had come over on purpose
to see if any arrangements could be made before
that time. Of two months which then remained,
six weeks have elapsed without one scrip of a pen,
or one word from a minister, except a vague propo.
sition at an accidental meeting. We availed ourselves even of that to make another essay, to extort
some sort of a declaration from the court; but their
silence is invincible."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.               147
CIAPTER VIII.
THE CONVENTION AT ANNAPOLIS-SUMMONING OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION
-ADOPTION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION-ORIGIN AND STATE OF POLITICAL
PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES-JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS IN REFERENCE
TO THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION-HIS LETTERS ON THE SUBJECT-OPPOSING OPINIONS OF WASHINGTON-VOX POPULI, VOX DEI-JEFFERSON'S
TRAVELS IN EUROPE-HIS DIPLOMATIC LABORS-EVENTS OF THE FREN(C
REVOLUTION-JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS IN REFERENCE TO THOSE EVENTS.
IN January, 1786, the General Assembly of Vir
ginia resolved to appoint eight commissioners to
meet those of other States to digest a system of uni
form commercial regulations. The convention was
appointed to meet at Annapolis in the ensuing
September. When that time arrived five States only
sent their representatives to the Convention. These
were New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. Mr. Dickerson was appointed
president, and the members proceeded to deliberate.
They found their powers too limited, and their numbers too few to secure any benefit or authority from
their labors.  They accordingly adjourned, but be.
fore doing so agreed upon a report to be submitted
to the different States, in which they set forth the
expediency of revising and extending the federal




148           THE LIFE AND TIMES
system, and recommended the appointment of deputies by the various State legislatures to meet at
Philadelphia on the 2d of May, 1787. On the 21st
of February, 1787, Congress passed a resolution
declaring such a Convention expedient.  On the
25th of May deputies from nine States assembled in
Philadelphia. Washington was elected president.
Rhode Island subsequently sent her representatives,
and the whole number composing the Convention
was fifty-five. After long and careful deliberations
a Federal Constitution was agreed upon. Alexander
Hamilton drew the first draft, which was afterward
adopted with some modifications. The instrument
was sent to Congress on the 28th of September,
1787, and by them submitted to the several States
for their ratification. It was approved by Delaware,
Pennsylvania and New Jersey in 1787; by Georgia,
Connecticut, Massachusetts, Maryland, South Carolina, New Hampshire, Virginia and New York in
1788; North Carolina ratified it in November, 1789,
and Rhode Island in May, 1790.
It was mainly on the ground of " State sovereignty" that the Constitution reported by this convention
was opposed on the part of some of the States; and
that parties arrayed against federal power entered
warmly into the discussion of its merits, in the interim between its promulgation by the Convention




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         149
and its final ratification by the States. To elucidate
its merits, and enforce and illustrate its virtues,
three of the most distinguished friends of Washington, noted for their political acumen, profound
knowledge of jurisprudence, power of argument,
and force of style, united their labors in a series of
papers under the title of The Federalist; the joint
production of Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and
James Madison. On the side of State sovereignty,
popular rights and limited government, were arrayed
the powerful pens of the great champions of democracy; each party straining every nerve to prevent or secure its ratification by the States.
Here again the weight and influence of Washington's character secured a result which without the
authority of his name, and the magic power of his
virtues, could not have been produced; for there is
conclusive reason to believe, that had the State
conventions been left purely to the naked merits of
the Constitution, the ratification by the number of
States required to give it effect could not have been
obtained. Even Marshall is constrained to admit
that in some of the adopting States a majority of
the people were in opposition to it, and were only
brought to acquiesce in its provisions from a just
dread of the calamitous consequences of a dismemberment of the Union, rather than from an appro18*




150           THE LIFE AND TIMES
bation of the instrument which had been submitted
for their sanction; and from a deference to the
character of Washington, which no other man could
have inspired.
Although the Federal Constitution was adopted
while Mr. Jefferson was residing in Paris, he did
not view the subject with less interest than if he
was personally engaged in the direct discussion of
its provisions.  He communicated his sentiments
very freely to Mr. Madison; and his letters constantly express his great confidence in the capacity
of the people for self-government, and his jealousy
of their delegates. He was decidedly in favor of
separating the executive, legislative, and judiciary
powers. He was opposed to the negative proposed
to be given on the legislative acts of the several
States. He said:
" It fails in an essential character; the hole and
the patch should be commensurate. But this pro.
poses to mend a small hole by covering the whole
garment. Not more than one out of a hundred
State acts concern the confederacy. This proposition
then, in order to give them one degree of power
which they ought to have, gives them ninety-nine
more which they ought not to have, upon a presumption that they will not exercise the ninety-nine.
But upon every act there will be a preliminary




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          151
question: Does this act concern the confederacy?
And was there ever a proposition so plain as to pass
Congress without debate? Their decisions are
almost always wise; they are like pure metal; but
you know of how much dross this is the result."
He suggested as a better method of accomplishing
the object aimed at, by conferring such a check on
the Federal government, that there should be an
appeal from the State judicature to the Federal,
where the Constitution controlled the question. In
reference to the powers of coercion on the States
which the Articles of Confederation conferred upon
Congress, he thus writes to Mr. Carrington of Virginia, in August, 1787: "My general plan would
be to make the States one as to every thing connected with foreign nations, and several as to every
thing purely domestic. But with all the imperfections of our present government, it is without comparison the best existing, or that ever did exist. Its
greatest defect is the imperfect manner in which
matters of commerce have been provided for. It has
been so often said as to be generally believed, that
Congress have no power by the confederation to
enforce any thing; for example, contributions of
money. It was not necessary to give them that
power expressly; they have it by the law of nature.
When two parties make a compact, there results to




152;          THEE LIFE AND TIMES
each a power of compelling the other to execute it;
Compulsion was never so easy as in our ease, where
a single frigate would soon levy on the commercee
of any State the deficiency of its contributions; nor
more safe than in the hands of Congress, which has.
always shown that it would, wait, as it ought to do,
to the last extremities before it would execute any
of the powers that are disagreeable."
To his esteemed friend Mr. Wythe he thus speaks:
of the Federal Convention;;"My own general idea,
was that States should generally preserve their
sovereignty in whatever concerns themselves alone;
and that whatever may concern another State, or
any foreign, nation, should be made a, part of the:
Federal sovereignty.  That the exercise of the;
Federal sovereignty should be divided among threeseveral bodies-legislative, executive andi judiciary,
as the State sovereignties are; and that some peaceable means should be contrived for the Federal,
head to force compliance pn the part of the States."
Knowing his correspondent's classlcai predilections,.
in adverting to the recent rupture between the.
Turks and Russians, he adds, "Constantinople is
the key of Asia-Who shall have it? is the question,
I cannot help looking forward to the re-establishment of the Greeks as a people, and! the language
of Homer becoming agaiu a living language, as




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         1:53
among possible events. You have now with you
Mr. Paradise, who can tell you how easily the nmodern may be improved into the ancient Greek."
In November, 1787, he thus writes to Mr. Adams
more filly and explicitly: "How do you like our
new Constitution? I confess there are things in it
which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to
what such an assembly has proposed. The house
of federal representatives will not be adequate to
the management of affairs, either foreign or federal,
Their president seems a bad edition of a Polish king.
iHe may be elected from four years to four years for
life.  Reason and experience prove to us that a,
chief magistrate so continuable is an office for life.
When one or two generations shall have proved that
there is an office for life, it becomes on every succession worthy of intrigue, of bribery, force, and
even of foreign interference. It will be of great
consequence to France and England to have America.
governed by a Galloman or Angloman. Once in
office, and possessing the military force of the Union.
without the aid or check of a council, he would not
be easily dethroned, even if the people could be
induced to withdraw their votes from him. I wish
at the end of the four years they had made him for
ever ineligible a second time."
To Colonel Smith he says of the Constitution:




154           THE LIFE AND TIMES
" There are very good articles in it, and very bad. I
do not know which preponderate. What we have
lately read in the history of Holland, in the chapter
bn the stadtholder, would have sufficed to set me.gainst a chief magistrate eligible for a long duraion, if I have ever been disposed toward one: and
what we had always read of the elections of Polish
rings, would have forever excluded the idea of one
continuable for life." Apprehending that arguments
would be drawn for this enlargement of the powers
of the Federal Government generally, and of its
executive in particular, from the recent insurrection
in Massachusetts, he speaks of it not only as an unimportant affair, but as scarcely to be deprecated.
"God forbid," he exclaims, "we should ever be
twenty years without such a rebellion. The people
cannot be all, and always well informed. The part
which is wrong will be discontented in proportion
to the importance of the facts they misconceive. If
they remain quiet under such misconceptions, it is a
lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public
liberty. We have had thirteen States independent
for eleven years. What country before ever existed
a century and a half without a rebellion? And what
country can preserve its liberties if its rulers are not
warned from time to tire that this people preserve
the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         155
remedy is to set them right as to facts, pardon and
pacify them, What signify a few lives lost in a
century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots
and tyrants. It is its natural manure. Our Con
vention has been too much impressed by the insurrection of Massachusetts; and on the spur of the
moment, they are setting up a kite to keep the henyard in order."
But in a letter to Mr. Madison, in December, he
discloses his opinions more at length. The features
of the Constitution of which he approved were the
self-acting power of the general government, by
which it could peaceably go on without recurring to
the State legislatures; the separation of the legislative, executive and judiciary powers; the powers of
taxation given to the legislature; and the election
of the House of Representatives by the people. tIe
doubted however whether the members would be as
well qualified for their duties when chosen by the
people, as if they were chosen by the legislature. He
was captivated by the compromise between the great
and the small States-the latter having the equality
they asserted in the Senate; the former the proportion of influence they regarded as their right in the
House of Representatives.  He preferred too the
voting by persons instead of by States; and he




156           THE LIFE AND TIMES
approved the qualified negative given to the exern1.
tive, though he would have liked it still better if the
judiciary had been invested with a similar check.
Still futher light is thrown upon Mr. Jefferson's
views in reference to the provisions and merits of
tie Federal Constitution, by his letter to Mr. Hopkinson in March, 1788, and by another written to
Mr. Madison, in which he expresses an opinion
hostile to the consolidation of the powers of the.
government. To Mr. Madison he says:
"I own I am not a friend to a very energetic government; it is always oppressive; it places the
governors indeed more at their ease, but at thle
expence of the people. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has given more alarm than I think it shou Id
have done. Calculate that one rebellion in thirteeni
States in the course of eleven years, is but one for
each State in a century and a half. No country
should be so long without one, nor will any degree
of power in the hands of government prevent insur.
rections. In England, where the hand of power is
heavier than with us, there are seldom half a dozu:n
years without an insurrection. In France, where it;
is still heavier but less despotic, as Montesquieu
supposes, than in some other countries, and where
there are always two or three hundred thousand
men: ready to crush insurrections there, have. been




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          157
three in the course of the three years I have been
here, in every one of which greater numbers were
engaged than in Massachusetts, and a great deal
more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole
nod of the despot is death, insurrections are the
events of every day. Compare again the ferocious
-ipredations of their insurgents with the order, the
moderation, and the almost self-extinguishment of
ours, and say finally whether peace is best preserved
by giving energy to the government or information
to the people. This last is the most certain and the
most legitimate engine of government. Educate
and inform the whole mass of the people, enable
them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace
and order, and they will preserve it; and it requires
no very high degree of education to convince them
of this; they are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. After all, it is my principle
that the will of the majority should prevail. If they
approve the proposed Constitution in all its parts I
shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes they will
mend it whenever they shall find it works wrong."
It may not be uninteresting to place here in opposition to these sentiments of Mr. Jefferson the
opposing views of his illustrious friend Washington
on the same subject, and in reference to the disputed
virtues of the same Constitution. In a letter to Mr.
14




158           THE LIFE AND TIMES
Jay, Washington thus expresses himself: "Youc
sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a
crisis, accord with my own. What the event will
be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We
have errors to correct; we have probably had too
good an opinion of human nature in forming our
confederation. Experience has taught us that men
will not adopt and carry into execution measures
the best calculated for their own good without the
intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive
we can exist long as a nation without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole Union.
in as energetic a manner as the authority of the
State governments extends over the several States.
To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as
that body is, with ample authorities for national
purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular
absurdity and madness.   Could Congress exert
them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion?
Are not their interests inseparably connected with
those of their constituents? Many are of opinion
that Congress have too frequently made use of the
suppliant humble tone of requisition in applicatlor s
to the States, when they had a right to assert their
imperial dignity and command obedience. Be that
as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         159
thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited States
are in the habit of discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. Requisitions are
actually little better than a jest and a bye-word
throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures
they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded
the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh
in your face. What then is to be done? Things
cannot go on in the same train forever. It is much
to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of
people, being disgusted with these circumstances,
will have their minds prepared for any revolution
whatever.  We are apt to run from one extreme
into another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous
contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and
patriotism."
Such was the difference of opinion entertained by
these distinguished men in reference to the vital
principles of the government. Washington and his
trusted associate Hamilton placed no extravagant
confidence in the virtues of the masses; but thought
that they needed to be governed and restrained by
the force of law and the corrective influence of less
popular and more exclusive elements. Jefferson on
the contrary loudly proclaimed himself a democrat,
an admirer of the masses of the people.  He re



160             THE LIFE AND TIMES
garded the Voxpopuli as the Vox Dei.* He pretended
the most unbounded confidence in the wisdom, im
partiality and justice of the multitude, and regarded
with suspicion the encroachments of the more
wealthy, intelligent and cultivated few    upon   the
rights of the many.   He feared that if the Federal
government were invested with strong powers it
would crush the freedom of the several States, infringe the rights of the State governments, and lead
to tyranny under another form    and name, but not
less detestable in character, than that of Great
Britain herself.
Whatever serious apprehensions Mr. Jefferson
may have indulged in reference to the operation of
the Federal Constitution, the steady lapse of time
has now clearly proved their fallacy. The respective
powers and prerogatives of the States and of the
general government were so wisely balanced, so
evenly proportioned, and so admirably adjusted by
it, that no storms or convulsions however furious,
have yet been able to weaken or injure it. It is not
* This adage, Vox populi, vox Dei, is true, if by the Deity referred
to, is meant the gods of ancient Greece and Rome; for very frequently
the "voice of the people" resembles that of Bacchus, roaring after
more drink; or that of Plutus, craving after greater riches; or that
of Venus, inviting to impurity and lust; while once in a long while
you hear a gentle whisper which reminds you of Minerva, and urging
you to the pursuit and attainment of wisdom!




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         161
improbable that had Mr. Jefferson been a member
of the Federal Convention, he would have succeeded in introducing more popular features into
the Constitution than now exist in it; but whether
such a change would have operated more beneficially
for the interests of the nation, and for the perpetuity
of its power and unity, may well be doubted.
During tie period of Mr. Jefferson's absence in
Europe, he embraced the opportunity thus afforded
him, to enjoy the pleasures and advantages of
foreign travel. IIe desired to see the great canal of
Languedoc in order to acquire a knowledge of
inland navigation, which could afterward be made
available in his own country.. Ie desired also to
visit the sea ports of the Mediterranean, and examine
there the practical effects of the recent commercial
regulations which had been established with the
United States. Hle left Paris in the beginning of
March, 1787.  IIe traveled tllrough Champagne,
Burgundy, Dauphiiie, Languedoc, and the north of
Italy.  He visited Marseilles, Nantes, Bordeaux,
Nismes, Nice, and traveled through a portion of
Germany and Holland. He returned to Paris on
the 11th of June.  Speaking of this journey to La
Fayette he says, as illustrative of its great advantages and its pleasures: "It will be a great comfort for you to know, from your own inspection, the
14*




162           THE LIFE AND TIMES
condition of all the provinces of your own country,
and it will be interestirg to them, at some future
day, to be known to you. This is perhaps the only
moment of your life in which you can acquire that
knowledge. And to do it most effectually you must
be absolutely incognito; you must ferret the people
out of their hovels as I have done; look into their
kettles; eat their bread; loll on their beds, under
pretence of resting yourself, but in fact to find if
they are soft. You will feel a sublime pleasure in
the course of this investigation, and a sublimer one
hereafter, when you shall be able to apply your
knowledge to the softening of their beds, or the
throwing a morsel of meat into their kettle of vegetables."
In July he resumed his negotiations with M. de
Montmorin, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in
reference to the pending treaty between France and
the United States. While thus engaged in the performance of the difficult duties of his post, he was
not an idle observer of the important events which
were then passing around him in France. The great
Revolution had commenced, and its mighty surges
were sweeping in furious eddies to and fro, and
dashing to the earth the monuments and institutions
of the past. He expresses himself in the following




OP THOMAS JEFFERSON.        163
language in reference to those events, the principles
involved, and the results which they produced:
"-The deed which closed the mortal course of
these sovereigns I shall neither approve nor condernn.  I am not prepared to say that the first
magistrate of a nation cannot commit treason against
his country, or is unamenable to its punishment;
nor yet that where there is no written law, no regua
lated tribunal, there is not a law in our hearts, and
a power in our hands, given for righteous employment in maintaining right and redressing wrong.
Of those who judged the king, many thought him
willfully criminal; many that his existence would
keep the nation in perpetual conflict with the horde
of kings who would war against a regeneration
which might come home to themselves, and that it
were better that one should die than all. I should
not have voted with this portion of the legislature.
I should have shut up the queen in a convent,
putting harm out of her power, and placed the king
in his station, investing him with limited powers,
which I verily believe he would have honestly exercised according to the measure of his understanding.
In this way no void would have been created, court.
ing the usurpation of a military adventurer, nor
occasion given for those enormities which demoralized the nations of the world, and destroyed, and




164           THE LIFE AND TIMES
is yet to destroy millions and millions of inhabitants.
Thi(re are three epochs in history signalized by the
total extinction of national morality. The first was
of the successors of Alexander, not omitting himself; the next the successors of the first Caesar; the
third our own age. This was begun by the partition
of Poland, followed by that of the treaty of Pilnitz;
next the conflagration of Copenhagen; then the
enormities of Bonaparte, partitioning the earth at
his will, and devastating it with fire and sword."
HIe thus describes the state of France and of the
French people in the midst of that great struggle.
We quote from a letter to Col. Iumphreys, dated
18th March, 1789: "The change in this country
since you left it, is such as you can form no idea of.
The frivolities of conversation have given way entirely to politics. Men, women and children talk
nothing else; and all you know talk a great deal.
The press groans with daily productions which in
point of boldness makes an Englishman stare, who
hitherto has thought himself the boldest of men. A
complete revolution in this government has within
the space of two years (for it began with the Notables of 1787,) been effected merely by the force of
public opinion, aided indeed by the want of money,
which the dissipations of the court had brought on.
And this revolution has not cost a single life, unless




OP THOMAS JEFFERSON.          165
we charge it to a little riot lately in Bretagne, which
began about the price of bread, became afterward
political, and ended in the loss of four or five lives."
It may readily be supposed that Mr. Jefferson
changed his opinion materially of the merits of this
revolution, of its actors and of its results, before their
career was concluded. Like many more, he regarded
it at its comencement as a " spirit of grace," but
before its termination, he detested it as a " goblin
damned!"




166              THE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER IX.
THE CONVOCATION OF THE STATES-GENERAL OF FRANCE-JEFFERSON'S DESCRIPTION OF FRENCH PARTIES-JEFFERSON'S PLAN FOR THE SETTLEMENT
OF THE KINGDOM-HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES-HIS RECEPTION
AT MONTICELLO-HE IS INVITED BY WASHINGTON TO BECOME SECRETARY
OF STATE-HE ACCEPTS THE OFFER-HIS VIEWS ON THE QUESTION OF
PUBLIC CREDIT-HIS REPORTS ON THE COINAGE, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
-HIS LETTER TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE ON THE DEATH OP
FRANKLIN-HIS VIEWS ON THE UNITED STATES BANK.
As the thrilling events of the French Revoluticn
progressed, Mr. Jefferson took a deeper interest in
their effects and probable results.    He was present
on the 5th of May, 1789, at the memorable convocation of the States-General which had been summoned
by the unfortunate Louis XVI., and which had not
been convened before for several centuries. To that
assembly the whole French nation looked with
intense emotions of mingled hope and fear. The
higher orders were justly      apprehensive    that its
deliberations and its acts might lead to the destruction of their ancient privileges, and to the enfranchisement of the people.       The latter anticipated
that this convocation would become a new         era in
the history of the nation; that it would be the birth



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.        167
day of liberty; that the wrongs and despotism of
the past would be overturned; that the great evils
which centuries of kingly and princely pomp, extravagance, tyranny, corruption and pride had
produced, would then be remedied and forever removed. INor were they disappointed in the realization of many of their hopes.
On the opening of the States-General, when scenes
of imposing religious solemnity and splendor
adorned the vast cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris,
when the crumbling monarchy once more and for
the last time displayed its ancient grandeur, and
when the uprising people and their representatives
for the first time assumed a portentous air of dignity and power-in that immense assemblage, when
all the magnificence of the decrepit monarchy was
combined with all the intellectual vigor and moral
grandeur of the indignant nation, represented by
the men whose names were destined very soon afterward to acquire a world-wide but a bloody and
revolting celebrity-in that assemblage Jefferson
mingled, and surveyed the proceedings with a scrutinizing eye. Robespierre and Danton were there,
though then unknown to fame. Napoleon Bonaparte was also there, though still more insignificant
and obscure. And he who had penned the great
charter of a nation's freedom, which had already




168            THE LIFE AND TIMES
been bought and secured by a nation's blood, looked
on, and congratulated himself there that his own
land had already happily passed through the crisis
which was then just commencing in the country of
his sojourn.*  His opinion of the state of parties in
France may be inferred from the following letter,
addressed to Mr. Jay: "1. The aristocrats, comprehending the higher members of the clergy, military,
nobility, and the parliaments of the whole kingdom.
This forms a head without a body. 2. The moderate
royalists, who wish for a constitution nearly similar
to that of England.   8. The republicans, who are
willing to let their first magistracy be hereditary,
but to make it very subordinate to the legislature,
and to have that legislature consist of a single
chamber. 4. The faction of Orleans.    The second
and third descriptions are composed of honest, wellmeaning men, differing in opinion only, but both
wishing the establishment of as great a degree of
liberty as can be preserved. They are considered as
constituting the patriotic part of the Assembly, and
they are supported by the soldiery of the army, the
soldiery of the clergy, that is to say, the cures and
9 During Mr. Jefferson's absence in Paris, the University in ITarvard conferred on him the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. This
title, like other literary and scientific titles, was worth something at
that period of our country's history.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         169
monks, the dissenters and part of the nobility which
is small, and the substantial Bourgeoisie of the whole
nation."
During the progress of events, Mr. Jefferson was
requested by La Fayette to suggest a plan for the
guidance of the revolutionists, and to give him his
advice as to the best policy to be pursued. He
suggested that the king in a seance royale should
come forward with a charter in his hand, to be
signed by himself and all the members of the three
Orders; and that this charter should contain the five
great points which the Resultat of December offered
on the part of the king, the abolition of the pecuniary privileges of the higher orders, the assumption
of the national debt, and a grant of the sums asked
from the nation.  The charter of rights which
Jefferson drew up for La Fayette consisted of the
following ten articles:
"1. The States-General shall assemble uncalled
on the first day of November annually, and shall
remain together so long as they shall see cause.
They shall regulate their own elections and proceedings; and until they shall ordain otherwise, their
elections shall be in the form observed in the present year, and shall be triennial.
"2. The States-General alone shall levy money on
the nation, and shall appropriate.
15




170           THE LIFE AND TIMES
" 3. Laws shall be made by the States-General only,
with the consent of the king.
"4. No person shall be restrained of his liberty but
by regular process from a court of justice, authorized
by a general law. (Except that a noble may be
imprisoned by order of a court of justice, on the
prayer of twelve of his nearest relations.) On complaint of an unlawful imprisonment to any judge
whatever, he shall have the prisoner immediately
brought before him, and shall discharge him if his
imprisonment be unlawful. The officer in whose
custody the prisoner is shall obey the orders of the
judge, and both judge and officer shall be responsible, civilly and criminally, for a failure of duty
herein.
"5. The military shall be subordinate to the civil
authority.
"6. Printers shall be liable to legal prosecution for
printing and publishing false facts, injurious to the
party prosecuting; but they shall be under no other
restraint.
"7. All pecuniary privileges and exemptions en.
joyed by any description of persons are abolished.
"8. All debts already contracted by the king are
hereby made the debts of the nation, and the faith
thereof is pledged for their payment in due time.
"9. Eighty millions of livres are now granted to




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         171
the king, to be raised by loan, and reimbursed by
the nation; and the taxes heretofore paid shall continue to be paid to the end of the present year and
no longer.
"10. The States-General shall now separate, and
meet again on the 1st day of November next."
Having concluded his diplomatic duties in the
French capital, Mr. Jefferson left Paris on the 26th
of September, 1789.  He had resided in France
more than five years. He had been addressed previous to his return, by Mr. Madison, who had inquired of him whether he would accept any
appointment at home; but in reply he had stated
that he desired retirement; that all his appointments
to office had been contrary to his own wishes (a
declaration which was not strictly true); and that his
object in withdrawing from the French mission was
to resume his agricultural pursuits, and the enjoyment of total seclusion and rest.
He left Havre on the 8th of October, accompanied
by his two daughters.  He journeyed to Cowes,
where he had taken passage in a vessel for Virginia.
He was delayed at the Isle of Wight by contrary
weather until the 22d. In consequence of a special
application to Mr. Pitt from Colonel Trumbull, his
baggage was exempted from search by the officers
of the customs. His return voyage was prosperous;




172          THE LIFE AND TIMES
and on the thirtieth day after his embarcation he
landed at Norfolk.  The dangers of the voyage
clustered around its termination.  As the vessel
approached the coast a heavy mist prevailed and hid
the land from view. For three days they beat about,
looking for a pilot in vain. At length the captain
boldly ran the vessel within the capes, and thus
avoided the fury of a storm which in a few hours
afterward swept the coast. Subsequent to this the
vessel took fire, but the flames were subdued without any damage to Mr. Jefferson's baggage and
papers.
Having disembarked he journeyed toward Monticello. There being no public conveyance at that
time in that region, he was indebted to his friends
for the means of reaching home. At Effington, on
the way, he received a letter from General Washington inviting him to accept the office of Secretary
of State. At length, on the 23d of December, he
arrived at Monticello. His daughter, Mrs. Randolph,
thus describes the scene which ensued: "The
negroes discovered the approach of the carriage as
soon as it reached Shadwell, and such a scene I never
witnessed in my life. They collected in crowds
around it, and almost drew it up the mountain by
hand.   The shouting, &c., had been sufficiently
obstreperous before, but the moment the carriage




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         173
arrived on the top it reached the climax. When
the door of the carriage was opened, they received
him in their arms and bore him into the house,
crowding around and kissing his hands and feetsome blubbering and crying-others laughing. It
appeared impossible to satisfy their eyes, or their
anxiety to touch and even kiss the very earth that
bore him. These were the first ebullitions of joy
for his return after a long absence, which they would
of course feel, but it is perhaps not out of place to
add here that they were at all times very devoted in
their attachment to him. They believed him to be
one of the greatest, and they knew him to be one of
the best of men and kindest of masters.  They
spoke to him freely, and applied confidingly to him
in all their difficulties and distresses; and he watched
over them in sickness and in health; interested
himself in all their concerns; advising them, and
showing esteem and confidence in the good, and indulgence to all."
Immediately after his return home, Mr. Jefferson's
eldest daughter Martha was married to Mr. Thomas
M. Randolph, eldest son of the Tuckahoe branch of
the Randolphs. This gentleman afterward became
Governor of Virginia. He had first seen Miss Jefferson during a visit to Paris. At the same period
Mr. Jefferson received a second letter from the
15*




174           THE LIFE AND- TIMES
President urging his acceptance of the office of
Secretary of State, leaving him at the same time at
liberty to follow his own inclinations. After some
deliberation he accepted the appointment. He left
Monticello for New York, where the Federal Governnient was then located, on the 1st of March,
1790.
At Philadelphia he called on Dr. Franklin, who
was then on his death-bed, and who conversed with
him with the resignation of a philosopher, and the
animation of an enthusiast for liberty. The doctor
confided to him  a manuscript memoir of his life,
which Mr. Jefferson, under a mistaken idea of the
trust reposed in him, afterward delivered into the
hands of his grandson, William Temple Franklin.
This memoir Mr. Jefferson represents as containing
valuable details; among others he thus relates a
very important one: "I remember," he says, speaking of secret negotiations of Franklin to accommodate matters between the Colonies and Great Britain,
"that Lord North's answers were dry, unyielding,
in the spirit of unconditional submission, and betrayed an absolute indifference to the occurrence of
a rupture and he said to the mediators distinctly,
at last, that'a rebellion was not to be deprecated on the
part of Great Britain; that the confiscations it would
produce would provide for many of their friends.' This




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         175
expression was reported by the mediators to Dr.
Franklin. Here the negotiation stopped."
Mr. Jefferson reached New York on the 20th of
March, while Congress was in session, and commenced his duties as the second officer in the government.   He was associated  with Alexander
Hamilton as Secretary of the Treasury, General
Knox as Secretary of War, Edmund Randolph as
Attorney-General. The second session of Congress
under the administration of Washington commenced
on the 4th of January, 1790. Its first deliberations
were in reference to the elaborate and able report
of Mr. Hamilton on the subject of the public credit,
which had been submitted to Congress. That report
laid the foundation for a new division of parties,
which continued to prevail during four successive
administrations. This report contended that the
debts of the individual States contracted during the
Revolution should be assumed by the general gov
ernment; that the United States were bound to pay
the interest as well as the principal of these public
debts; that no distinction should be made between
original holders of the evidences of these debts and
those who had purchased them at a discount; and
to diminish the part due to domestic creditors, not
by greater taxation, but by giving them a satisfactory equivalent. This report called forth the most
spirited debates in Congress. Mr. Jefferson arrived




176           THE LIFE AND TIMES
at the seat of government in the midst of it. nis
views of the state of the controversy may be gathered
from the following extract from his writings:
"Here certainly I found a state of things which
of all I had ever contemplated, I the least expected.
I had left France in the first year of her revolution,
in the fervor of natural rights and zeal for reformnation.  My conscientious devotion to these rights
could not be heightened, but it had been aroused
and excited by daily exercise. The President received me cordially, and my colleagues and the
circle of principal citizens apparently with welcome
The courtesies of dinner-parties given me, as a
stranger newly arrived among them, placed me at
once in their familiar society. But I cannot describe
the wonder and mortification with which the table
conversation filled me. Politics were the chief topic,
and a preference of kingly over republican government was evidently the favorite sentiment.  An
apostate I could not be, nor yet a hypocrite; and I
found myself for the most part the only advocate on
the republican side of the question, unless among
the guests there chanced to be some member of that
party from the legislative houses.  Iamilton's
financial system had then passed. It had two objects; 1st. As a puzzle, to exclude popular understanding and inquiry; 2d. As a machine for the




OY THOMAS JEFFERsON.         177
corruption of the legislature; for he avowed the
opinion that man could be governed by one of two
motives only, force or interest; force, he observed,
in this country was out of the question, and the interest therefore of the members must be laid hold
of, to keep the legislature in unison with the executive. And with grief and shame it must be acknowledged that his machine was not without effect;
that even in this, the birth of our government, some
members were found sordid enough to bend their
duty to their interests, and to look after personal
rather thanpublic good."
Whatever may have been the mercenary motives
of some members of Congress who supported the
policy recommended in Mr. Hamilton's report, it is
absurd to charge him with a design to corrupt the
legislature, or to promote his personal interests. The
whole history of this memorable era proves that one
of the most disinterested men, possessing the sternest integrity and honesty of purpose, who ever moved
amid its stirring scenes, was the Secretary of the
Treasury.
A compromise was at length effected between the
contending factions, in reference to which Mr.
Jefferson speaks as follows:
"This game was over, and another was on the
carpet at the moment of my arrival; and to this I




178           THE LIFE AND TIMES
was most. ignorantly and innocently made to hold
the candle. This fiscal maneuvre is well known
by the name of the Assumption. Independently
of the debts of Congress, the States had during
the war contracted separate and heavy debts; and
Massachusetts particularly, in an absurd attempt,
absurdly conducted, on the British post of Penobscot;
and the more debt Hamilton could rake up the more
plunder for his mercenaries. This money, whether
wisely or foolishly spent, was pretended to have
been spent for general purposes, and ought therefore
to be paid from the general purse. But it was objected that nobody knew what these debts were,
what their amount, or what their proofso No matter; we will guess them to be twenty millions. But
of these twenty millions we do not know how much
should be reimbursed to one State, or how much to
another.  No matter; we will guess.   And so
another scramble was set on foot among the several
States, and some got much, some little, some
nothing. But the main object was obtained, the
phalanx of the treasury was reinforced by additional
recruits.
" This measure produced the most bitter and angry
contests ever known in Congress, before or since
the union of the States. I arrived in the midst of
it. But a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         179
actors on it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and as yet unaware of its
object, I took no concern in it. The great and trying question however was lost in the Iouse of
Representatives. So high were the feuds excited
by this subject, that on its rejection, business was
suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day
to day without doing any thing; the parties being
too much out of temper to do business together.
The eastern members particularly, who with Smith
from South Carolina were the principal gamblers in
these scenes, threatened a secession and dissolution.
Hamilton was in despair. As I was going to the
president's one day, I met him in the street. HIe
walked me backward and forward before the
president's door for half an hour. He painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had
been wrought; the disgust of those who were called
the creditor States; the danger of the secession of
their members, and the separation of the States. He
observed that the members of the administration
ought to act in concert; that though this question
was not of my department, yet a common duty
should make it a common concern; that the president was the centre on which all administrative
questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should
rally around him and support with joint efforts




180          THE LIFE AND TIMES
measures approved by him; and that the question
having been lost by a small majority only, it was
probable that an appeal fiom me to the judgment
and discretion of some of my fiiends might effect a
change in the vote, and the machine of government,
now suspended, might be again set in motion.
"I told him that I was really a stranger to the
whole subject; that not having yet informed myself
of the system of finance adopted, I knew not how
far this was a necessary sequence; that undoubtedly
if its rejection endangered a dissolution of our Union
at this incipient stage, I should deem that the most
unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which all
partial and temporary evils should be yielded. I
proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next
day, and I would invite another friend or two, bring
them into conference together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together
coolly, could fail by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which was to save the
Union. The discussion took place. I could take
no part in it but an exhortatory one, because I was
a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. But it was finally agreed that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this
proposition, the preservation of the Union and of
concord among the States was more important, and




OF THO0MAS JEFFERSON,        181
that therefore it would be better that the vote of
rejection should be rescinded, to effect which some
members should change their votes.  But it was
observed that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to
the Southern States, and that some concomitant
measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to
them. There had before been propositions to fix
the seat of government either at Philadelphia or at
Georgetown, on the Potomac; and it was thought
that by giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and
to Georgetown permanently afterward, this might
as an anodyne calm in some degree the ferment
which might be excited by the other measure alone.
So two of the Potomac members (White and Lee,
but White with a revulsion of stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton
undertook to carry the other point. In doing this,
the influence he had established over the eastern
members, with the agency of Robert Morris with
those of the middle States, effeqted his side of the
engagement; and so the assumption was passed,
and twenty millions of stock divided among favored
States, and thrown in as a pabulum to the stockjobbing herd.  This added to the number of vota.
ries to the treasury, and made its chief the master of
every vote in the legislature which might give to
16




182           THE LIFE AND TIMES
the government the direction suited to his political
views."
During the progress of 1790 Mr. Jefferson made
Iwo reports to Congress on subjects referred by
them to him. One of these was in reference to a
proposition made by an individual in England to
furnish the United States with a supply of copper
coinage. On this subject he held the doctrine that
coinage being an attribute of sovereignty, it should
not be submitted to another sovereign; that to exercise it in a foreign country vould be on many
accounts inconvenient, and was without an example; and he therefore opposed the proposition and
recommended that a Mint be established at home.
The other report had reference to the subject of
weights and measures. It recommended the pendulum in the latitude of 45~ north, as the standard
of lineal and other measures, and rain water at a
given temperature as the standard of weight. It
further recommended a system of decimal divisions
both for measures and weights. The report on the
coinage was adopted.  The other seems never to
have received any action of the legislature, and the
reform on that subject remains to this day one of
the desiderata of federal legislation.
In March, 1791, Mr. Jefferson, by order of the
President, addressed a letter to the President of the




OP THOMAS JEFFERSON.         188
National Assembly of France in answer to their
decree of the 11th of June, paying a just tribute to
the memory and the virtues of Dr. Franklin, then
recently deceased,  A portion of that letter is as
follows:
6"That the loss of such a citizen should be lamented by us, among whom he lived, whom he so
long and eminently served, and who feel their
country advanced and honored by his birth, life and
labors, was to be expected. But it remained for the
Niational Assembly of France to set the first example of the representatives of one nation doing homage, by a public act, to the private citizen of another,
and by withdrawing arbitrary lines of separation, to
rduce into one fraternity the good and the great,
wherever they have lived or died.
"' That these separations may disappear between
us in all times and circumstances, and that the union
of sentiment which mingles our sorrows on this occasion may continue long to cement the friendship
and the interests of our two nations, is our constant
prayer. With no one is it more sincere than with
him who, in being charged with the honor of conveying a public sentiment, is permitted that of
expressing the homage of profound respect, with
which he is, sir, your most obedient and most hum.
ble servant."




184           THE LTEI AND TIMES
Another question which was warmly discussed in
the cabinet between the great opposing leaders of
the federal and republican parties-Hamilton and
Jefferson-was that of the incorporation of the
United States Bank.
That measure having produced a deep excitement in both Houses of Congress, as involving fundamental principles of constitutional power, naturally awakened the patriotism of Washington, which
induced him to pause and deliberate with bis usual
coolness and ability, before be decided upon its final
adoption. For this purpose he requested a written
investigation of the merits of the question from Mr.
Jefferson, in common with the other member of his
cabinet; in complying with which this statesman
exhibited a power of reasoning not inferior in brilliancy to that solidity of principle upon which he
rested as the foundation of his arguments. Simple,
broad, and comprehensive in his premises, he went
upon the axiom that a limited constitution, restricted
by special grants of power, could not authorize a
sovereign exercise of authority, which no part of
that instrument allowed or granted in express terms;
that the power to create a national bank was in its
very nature one too vast and influential over the whole
rights and interests of the people, to be either a
necessary or an incidental power to others expressly




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         185
granted; and that it were better for the harmony
and success of the whole Union, to forego the exercise of a doubtful power than to breed endless dissensions and  heart-burnings, by assuming  an
authority which could not be sustained by the letter
of the Constitution, to observe which the government was bound in the exercise of substantive
powers. In this elucidation of one of the most
controverted features of the federal government, he
was decidedly opposed by the eloquent and brilliant
exposition of Alexander Hamilton, who reasoning
on opposite principles, and leaning to a government
of more comprehensive and energetic nature,
naturally carried with him the already prepossessed
judgment of the President. But neither the force
of Hamilton's reasoning nor the hourly augmenting
weight of the influence of Washington himself, have
been able to settle this disputed question; while
the edifice of free principles erected by the republican logic of Jefferson will forever remain a monument of that inflexible and uncompromising democracy which made him so emphatically the man
ot the people; and which have consecrated his
opinions upon this subject as a perpetual rallying
point for the advocates of free principles, State rights,
and the equality of privileges throughout every
portion of this great confederacy.
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186              THE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER X.
DISPUTES TN THE CABINET OF WASHINGTON-JEFFERSON'S STATEMENT OF
HAMILTON'S VIEWS-HAMILTON'S SUPERIORITY-MR. JEFFERSON'S PUrRPOtE OF RITIRING-GILES' RESOLUTIONS-JEFFERSON'S VINDICATION OF
HIMSELF-HIS PROFOUND AND ABLE OPINION IN REFERENCE TO THE WAR
WITH FRANCE-CONDUCT OF GENET, THE FRENCH MINISTER-THE LITTLE
DEMOCRAT-GENET'S RECALL-JEFFERSON'S DESCRIPTION OF HIS ASSOCIATES IN THE CABINET.
THE great difference of sentiment which existed
between Jefferson and Hamilton        rendered it impossible that much harmony should exist between
them, either in the deliberations of the cabinet or
in the active measures of the administration. These
differences increased with the progress of time, and
gradually took the form of personal antagonism and
hostility. In April, 1791, Washington visited the'Southern States; and during his absence it became
necessary.for the members of the cabinet to consult
together without the presence and the restraining influence of the President.     On one occasion Mr.
Jefferson invited Mr. Adams, the Vice President,
Mr. Hamilton, General Knox and Mr. Randolph to
dinner; and Mr- Jefferson has left on       record an
account of the opinions uttered by Mr. Hamilton on
(186)




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          187
that occasion, for the purpose of illustrating the
difference of sentiment existing between them, and
to show what Mr. Jefferson held to be the antirepublican doctrines entertained by his rival. Jefferson went so far as to charge Hamilton with being
in favor of a union with England, and that he
thought the death of Washington would prove the
termination of the existence of the Federal Government. But of the truth of these charges there is
not the slightest evidence. The following statenent
of the opinions expressed by Mr. Hamilton on the
occasion above referred to, possesses great interest;
and for the truth of the narrative, Mr. Jefferson
solemnly says, "I attest the God who made me!"
"After the cloth was removed and our question
argued and dismissed, conversation began on other
matters, and by some circumstance was led to the
British constitution, on which Mr. Adams observed,'Purge that constitution of its corruption, and give
to its popular branch equality of representation, and
it would be the most perfect constitution ever devised by the wit of man.' Hamilton paused and
said,'Purge it of its corruption, and give to its
popular branch equality of representation, and it
would become an impracticable government; as it
stands at present, with all its supposed defects, it is
the most perfect government which ever existed.'




188           THE LIFE AND TIMES
And this was assuredly the exact line which separated the political creeds of these two gentlemen.
The one was for two hereditary branches and an
honest elective one; the other for an hereditary
king, with a house of lords and commons corrupted
to his will, and standing between him and the people. Hamilton was indeed a singular character. -Of
acute understanding, disinterested, honest and honorable in all private transactions, amiable in society,
and duly valuing virtue in private life, yet so bewitched and perverted by the British example, as to
be under thorough conviction that corruption was
essential to the government of a nation. Mr. Adams
had originally been a republican. The glare of
royalty and nobility, during his mission to England,
had made him believe their fascination a necessary
ingredient in government; and Shay's rebellion, not
sufficiently understood where he then was, seemed
to prove that the absence of want and oppression
was not a sufficient guarantee of order. His book
on the American Constitution having made known
his political bias, he was taken up by the monarchial
federalists in his absence, and on his return to the
United States he was by them miade to believe that
the general disposition of our citizens was favorable
to monarchy. lie here wrote his'Davila' as a supplement to the former work, and his election to the




OP THOMAS JEFFERSON.        189
Presidency confirmed him in his errors. Innumerable
addresses too, artfully and industriously poured in
upon him, deceived him into a confidence that he was
on the pinnacle of popularity when the gulf was
yawning at his feet which was to swallow up him and
his deceivers. For when General Washington was
withdrawn, these energumeni of royalism, kept in
check hitherto by the dread of his honesty, his firmness, his patriotism, and the authority of his name,
now mounted on the car of state, and free from control,
like Phaeton on that of the sun, drove headlong and
wild, looking neither to right nor left, nor regarding,.ry thing but the objects they were driving at, until
displaying these fully, the eyes of the nation were
opened, and a general disbandment of them from
the public councils took place."
On another occasion Mr. Jefferson writes that Mr.
Hamilton having condemned Mr. Adams' writings,
and particularly "Davila," as being opposed to the
true policy of Washington's administration, proceeded to say:
"'I own it is my opinion, though I do not publish
it in Dan or Beersheba, that the present government
is not that which will answer the ends of society, by
giving stability and protection to its rights, and that
it will probably be found expedient to go into the
British form. However, since we have undertaken




190           THE LIFE AND TIMES
the experiment, I am for giving it a fair course,
whatever my expectations may be. The success
indeed, so far, is greater than I had expected, and
therefore at present success seems more probable
than it had done heretofore, and there are still other
and other stages of improvement which, if the present does not succeed, may be tried, and ought to be
tried before we give up the republican form altogether; for that mind must be really depraved
which would not prefer the equality of political
rights, which is the foundation of pure republicanism, if it can be obtained consistently with order.
Therefore whoever by his writings disturbs the
present order of things is really blamable, however
pure his attentions may be, and he was sure Mr.
Adams' were pure.'   This is the substance of a
declaration made in much more lengthy terms, and
which seemed to be more formal than usual for a
private conversation between two, and as if intended
to qualify some less guarded expression which had
been dropped on former occasions. Thomas Jeffer.
son has committed it to writing in the moment of
A. Hamilton's leaving the room."
Yet it is but justice to Mr. Jefferson to saythat,
notwithstanding his frequent collisions with Mr.
Hamilton, and the personal and political rivalry
which existed between them, he possessed nlagna.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSOT.         191
nimity enough on some occasions to render a tribute
of praise to his great talents. Thus at a subsequent
period, in reference to the treaty with England negotiated by Mr. Jay, he says:
" Hamilton is really a Colossus to the anti-republican party; without numbers he is a host within
himself. They have got themselves into a defile,
where they might be finished; but too much
security on the republican part will give time to his
talents and indefatigableness to extricate them. In
truth when he comes forward there is nobody but
yourself who can meet him.
"The merchants were certainly (except those of
them who are English) as open-mouthed at first
against the treaty as any. But the general expression of indignation has alarmed them for the
strength of the government. They have feared the
shock would be too great, and have chosen to tack
about and support both treaty and government,
rather than risk the government." HIe thus concludes: " There appears a pause at present in the
public sentiment which may be followed by a revulsion.  This is the effect of the desertion of the
merchants, of the president's chiding answer to
Boston and Richmond, of the writings of Cuirtius
and Canillus, and of the quietism into which people
naturally fall after first sensations are over.  For




192           THE LIFE AND TIMES
God's sake take up your pen and give a fundamental
reply to Curtius and Camillus."
In consequence of the dissensions in the cabinet
Mr. Jefferson began to contemplate, as early as
February, 1792, his retirement from the post which
he held in it. He also perceived that notwithstanding his utmost efforts to undermine his influence,
Hamilton really controlled the judgment and measures of the President. Ile thought the influence
and patronage attached to the Treasury department
absorbed that of all the other branches of the government, and overshadowed them. The truth was,
that prodigious genius of Hamilton, his indefatigable
energy, the versatility of his powers, his elaborate
reports, his unrivalled eloquence, his facility in the
disposal of business, and the confidence of the
nation in his patriotism, rendered him the commanding spirit in the administration. Notwithstanding
the profound though less shining abilities of Jefferson, the greater glory belonged to his rival.
Washington received the intimation of his proposed withdrawal from Mr. Jefferson with sincere
regret. His presence in the cabinet gave stronger
unity to the nation. He represented the vast republican or democratic body in its deliberations, and
he wAas a pillar of strength to the admrilistration.
Washington endeavored to dissuade him from the




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          193
execution of his purpose, and succeeded so far as to
induce him to postpone it for a time. The differelnces, however, which divided the cabinet were not
healed.  On the 23d of January, 1792, Mr. Giles
introduced resolutions into the House of Representatives, designed to inculpate Mr. Hamilton as
Secretary of the Treasury. These resolutions were
proposed at the instance and with the approbation
of Mr. Jefferson. In reference to these resolutions,
Mr. Jefferson thus writes in his diary, under date of
March 2d:
"le, (Mr. Giles,) and one or two others, were
sanguine enough to believe that the palpableness of
these resolutions rendered it impossible the house
could reject them. Those who knew the composition of the house: 1, of bank directors; 2, holders
of bank-stock; 3, stock-jobbers; 4, blind devotees;
5, ignorant persons, who did not comprehend them;
6, lazy and good-humored persons, who comnprehended and acknowledged them, yet were too lazy
to examine, or unwilling to pronounce censure; the
persons who knew these characters foresaw that the
three first descriptions making one-third of the
house, the three latter would make one-half of the
residue; and of course that they would be rejected
by a majority of two to one. But they thought that
even this rejection would do good, by showing the
17




194          THE LIFE AND TIMES
public the desperate and abandoned dispositions
with which their affairs were conducted. The resoIntions were proposed, and nothing spared to present them in the fullness of demonstration. There
were not more than three or four who voted otherwise than had been expected."
The result of this investigation was favorable
to the integrity of the Secretary of the Treasury,
and in favor of the wisdom and prudence of the
measures which he had recommended. This result
had not tended to increase the kindness of feeling
between the heads of the two great parties. Hostilities and recriminations continued between them.
Mr. Jefferson thus defends himself against some
anonymous attacks in the newspaper, which he
attributed, without any evidence to support the supposition, to the agency of Mr. Hamilton:
" He charges me-1. With having written letters
from Europe to my frien'ds to oppose the present
Constitution, while depending. 2. With a desire of
not paying the public debt. 3. With setting up a
paper to decry and slander the government.
"The first charge is most false. I approved as
much of the Constitution as most persons, and more
of it was disapproved by my accuser than by me, and
of its parts most vitally republican.  My objection
to the Constitution was the want of a bill of rights




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         195
-Colonel Hamilton's that it wanted a king and
house of lords. The sense of America has approved
my objection, and added the bill of rights, and not
the king and lords. I wanted the presidential term
longer and not renewable;'my country thought
otherwise and I have acquiesced.' As to the public
debt, he emphatically denies the charge, says he
wishes " the debt paid off to-morrow; Colonel
Hamilton never; but always to remain in existence
for him to manage and corrupt the legislature."
Notwithstanding his repeatedly expressed determination to retire from office, Mr. Jefferson accepted
a renewal of his appointment as Secretary of State
under Washington's second administration, which
commenced on the 4th of March, 1793. War having
been declared by France against England, the policy
of the United States under these circumstances
toward the belligerents became involved in much
difficulty. Washington immediately submitted to
each member of his cabinet a series of propositions
in writing on the subject. These same propositions
were afteward discussed in the cabinet. The main
question was, whether the existing treaties with
France were then binding on the United States?
The paper drawn up by Mr. Jefferson on this occasion is remarkable for the originality of its views,
the vigor of its reasoning, and its general ability.




196           THE LIFE AND TIMES
At this crisis M. Genet was appointed French
minister to the United States. In reference to this
person, Mr. Jefferson says:
"Never, in my opinion, was so calamitous an
appointment made as that of the present minister of
France here. Hot-headed, all imagination, no judgment, passionate, disrespectful, and even indecent
toward the President in his written as well as his
verbal communications before Congress or the public,
they will excite indignation. He renders my position immensely difficult. He does me justice personally; and giving him time to vent himself, and
become more cool, I am on a footing to advise him
fieely, and he respects it; but he will break out
again on the very first occasion, so that he is incapable of correcting himself. To complete our misfortune, we have no channel through which we can
correct the irritating representations he may make."
Genet insisted that French cruisers should have
the right to bring their prizes into American ports,
under the treaty of 1778.  He also asserted that
French citizens possessed the right to arm and equip
their ships of war in American ports. These positions Mr. Jefferson denied, and he held that the
assertion of the right of sovereignty by a neutral
nation in its own ports become a duty, whenever it
was violated to the injury of a belligerent. The sale




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         197
of vessels taken by French cruisers was stopped at
Philadelphia by the government. Genet immediately and insolently demanded restitution, damages
and interest. He also demanded the payment of the
debt due by the United States to France, amounting
to two million three hundred thousand dollars.
Genet then proceeded to speculate privately on his
own account. He bought, equipped and commissioned a prize, called the Little Democrat, and
prepared to dispatch her on a cruise. The governor
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Mifflin, requested Genet to
delay the departure of his vessel. He refused. The
Little Democrat, on the 11th of July fell down the
Delaware to Chester, on her outward voyage. The
cabinet was convened. They resolved to detain all
vessels of any of the belligerents which had been
armed in the United States, together with their
prizes, until the questions thereon arising could be
definitely. settled. But in defiance of this order the
Little Democrat put to sea, and cruised along the
American coasts. The government then determined
to demand the recall of Genet, as French minister,
as the only expedient whereby the offended dignity
of the United States could be satisfied without
involving both countries in the horrors and calamities of a war. With unexpected magnanimity the
French Directory recalled Genet, censured his
17*




198           THE LIFE AND TIMES
conduct, and resolved to send four commissioners
to the United States, to send Genet home a prisoner,
and to augment the good feeling and unity which
existed between the two nations. The sudden overthrow of the government at home defeated the execution of this purpose. Genet was deprived of his
diplolmatic powers, but remained permanently in the
United States. Mr. Jefferson describes in the following sarcastic and scarcely excusable language,
the deliberations of his associates in the cabinet, in
reference to the movements of Genet. We extract
fron a letter to Mr. Madison, dated August 11,
1793.
" I believe it will be true wisdom in the republican party to approve unequivocally of a state of
neutrality; to avoid little cavils about who should
declare it; to abandon Genet entirely, with expressions of strong friendship and adherence to his
nation, and confidence that he has acted against
their sense. Inthis way we shall keep the people
on our side, by keeping ourselves in the right. They
made the establishment of the democratic society
here the ground for sounding the alarm that this
society, (which they considered as the antifederal
and discontented faction,) was put into motion by
M. Genet, and would by their corresponding societies, in all the States, draw the mass of the people




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         199
by dint of misinformation into their vortex, and
overset the government.   The President was
strongly impressed by this picture, drawn by Hamilton, in three speeches of three-quarters of an hour's
length each. I opposed it totally; told the President plainly, in their presence, that the intention
was to dismount him from being the head of the
nation, and make him the head of a party; that this
would be the effect of making him, in an appeal to
the people, declare war against the republican
party. Randolph, according to his half-way system
between wrong and right, urged the putting off the
appeal. The President came into his idea, or rather
concluded that the question on it might be put off
indefinitely, to be governed by events.  If the
demonstrations of popular adherence to him become
as general and as warm as I believe they will, I
think he will never again bring on the question; if
there is an appearance of their supporting Genet,
he will probably make the appeal. Knox is the
poorest creature I ever saw, having no color of his
own, and reflecting that nearest to him. When he
is with me he is a whig, when with Hamilton he is
a tory, when he is with the President he is what he
thinks will please him..... The President always
acquiesces in the majority!
"You ask the sense of France with regard to the




200          THE LIFE AND TIMES
defensive quality of the guarantee. I know it no
otherwise than from Genet. His doctrine is, that
without waiting to be called on-without waiting'till the islands were attacked, the moment France
was engaged in a war, it was our duty to fly to arms
as a nation, and the duty of every one to do it as an
individual,"




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.                201
CHAPTER XI.
MR. JEFFERSON'S RETIREMENT FROM THE CABINET OF WASHINGTO —HIS
MOTIVES FOR SO DOING-HIS LETTERS TO MR. MADISON-HIS LAST REPORT
TO CONGRESS-HIS LETTER OF RESIGNATION-CAUSES OF PREVIOUS DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET-MR. JEFFERSON'S CHARGES AGAINST MR.
HAMILTON-EVIDENCE OF THEIR FALSEHOOD-THE NATIONAL GAZETTE —
FRENEAU-MR. JEFFERSON REFUSES TO SUPPRESS THE NATIONAL GAZETTE-HIS RETURN TO MONTICELLO-HIS CELEBRATED LETTER TO
MAZZEI-JEFFERSON'S APOLOGY TO WASHINGTON FOR ITS STRICTURES ON
IIM.
ON the 31st of December, 1793, Mr. Jefferson
executed his long-threatened purpose of retiring
from the office of Secretary of State.     His motives
for so doing have been frequently discussed, commended and censured.        They seem     in reality  to
have been of a complex nature, and quite varied and
dissimilar in their character.     It is doubtless true
that he was fond of rural and agricultural life;
that he desired greater leisure to cultivate his taste
for literature and science; that he delighted in the
society of his daughters and grand-children; and
that he had already served the public through many
years of laborious activity. But it seems to be also
true, that the preponderating cause of his withdrawal
at this time from the cares of office was the fact that




202           THE LIFE AND TIMES
Hamilton had secured the ascendency over Washington and his cabinet; that Jefferson's popularity
at this period was on the wane; and that the prospects of the administration, of which he was an important member, were then gloomy and forbidding.
At this period party dissensions began to rage with
greater fury; and a revolution in popular sentiment
threatened soon to leave the administration of
Washington in a helpless minority. Jefferson being
attached to the ultra doctrines of liberty was associated in the cabinet with men whose love of freedom was tempered by a regard for authority, a
reverence for the past, and esteem for order and
subordination.  Among such men Mr. Jefferson
was not at home; and though his great talents and
reflective sagacity gave him importance and respectability, they could not secure him a predominating influence.  He seized the most appropriate
opportunity to escape from the falling wreck with
safety, security, and honor. Jefferson thought he
foresaw that the popularity of Washington was
about to be destroyed by an outburst of popular
indignation; and he did not wish to incur any
portion of that obloquy which the baseness and
ingratitude of a thankless nation were about to
inflict, as he feared, upon the author of their liberties Jefferson also thought that the tide of demo



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          203
cratic sentiment was rising rapidly throughout the
nation; and the result eventually proved the sagacity
of his calculations. How far he co-operated, after
his retirement, in the attainment of this result, it is
difficult to say; but it is unquestionable that he
still cherished a dislike to Washington, a hatred of
HIamilton, and a detestation of their party, as will
appear from the following letters to Mr. Madison,
dated April 3d, and December 28th, 1794
"DEAR SIR: Our post having ceased to ride ever
since the inoculation began in Richmond till now, I
received three days ago, and all together, your
fiiendly favors of March 2, 9, 12, 14, and Colonel
Monroe's of March 3 and 16. I have been particularly gratified by the receipt of the papers containing
yours and Smith's discussion of your regulating
propositions. These debates had not been seen here
but in a very short and mutilated form. I am at no
loss to ascribe Smith's speech to its true father.
Every tittle of it is Hamilton's except the introduction. There is scarcely any thing there which I
have not heard from him il our various private,
though official discussions. The very turn of the
arguments is the same and others will see as well
as nyself, that the style is Hamilton's. The sophis.
try is too fine, too ingenious, even to have been con



204           THE LIFE AND TIMES
prehended by Smith, much less devised by him.
His reply shows that he did not understand his first
speech; as its general inferiority proves its legitimacy, as evidently as it does the bastardy of the
original.  You know we had understood that
Iamilton had prepared a counter report, and that
some of his humble servants in the Senate were to
move a reference to him in order to produce it. But
I suppose they thought it would have a better effect
if fired off in the House of Representatives. I find
the report, however, so fully justified, that the anxieties with which I left it are perfectly quieted.  In
this quarter all espouse your propositions with ardor,
and without a dissenting voice.
"The rumor of a declaration of war has given an
opportunity of seeing that the people here, though
attentive to the loss of value of their produce in:such
an event, yet find in it a gratification of some other
passions, and particularly of their.ancient hatred to
Great Britain. Still I hope it will not come to that;
but that the proposition will be carried, and justice
be done ourselves in a peaceable way. As to the
guarantee of the French Islands, whatever doubts
may be entertained of the moment at which we
ought to interpose, yet I have no doubt but that we
ought to interpose at a proper time, and declare
both to England and France that these islands are




OF THOMAS JEFV'iRbsUN.        205
to rest with France, and that we will make a common cause with the latter for that object. As to
the naval armament, the land armament, and the
marine fortifications, which are in question with you,
I have no doubt they will all be carried. aNot that
the monocrats and papermen in Congress want war;
but they want armies and debts; and though we
may hope that the sound part of Congress is now so
augmented as to insure a majority in cases of general
interest merely, yet I have always observed that in
questions of expense, where members may hope
either for offices or jobs for themselves or their
friends, some few will be debauched, and that is
sufficient to turn the decision where a majority is at
most but small. I have never seen a Philadelphia
paper since I left it, till those you enclosed me; and
I feel myself so thoroughly weaned fiom the interest I took in the proceedings there while there, that
I have never had a wish to see one, and believe that
I never shall take another newspaper of any sort. I
find my mind totally absorbed in my rural occupations.
"Accept sincere assurances of affection, &c."
<' Monticello, Dec. 28, 1794.
"DEAR SIR: I have kept Mr. Jay's letter a post or
two, with an intention of considering attentively
18




206           THE LIFE AND rIMES
the observations it contains; but I have really so hlt
tie stomach for any thing of that kind that I have not
resolution enough even to endeavor to understand
the observations. I therefore return the letter, not to
delay your answer to it, and beg you in answering for yourself, to assure him of my respects and
thankful acceptance of Chalmers' Treatise, which I
do not possess, and if you possess yourself of the
scope of his reasoning, make any answer to it you
please for me. If it had been on the rotation of my
crops, I would have answered myself, lengthily perhaps, but certainly con gusto.
"The denunciation of the democratic societies is
one of the extraordinary acts of boldness of which
we have seen so many from the faction of monocrats.
It is wonderful indeed, that the President should
have permitted himself to be the organ of such an
attack on the freedom of discussion, the freedom of
writing, printing and publishing. It must be a
matter of rare curiosity to get at the modifications
of these rights proposed by them, and to see what
line their ingenuity would draw between democratical societies, whose avowed object is the nourishment of the republican principles of our Constitution
and the Society of the Cincinnatti, a self-created
one, carving out for itself hereditary distinctions,
lowering over our Constitution eternally, meeting




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         207
together in all parts of the Union periodically, with
closed doors, accumulating a capital in their separate treasury, corresponding secretly and regularly,
and of which society the very persons denouncing
the democrats are themselves the fathers, founders,
and high officers. Their sight must be perfectly
dazzled by the glittering of crowns and coronets,
not to see the extravagance of the proposition to
suppress the friends of general freedom; while those
who wish to confine that freedom to the few, are
permitted to go on in their principles and practices.
I here put out of sight the persons whose misbehavior has been taken advantage of to slander the
friends of popular rights; and I am happy to observe that, as far as the circle of my observation and
information extends, every body has lost sight of
them, and views the abstract attempt on their natural
and constitutional rights in all its nakedness. I have
never heard of a single expression or opinion which
did not condemn it as an inexcusable aggression.
And with respect to the transactions against the excise
law, it appears to me that you are all swept away in
the torrent of governmental opinions, or that we do
not know what these transactions have been. We
know of none which, according to the definitions of
the law, have been any thing more than riotous.
There was indeed a meeting to consult about a




208           THE LIFE AND TIMES
separation. But to consult on a question does not
amount to a determination of that question in the
affirmative, still less to the acting on such a determination; but we shall see, I suppose, what the
court lawyers and courtly judges, and would-be ambassadors will make of it. The excise law is an
infernal one. The first error was to admit it by
the Constitution; the second to act on that admission; the third and last will be to make it the instrument of dismembering the Union and setting us
all afloat to choose what part of it we will adhere to.
The information of our militia, returned from the
westward, is uniform, that though the people there
let them pass quietly, they were objects of their
laughter, not of their fear; that one thousand men
could have cut off their whole force in a thousand
places of the Alleghany; that their detestation of
the excise law is universal, and has now associated
to it a detestation of the government; and that separation which perhaps was a very distant and problematical event is now near and certain, and determined
in the mind of every man. I expected to have seen
some justification of arming one part of the society
against another; of declaring a civil war the moment before the meeting of that body which has the
sole right of declaring war; of being so patient of
the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, and rising at a




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.        209
feather against our friends; of adding a million to
the public debt, and deriding us with recommendations to pay it if we can, &c., &c. But the part of
the speech which was to be taken as a justification
of the armament, reminded me of parson Saunders'
demonstration why minus into minus makes plus.
After a parcel of shreds of stuff from,Esop's Fables
and Tom Thumb, he jumps all at once into his ergo,
minus multiplied into minus makes plus. Just so
the fifteen thousand men enter after the fables in
the speech.
"However, the time is coming when we shall
fetch, up the leeway of our vessel. The changes in
your house I see are going on for the better, and
even the Augean herd over your heads are slowly
purging off their impurities. Hold on then, my dear
friend, that we may not shipwreck in the meanwhile.
I do not see in the minds of those with whom I
converse, a greater affliction than the fear of your
retirement; but this must not be, unless to a more
splendid and more efficacious post. There I should
rejoice to see you; I hope I may say I shall rejoice
to see you. I have long had much in my mind to
say to you on that subject; but double delicacies have
kept me silent.  I ought perhaps to say, while I
would not give up my own retirement for the
empire of the universe, how I can justify wishing
18*




210           THE LIFE AND TIMES
one whose happiness I have so much at heart as
yours, to take the front of the battle which is fighting for my security. This would be easy enough to
be done, but not at the heel of a lengthy epistle.
Adieu."
The immediate occasion of the resignation of Mr.
Jefferson was the fate which betel his last official
report to Congress on the commerce and navigation of the United States in their relations to
foreign governments, with suggestions upon the
measures which it would be expedient to adopt to
improve and extend the same. This report asserts
the doctrine of Free Trade, and yet entertains the
contingencies of a Protective Tariff.
He begins by considering the value of the articles
of our export to the different countries with whom
we exchange commodities; and then proceeds to
investigate the restrictions which other nations have
imposed upon our trade; whence he branches out
into an appeal to Congress, to devise and adopt the
most eligible modes for their modification, counteraction, or removal. He then suggests as two of the
most eligible methods: first, Negotiations for commercial treaties on the basis of reciprocity; and
second, Legislative enactments imposing counteracting restrictions upon the trade of those nations
which will not treat on the first-named condition.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         211
Commercial regulations he deemed preferable, be.
cause he contended that an unshackled and free
trade was the most profitable, reasonable and just;
and that the United States ought to hold in special
favor any nation which would, by commencing the
system, set a good example for others to follow; and
in the same spirit to resist with rigorous counteracting duties, the commerce and navigation of those
countries that pertinaciously adhered to the system
of prohibitions, high duties, or vexatious exactions.
An obvious train of powerful argument is adduced
to sustain this just position, and recommend to
national patronage the navigation interest of the
country; urging with a fervor commensurate to the
great importance of the question, the adoption of the
system  of national reciprocity-opposing tariff to
tariff-duty against duty; but at all times giving a
decided preference to free and unrestrained trade,
universally guaranteed from  all shackles by commercial treaties and arrangements.
In support of this report Mr. Madison introduced
a series of resolutions in the House, which called
forth a long and animated debate. The hostility of
the majority of the Representatives against the
report was so intentme and so evident, that the resolutions were never put to the vote; and thus the
matter ended in a virtual defeat of the Secretary of




212          THE LIFE AND TIMES
State. This report was made on the 16th of December; and immediately after the termination of the
debate, on the 31st of the same month, Mr. Jefferson
sent in his resignation. His intention was expressed
to Washington in the following language:
"Philadelphia, December 31, 1793.
" SIR: Having had the honor of communicating
to you, in my letter of the last of July, my purpose
of retiring from the office of Secretary of State, at
the end of the month of September, you were
pleased, for particular reasons, to wish its postponement to the close of the year. That term being now
arrived, and my propensity to retirement becoming
daily more and more irresistible, I now take the
liberty of resigning the office into your hands. Be
pleased to accept my sincere thanks for all the indulgences which you have been so good as to exercise toward me in the discharge of its duties.
Conscious that my need of them has been great, I
have still ever found them greater, without any
other claim on my part than a firm support of what
has appeared to be right and a thorough disdain of
all means which were not as open and honorable as
their object was pure.  I carry into my retirement
a lively sense of your goodness, and shall continue
gratefully to remember it




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         213' With my serious prayers for your life, health,
and tranquillity, I pray you accept the homage of
the great and constant respect and attachment with
which I have the honor to be, &c."
But it is doubtless true that the many and bitter
dissensions which had occurred in the Cabinet between Jefferson and Hamilton, had at length rendered it impossible for them to act together to any
extent.  In vain had Washington endeavored to
harmonize  their disputes.  How   earnestly he
desired this result may be inferred from the following extract from the letter which he addressed to
each member of his Cabinet:
" My earnest wish and my fondest hope, therefore,
is, that instead of wounding suspicions and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual
forbearances, and temporising yielding on all sides.
Under the exercise of these, matters will go on
smoothly, and, if possible, more prosperously. Without them every thing must rub, the wheels of government will clog, our enemies will triumph, and
by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale,
may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we
have been erecting,
"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these ob



214           THE LIFE AND TIMES
servations, to any particular person or character. I
have given them in the same general terms to other
officers of the government, because the disagreements
which have arisen from difference of opinions, and
the attacks which have been made upon almost all
the measures of government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with
painful sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of
producing unhappy consequences at home and
abroad."
That Mr. Jefferson was to blame for a large share
of the difficulties and disputes which embarrassed
the Cabinet, is unquestionable. His personal hatred
of Mr. Hamilton inflamed his feelings and beclouded
his judgment.  In this state of mind he often opposed good measures, simply because they were defended and approved by his rival. He also aggravated the existing evils by making charges against
Hamilton which were dictated by personal spite;
which were unfounded in truth; and which compelled his foe to retort, and to defend himself with
acrimony. As an instance of this, we may cite the
accusation made by Mr. Jefferson, that Mr. IIamilton had corrupted members of the legislature and
had rewarded his friends by dealing out the financial secrets of the Treasury. This charge had been
first made by Mr. Jefferson in a letter to Washing.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.              215
ton, dated May 23d, 1792.*      A complaint of such
severity and importance as this, should have been
sustained by something like proof; and if it had
been true, the evidence in support of it would have
been accessible.    If Jefferson had possessed no
proof, he should not have made the charge; and
the fact that he adduced no evidence and cited no
particulars, evinces clearly that he could not do so.
Had he possessed the ability he certainly would not
have wanted the inclination.
But, anfortunately for the sincerity and veracity
of Mr. Jefferson, while there is a total absence of
proof in support of his assertion, there is direct evidence in existence of its falsity.
Among the most intimate and esteemed friends
of Mr. Hamilton was Colonel Lee, well known for
his many brilliant exploits during the Revolution.
He had been closely associated with Mr. Hamilton
at the head-quarters of the army, during the period
when the latter was Washingtor's private secretary.
He was a person whom Hamilton would have gladly
* See Writings of G. Washington, by Sparks: Vol. x. Appendix, p.
604. Jefferson repeats the charge in another letter to Washington,
dated Sept 9, 1792. See Writings of Washington: Vol. x. Appendix,
p. 517. The letter of May 23d, 1792, with a very slight change of
form, was the letter Washington addressed to Hamilton, July 29th,
1702. See Washington's Writings: Vol. x. p. 249. Compare Hamil.
ton's answer to the queries contained in that letter,-Hamiltona'
Works: Vol. iv. pp. 247, 248.




216          THE LIFE AND TIMES
served on any possible occasion, by any means in
his power. Immediately before Hanmilton made his
report to Congress in reference to the public credit,
in December, 1789, Colonel Lee addressed certain
queries to Mr. Hamilton in reference to the policy
and measures which he intended to recommend, for
the purpose of using the information thus obtained
in private financial operations.  Here was an
instance in which Mr. Hamilton could have obliged
one of his best friends, and could have also used the
secrets of the Treasury in strengthening his supporters in Congress, had he desired to do so.  His
answer to Col. Lee, dated December Ist, 1789, immediately before his report was made to Congress,
is as follows:
"     MY DEAR FRIEND: I received your letter of the
16th inst. I am sure you are sincere when you say
that you would not subject me to an impropriety;
nor do I know there would be any in answering your
queries. But you remember the saying with regard
to Csesar's wife.  I think the spirit of it applicable
to every man concerned in the administration of the
finances of a country; with respect to the conduct
of such men, suspicion is ever eagle-eyed, and the
most innocent things may be misrepresented. Be




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          217
assured of the affectionate friendship of yo.:rs,
&C."*
Now although the evidence which proves that Mr.
Hamilton refused to reveal treasury secrets to Col.
Lee, does not absolutely show that he did not reveal
them to others, it proves, in the absence of all testimony to the contrary, that the same spirit would
actuate him consistently in all his official transactions; and the inference is legitimate and just, that
he never did thus violate the dictates of honor and
duty. If this be true, then the conclusion is unavoidable, that Mr. Jefferson made false charges
against his rival; charges which he had no reason
whatever to believe to be true; and consquently
that those dissensions in the Cabinet, which resulted
in part from the propagation of these slanders, were
to some extent attributable to the conduct of Mr.
Jefferson. This censure becomes more just when
it is remembered that this ungrounded and unproven
accusation is frequently repeated by him against
Hamilton, both in his letters and in his Ana. That
his longer connection with the Cabinet of Washington was impossible under stuh circumstances, and
in the midst of such jealousies and recriminations,
is not singular
See Works of Hamilton, by his Son: Vol. v., p. 446.
19




218           THE LIFE AND TIMES
Even the hostile feelings which had gradually
grown up between Mr. Jefferson and the President
were such as to render their further connection unpleasant. The National Gazette had been established
by Mr. Jefferson; and its leading articles continually and bitterly attacked Washington, IHamilton,
and their measures. In many of these articles the
style of Jefferson was clearly detected; and their
abuse of the President was most execrable. A
literary adventurer named Freneau was used by
him as his chief tool in the conduct of this paper.
Mr. Jefferson was fully aware of the chagrin inflicted
by the attacks of that man upon Washington. In
his Ana he thus speaks of the complaints made by
Washington to him in person, in a private interview:
" le adverted to a piece in Freneau's paper of
yesterday; he said he despised all their attacks on
him personally, but that there never had been an act
of the government, not meaning in the executive
line only, but in any line, which that paper had not
abused. Ile had also marked the word republic
thus (V) where it was applied to the French republic.  He was evidently sore and warm, and I took
his intention to be that I should interpose in some
way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw his appoint.
ment of translating clerk to my office. But I will




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          219
not do it.  His paper has saved our Constitution,
which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has
been checked by no one means so powerfully as that
paper. It is well and universally known, that it has
been that paper which has checked the career of the
monocrats; and the President, not sensible of the
designs of the party, has not, with his usual good
sense and sang froid, looked on the efforts and
effects of this free press, and seen that though some
bad things have passed through it to the public, yet
the good,have preponderated immensely."
After Mr. Jefferson's return to Monticello, it is
certain that his residence became for several years
the head-quarters of those who were opposed to the
administration of Washington, and that all the
democratic measures which were proposed in Con.
gres were undertaken after his advice and approval
had been obtained. He had a share in directing the
attacks of the opposition journals, and he made with
his own hand draughts of the bills, resolutions and
reports which were offered to Congress by his confederates. His most intimate friends and associates
at this period were Messrs. Madison, Monroe and
Giles. It was at this period of his retirement that
he wrote his famous letter to Mr. Mazzei, his Italian
friend, in which he is charged with having traduced
Washington.   This letter was not intended for




2Y20         THE LIFE AND TIMES
the public eye; but unfortunately it was translated
into Italian in Florence, thence into French, and
afterward published in the Moniteur. It was subsequently retranslated into English, and published
both in England and the United States. The portion of this letter which refers to politics is as follows:
"The aspect of our politics has wonderfully
changed since you left us April 24, 1796. In place
of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly through the
war, an Anglican monarchical and aristocratical
party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw
over us the substance, as they have already done
the forms, of the British government. The main
body of our citizens, however, remain true to their
republican principles; the whole landed interest is
republican, and so is a great mass of talents.
Against us are the executive, the judiciary, two out
of three branches of the legislature, all the officers
of the government, all who want to be officers, all
timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the
boisterous sea of liberty; British merchants and
Americans trading on British capitals, speculators
and holders in the banks and public funds, a contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption,
and for assimilating us in all things to the rotten aa




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         221
well as the sound parts of the British model. It
would give you a fever were I to name to you the
apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men
who were Samsons in the field and Solomons in the
council, but who have had their heads shorn by the
harlot England. In short, we are likely to preserve
the liberty we have obtained only by unremitting
labors and perils. But we shall preserve it; and our
mass of weight and wealth on the good side is so
great, as to leave no danger that force will ever be
attempted against us. We have only to awake and
snap the liliputian cords with which they have been
entangling us during the first sleep which succeeded
our labors. I begin to feel the effects of age. My
health has suddenly broken down, with symptoms
which give me to believe I shall not have much to
encounter of the tedium vitce. While it remains,
however, my heart will be warm in its friendships,
and among these, will always foster the affections,
with which I am, dear sir, your friend and servant,
&c."
This letter has long been the theme of dispute
between the friends and enemies of Mr. Jefferson.
The former deny that Washington was referred to
in it by the author, in any way. The latter assert
the contrary.  Timothy Pickering states, on the
authority of Dr. Stuart, that Washington, after the
19*




222           THE LIFE AND LIMES
termination of his second and last administration,
called its author personally to account for the injury
thus done him; and that Mr. Jefferson appeased the
just resentment of Washington by some great act
of apology and humiliation, the precise' nature and
degree of which never became known. The full and
accurate truth in reference to this affair cannot now
be recovered; for the lapse of time, and the careful
removal of many sources of information, have effectually covered it forever with the mantle of oblivion.
Mr. Jefferson appears in a more pleasing and
amiable light when viewed upon his estate, engaged
in the harmless and agreeable occupation of agriculture. The celebrated French traveler, the Duke de
Liancourt, thus describes the sage and politician of
Monticello at this period: "His conversation is of the
most agreeable kind, and he possesses a stock of information not inferior to that of any other man. In
Europe he would hold a distinguished rank among
men of letters, and as such he has already appeared
there. At present he is employed with activity and
perseverance in the management of his farms and
buildings, and he orders, directs and pursues, in the
minutest detail, every branch of business relating to
them. The author of this sketch found him in the
midst of harvest, from which the scorching heat of
the sun does not prevent his attendance. His




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON,          223
negroes are nourished, clothed, and treated as well
as his white servants could be.  As he cannot
expect any assistance from the two small neighboring towns, every article is made on his farm; his
negroes are cabinet-makers, carpenters, masons,
bricklayers, &c. The children he employs in a nail
manufactory, which yields already a considerable
profit. The young and old negresses spin for the
clothing of the rest. IHe animates them by rewards
and distinctions; in fine, his superior mind directs
the management of his domestic concerns with the
same abilities, activity and regularity, which he
evinced in the conduct of public affairs, and which
he is calculated to display in every situation in life."




224             THE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER XII.
MR. JEFFERSON ELECTED VICE-PRESIDENT-HIS RELATIONS TO THE PRESIDENT-THE NEW CABINET-DISPUTES WITH THE FRENCH GOVERNMENTAMERICAN ENVOYS SENT TO PARIS-THEIR RECEPTION THERE-MR.
JEFFERSON'S POLITICAL CREED-INDIGNATION IN THE UNITED STATES
AGAINST FRANCE-NAPOLEON BONAPARTE SUCCEEDS TO THE FRENCH
DIRECTORY, AND MAKES A TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES-TERMINATION OF MR. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION-THE APPROACHING ELECTION-DR.
LOGAN'S PRIVATE MISSION TO FRANCE.
MR. JEFFERSON'S retirement from       public office
continued during the space of three years. In Oc.
tober, 1796, John Adams was elected President,
and Mr. Jefferson Vice-President of the United
States. The former received seventy-one votes, the
latter sixty-eight. In spite of his prodigious devotion to the cultivation of Lucerne and potatoes, Mr.
Jefferson at once accepted the proffered dignity. In
February, 1797, he prepared to leave Monticello for
Philadelphia, where the Federal Government was
then located.   Previous to this period he had not
been  on very friendly terms with the President
elect: but on December 28th, he addressed him        a
conciliatory letter, and immediately on his arrival
at Philadelphia paid his respects to Mr. Adams in




OP THOMAS JEFFERSON.          225
person.  The next day Mr. Adams returned the
visit.  Their former friendly feelings were again
revived, a circumstance which augured favorably fc r
the harmony of the ensuing administration. The
Cabinet of Mr. Adams consisted of Timothy Pickering as Secretary of State, Mr. Wolcott as Secretary
of the Treasury, Mr. McHenry as Secretary of War,
and Mr. Lee as Attorney-General.   The relative
strength of parties in the legislature stood fifty-two
in favor of the administration and forty-eight against
it. The President and Cabinet were Federal, the
Vice-President alone was Democratic.  This antagonism was not of much consequence, inasmuch
as Mr. Jefferson's duties consisted merely in presiding over the deliberations of the Senate. Ile was
not admitted to the consultations of the Cabinet.
In his letters to James Sullivan, Eldredge Gerry,
Mr. Madison, Colonel Burr and General Gates, of
the year 1797, he expresses his great disappointment
that such an invitation had not been extended to him.
The letter addressed by Mr. Jefferson to the new
President, already referred to, is as follows:
" Monticello, Dec. 28, 1796.
"DEAR SIR: The public and the public papers,
have been much occupied lately in placing us in a
point of oppos'tion to each other.  I confidently




226           THE LIFE AND TIMES
trust we have felt less of it ourselves. In the retired
canton where I live, we know little of what is passing. Our last information from Philadelphia is of
the 16th inst. At that date the issue of the late
election seems not to have been known as a matter
of fact.  With me, however, its issue was never
doubted. I knew the impossibility of your losing a
single vote north of the Delaware; and even if you
should lose that of Pennsylvania in the mass, you
would get enough south of it to make your election
sure. I never, for a single moment, expected any
other issue, and though I shall not be believed, yet
it is not the less true, that I never wished any other.
My neighbors, as my compurgatorm, could aver this
fact, as seeing my occupations and my attachment
to them. It is possible, indeed, that even you may
be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the
subtlety of your arch friend of New York, who has
been able to make of your real friends tools for defeating their and your just wishes. Probably, how
ever, he will be disappointed as to you; and my
inclinations put me out of his reach. I leave to
others the sublime delights of riding in the storm,
better pleased with a sound sleep and a warmer
birth below it, encircled with the society of my
neighbors, friends, and fellow-laborers of the earth,
rather than with spies and sycophants. Still, I shall




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         227
value highly the share I may have had in the late
vote. as a measure of the share I hold in the esteem
of my fellow-citizens. In this point of view, a few
votes less are but little sensible, while a few more
would have been in their effect very sensible and
oppressive to me. I have no ambition to govern
men. It is a painful and thankless office. And
never since the day you signed the treaty of Paris,
has our horizon been so overcast. I devoutly wish
you may be able to shun for us this war, which will
destroy our agriculture, commerce and credit. If
you do, the glory will be all your own. And that
your administration may be filled with glory and
happiness to yourself, and advantage to us, is the
sincere prayer of one, who, though in the course of
our voyage, various little incidents have happened
or been contrived, to separate us, yet retains for you
the solid esteem of the times when we were working for our independence, and sentiments of sincere
respect and attachment."
No one can carefully peruse this singular document
without perceiving that its author therein utters
sentiments unworthy of his talents and his patriotism. He is not consistent or true to his own party
and professions; for how could he say that he
" never wished for any other issue" than the election




228          THE LIFE AND TIMES
of Mr. Adams, whom he knew to be an ultra-federalist, and yet claim the least pretense to consistency? The truth is, Mr. Jefferson was extremely
desirous of conciliating the President elect, in order
that he might be invited to share the deliberations
of the Cabinet; and to attain that end, he was willing
to make concessions which true moral courage
would have condemned and disdained.
Congress had been convened under the new administration for the 15th of May. The chief questions
which agitated the country during the ensuing
session were the spoliations of France on American
commerce, the insulting treatment of the American
envoys at Paris, and the anticipations of a furious
conflict with that nation.  Mr. Jefferson was opposed to a war with the French government and
people. Indeed it must be said in justice to him,
that though he hated England with an unappeasable
hatred, yet he was opposed to any rupture even with
that country.  Mr. Pinkney, the minister sent by
Mr. Adams to Paris as successor to Mr. Monroe,
was refused an audience by the Directory, then acting under the influence of the artful and rapacious
Talleyrand. Mr. Adams' Cabinet was divided upon
the policy which it became the United States to
adopt under these circumstances.  A portion of
them, including Mr. Pickering, thought that national




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         229
self-respect forbade the appointment of any other
emissary to France until an apology had been
made. Another portion thought that, rather than
venture on tie hazards which would ensue upon a
final rupture with that country, the President should
once more try the effect of proffered negotiation.
With these advisers Mr. Adams acquiesced; and
three envoys were sent to France.  These were
General Pinckney, of South Carolina; Mr. Marshall,
of Virginia; and Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts. Theit
appointment was confirmed by the Senate. They
entered on their mission, and the nation awaited
the result with intense interest.
During this interval of suspense Mr. Jefferson
was not idle. Though a memberof, he was heartily
opposed to, the existing administration. He endeavored to break it down both by his personal acts
and his correspondence; and as the great name of
Washington was still the chief support of the party
in power, he did not scruple to assail even him. Oln
the 17th of June he addressed a letter to Aaron
Burr, in which the following language occurs:
"I had always hoped that the popularity of the
late President being once withdrawn from active
effect, the natural feelings of the people toward liberty would restore the equilibrium between the
executive and legislative departments, which had
20




230          THE I IFE AND TIMES
been destroyed by the superior weight and effect of
that popularity; and that their natural feelings of
moral obligation would discountenance the ungrateful predilection of the executive in favor of Great
Britain. But unfortunately, the preceding measures
had already alienated the nation, who were the object of them, had excited reaction from them, and
this reaction has, on the minds of our citizens, an
effect which supplies that of the Washington popularity.
"PBut will that region ever awake to the true
state of things? Can the Middle, Southern, and
Western States hold on till they awake'? These are
painful and doubtful questions; and if, in assuring
me of your health, you can give me a comfortable
solution of them, it will relieve a mind devoted to
the preservation of our republican government in
the true form and spirit in which it was established,
but alnost oppressed with apprehensions that fraud
will at length effect what force could not, and that
what with currents and counter-currents, we shall,
in the end, be driven back to the land from which
we launched twenty years ago."
In the same spirit of censure and apprehension
he wrote to Governor Rutledge, on the 24th of
June, as follows:
"This is, indeed, a most humiliating state of




OF THOMAb JEFB'ERSON.        231
things; but it commenced in 1793. Causes have
been adding to causes, and effects accumulating
on effects, from that time to this  We had in 1793
the most respectable character in the universe.
What the neutral nations think of us now, I know
not; but we are low indeed with the belligerents.
Their kicks and cuffs prove their contempt. If we
weather the present storm, I hope we shall avail
ourselves of the calm of peace to place our foreign
connections under a new and different arrangement.
We must make the interest of every nation stand
surety for their justice; and their own loss to follow
injury to us, as effect follows its cause. As to every
thing except commerce, we ought to divorce ourselves from  them  all.  But this system would
require time, temper, wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of interest; and how far all these will be ours,
our children may see, but we shall not. The passions
are too high at present to be cooled in our day.
You and I have formerly seen warm debates and
high political passions. But gentlemen of different
politics would then speak to each other, and separate
the business of the Senate from that of society. It is
not so now. Men who have been intimate all their
lives cross the street to avoid meeting, and turn their
heads another way, lest they should be obliged to
touch their hats. This may do for young men, with




232           THE LIFE AND TIMES
whom passion is enjoyment. But it is afflicting to
peaceable minds.  Tranquillity is the old man's
milk. I go to enjoy it in a few days, and to exchange the roar and tumult of bulls and bears for
the prattle of my grandchildren, and senile rest. Be
these yours, my dear friend, through long years,
with every other blessing,. and the attachment of
friends as warm."
In the beginning of this year, 1797, Mr. Jefferson
was elected President of the American Philosophical Society, of which body, for twenty years, he had
been a member. IHe was highly gratified by this
distinction; for during his whole life, in the midst
of political conflicts, and all the rude scenes of public life and ambition, he greatly appreciated the value
of scientific pursuits, and of those institutions which
promoted their success.
It was at the same period that Mr. Jefferson
addressed a letter to Mr. Gerry, in which he carefully embodied his political creed. As this document contains the fullest exposition of his political
views which is to be found among his writings, it
possesses a much more than transient importance.
We therefore insert it here, as being an instrument
of authority on the subject of which it treats.
"In confutation of these, and all future calumnies,'
says Mr. J., "by way of anticipation, I shall make to




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         23
you a profession of my political faith; in confidence
that you will consider every future imputation on
me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its front
the mark of falsehood and calumny.
" I do then, with a sincere zeal, wish an inviolable
preservation of our present Federal Constitution,
according to the true sense in which it was adopted
by the States, that in which it was advocated
by its friends, and not that which its enemies appre.
hended, who therefore became its enemies; and 1
am opposed to monarchising its features by the
forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate
a first transition to a President and Senate for life,
and from  that to an hereditary tenure of these
offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle.
I am for preserving to the States the powers not
yielded by them to the Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the
division of powers; and I am not for transferring
all the powers of the States to the general government, and all those of that government to the
Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible
savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the
national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries, merely to make partisans, and for
increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the
20*




234           THE LIFE AND TIMES
principle of its being a public blessing. I am for
relying for internal defense on our militia solely,
till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only
as may protect our coasts and harbors from such
depredations as we have experienced; and not for
a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which by
its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it
will implicate us, will grind us with public burdens,
and sink us under them. I am for free commerce
with all nations; political connection with none;
and little or no diplomatic establishment. And I
am not for linking ourselves by new treaties with
the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of
slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in
the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and
against all maneuvres to bring about the legal
ascendancy of one sect over another; for freedom
of the press, and against all violations of the Constitution to silence by force, and not by reason, the
complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens, against the conduct of their agents. And I
am for encouraging the progress of science in all its
branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against
the sacred name of philosophy, for awing the human
mind by stories of raw-head and bloody bones, to a




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         285
distrust of its own vision; and to repose implicitly
on that of others; to go backward instead of forward to look for improvement; to believe that
government, religion, morality, and every other
science were in the highest perfection in ages
of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever
be devised more perfect than what was established
by our forefathers. To these, I will add, that I was
a sincere well-wisher to the success of the French
revolution, and still wish it may end in the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic, but I have
not been insensible under the atrocious depredations
they have committed on our commerce. The first
object of my heart is my own country. In that is
embarked my family, my fortune and my own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor one
fibre of attachment out of it, nor a single motive of
preference of any one nation to another, but in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us. But,
though deeply feeling the injuries of France, I did
not think war the surest means of redressing them.
I did believe that a mission, sincerely disposed
to preserve peace, would obtain for us a peaceable
and honorable settlement and retribution; and I
appeal to you to say, whether this might not have
been obtained, if either of your colleagues had been
of the same sentiment with yourself."




236           THE LIFE AND TIMES
The new American envoys to Paris were received
by the Directory with studied coldness and con.
tempt. On the 19th of March, 1798, the President
informed Congress that the dispatches received
from their envoys afforded no ground to hope that
their mission would be successful.  He recommended that the country be put in a state of defense
by providing military stores and an efficient revenue. lie had also withdrawn the instructions which
had been given to the custom-house officers to
restrain armed vessels from leaving our ports, except
in certain particular cases. On the 8th of April
the Senate resolved to publish the dispatches of the
American envoys; and these revealed, among other
things, a disgraceful attempt on the part of Talley
rand to sell the friendly dispositions of the Directory
and of himself to the United States on the payment
of a large sum of money.
General indignation now pervaded the whole
country against the French people and government.
A provisional army was at once authorized of twenty
thousand men. A tax on stamps and a direct tax
on lands were immediately imposed, for the purpose
of supporting the expenses of an anticipated war. The
foundations of the American navy were then laid;
vigorous measures seemed to characterize  the
administration, and resolute purposes to inflame




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          237
/hme people. Mr. Jefferson gives the following pictre, in a letter to Mr. Madison, of the state of the
public mind at this crisis:
"The popular movement in the Eastern States i
checked, as we expected, and war addresses are
showering in from New Jersey and the great trading
towns. However, we will trust that a nearer view
of war and a land tax will oblige the great mass of
the people to attend; at present the war-hawks talk
of septenmbrizing, deportation, and the examples of
quelling sedition set by the French executive. All
the firmness of the human mind is now in a state
of requisition."  And on May the 3d: "The spirit
kindled up in the towns is wonderful. These and
New Jersey are pouring in their addresses, offering
life and fortune;" and he says that the President's
answers are "more thrasonic than the addresses."
He regards all hope of peace as then destroyed,
and supposes that the President's threats are not
confined to France, but are extended to his fellowcitizens. He states that the French citizens, taking
alarm at his alien bill, were going off; and among
them, Volney, whom be believes to have been the
principal object of the bill.
To another correspondent, a young lawyer in
Fredericksburg, who had informed him   of Mr.
Luther Martin's attack on him, ne writes a few days




238          THE LIFE AND TIMES
afterward: "At this moment all the passions are
boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and
clear of the contagion, is so far below the point of
ordinary conversation, that he finds himself insulated
in every society. However, the fever will not last;
war, land tax and stamp tax are sedatives which
must cool its ardor."-" It is our duty still to endeavor to avoid war; but if it actually shall take
place, no matter by whom brought on, we must
defend ourselves."
In June Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall returned
home from France; Mr. Gerry yet remained. The
two former were received with great demonstrations
of popular respect.  The future relations of the
country toward France continued to engage the
public mind, and to occupy the deliberations of
the Cabinet until the succeeding 25th of February,
when Mr. Adams nominated Messrs. Ellsworth, of
Connecticut, Henry, of Virginia, and Murray, of
Maryland, as ministers to France. Mr. Henry declined the appointment. The negotiations of the
new envoys were more successful than those of their
predecessors. They had also a different power to
deal with than the imbecile and vacillating Directory. The strong arm of Napoleon had seized the
reins of government, and his towering genius then
directed her destinies. A treaty on liberal and




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         239
equitable principles was soon adjusted between him
and the American representatives, and the evils of
an apprehended war were averted from both countries.
Immediately after these events a new subject of
interest absorbed the popular attention. This was
the general election, which was about to take place.
The errors which Mr. Adams had committed, his
own personal unpopularity, and the growing strength
of the democratic party, were silently but effectually
working the overthrow of the faction in power. The
death of Washington, which occurred at this period,
had shorn the Federal party of a great portion of its
strength and popularity. Every thing presaged the
coming supremacy of the Republicans.
Mr. Jefferson thus speaks to Mr. Madison of the
approaching presidential election. "As the conveyance is confidential, I can say something on a
subject which, to those who do not know my real
dispositions respecting it, might seem indelicate.
The Federalists begin to be very seriously alarmed
about their election next fall. Their speeches in
private, as well as their public and private demeanor
to me, indicate it strongly."  He then details the
probable votes of most of the States, and thus concludes: "' Still these are the ideas of the Republicans only in these three States, and we must make




240           THE LIFE AND TIMES
great allowance for their sanguine views. Upon the
whole, I consider it as rather more doubtful than
the last election, in which I was not deceived in
more than a vote or two."
On the 12ch of May he writes to the same correspondent: " The Federalists have not been able to
carry a single strong measure in the lower House
the whole session. When they met it was believed
they had a majority of twenty; but many of these
were new and moderate men, and soon saw the true
character of the party to which they had been well
disposed while at a distance. The tide, too, of
public opinion sets so strongly against the federal
proceedings, that this melted off their majority,
and dismayed the heroes of the party. The Senate
alone remained undismayed to the last. Firm to
their purpose, regardless of public opinion, and
more disposed to coerce than to court it, not a man
of the majority gave way in the least."
Both parties were fully aware of the magnitude
of the interests at stake, and prepared themselves to
make prodigious exertions to secure an ultimate
triumph.
One of the chief obstacles to the popularity of
Mr. Jefferson at this crisis was the fact, that he was
charged by popular rumor with having sent Dr. Logan of Philadelphia on a private mission of con



01o THOMAS JEFFERSON.        241
ciliation to Paris, after the defeat of the Embassy
of Pinckney and Marshall. It was supposed that
Mr. Jefferson's attachment to France, against which
the United States were then incensed and indignant, had induced him to dispach this agent thither
secretly in order to avert hostilities. It was proved
that Mr. Jefferson furnished Logan with a certificate of his citizenship and character, together with
a passport. Dr. Logan was treated by the French
as he deserved, with contempt, and his mission
utterly failed. When the facts became known, the
public mind was incensed against Logan for his
unauthorized and unwelcome interference, and Mr.
Jefferson received a share of the general odium, as
having been his patron. The latter however denied
most positively that he had commissioned Logan to
undertake his ill-starred expedition. The Federal
party as vehemently asserted the contrary.
21




212              THE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER XIII.
POPELAR EXCITEMENT PREVIOUS TO THE ELECTION OP 1801 —RSgULT OP
THE POPULAR VOTE-JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO BURR-ELECTION IN TSla
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-THE EQUALITY OF VOTES BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND BURR-INFLUENCE OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON-ELECTION OP
JEFFERSON TO THE PRESIDENCY-HIS INAUGURAL ADDRESS-LETTER TO
ELDREDGE GERRY-MR. JEFFERSON'S CABINET-HIS LETTER TO THOMAS
PAINE-MR. LIVINGSTON APPOINTED MINISTER TO FRANCE-WAR BETWEEH
THE UNITED STATES AND TRIPOLI-ITS INCIDENTS AND RESULTS-MR.
JEFFERSON'S FIRST MESSAGE TO CONGRESS-MEASURES OF THE ADMINISTRATION-NEGOTIATIONS RESPECTING LOUISIANA.
As the period of the election approached, the excitement throughout the nation became more general
and intense.   The struggle between the party about
to be driven from    power, and the party about to
to secure it, was bitter and violent.   Never perhaps
in the history of the country was a destructive conflict and collision so imminent as at this crisis of the
national history.   The election took place in November.    Jefferson and Burr were the candidates
of the Republicans; John Adams and Charles C.
Pinckney were the candidates of the Federalists.
The votes given to Jefferson and Burr were those of
New   York, twelve; of Pennsylvania, eight out of
fifteen; of Maryland, five out of ten; of Virginia,
twenty-one; of Kentucky, fourn; of North Carolina,




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          243
eight out of twelve; of Tennessee, three; of South
Carolina, eight; of Georgia, four. The Republicans
thus received seventy-three out of one hundred and
thirty-eight votes. The Federalists received sixtyfive votes, one of which was given to Mr. Jay, and
the balance to Messrs. Adams and Pinckney. Mr.
Hamilton, being convinced of the unfitness of Mr.
Adanms for a second term of office, from the unpopularity with which he had covered the Federal party
during his first administration, was opposed to lis
re-election; and was the means of preventing the
votes of South Carolina from being given to Mr.
Adams, in consequence of the preparation of a pamphlet which clearly set forth the fatal defects and
blunders of that officer. But by a malicious and
crafty trick of Burr, the contents of that pamphlet
were prematurely published and perverted in such a
manner, that it was made instrumental in the defeat
not only of Mr. Adams, in South Carolina, but also
of Mr. Pinckney; a result which was utterly hostile
to the wishes of Mr. Hamilton, as well as of a large
majority of the Federal party, who earnestly desired
to promote the election of Mr. Pinckney.
At the popular election the number of votes obtained by the Republicans was equally divided between Jefferson and Burr.    According to the
arrangement existing at that time, the candidate




244           THE LIFE AND TIMES
who received the largest number of votes became
President, and the second on the list became VicePresident.  But in the present instance Jefferson
and Burr being equal, the election was thrown into
the House of Representatives. Previous, however,
to the occurrence of this event, the prevalent rumor
was that Mr. Jefferson had received a majority over
Mr. Burr. On the 15th of December, while he himself was under that impression, Jefferson wrote a
letter to Burr, in which he gives him to understand
that he regretted deeply that he would not be able
to offer him a place in his Cabinet.  Says he: "I
feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid in
our new administration. It leaves a chasm in my
arrangements which cannot be adequately filled up.
I had endeavored to compose an administration
whose talents, integrity, names and dispositions
should at once inspire unbounded confidence in the
public mind, and insure a perfect harmony in the conduct of the public business." And yet Mr. Jefferson
declares in his Diary, in reference to this same man,
that very soon after his acquaintance with Mr. Burr,
his conduct had inspired him with distrust.* This
inconsistency is one out of many evidences which
might be adduced to show that Mr. Jefferson was a
supple politician, who, with very great craft, made
Vide Jefferson's Correspondence. Vol. V., p. 520.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         245
himself all things to all men. This peculiarity of
his character and of his talents furnishes to some
extent the explanation of his constant attainment of
office through the whole course of his life.
After the result of the election had become
known, the popular excitement became still more
intense. The Republicans were overwhelmed with
terror lest by some means the election in the House
might be turned by the Federalists to the ultimate
defeat of their opponents. The Republicans de.
termined that if the Federalists used their majority
in Congress to defeat the popular will, either in
preventing an election, or by choosing different
persons from those already designated by the majority of the nation, the attempt should be crushed by
force. The republican governors both of Virginia
and Pennsylvania were prepared to march a military
force to Washington, in order to overturn the
usurpers, undo what they might have done, and
refer the matter back again directly to the people.
We will not follow all the details of this memorable conflict, which shook the nation to its centre.
The balloting began in the House on the 11th of
February, 1801. Thirty-five ballots were given
without any change or variation. These occupied
six days; during which period the scene presented
was a singular one. The issue being uncertain,
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246          THE LIFE AND TIMES
terror began to pervade the publie mind. This was
the period of anarchy, respecting which Burr afterward declared that, had he been disposed to overturn the government, like Cromwell or Bonaparte,
he could have done it with the greatest ease, by
marching at the head of five hundred soldiers into
the house, dissolving the Assembly by force, and assuming the reins of authority. The position and
relative strength of parties were such, that the ballotings bid fair to become endless, the Democratic
delegates voting uniformly in such a ratio that a tie
existed between Jefferson and Burr; and the Federalists, unable to elect their own candidates, seemed
indisposed to confer any of their votes upon either
of the candidates of the rival party. The state of
affairs was daily becoming more desperate and
perilous.
At this crisis the magnanimity and patriotism of
Alexander Hamilton saved the country. Finding
that the posture of affairs was becoming more dangerous from day to day, in consequence of treasonable and violent measures of redress which began
to be suggested both by certain portions of the
Federal party and of the Democratic, he resolved
to use his great influence with the Federalists to
put an end to tlie confusion, and secure a competent
majority to his ancient and implacable foe, Mr. Jef



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          247
ferson, in opposition to Mr. Burr, whom he regarded
as an unprincipled mano Hamilton was willing to
forget his private wrongs to promote the welfare of
his country. In a letter to a senator of this date he
says: If there be a man in the world I ought to hate,
it is Jefferson.  With Burr I have always been personally well. But the public good must be paramunt
to every private consideration."  To a member of the
House he writes as follows- u To contribute to the
disappointment and mortification of Mr. Jefferson,
would be on my part only to retaliate for unequivocal
proofs of enmity; but in a case like this, it would be
base to listen to personal considerations."
Mr. Hamilton used his influence in accordance
with these principles; and on the thirty-sixth ballot,
which occurred on the 17th of February, Mr. Jefferson received the votes of ten states out of the sixteen. These were New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee,
Kentucky, Vermont and Maryland. Four statesNew Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut and
Rhode Island-voted for Mr. Burr; and South Carolina and Delaware voted blank ballots. So little
appreciation had Mr. Jefferson of the real power
which put him in his high place, that he wrote as
follows to Mr. Monroe on the 15th of February:
"If they could have been permitted to pass a law




248           THE LIFE AND TIMES
for putting the government into the  ands'of an
officer, they certainly would have prevented an
election. But we thought it best to declare openly
and firmly, one and all, that the day.uch an act
passed, the Middle States would arm, and that no
such usurpation, even for a single day, should be
submitted to. This first shook them, and they
were completely alarmed at the resource for which
we declared, to wit, a convention, to reorganize the
government, and to amend it. The very word convention gives them the horrors; as in the present
democratical spirit of America, they fear they should
lose some of the favorite morsels of the Constitutiono
Many attempts have been made to obtain terms
from me. I have declared to them unequivocally,
that I would not receive the government on capitulation; that I would not go into it with my hands tied."
The following extract from his Inaugural Address
will give a correct idea of the policy and principles
according to which he had determined to adminiister
the government:
"Friends and fellow-citizens: Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our
country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which are here assembled,
to express my grateful thanks for the favor with
which they have been pleased to look toward me,




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         249
to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is
above my talents, and that I approach it with those
anxious and awful presentiments, which the great.
ness of the charge, and the weakness of my powers,
so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a
wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with
the rich produce of their industry; engaged in commerce with nations, who feel power and forget
right; advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the
reach of mortal eye; when I contemplate these
transcendant objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country, committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I
shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself
before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly
indeed should I despair, did not the presence of
many whom I here see, remind me that in the other
high authorities provided by our Constitution, I
shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of
zeal, on which to rely under all difficulties. To you
then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign
functions of legislation, and to those associated with
you, I look with encouragement for that guidance
and support which may enable us to steer with safety
the vessel in -which we are all embarked amidst
the conflicting elements of a troubled world.
"lDuring the contest of opinion through which




250           THE LIFE AND TIMES
we have passed, the animation of discussions and
exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which
might impose on strangers unused to think freely,
and to speak and to write what they think; but
this being now decided by the voice of the nation,
announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will of course arrange themselves under the
will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the
common good. All too will bear in mind this sacred
principle, that though the will of the majority is
in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must
be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal
rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate would be oppression.  Let us then, fellowcitizens, unite with one heart and one mind; let us
restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, without which liberty and even life itself are
but dreary things; and let us reflect that having
banished from our land that religious intolerance
under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we
have yet gained little if we countenance a political
intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as
bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes
and convulsions of the ancient world, during the
agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through
blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not
wonderful that the agitation of the billows should




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         251
reach even this distant and peaceful shore-that this
should be more felt and feared by some and less by
others, and should divide opinions as to measures
of safety; but every difference of opinion, is not a
difference of principle. We have called by different
names, brethren of the same principle. We are all
Republicans-all Federalists.  If there be any
among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or
to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error
of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free
to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest
men fear that a republican government cannot be
strong; that this government is not strong enough.
But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which
has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic
and visionary fear that this government, the world's
best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call
of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and
would meet invasions of the public order as his own
personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man
cannot be trusted with the government of himself.
Can he then be trusted with the government of




252           THE LIFE AND TIMES
others? Or have we found angels in the form of
kings to govern him? Let history answer the question. Let us then, with courage and confidence,
pursue our own Federal and Republican principles;
our attachment to union and representative government.   Kindly separated by nature, and a wide
ocean, from the exterminating havoc of one quarter
of the globe; too high minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country,
with room enough for descendants to the thousandth
and thousandth generation; entertaining a due
sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisition of our own industry, to honor
and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting
not from birth but from our actions, and their sense
of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed
indeed and practiced in various forms, yet all of
them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and
adoring an over-ruling Providence, which by all its
dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here, and his greater happiness hereafter; with all these blessings, what more is necessary
to make us a happy and prosperous people? Still
one thing more, fellow-citizens; a wise and frugal
government, which restraining men from injuring
one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regu



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         253
late their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take fiom the mouth of labor
the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good
government; and this is necessary to close the circle
of our felicities.
About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise
of duties which comprehend every thing dear and
valuable to you, it is proper you should understand
what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape
its administration. I will compress them within the
narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and
exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce and
honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent
administration for our domestic concerns, and the
surest bulwark against anti-republican tendencies;
the preservation of the general government in its
whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of
our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous
care of the right of election by the people; a mild
and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by
the sword of revolution where peaceable renmedies
are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the deci.
22




254           THE LIFE A.ND TIMES
sions of the majority, the vital principle of republics,
from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a welldisciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and
for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the
military authority; economy in the public expense,
that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest
payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of
the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and
of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar
of public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of
the press, and freedom of the person under protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright
constellation which has gone before us, and guided
our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.  The wisdom of all our sages, and blood of
our heroes, have been devoted to their attainment;
they should be the creed of our political faith; the
text of civic instruction; the touchstone by which
to try the services of those we trust; and, should
we wander from them in moments of error or of
alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and regain
the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and
safety."




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         255
Further light may be obtained in reference to the
feelings and purposes of the new President from the
following extract from a letter to Eldredge Gerry,
dated March 29, 1801:
" I thought, on your return, that if you had come
forward boldly, and appealed to the public by a full
statement, it would have had a great effect in your
favor personally, and that of the republican cause,
then oppressed almost unto death. But I judged
from a tact of the southern pulse. I suspect that
of the north was different, and decided your conduct, and perhaps it has been as well. If the revolution of sentiment has been later, it has perhaps been
not less sure. At length it has arrived. What
with the natural current of opinion, which has been
setting over to us for eighteen months, and the immense impetus which was given to it from the 11th
to the 17th of February, we may now say that the
United States, from New York southwardly, are as
unanimous in the principles of'76, as they were in'76. The only difference is, that the leaders who
remain behind are more numerous and bolder than
the apostles of toryism in'76. The reason is, that
we are now justly more tolerant than we eou!d
safely have been then, circumstanced as we were.
Your part of the Union, though as absolutely republican as ours, had drunk deeper of the delusion, and




256           THE LIFE AND TIMES
is therefore slower in recovering from it. The aegis
of government, and the temples of religion and of
justice, have all been prostituted there, to toll us
back to the times when we burnt witches. But
your people will rise again. They will awake like
Samson from his sleep, and carry away the gates
and posts of the city. You, my friend, are destined
to rally them again under their former banners, and
when called to the post, exercise it with firmness
and with inflexible adherence to your own principles. The people will support you, notwithstanding
the howlings of the ravenous crew from whose jaws
they are escaping. It will be a great blessing to
our country, if we can once more restore harmony
and social love among its citizens. I confess, as to
myself, it is almost the first object of my heart, and
one to which I would sacrifice every thing but principle. With the people I have hopes of effecting it.
But their coryphaei are iucurables. I expect little
from them.
"I was not deluded by the eulogiums of the public papers in the first moments of change. If they
could have continued to get all the loaves and
fishes, that is, if I would have gone over to them,
they would continue to eulogize. But I well knew
that the moment that such removals should take
place, as the justice of the preceding administration




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         257
ought to have executed, their hue and cry would be
set up, and they would take their old stand. I shall
disregard that also.  Mr. Adams's last appoi:Atnments, when he knew he was naming counselors
and aids for me, and not for himself, I set aside as
far as depends on me. Officers who have been
guilty of gross abuses of office, such as marshals
packing juries, &c., I shall now remove, as my predecessor ought in justice to have done. The instances will be few, and governed by strict rule, not
party passion. The right of opinion shall suffer no
invasion from  me. Those who have acted well
have nothing to fear, however they may have differed from me in opinion; those that have done ill,
however, have nothing to hope; nor shall I fail to
do justice, lest it should be ascribed to that difference of opinion. A coalition of sentiments is not
for the interest of the printers. They, like the
clergy, live by the zeal they can kindle, and the
schisms they can create. It is the contest of opinion
in politics, as well as religion, which makes us take
great interest in them, and bestow our money liberally on those who furnish aliment to our appetite.
The mild and simple principles of the Christian
philosophy would produce too much calm, too much
regularity of good, to extract fiom its disciples a
support for a numerous priesthood, were they not
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258          THE LIFE AND TIMES
to sophisticate it, ramify it, split it into hairs, and
twist its texts till they cover the divine morality of
its author with mysteries, and require a priesthood
to explain them. The Quakers seem to have discovered this. They have no priests, therefore no
schisms. They judge of the text by the dictates of
common sense and common morality."
In the formation of his cabinet Mr. Jefferson
selected the following persons: Mr. Madison was
made Secretary of State; Mr. Gallatin, Secretary
of the Treasury; General Dearborn of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; Robert Smith of Maryland
was appointed Secretary of the Navy; and Levi
Lincoln of Massachusetts, Attorney-General.
It was at this period that Mr. Jefferson addressed
the following important letter to Thomas Paine,
the author of the Age of Reason. It indicates his
high esteem for the character and even for some of
the sentiments of that celebrated man:
"DEAR SIR: Your letters of October the 1st, 4th,
6th and 16th, came duly to hand, and the papers
which they covered were, according to your permission, published in the newspapers, and in a pamphlet, and under your own name. These papers contain
precisely our principles, and I hope they will be generally recognized here. The return of our citizens




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         259
from the frenzy into which they had teen wrought
partly by ill conduct in France, part y by artifices
practiced on them, is almost entire, and will, I believe, become quite so.  But these details, too
minute and long for a letter, will be better developed:y Mr. Dawson, the bearer of this, a member of the
late Congress, to whom I refer you for them. He
goes in the Maryland, a sloop of war, which will
wait a few days at Havre to receive his letters, to be
written on his arrival at Paris. You expressed a
wish to get a passage to this country in a public
vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with orders to the
captain of the Maryland to receive and accommodate
you with a passage back, if you can be ready to depart at such short warning. Robert R. Livingston
is appointed minister plenipotentiary to the republic
of France, but will not leave this till we receive the
ratification of the convention by Mr. Dawson. I
am in hopes you will find us returned generally to
sentiments worthy of former times. In these it will
be your glory to have steadily labored, and with as
much effect as any man living. That you may long
live to continue your useful labors, and to reap their
reward in the thankfulness of nations, is my sincere
prayer. Accept assurances of my high esteem and
affectionate attachment."




260           THE LIFE AND TIMES
One of the first acts of the new administration was
to appoint Chancellor Livingston, of New York,
minister to France. It was on this occasion tnat
Mr. Jefferson, in his instructions to him, asserted
the great democratic principle that " free ships make
free goods;" and while he admitted that the prevalent practice of nations was on the contrary doctrine,
he held that a reform should take place on the subject. HIe contended that a ship sailing on the high
seas was solely within the jurisdiction of the nation
to which it belonged, and he denied the reasonableness of the exception for contraband. He desired
Mr. Livingston to cooperate as far as he could in
establishing the principle abroad.
In May, 1801, Mr. Jefferson dispatched Commodore Dale with a squadron of three frigates and a
sloop-of-war to the Mediterranean against the
bashaw of Tripoli, who had declared war against
the United States, and had commenced piratical
operations against our commerce. The squadron
arrived off Tripoli in August, immediately blockaded it, and captured a polacre of fourteen guns.
Many engagements ensued at successive periods
subsequently.  The.Enterprise under Captain
Sterret, was victorious in an action with a Tripolitan
corsair off Malta.  Commodore Murray, in the
frigate Constitution, was attacked off Tripoli by a




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         263
fbrmidable array of gun-boats, and compelled them
to retire with immense loss. The frigate Philadelphia, Captain Bainbridge, ran upon a rock when
surrounded by the enemy's boats, and his crew of
three hundred men wele compelled to surrender
The vessel herself was afterward retaken from th,
enemy by Captain Stephen Decatur. The Americans now formed a coalition with Hamet, a deposed
brother of the reigning bashaw, for the purpose of
reinstating him on the throne. The probability of
this result brought the bashaw to terms; a favorable peace was concluded by Colonel Lear; and
the American prisoners, who had been treated
with the most horrid barbarity, were released.
Congress assembled on the first Monday in December, and Mr. Jefferson sent to them his written
message, instead of delivering an oral speech, as
had previously been the custom. The following is
an extract from the letter which accompanied the
message:
"The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering inconvenient the mode
heretofore practiced, of making by personal address
the first communications between the legislative
and executive branches, I have adopted that by
message, as used on all subsequent occasions:through the session. In doing this I have had prin



262           THE LIFE AND TIMES
cipal regard to the convenience of the legislature, to
the economy of their time, to their relief from the
embarrassment of immediate answers on subjects
not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence
resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure founded on these motives will meet their
approbation, I beg leave through you, sir, to communicate the inclosed message, with the documents
accompanying it, to the honorable the Senate, and
pray you to accept for yourself and them the homage
of my high respect and consideration." The reason,
however, which weighed with him probably more
than any other was, that a speech savored of the
forms of royalty. But he well knew that this motive
would be fully understood and properly appreciated
by those whose favor and approbation he was most
desirous of obtaining.
In this message Mr. Jefferson spoke of the
various subjects which were then of prominent importance to the nation-including the census, the
army, navy, taxation, the importance of the militia,
agriculture, commerce, manufactures, navigation,
the judiciary system, and a revision of the laws of
naturalization.
During the year 1802 many changes and reforms
were introduced into the government of the country,
in most of which the Executive acquiesced. The




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         263
Repul)lican party had a small majority in both
Houses, and were enabled to carry their measures.
The two great subjects of party conflict were the
repeal of the internal taxes, and of the law which
had been passed creating a new set of Federal
courts.
In 1801 Spain had ceded Louisiana to France.
This event excited the indignation and disgust of
the citizens of the United States, inasmuch as the
possession of Louisiana gave France the control of
the port of New Orleans, which was the only outlet
between the Western States and the Atlantic. In
April, 1802, Mr. Jefferson addressed a letter to Mr.
Livingston in Paris, in which he showed the evils
which would ensue from the possession of this port
and the surrounding country by France, and the
infinite causes of irritation which would ensue
between the two countries. He directed Mr. Livingston to commence negotiations with the French
government, in reference to the final adjustment of
this important matter, and the ultimate disposal of
Louisiana in such a way that, by ceding or selling
that territory to the United States, the interests of
both countries might be secured, and the dangers
of impending conflict between them might be
happily averted




264             THE LIBE AND TIMES
CHAPTER XIV.
THE SETTLEMENT OP TTR YAZOO CLAIMS IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI-TBR
PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA FROM FRANCE-LETTER OF MR. JEFFERSON ON
THE SUBJECT TO GENERAL GATES-REPEAL OF THE BANKRUPT LAW-SIR.
JEFFERSON'S VIEWS ON THE UNITED STATES BANK-DEATH OF IMRS
EPPES-MhR. JEFFERSON'S GUN-BOAT SYSTEM-RESULTS OF BIS FIlST
ADMINISTRATION-MR. JEFFERSON'S MOTIVES AND EXCUSES FOR A SECOND
ELECTION-HIS LETTER TO ALEXANDER I., CZAR OF RUSSIA.
AN important measure connected with         the administration in 1803, was the passage of a law which
provided for the settlement of various claims to
lands located in that vast tract of country extending
from  the western borders of South Carolina and
Georgia to the Mississippi River.   This country now
constitutes the States of Alabama and Mississippi.
Until the year 1803, the title of the Indians to this
territory remained undisputed.     Then South Carolina demanded that portion of it lying along the
southern boundary of Tennessee, by virtue of her
original charter.   Georgia also claimed the whole
of it, under her own charter.     The United States
afterward became the claimant, by the right of conquest and the treaty of peace.
Commissioners had been appointed by the United




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         235
States to adjust the claim with Georgia, and also to
satisfy the demands of the settlers. Some of the
latter held their titles from grants made by the State
of Georgia, and some from grants obtained from
the United States. The former claimants endeavored to obtain a recognition and settlement of their
rights from the United States, and were known by
the epithet of the Yazoos.  The greatest foe of
these claimants was John Randolph of Roanoke,
who rendered himself celebrated by his fierce,
powerful, and sarcastic eloquence against their
demands. The conflict raged during eleven years,
until at length it was finally settled in 1814, on the
recommendation made by the commissioners, by
the purchase of the rights of the Yazoo claimants
by the United States for five millions of dollars.
The negotiation with France for the purchase of
Louisiana was attended with equal and more immediate success. The American ministers in Paris not
only succeeded in negotiating for New Orleans and
the Floridas, but were able to effect a purchase of
the whole of Louisiana, which contained a territory
equal in extent to the whole previous territorial
possessions of the United States.
By this treaty of purchase eleven millions, two
hundred and fifty thousand dollars were to be paid
to France, in six per cent. stock, three months after
23




266           THE LIFE AND TIMES
the delivery of the possession of the country; and
certain claims held by American citizens against
France, which were about equal to three and a half
millions, were to be assumed by the United States.
This territory was to be admitted to the confederacy
as soon as it complied with the requirements of the
Constitution.  This acquired territory contained
about a million of square miles, and Lad about
ninety thousand civilized inhabitants in addition to
the savages who still roamed over it.
Mr. Jefferson was highly gratified at the conclusion of this treaty. It completed the supremacy of
the United States throughout the southern peninsula,
and gave compactness and unity to the territorial
confines of the confederacy. In a letter to General
Gates, he thus refers to this subject. It is dated at
Washington, July 11, 1803.
DEAR GENERAL: I accept with pleasure, and with
pleasure reciprocate your congratulations on the
acquisition of Louisiana; for it is a subject of mutual congratulation, as it interests every man of the
nation. The territory acquired, as it includes all
the waters of the Missouri and Mississippi, has more
than doubled the area of the United States, and the
new part is not inferior to the old in soil, climate,
productions, and important communications. If our




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         267
legislature dispose of it with the wisdom we have a
right to expect, they may make it the means of
tempting all our Indians on the east side of the
Mississippi to remove to the West, and of condensing
instead of scattering our population.  I find our
opposition is very willing to pluck feathers from
Monroe, although not fond of sticking them into
Livingston's coat. The truth is, both have a just
portion of merit; and were it necessary, or proper,
it would be shown that each has rendered peculiar
services."
In another letter to Judge Breckenridge, he thus
follows up his ideas of exultation at this bright
achievement of his administration:-" Objections
are raising to the eastward against the vast extent
of our boundaries, and propositions are made to
exchange Louisiana, or a part of it, for the Floridas.
But, as I have said, we shall get the Floridas without, and I would not give one inch of the waters of
the Mississippi to any nation; because I see, in a
light very important to our peace, the exclusive
right to its navigation, and the admission of no
nation into it, but as into the Potomac or Delaware,
with our consent and under our police.  These
federalists see in this acquisition the formation of a
new confederacy, embracing all the waters of the




268          THE LIFE AND TIMES
Mississippi, on both sides of it, and a separation of
its eastern waters from us."
One of the virtues of the character of Mr. Jefferson, consisted in the simplicity of his mind, which
influenced him to avoid ostentation, pomp, ceremony
and vain parade, and inclined him to give a preference to every mode of performing an action which
combined the greatest convenience, and involved the
least display. An application having been made to
him by some of the citizens of Boston, in August,
1803, to ascertain the date of his birth, in order to
celebrate his birthday, he declined to communicate
the information in a letter to Levi Lincoln, couched
in the following words: " With respect to the day
on which they wish to fix their anniversary, they
may be told, that disapproving myself of transferring
the honors and veneration for the great birthday of
our republic to any individual, or of dividing them
with individuals, I have declined letting my own
birthday be known, and have engaged my family
not to communicate it. This has been the uniform
answer to every application of the kind."
Another noteworthy feature of the first administration of Mr. Jefferson was the repeal of the
bankrupt law which had been first enacted in one
of the late years of Mr. Adams' administration.
This law, which had authorized the discharge of a




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         265
debtor from all his preceding debts on the consent
of a majority of his creditors, had been regarded'
as an invidious privilege granted to the mercantile
community, especially in the Southern States,
where the agricultural interest was of more real
value and importance to the community than the
commercial.
At this period a proposition was made in Congress
to create a branch of the United States Bank in
New Orleans. Mr. Jefferson embraced this opportunity to repeat his first objections to that colossal
institution, in the following language:
"This institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing against the principles and forms of
our Constitution. The nation is, at this time, so
strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot
be shaken at this moment. But suppose a series of
untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring
into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge
the confidence of the people in the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its
branches every part of the Union, acting by coimmand and in phalanx, may in a critical moment
upset the government. I deem no government safe
which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted
authorities, or any other authority than that of the
23*




270          EHE LIFE AND TIMES
nation, or its regular functionaries. What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States,
with all its branch banks, be in time of war? It
might dictate to us the peace we should accept, or
withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further
growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile?"
These general considerations are then followed by
cogent arguments ad hominem.  "That it is hostile
we know, 1. From a knowledge of the principles of
the persons composing the body of directors in every
bank, principal, or branch; and those of most of the
stockholders.  2. From their opposition to the
measures and principles of the government, and to
the election of those friendly to them; and 3. From
the sentiments of the newspapers they support.
Now, while we are strong, it is the greatest duty we
owe to the safety of our Constitution, to bring this
powerful enemy to a perfect subordination under its
authorities. The first measure would be to reduce
them to an equal footing only with other banks, as
to the favors of the government. But in order to be
able to meet a general combination of the banks
against us, in a critical emergency, could we not
make a beginning toward an independent use of our
own money, toward holding our own deposits in all
the banks where it is received, and letting the
treasurer give his draft or note, for payment at any




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         271
particular place, which in a well-conducted government ought to have as much credit as any private
draft, or bank-note or bill, and would give us the
same facilities which we derive from the banks?"
In the spring of 1804 Mr. Jefferson suffered a
severe domestic bereavement in the death of Mrs.
Eppes, one of his daughters. On this occasion the
wife of ex-President Adams addressed him a letter
of condolence, to which Mr. Jefferson responded in
a similar spirit of friendship and conciliation. This
3orrespondence became the cause of the renewal of
the friendship which had formerly existed between
Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, and continued uninterruptedly during many years, until death put an
end to the existence of both on the same anniversary
of the birthday of the nation's liberties. To Governor Page Mr. Jefferson writes, in reference to this
calamity:
"Others," he says, " may lose of their abundance,
but I of my wants have lost even the half of all I
had. My evening prospects now hang on the slender thread of a single life. Perhaps I may be destined to see even this last cord of parental affection
broken. The hope with which I had looked forward
to the moment when, resigning public cares to
younger hands, I was to retire to that domestic




272           THE LIFE AND TIMES
comfort from which the last great step is to be taken,
is fearfully blighted."
On the reassembling of Congress, on the 5th of
November, Mr. Jefferson sent in his opening message. The chief peculiarity of this message is, that
he therein recommends the adoption of the system
of gun-boats for the protection of the harbors. These
gun-boats he termed floating-batteries; and he estimated that two hundred and fifty of them would
effectually defend the fifteen harbors and the coasts
of the United States.  These he termed a cheap
marine; and Congress was induced to pass an appropriation of sixty thousand dollars, for the purpose
of testing the feasibility of the plan. The matter
excited much discussion at the time, and the gunboats were generally opposed and condemned by
the officers.of the navy.  An  opportunity was
eagerly waited for to test the availability of this new
arm of the service; and it was not long before such
an opportunity was afforded. As these boats were
sailing along the coast a violent storm arose, when
some of them   were driven ashore, some were
swamped, and the whole of them    destroyed or
rendered entirely unfit for service. The gun-boats
were thus proved to be utterly unable to resist even
the pacific perils of the deep; and their total rui'
cast a torrent of popular ridicule on the Executive,




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         273
who had se strenuously insisted on their superior
availability and merit.
During the first administration of Jefferson, which
now terminated, the public debt had been reduced
more than twelve millions; the territorial area of
the United States had been doubled; many expensive revenue offices had been abolished; the taxes
had been greatly diminished; a war with France
and Spain had been skillfully and honorably averted;
the Tripolitans had been conquered; successful war
had been made on Tunis and Algiers; and internal prosperity, wealth, and improvement had prodigiously increased. The first administration of Mr.
Jefferson, therefore, terminated in a halo of popalarity and splendor, which rendered his re-election
inevitable; which made him for a brief period
the idol of the nation, and the possessor of a degree
of adulation second in intensity only to that which
had become the permanent and unchanging inheritance of Washington.
He commenced his second administration on the
4th of March, 1805. The causes which induced
him to accept a re-election, which resulted in a
much greater majority than he had obtained on the
first, are stated by Mr. Jefferson himself in the following letter to Mr. Gerry:
"I sincerely regret that the unbounded calumnies




274            THE LIE AND TIMES
of the Federal party have obliged me to throw my.
self on the verdict of my country for trial, my great
desire having been to retire at the end of the present term, to a life of tranquillity; and it was my
decided purpose when I entered into office. They
force my continuance. If we can keep the vessel
of state as steadily in her course for another four
years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished,
and I shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my
family, my farm, and my books."  When it is considered that Mr. Jefferson was a zealous and primitive dissenter from the unlimited re-eligibility of
the executive; and that he espoused with ardor
short terms of office, and had originally intended to
hold the office but four years, it must be deeply
lamented that he suffered the clamor of enemies to
divert him from establishing a precedent of so much
vital consequence to the purity and duration of our
free institutions. The reasons he adduces for this
dereliction are such as might with equal force be
alleged for a continuance in the office for life.
How much of real glory he lost by missing this
opportunity of putting the seal of sincerity and the
test of consistency on his original professions, can
only be estimated by a full and just consideration
of the difficulty attending the sacrifice of ambition
to principle; of resisting the temptation of personal




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         275
vanity for the enduring future applause of mankind.
Devoted to science, and at all times intent on improvements in literature and knowledge, as well as
politics and government, Mr. Jefferson now projected the expedition of Lewis and Clarke to the
Columbia River, for the purpose of exploring and
ascertaining the geography, natural history, climate,
riches, resources, and peculiarities of the new purchase of the Territory of Louisiana.
It was at this period that Mr. Jefferson addressed
a letter to the Emperor Alexander I. of Russia, in
behalf of the principle of neutral rights, which he
earnestly desired might be duly secured by the
treaties which were about to be formed by Napoleon
with the powers of Europe, at the general pacification which was then anticipated. In this remarkable letter, after speaking of his gratification at seeing advanced to the government of so extensive a
portion of the earth, and at so early a period of his
life, a sovereign whose ruling desire was the happiness of his people, and whose philanthropy was
extended to " a distant and infant nation, unoffending in its course and unambitious in its views," he
further compliments the emperor on his elibrts toward the pacification of Europe, and reminds him
of the common interest which the United States




276          THE LIFE AND TIMES
and the northern nations of Europe have in preserving neutral rights. He suggests that the emperor
and Napoleon have it il their power, at the approaching pacification, to render eminent services
to nations in general, by incorporating into the act
of pacification a correct definition of the rights of
neutrals on the high seas, and "that these rights
thus defined could be enforced, if further sanction
were necessary, by an exclusion of the nation violating them from all commerce with the rest."
"Having taken," he says, "no part in the past or
existing troubles of Europe, we have no part to act
on its pacification. But as principles may then be
settled in which we have a deep interest, it is a great
happiness for us that they are placed under the protection of an umpire, who, looking beyond the narrow bounds of an individual nation, will take under
the cover of his equity the rights of the absent and
unrepresented. It is only by a happy concurrence
of good characters and good occasions, that a step
can now and then be taken to advance the wellbeing of nations. If the present occasion be good,
I am sure your majesty's character will not be wanting to avail the world of it. By monuments of such
good offices may your life become an epoch in the
history of the condition of men, and may Ite who
called it into being, for the good of the human




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         277
family, give it length of days and success, and have
it always in his holy keeping."
This communication was addressed by Mr. Jefferson directly to the Autocrat, and not to his Minister
of Foreign Affairs, through the American Secretary
of State, as diplomatic usage would have required.
In pursuing this course, the President designed to
carry out and illustrate the supposed simplicity of
republican forms, in every department of his administration, from the most dignified to the most
minute.
24




278              tHE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER XV.
THE CONSPIRACY OF AARON BURR-THE NATURE OF HIS ENTERPRISE-MR.
RANDOLPH'S RESOLUTION IN CONGRESS-ARREST OF COL. BURR-INCIDENTS OF THE TRIAL-ELOQUENCE OF WM. WIRT-JEFFERSON'S PREJUDICES AGAINST BURR-THE EMBARGO LAW-MR. JEFFERSON'S LAST
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS-ADDRESSES SENT TO MR. JEFFERSON ON HIS
RETIRING-ADDRESS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA-INAUGURATION
OF MR. MADISON-MR. JEFFERSON'S FINAL RETURN TO MONTICELLO-HIS
FEELINGS ON THIS OCCASION.
THE most important event connected with the
second administration of Mr. Jefferson was the con.
spiracy and trial of Aaron Burr.      This celebrated
man had lost the confidence of the Democratic party
which had previously placed him       in the office of
Vice-President, in consequence of his supposed
intrigues with the Federalists.    He endeavored to
regain official rank and influence by obtaining the
post of Governor of New York.      In that State many
of his former opponents among        the  Federalists,
influenced by hatred to the administration of Jefferson, were disposed to give     Burr their assistance.
The latter woulc   have been elected had it not been
for the determined opposition of Alexander IIamilton, who regarded Burr as a dangerous and unscrupulous adventurer, and exerted himself to defeat




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          279
him. The consequence of this opposition was the
unfortunate duel, in which Hamilton became the
victim of the insatiable vengeance of his foe. This
deed forever blasted the prospects of Burr in New
York, and compelled or induced him to turn his
enterprising and crafty mind to the elaboration of
other schemes of ambition and aggrandizement.
Then it was that Burr formed his gigantic plans of
conquest and glory in the far South-West. Then it
was that he resolved to concentrate all his great
powers on the establishment of a splendid empire,
composed of the extreme southern territories of the
United States, combined with a conquered portion
of the ancient realms of Montezuma. Nor was Burr
unfitted to the accomplishment of these lofty and
aspiring aims. His military talents were of a high
order, and he could lead his armed hosts to battle
and direct their movements with the skill of a great
commander. His talents for political intrigue were
consummate and unrivaled; being the most crafty,
skillful and far-reaching tactician in the country.
As a conqueror, as a legislator, and as a ruler, Burr
could boast no inconsiderable resemblance in the
universality and extent of his talents, to Napoleon
Bonaparte.
Burr's first object was the invasion of Mexico. A
large part of his materials for this expedition he




280           THE LIFE AND TIMES
expected to obtain in the South-Western States and
Territories. He found however that the attachment
of the people there to the Union, could not be
moved; and consequently he prepared to march
first to Mexico, and achieve his first triumphs there.
By this time the American government had' obtained satisfactory information of the culpable nature
of his movements; if not that they were treasonable, at least that they were illegal, as being of a
warlike nature against a country with which the
United States were then at peace. General Wilkinson was ordered immediately to proceed to Niew
Orleans, and to take every possible means to defeat
the expedition.  On the 27th of November, Mr.,
Jefferson issued a proclamation cautioning all citizens against joining the enterprise; and orders were
then issued to the United States troops, stationed at
different points along the Ohio and Mississippi, to
seize the boats and stores, and arrest the members
of the expedition.
On the 16th of January Mr. Randolph moved in
Congress that the President be called on to impart
such information respecting Burr's movements as
might then be in the possession of the government.
On the 22d of that month the call of the resolution
was complied with. He stated in substance that
information had been received that some boats filled




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         281
with adventurers, perhaps three or four hundred in
number, had passed the Falls of the Ohio for the
purpose of meeting the rendezvous appointed at the
mouth of Cumberland River; that Burr himself
had descended the Cumberland on the 22d of December with two boats; that General Wilkinson
had made ample preparations to defend New
Orleans, and that orders had been issued for the
arrest of the chief conspirator.
In accordance with these orders, Dr. Bolman and
Mr. Swartwout, two of Burr's principal aids, were arrested at New Orleans. On the 31st of December
Burr himself passed Fort Massac with ten boats. But
as he approached New Orleans he found the preparations made by General Wilkinson so extensive and
efficient that he discovered the utter futility of his
plans.  He then proceeded to the Tombigbee,
having landed with a single companion on the banks
of the Mississippi on the 13th of January. His ultimate destination was then unknown; but he was
detected and arrested by the emissaries of the
government in February, 1807. He was immediately
conveyed on horseback to Richmond, Virginia, to
be tried by the Federal court, held by Chief Justice
Marshal, assisted by Justice Griffin.
Burr reached Richmond on the 26th of March.
The court admitted him to bail in the sum of ten
24*




282           THE LIFE AND TIMES
thousand dollars, which was immediately entered
for him by members of the Federal party. Mr. Hay
prosecuted for the government, assisted by William
Wlrt. Able counsel represented the defendant, the
chief of whom was the celebrated Luther Martin.
It was on this memorable occasion that the stately,
imposing, and resplendent eloquence of Wirt shone
forth with unrivaled magnificence, in strains of
power and pathos which will be admired, quoted,
and read with rapture till the end of time. Even
the stern and iron heart of Burr himself trembled,
and his eagle eye quailed beneath the overwhelming
torrent of scathing invective, argument, and declamation, with which that great orator and ornament
of the American bar reviewed the events developed
by his bold, ambitious, and desperate career.
After a trial of three weeks, and prodigious exertions of counsel on both sides, Burr was acquitted,
on the ground that the offense, if any, had not been
committed within the jurisdiction of the court. It
was Mr. Jefferson's purpose to commence a second
prosecution, in which the plea to the jurisdiction
should be evaded and the charges tried entirely on
the merits; but the purpose was afterward abandoned.   Burr immediately sailed for England,
where it was supposed he designed to obtain means
for the lpurpose of carrying on his ambitious plans




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         283
more successfully.  In this purpose he signally
failed; both in England and France he was reduced
almost to the verge of starvation; and he ultimately
returned to N"ew York, a ruined and disgraced outcast.
The chief charge against Burr in his trial was that
of treason against the United States.  That Mr.
Jefferson himself did not believe in the justice of
this charge at the time it was made, is evident from
the following letter to Mr. Bowdoin, dated April
2d, 1807:
"No better proof of the good faith of the United
States could have been given, than the vigor with
which we have acted, and the expense incurred, in
suppressing the enterprise meditated lately by Burr,
against Mexico. Although at first he proposed a
separation of the western country, and on that
ground received encouragement and aid from Yrujo,
according to the usual spirit of his government
toward us, yet he very early saw that the fidelity
of the western country was not to be shaken, and
turned himself wholly toward Mexico. And so popular is an enterprise on that country, in this, that we
had only to lie still, and he would have had followers enough to have been in the city of Mexico
in six weeks."
Mr. Jefferson evidently hated Burr personally,




284           THE LIFE AND TIMES
for in a letter to Mr. Iay, the prosecutir g officer,
he terms him "an impudent, Federal bull-dog."
Jefferson also became highly incensed against Chief
Justice Marshall, whom  he falsely and basely
charged with endeavoring to protect and shield the
defendant.
Tle effects of the Berlin and Milan Decrees of
Napoleon, and of the Orders in Council on the part
of England, now began to be felt as serious aggressions on the commerce and revenue of the United
States. The licentious and preposterous doctrines
of blockade, proclaimed by France, and the retaliation of so monstrous a violation of the laws of nations by England, soon inflicted the most fatal
wounds upon neutral commerce, insulting and degrading to the national character, at the same time
that it cut up its resources, plundered its wealth, and
mutilated its marine. Impressment was added to
robbery and confiscation, our flag being unable to
protect the persons of our citizens from the power
of insolent England, or secure their property from
the rapacity of libertine France, Unhappily for this
country and its national character, the feuds engendered by the collisions between those two countries
among our citizens, during the French revolution,
had enlisted the Democratic and Federal parties
under the banners of the two European belligerents.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         285
It was known that Mr. Jefferson was partial to
France and hated England; and as he always preferred peace to war, a disposition to negotiate for a
redress of wrongs of this heinous character, was
construed by some into a pusillanimous submission
to the despotism of France; and by the adverse
party, into a degrading acquiescence in the wrongs
of England. The Democrats called for a war with
Great Britain; the Federalists, and those who
opposed French tyranny, demanded war against
France. Mr. Jefferson desired peace, and disregarding the clamors of both, proceeded to negotiation. In a letter to Lafayette in 1807, he thus pictures our distressful and embarrassing situation:" I enclose you a proclamation, which will show
you the critical footing on which we stand at present with England. Never since the battle of Lexington, have I seen this country in such a state of
of exasperation as at present. And even that did
not produce such unanimity. The Federalists themselves coalesce with us as to the object, although
they will return to their old trade of condemning
every step we take toward obtaining it.'Reparation for the past, and security for the future,' is our
motto. Whether these will be yielded freely, or
will require resort to non-intercourse, or to waar, is
vet to be seen. We have actually near two thou



286           THE LIFE AND TIMES
sand men in the field, covering the exposed parts
of the coast, and cutting off supplies from the British vessels."
The attack made on the frigate Chesapeake by
the British admiral, and the Order of the British
Council prohibiting all commerce between America
and the ports of her enemies in Europe, un.less their
cargoes were first landed in England and duties
there paid on re-exportation, which threatened the
total ruin of American commerce, induced Mr. Jefferson to recommend an embargo law. This law
was passed by Congress on the 22d of December,
1807.
This was the last important act of Mr. Jefferson's
political life. His administration was now drawing
to a close, after forty years of public service, and
twenty of party turmoil. He had now attained the
age of sixty-five, and if the enjoyment of power had
not produced satiety, the charms of retirement must
at least have promised the delight of novelty. His
annual message to Congress this year, 1808, spoke
of this event in a strain of unaffected modesty, dignified feeling, and patriotic eloquence, every way
creditable to his head and heart. "Availing myself of this, the last occasion whlich will occur of
addressing the two houses of the legislature at their
meeting, I cannot omit the expression of my sincere




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         287
gratitude for the repeated proofs of confidence mani
fested to me by themselves and their predecessors,
since my call to the administration, and the many
indulgences experienced at their hands. The same
grateful acknowledgments are due to my fellowcitizens generally, whose support has been my great
encouragement under all embarrassments. In the
transaction of their businesss I cannot have escaped
error-it is incident to our imperfect nature. But
I may say with truth my errors have been of the
understanding, not of intention, and that the advancement of their rights and interests has been the
constant motive for every measure. On these considerations I solicit their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety to their future destinies, I trust,
that in their steady character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and
support of public authorities, I see a sure guarantee
of the permanence of our republic; and retiring
from the charge of their affairs, I carry with me the
consolation of a firm persuasion, that Heaven has in
store for our beloved country, long ages to come of
prosperity and happiness."
It was on the 7th of November that Mr. Jefferson
sent in to Congress his last annual address, containing many items of interest connected with the state
of the country, and the past measures of his admi



288           THE LIFE AND TIMES
nistration. Among other statements he informs
them that the yearly receipts of the Treasury were
then eighteen millions of dollars; that two millions
and a half of the national debt had been discharged;
and that nearly fourteen millions remained as surplus in the treasury. During the six years preceding, thirty millions of the national debt had been
liquidated.
At the general election in October, James Madison had been chosen as the successor of Mr. Jefferson. At the expiration of the term of the latter, he
received addresses of esteem and respect fiom the
legislatures of Vermont, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Georgia, New York and Virginia. The
address of the legislature of Virginia proceeded
from the polished pen of William Wirt; and was
couched in the following language
"SIR: The General Assembly of your native
State cannot close their session without acknowledging your services in the office which you are
just about to lay down, and bidding you a respectful and affectionate farewell.'We have to thank you for the model of an
administration conducted on the purest principles
of reipublicanlism; for pomp and state laid aside;
patronage discarded; internal taxes abolished; a




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         289
host of superfluous officers disbanded; the monarchic maxim that'a national debt is a national
blessing,' renounced, and more than thirty-three
millions of our debt discharged; the native right to
near one hundred millions of acres of our national
domain extinguished; and without the guilt or
calamities of conquest, a vast and fertile region
added to our country, far more extensive than her
original possessions, bringing along with it the
Mississippi and the port of Orleans, the trade of
the West to the Pacific Ocean, and in the intrinsic
value of the land itself, a source of permanent and
almost inexhaustible revenue. These are points in
your administration which the historian will not
fail to seize, to expand, and to teach posterity to
dwell upon with delight. Nor will he forget our
peace with the civilized world, preserved through a
season of uncomnon difficulty and trial; the goodwill cultivated with the unfortunate aborigines of
our country, and the civilization humanely extended
among them; the lesson taught the inhabitants of
the coast of Barbary, that we have the means of
chastising their piratical encroachments, and awing
themn into justice; and that theme, which, above all
others, the historic genius will hang upon with.
rapture, the liberty of speech and the press pre25




290          THE LIFE AND TIMES
served inviolate, without which genius and science
are given to man in vain.
"In the principles on which you have administered the government, we see only the continuation
and the maturity of the same virtues and abilities
which drew upon you in your youth the resentment
of Dunmore. From the first brilliant and happy
moment of your resistance to foreign tyranny until
the present day, we mark with pleasure and with
gratitude the same uniform and consistent character-the same warm and devoted attachment to
liberty and the republic, the same Roman love of
your country, her rights, her peace, her honor, her
prosperity.
6 How blessed will be the retirement into which
you are about to go! How deservedly blessed will
it be! For you carry with you the richest of all
rewards, the recollection of a life well spent in the
service of your country, and proofs the most decisive of the love, the gratitude, the veneration of
your countrymen.
"That your retirement may be as happy as your
life has been virtuous and useful; that our youth
may see, in the blissful close of your days, an additional inducement to form themselves on your
model, is the devout and earnest prayer of your
fellow-citizens who compose the General Assembly
of Virginia."




OP THOMAS JEFFERSON.         291
M... Jefferson's second term of office as President
of the United States, terminated on March 4th,
1809. He remained to witness the inauguration of
his successor, and sat on his right hand during the
delivery of his address. Several days afterward he
left Washington, and journeyed by slow and easy
stages to Monticello, where he arrived in the middle of March. Thus after forty years of political
turmoil, agitation and labor, this great statesman
and politician retired at last to the quiet and seclusion of private life. His feelings on this occasion
may be inferred from the following letter to M. Dupont de Nemours, in Paris:
"Within a few days I retire to my family, my
books and farms; and having gained the harbor
myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting the
storm, with anxiety, indeed, but not with envy.
Never did a prisoner, released from his chains, feel
such relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of
power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering then my supreme
delight. But the enormities of the times in which
I have lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the boisterous
ocean of political passions. I thank God for the
opportunity of retiring from them without censure,




292           THE LIFE AND TIMES
and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of
public approbation."
lie gives the following account of his journey:"I had a very fatiguing journey, having found
the roads excessively bad, although I have seen
them worse. The last three days I found it better
to be on horseback, and traveled eight hours through
as disagreeable a snow-storm as I was ever in.
Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition but
fatigue, I have more confidence in my vis vitce than
I had before entertained. The spring is remarkably
backward."
Having been welcomed home by the citizens of
his county, he addressed them  in the following
strain of attachment and affection:
" Returning to the scenes of my birth and early
life, to the society of those with whom I was raised,
and who have been ever dear to me, I receive, rellow-citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, the cordial welcome you are so good as to give
me. Long absent on duties which the history of a
wonderful era made incumbent on those called to
them, the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle and splendor of office, have drawn but deeper sighs for the
tranquil and irresponsible occupations of private
life, foi the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse
with you, my neighbors and friends; and the en



OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.        293
dearments of family love, which nature has given
us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I
gladly lay down the distressing burden of power,
and seek, with my fellow-citizens, repose and safety
under the watchful cares, the labors and perplexities
of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you
express to administer to my happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; and the measure will
be complete, if my endeavors to fulfill my duties in
the several public stations to which I have been
called, have obtained for me the approbation of my
country. The part which I have acted on the
theatre of public life, has been before them; and to
their sentence I submit it: but the testimony of my
native county, of the individuals who have known
me in private life, to my conduct in its various
duties and relations, is the more grateful, as proceeding from eye-witnesses and observers- 1from
triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors,
I may ask in the face of the world,' Whose ox have
I taken, or whom have I defrauded? Whom have
I oppressed, or of whose hand have I received a
bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?' On your ve cdict I rest with conscious security. Your wiEch-s
for my happiness are received with just sensibility,
and I offer sincere prayers for your own welfare and
prosperity."
25*




294              THE LIFE AND TIMES
CHAPTER XVI.
IR. JEFFERSI N'S HABITS OF LIFE IN HTS RETIREMENT-INCIDENTS OF BIS
RESIDENCE AT MONTICELLO-THE MECKLENBURG DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE-MR. JEFFERSON S PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES-THE PLAN OF A
LOTTERY-PUBLIC CONTRIBUTIONS TO HIS RELIEF-HIS LAST SICKNESSHIS DEATH-ESTIMATE OF HIS CHARACTER-HIS RELIGIOUS OPINIONSDEFECTS OF HIS CHARACTER-HIS WANT OF SINCERITY AND TRUTHFULNESS-HIS FALSE CHARGES AGAINST MR. HAMILTON-EVIDENCE OF THEIR
FALSEHOOI-HIS SECRET OPPOSITION TO THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONNOVEL AND ABSURD GROUNDS OF HIS OPPOSITION-CHIEF DIFFERENCE
BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON-CONCLUSION.
MR. JEFFERSON was sixty-six years of age when he
retired, for the last time, from    public life to the
quietude and seclusion of his estate at Monticello.
His property consisted of nearly seven thousand acres
of land, and was worked by a hundred and thirteen
slaves. Ile also possessed four thousand acres at
Poplar Forest, on which there        were   eighty-five
slaves.  But although he was a large landed proprietor, his estates were not very productive; and the
profuse hospitality which during many years he exercised at Monticello, very perceptibly diminished his
resources from year to year.    tie had also a passion
for building; and being deprived of the income
which for eight years he had been in the habit of




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          295
receiniv;g as President, he gradually becameinvolved
ir cec-iniarydifficulties. He thus describes his avot:cinsc in a letter of this date, to his illustrious
friend Koskiusco:' In the bosom of my family, and surrounded by
nly books, I enjoy a repose to which I have been
long a stranger. My mornings are devoted to correspondence. From breakfast to dinner I am in my
shops, my garden, or on horseback among my farms;
from dinner to dark I give to society and recreation
with my neighbors and friends; and from candle
light to early bedtime I read. My health is perfect,
and my strength considerably reinforced by the activity of the course I pursue; perhaps it is as great
as usually falls to the lot of near sixty-seven years of
age. I talk of plows and harrows, seeding and
harvesting, with my neighbors, and of politics, too,
if they choose, with as little reserve as the rest of
my fellow-citizens, and feel at length the blessing of
being free to say and do what I please, without being
responsible for it to any mortal. A  part of my
occupation, and by no means the least pleasing, is
the direction of the studies of such young men as
ask it. They place themselves in the neighboring
village, have the use of my library and counsel, and
make a part of my society. In advising the course
of their reading, I endeavor to keep their attention




296           THE LIFE AND TIMES
fixed on the main objects of all science, the frotdomr
and happiness of man." Hie concludes by adver;.ng
to his pecuniary difficulties, and says he has to pass
such a length of time in a thraldom of mind nef.c
before known to him. "But for this," he says, " hie
happiness would have been perfect."  Among thos3
who thus profited by his counsels in the way spoken
of, were Mr. Rives, the late Minister to France, amnd
Francis W. Gilmer, late Professor of Law in the
University of Virginia.
His workshops were those of carpenters, blackg
smiths,wheelwrights and nailsmiths. Mr. Jefferson
was fond of exercising himself in mechanical employments. He had a small apartment adjoining his
bed-room, in which there was a complete assortment
of tools, in the use of which he had acquired much
practical skill, and which at once enabled him to
take exercise within doors, to find an agreeable relaxation for his mind, to repair any of his various instruments in physical science, and to execute any
little scheme of the moment in the way of furniture or
experiment. lIe had many very respectable workmen
among his slaves, whose expertness had been greatly
improved, both by his instructions and the diversified
occupation which he afforded them. The carriage
in which he ordinarily rode, his garden-seats, even
some of his household furniture, were the joint work




)F THOMAS JEFFERSON.         297
of himself and his slaves. His favorite exercise,
however, was riding on horseback, and he never
was unprovided with handsome horses. It was the
only thing in which he was lavish of money for his
exclusive gratification; and the four which he
purchased for his carriage when he was elected
President, cost him two thousand dollars.
Thus year after year of the retirement of this
celebrated man glided quietly away; yet occasionally diversified by pleasing and novel incidents.
One of these was the correspondence which took
place between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. John Adams.
Another was the epistolary intercourse which
occurred between him and the illustrious Madame
de Stael. HIis correspondence with Mr. Adams
elicited new and strange information in reference to
the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, from
which it has been charged that Mr. Jefferson derived the chief ideas of his own draft of the American Declaration.  This subject has been fiercely
contested on both sides. The coincidences of expression between these two documents are so
remarkable as to justify the full conviction, that the
one was in a great measure derived from the other.
That the reader may judge for himself on this
subject, we here insert this rare and interesting




298           THE LIFE AND TIMES
document, as well as Mr. Adams' letter to Mr.
Jefferson on the subject:
"Quincy, 22d of June, 1819.
"DEAR SIR: May I enclose you one of the greatest curiosities, and one of the deepest mysteries that
ever occurred to me; it is in the Essex Register of
June the 5th, 1819. It is entitled, from the Raleigh
Register,'Declaration of Independence.' Htow is it
possible that this paper should have been concealed
from me to this day! Had it been communicated
to me in the time of it, I know, if you do not know,
that it would have been printed in every whig
newspaper upon the continent. You know that if I
had possessed it, I would have made the Hall of
Congress echo and re-echo with it fifteen months
before your Declaratiou of Independence. What a
poor, ignorant, malicious, short-sighted, crapulous
mass is Tom Paine's Common Sense in comparison
with this paper. IIad I known it, I would have
commented upon it from the day you entered Congress till the fourth of July, 1776.
"The genuine sense of America at that moment
was never so well expressed before or since. Richard
Caswell, William Hooper, and Joseph Hughes, the
then representatives of North Carolina in Congress,
you know as wel' as I; and you know that the




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          299
unanimity of the States finally depended on the
vote of Joseph Hewes, and was finally determined
by him; and yet history is to ascribe the American
Revolution to Thomas Paine. Sat verbum sapienti.
"I am, dear sir, your invariable friend," &c.
The Mecklenburg Declaration is as follows:
"May 20th, 1775. That whoever directly or indirectly abets, or in any way, form, or manner,
countenances the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an
enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and undeniable rights of man.
"That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county,
do hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us with the mother conntry, and hereby absolve
ourselves from all allegiance to the British crown, and
abjure all political connection, contact or association
with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on
our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the
blood of American patriots at Lexington.
"That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and
independent people; are, and of right ought to be, a
sovereign and self-governing association, under the
control of no power, other than that of our God,
and the general government of Congress; to the
maintenance of which independence, we solemnly




8O0           THE LIFE AND TIMES
pledge to each other, our mutual co-operation, our
lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor.
"That as we acknowledge the existence and control of no law nor legal officer, civil or military,
witlin this county, we do hereby ordain and adopt
as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former
iaws; wherein, nevertheless, the crown of Great
Britain never can be considered as holding rights,
privileges, immunities, or authority therein.
"' That it is further decreed, that all, each, and
every military officer in this county, is hereby reinstated in his former command and authority, he
acting conformably to the regulations. And that
every member present of this delegation shall henceforth be a civil officer, viz. a justice of the peace, in
the character of a committee man, to issue process,
hear, and determine all matters of controversy,
according to said adopted laws; and to preserve
peace, union, and harmony in said county, and to
use every exertion to spread the love of country and
fire of freedom throughout America, until a more
general and organized government be established in
this province."
Another agreeable incident connected with these
retired and unobtrusive years of Mr. Jefferson's life,
was the visit which he received from General La
Fayette, when making his tour through the United




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          301
States. There was the utmost cordiality between
them while together; yet Mr. Jefferson, with his
prevalent duplicity, speaks in a letter to Mr. Madison
of La Fayette's " canine thirstfor popularity."  How
much real esteem and regard Mr. Jefferson could
have entertained for a person of whom he speaks in
such terms, it is not difficult to determine.
In 1824 Mr. Jefferson began to see his wishes and
labors in reference to the University of Virginia
approaching a successful termination. The buildings were very near their completion, and an able
corps of professors had been procured. Mr. Jefferson was chosen President of the Board of Trustees,
and he aided the new Institution with generous gifts
of books, money, services and influence. He framed
the laws for the government of the University.
These laws he made entirely too democratic; and
the consequence was that the students soon proved
themselves utterly unfit for self-government, and
their insubordination nearly brought the institution
to the verge of ruin.  Severe measures became
necessary, and the ringleaders were expelled by the
faculty, among whom was one of Mr. Jefferson's
own nephews. The necessary amendments to the
constitution and laws of the University were made;
and subsequently greater rigor secured greater order
and p'opriety of behavior.
26




802           THE LIFE AND TIMES
The last event in the life of Mr. Jefferson which
attracted public attention was one of a painful and
distressing nature. Together with the failure of his
health, and his sufferings from a chronic disease of
the bladder, his pecuniary difficulties had been increasing for many years. His vast tracts of land
had long been expensive and comparatively unprofitable.  His debts had largely increased.  He had
been relieved, immediately after his retirement from
the Presidency, by a loan of ten thousand dollars
secured on his property. He realized in his experience the evils which attended the employment of
overseers and slaves. The proceeds of his estates
rarely covered the expenses. He was also so imprudent and unfortunate as to endorse for his friend,
Governor Nicholas, to the amount of twenty thousand dollars; and for this sum, by the insolvency of
Mr. Nicholas, he became responsible.
In order to relieve his pressing pecuniary difficulties, a plan was devised by his friends to obtain an
act of the Legislature of Virginia, authorizing the
disposal of a part of his property by lottery. He
himself prepared a petition to that effect, to be presented to that body. The legislature acquiesced,
and passed the act; but the enemies of Mr. Jefferson
embraced the opportunity to utter the most severe
and sarcastic strictures upon him. He thus writes




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         303
to Mr, Madison in reference to the subject in February, 1826.
"You will have seen in the newspapers some
proceedings in the legislature, which have cost me
much mortification. My own debts had become
considerable, but not beyond the effect of some lopping off of property, which would have been little
felt, when our friend Nicholas gave me the coup de
grace. Ever since that, I have been paying twelve
hundred dollars a year interest on his debt, which,
with my own, was absorbing so much of my annual
income, as that the maintenance of my family was
making deep and rapid inroads on my capital, and
had already done it. Still, sales at a fair price,
would leave me competently provided. Had crops
and prices, for several years, been such as to maintain a steady competition of substantial bidders at
market, all would have been safe. But the longo
succession of years of stunted crops, of reduced
prices, the general prostration of the farming business, under levies for the support of manufacturers,
&c., with the calamitous fluctuations of value in our
paper medium, have kept agriculture in a state of
abject depression, which has peopled the western
States by silently breaking up those on the Atlantic,
and glutted the land market, while it drew off its
bidders. In such a state of things, property has
lost its character of being a resource for debts.




804           THE LIFE AND TIMES
High land in Bedford, which, in the days of our
plethory, sold readily for from fifty to one hundred
dollars the acre, (and such sales were many then,)
would not now sell for more than from ten to
twenty dollars, or one quarter or one fifth of its
former price. Reflecting on these things, the practice occurred to me of selling, on fair valuation, and
by way of lottery, often resorted to before the Revolution, to effect large sales, and still in constant
usage in every State, for individual as well as corporation purposes. If it is permitted in my case,
my lands here alone, with the mills, &c., will pay
every thing, and leave me Monticello and a farm
free. If refused, I nlust sell every thing here, perhaps considerably in Bedford, move thither with
my family, where I have not even a log-hut to put
my head into, and whether ground for burial will
depend on the depredations which, under the form of
sales, shall have been committed on my property.
The question then with me was, ultrum horum?"
In conclusion he makes the following pathetic
appeal:
"But why afflict you with these details? Indeed,
I cannot tell, unless pains are lessened by communication with a friend. The friendship which has
subsisted between us, now half a century, and the
harmony of our political principles and pursuits,




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         806
have been sources of constant happiness to me
through that long period. And if I remove beyond
the reach of attention to the university, or beyond
the bourne of life itself, as I soon mast, it is a
comfort to leave that institution under your care,
and an assurance that it will not be wanting. It
has also been a great solace to me, to believe that
you are engaged in vindicating to posterity the
course we have pursued for preserving to them, in
all their purity, the blessings of self-government,
which we had assisted, too, in acquiring for them.
If ever the earth has beheld a system of administration conducted with a single and steadfast eye to
the general interest and happiness of those committed to it, one which, protected by truth, can
never know reproach, it is that to which our lives
have been devoted. To myself you have been a
pillar of support through life. Take care of me
when dead, and be assured that I shall leave with
you my last affections."
Mr. Jefferson's Memorial to the Legislature attracted public attention to his difficulties, and various plans were suggested for his relief. It was
thought desirable by his friends that his property
and his mansion, to which he had given celebrity,
should remain in his possession; and to secure this
end it was proposed to suspend the proceedings in
26 *



806           THE LIFE AND- TIMES
relation to the lottery, and commence a subscriptions
throughout the United States, for the purpose of
collecting a hundred thousand dollars-the sum
which his exigencies demanded,    Nearly nine
thousand were raised in New York, five thousand
in Philadelphia, three thousand in Baltimore, and
smaller sums elsewhere throughout the country,
The whole amounted to eighteen thousand dollars;
but the progress of the contributions was stopped
by Mr. Jefferson's last illness and death.
During the month of June, 1826, he suftered severely from an attack of dysentery, which became
worse from day to day. On the first of July he was
confined to his bed. He was attended by Dr. Dun.
glison, who felt convinced that the attack would
prove fatal. During his last illness, a visitor was
announced. Mr. Jefferson supposed that it was a
clergyman of Charlottesville, Mr. Iatch, whose
name had been mentioned. Under this impressionr,
Mr. Jefferson said: " Is that Mr. Hatch? He is a
very good man, and I am glad to see him as a
neighbor, but not as a clergyman."  In truth, Mr.
Jefferson declined all religious sympathy during his
last hours, having long previously made up his
mind in reference to those subjects, and not desiring
his views in the midst of feebleness and suffering to
be assailed and disturbed.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         307
On the 3d of July, he continued to sink. Near
the middle of the night he asked the hour and on
being told that it was near one o'clock, he expressed
his joy. The spirit of the aged statesman yearned to
survive, to see once more the anniversary of that glorious day, in whose immortal incidents, just half a
century before, he himself had played so important
and so honorable a part. Atlast about two o'clock on
the morning of the fourth of July, while millions of
freemen were exulting in the dawn of that welcome
anniversary, the spirit of Thomas Jefferson quietly
and calmly burst the bands which bound it to its
earthly tenement, and sped away to other spheres.
On the same day one of his most illustrious associates, rivals, and friends, paid the same great debt
to nature, in a distant commonwealth. John Adams
and Thomas Jefferson, both signers of the Declaration of Independence, and both Ex-Presidents of the
United States, expired on the 4th of July, 1826.
Mr. Jefferson was eighty-three years of age.
Mr. Jefferson's funeral was simple and unostenta
tious.  It took place on the afternoon of the day
after his death. His remains were deposited in a
sniall grave-yard on the side of the monlitain al
Monticello.  A granite obelisk, eighlt. feet high,
marks the last resting-place of this celebrated man;
and on it are inscribed the following words, which




808           THE LIFE AND TIMES
were found, in his own hand-writing, among his
papers, and designated by himself as designed for
his tomb:
HERE LIES BURIED
THOMAS JEFFERS ON.
AUTHOR OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
OF THE STATUTE OF VIRGINIA FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM,
AND FATIER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA.
The character and merits of Mr. Jefferson have
long been the subject of violent controversy. By
his admirers he has been elevated to the highest
eminence in human virtue, while his opponents
have gone to an equally absurd extreme. The truth
is, that his character possessed many great merits
and some great defects. He was, unquestionably, a
man of a large, powerful, and capacious intellect.
His views on every subject were marked by depth,
sagacity, and originality. As a lawyer he was
learned and acute.  As a writer he was clear,
strong, and convincing. IHe possessed little imagination, and little love or appreciation of the beautiful. He was very adroit in the management of men
and parties. This is evinced by the success with
which he attained all the various offices in the gift
of the people.  He began with the lowest, and
ascended to the highest. First, he was a Justice of




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         809
the Peace, then a Member of the Legislature, then
Speaker of the House, then Governor of the State,
then member of the Continental Congress, then
Minister to France, then Secretary of State, then
Vice-President, then President; and was then even
re-elected, in spite of his own frequent protestations
against the unrepublican tendency of long tenures
of office. Mr. Jefierson was in truth the prince of
American politicians, both in respect to the skill with
which he managed party politics and party forces,
and with respect to the success which attended his
ambitious labors.
Iis services to his country, as long as they appertained to the establishment of her liberties and the
formation of her government, were of the first order.
As the author of the Declaration of Independence
his name will live forever, and be associated with
the brightest and noblest page of American history.
Iis religious opinions and his views of Christianity
will be best learned from his own language. Says
he:
"I have to thank you for your pamphlets on the
subjects of Unitarianism, and to express my gratification with your efforts for the revival of primitive
Christianity in your quarter. No historical fact is
better established than that the doctrine of one
God, pure and uncompounded, was that of the early




31.0          THE LIFE AND TIMES
ages of Christianity; and was among the efficacious
doctrines which gave it triumph over the Polytheism
of the ancients, sickened with the absurdities of their
own theology. Nor was the unity of the Supreme
Being ousted from the Christian creed by the force
of reason, but by the sword of civil government,
wielded at the will of the fanatic Athanasius. The
hocus-pocus phantasm of a God, like another Cerberus, with one body and three heads, had its birth
and growth in the blood of thousands and thousands
of martyrs. And a strong proof of the solidity of
the primitive faith, is its restoration,,; as soon as a
nation arises which vindicates to itself the freedom
of religious opinion, and its external divorce from
the civil authority.  The pure and simple unity of
the Creator of the universe is now all but ascendant
in the Eastern States; it is dawning in the West,
and advancing toward the South; and I confidently
expect that the present generation will see Unitarianism become the general religion of the United
States. The Eastern presses are giving us many
excellent: pieces: on the subject; and Priestley's
learned writings Qu it are, or should be, in every hand.
In fact, the Athanasian paradox that one is three,
and three but; one, is so incomprehensible to the
human mind, that no candid man can say he has
any idea of it; and how can he believe what presents




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         311
no idea? He who thinks he does, only deceives
himself, He proves, also, that man once surrendering his reason, has no remaining guard against absurdities the most monstrous, and, like a ship
without a rudder is the sport of every wind. With
such persons, gullability, which they call faith, takes
the helm from the hand of reason, and the mind
becomes a wreck." In another place he says:-' The doctrines of Jesus are simple, and tend all to
the happiness of man.
" 1 That there is one only God, and he all perfect.
2. That there is a future state of rewards and
punishments.
"30 That to love God with all thy heart, and
thy neighbor as thyself, is the sum of religion.
These are the great points on which he endeavored
to reform the religion of the Jews."  He then compares these with the doctrines of Calvin, and adds:
"Now, which of these is the true and charitable
Christian? He who believes and acts on the simple
doctrines of Jesus, or the impious dogmatists, as
Athanasius and Calvin? Verily, I say these are the
false shepherds foretold us to enter not by the door
into the sheepfold, but to climb up some other way.
They are mere usurpers of the Christian name,
teaching a counter religion made up of the deleria
-f crazy imaginations, as foreign from Christianity




812           THE LIFE AND TIMES
as is that of Mahomet. Their blasphemies have
driven thinking men into infidelity, who have too
hastily rejected the supposed author himself, with
the horrors so falsely imputed him.  Had the
doctrines of Jesus been preached always as pure as
they came from his lips, the whole civilized world
would now have been Christians. I rejoice that
in this blessed country of free inquiry and belief
which has surrendered its creed and conscience to
neither kings nor priests, the genuine doctrine of
one only God is reviving, and I trust that there is
not a young man now living in the United States
who will not die a Unitarian."
The chief defect in the character of Mr. Jefferson,
was his want of sincerity and truthfulness. This
charge may be substantiated by many unanswerable
proofs.  Thus for instance he proclaimed himself
the advocate of popular rights; he defended the
dignity, purity, and honesty of the masses; and
pretended that they were more worthy of confidence,
and were safer depositaries of power, than the
higher and more exclusive ranks. Yet in spite of
these declarations, Mr. Jefferson was in reality the
most aristocratic of men. In his heart he despised
the multitude; he placed no confidence in their judgment; and held both them and their character in
contempt. As an evidence of this we may adduce




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.         313
the following extract from a letter addressed to one
of his most intimate friends:
"The Political Progress is a work of value, and
of a singular complexion. The author's eye seems
to be a natural achromatic, divesting every object
of the glare of color. The former work of the same
title possessed the same kind of merit. They disgust
one, indeed, by opening to his view the ulcerated
state of the human mind. But to cure an ulcer,
you must go to the bottom of it, which no author
does more radically than this. The reflections into
which it leads us are not very flattering to the
human species. In the whole animal kingdom, I
recollect no family but man, steadily and systematic
cally employed in the destruction of itself. Nor
does what is called civilization produce any other
effect than to teach him to pursue the principle of
the belium omnium in omnia, on a greater scale, and,
instead of the little contests between tribe and tribe,
to comprehend all the quarters of the earth in the
same work of destruction. If to this we add, that
as to other animals, the lions and tigers are mere
lambs compared with man as a destroyer, we must
conclude that Nature has been able to find in man
alone a sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication of other animals, and of man himself, an
equilibrating power against the fecundity of genera27




314           THE LIFE AND TIMES
tion.  While in making these observations, my
situation points my attention to the welfare of man
in the physical world, yours may perhaps present
him as equally warring in the moral one."
The utter inconsistency of these sentiments with
those more publicly professed by the great apostle
of popular infallibility, justice, and humanity, will
clearly appear to every impartial reader.
But it was when the personal feelings of Mr.
Jefferson were enlisted against any of his associates
and rivals, that his statements in reference to them,
their character and measures were the most unfair
and untrue. There are many instances of these
mistatements in existence, which clearly prove that,
from  the nature of the case, he must have been
fully aware of the falsity of his assertions. Perhaps
the most remarkable examples of this description
are to be found in his declarations against the man
whom of all others he most sincerely hated, and
whom he most bitterly reviled. This was Alexander
Hamnilton, the illustrious and powerful head of the
Federal party
Thus Mr. Jefferson asserted in the most distinct
and authoritative manner, without adducing any proof
whatever of the truth of the charge, that Hamilton
considered a public debt as a public blessing; and
in a letter to Gen Washington, dated 9th Septem.




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON          315
her, 1792, ("'Writings of Washington," by Sparks,
Vol. x., p. 17, Appendix,) he says: "My whole
correspondence while in France, and every word, and
letter, and act on the subject since my return, prove
that no man is more ardently intent to see the public
debt soon and sacredly paid off than I am. This
exactly marks the difference between Colonel Hamilton's views and mine, that I wish the debt paid
off to-morrow; he wishes it never to be paid, but always to be a thing wherewith to corrupt and manage
the legislature."
Here is a distinct and positive charge of the most
serious character; and it is to be regretted that such
is the propensity of mankind to believe injurious
imputations without asking for their proof, that it
is very generally believed and very frequently
alleged, even until this day. The evidence that this
charge was wholly unfounded, and that Mr. Jefferson knew it to be so when he made it, is as follows 
Mr. Hamilton, in his "Report on Public Credit,"
dated January 9, 1790, (Vol. 3, "Hamilton's Works,"
p. 40,) proposes that "reserving out of the residue
of those duties, &c., the surplus, together with the
product of other duties, be applied to the payment
of the interest on the new loan by an appropriation
co-extensive with the duration of the debt." On
page 41 he says: "Persuaded as the Secretary is,




816           THE LIFE AND TIMES
that the proper funding of the present debt will
render it a public blessing, yet he is so far from
acceding to the position in the latitude in which it
is sometimes laid down, that'public debts are
public blessings'-a position inviting to prodigality,
and liable to dangerous abuse-that he ardently
wishes to see it incorporared as a fundamental
maxim in the system of public credit of the United
States, that the creation of debt should always be
accompanied with the means of its extinguishment.
This he regards as the true secret of rendering
public credit immortal."  He then proceeds to propose that certain revenues "shall be appropriated to
continue so vested until the whole debt shall be
discharged.'
This Report, which was published and commented
upon throughout the United States, must have been
read by Mr. Jefferson; and as it was long anterior to
the date of the letter referred to, it may be safely
asserted that he knew such to be the principle of the
measures of financial administration constantly
recommended by Hamilton.
In further proof of the falsehood of this charge
see " Hamilton's Report on Estimates," dated August
5, 1790. It will be found there that he urges that
a surplus in the treasury of one million should be
applied to the payment of the public debts. In his




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.            317
Report on Manufactures, dated December 5, 1791,
he says: " And as the vicissitudes of nations beget a
perpetual tendency to the accumulation of debt,
there ought to be, in every government, a perpetual,
anxious, and unceasing effort to reduce that which
at any time exists as fast as practicable, consistently
with integrity and good faith." This most urgent
admonition was published long before the date of
Mr. Jefferson's letter.*
Another evidence of the insincerity of Mr. Jefferson was the fact that, while he pretended to approve
of the Federal Constitution, he was in reality
opposed to it. Thus he writes in a letter to John
Adams, November 18, 1787: " How do you like our
new Constitution? I confess there are things in it,
which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to
what such an assembly had proposed.     *   *   *
Indeed I think all the good in this new Constitution might have been couched in three or four new
articles to be added to the good, old and venerable
fabric, which should have been preserved, even as a
religious relic.'
0 See lamilton's "Report on the public debt," dated November
80, 1792, pp. 338, 339; and at p. 346, referring to the proceeds
of the public debt, Hamilton says: "Whenever they can be brought
into public use, their action will be important aid, materially accelerating the ultimate redemption of the entire debt."
27*




318           THE LIFE AND TIMES
And again he says to A. Donald, February 7th,
1788: "I wish with all my soul that the nine first
conventions may accept the Constitution, because
this will secure to us the good it contains, which I
think great and important. But I equally wish that
the four latest conventions, whichever they be, may
refuse to execute it, till a Declaration of Rights be
annexed."  The reason of this wish was because the
first clause of Article 7th of the Constitution provided that " the ratification of the conventions of
nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment
of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the
same."
The whole number was thirteen. Jefferson wished
that nine should ratify, and that five should refuse.
This would have included New York as refusing;
and thus he proposed to postpone the Union, and run
the risk of establishing separate confederacies!
Elsewhere in his private correspondence, Mr.
Jefferson may be said to have objected to the Federal Constitution on another ground, and one in the
highest degree novel and singular. It was on the
general principle asserted in a letter to James
Madison, dated September 6, 1789, at Paris. "The
question whether one generation of men has a right
to bind another, seems never to have been started
either on this side or our side of the water. Yet it




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          319
is a question of such consequence as not only to
merit discussion, but place also among the fundamental principles of every government. The course
of reflection in which we are immersed here, on the
elementary principles of society, has presented this
question to my mind, and that no such obligation
can be transmitted, I think very capable of proof."
Mr. Jefferson arrives at this conclusion: "That
neither the representatives of a nation, nor the whole
nation itself assembled, can validly engage debts
beyond what they may pay in their own time; that
is to say within thirty-four years from the date of
the engagement."
He concludes his course of reasoning thus: "That
no society can make a perpetual constitution, or even
a perpetual law."  Consequently all constitutions
must be adopted or renewed every thirty-five years;
and if not, it follows that the society goes into a
state of anarchy and dissolution.  These are the
sober and deliberately expressed opinions of this
wise and practical statesman!
Additional proofs of the falsity of many of Mr.
Jefferson's statements, in reference to his political
and personal enemies, may be found in a work
published in 1832, by Ienry Lee of Virginia, in
which that writer clearly exposes the error of many
of Mr. Jefferson's declarations in reference to Gen.




820            THE LIFE AND TIMES
Ilenry Lee, of the Revolution, as contained in his
published Memoirs, his Anas, and his correspondence.   For the remarkable    and   unanswerable
evidences, contained in that work, of the unfounded
and calumnious assertions of Mr. Jefferson on many
subjects, we refer the reader to its pages.*
Yet nothing human is perfect; and no inconsiderable excuse may be found for this error of Mr.
Jefferson in the fact, that he was himself fiercely
persecuted, slandered, and misrepresented by many
of his personal and political opponents; and that
his severest strictures were but retaliations on them
of the wrongs and the injustice which he supposed
them to have inflicted on himself. Whatever may
be his relative merit and demerit, it is certain that,
as long as the American confederacy shall survive
the shocks of time, and as it grows greater and
more powerful, the name and the services of Thomas
Jefferson will continue to live fresh and fadeless in
the memories and the gratitude of millions of prosperous and intelligent freemen!
The chief difference between the political opinions
of Jefferson and Hamilton-the great Democrat
* See "Observations on the writings of Thomas Jefferson; with
particular reference to the attack they contain on the Memory of
the late General Henry Lee, by H. Lee, of Virginia.  New York.
Published by Charles de Behr. 1832." See particularly pp. 41, 45,
61, 107, and 201




OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.          321
and the great Federalist of American history-may
be thus briefly stated: In establishing the form of
government, and in administering it, these statesmen
were guided by principles as opposite as the poles.
IIamilton preferred practice to theory; that is, he
thought it wiser to adopt those elements of the
British government which, while they accorded
with the spirit of true liberty, possessed the additional advantage of the prosperous and favorable
experience of the past in their support. Mr. Jefferson, on the contrary, discarded every thing which
had appertained to European governmnents, and
insisted on carrying out a full and independent
theory of his own, which embodied his whole conception of what a free, popular, and democratic
government should be.   Mr. Hamilton wished to
leave room  for future legislation, adapted to the
developing wants and resources of the country. Mr.
Jefferson insisted upon realizing at once and immediately his ideal of a free government, whether that
ideal proved in itself practicable and beneficial or
not. Mr. Hamilton looked partly to the past for
guidance.  Mr. Jefferson regarded all the past as
wrong, as perversion, as injustice and outrage upon
the rights of man, and looked only to the future.
Iamilton was cautious of losing all by grasping too
much. Jefferson wished to realize his full rilghts at




322       LIFE AND TIMES OF JEFFERSON.
the outset, forgetful of the wise maxim, that nothing
human is at the same time both begun and perfected. Hamilton was conservative; Jefferson was
radical.  Hamilton penned the Constitution, Jefferson interpreted it; just as Homer wrote the Iliad,
and Aristotle afterward inferred from its matchless
numbers the great rules and canons of poetical composition. But whether Hamilton or Jefferson understood the Constitution best, may be as readily
determined as the question, who was the greater
poet, the author or the critic of the Iliad.




APPENDIX.
No. I.
A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN
GENERAL CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, AS FIRST
WRITTEN AND AFTERWARD AMENDED.*
WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which
have connected them with another, and to assume among
the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them,
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that
they should declare the causes which impel them to the
separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with
(inherent and t) inalienable rights; that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure
these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed;
that whenever any form of government becomes destructive
of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish
it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation
on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form,
* The parts struck out are enclosed in brackets. The additions are
placed in foot-notes.
t Certain inalienable rights.
(323)




324                   APPENDIX.
as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governnments
long established should not be changed for light and traa
sient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown
that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are
sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of
abuses and usurpations [begun at a distinguished period
and] pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right,
it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been
the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the
necessity which constrains them to [expunge*] their former
systems of government. The history of the present king
of Great Britain is a history of [unremittingf] injuries and
usurpations, [among which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, but all havet] in direct
object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these
states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid
world [for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied
by falsehood.]
He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and
necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate
and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation
of large districts of people, unless those people would
relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a
right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only
* Alter.  t Repeated injuries.  t All having in direct object.




DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.         32b
Hie has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their
public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing themi into
compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly [and
continually] for opposing with manly firmness his invasions
on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to
cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers,
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at
large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean
time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without
and convulsions within
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these
states; for that purpose obstructing the laws-for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage
their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new
appropriations of lands.
He has [suffered*] the administration of justice [totally
to 3ease in some of these statest] refusing his assent to
laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made [our] judges dependent on his will alone
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment
of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, [by a self assumed power] and sent hither swarms of new officers to
harass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us in times of peace stana ng armies
[amnd ships of war] without the consent of our legislatures.
tie has affected to render the military independent of.
and superior to, the civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdic
* Obstructed.  t By refusing his assent to laws.
28




326                   APPENDIX
tion foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged by
our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among
us; for protecting them  by a mock trial from  punishment
for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting off our trade with all parts
of the world; for imposing taxes on us without our consent; for depriving us* of the benefits of trial by jury; for
transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended
offenses; for abolishing the free; system of English laws in
a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary
government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render
it at once an example and fit instrument fur introducing the
same absolute rule into these [states;t] for taking away our
charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering
fundamentally the forms of -our governments; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested
with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here [withdrawing     his
governors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection.t]
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign
mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and
tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and
perfidy ~ unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on
the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become
the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall
themselves by their hands.
~ In many cases.       f Colonies
$ By declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.
Q Scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages and totally.




DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.        327
He has* endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our
frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule
of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages,
sexes, and conditions [of existence].
[He has incited treasonable insurrections of our fellowcitizens, with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation
of our property.
He has waged cruel war against human nature itself,
violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the
persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere,
or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither.
This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is
the warfare of the Christian king of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought
and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing
every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this
execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors
might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting
those very people to raise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them: thus
paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of
one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit
against the lives of another.]
In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for
redress in the most humble terms; our repeated addresses
have been answered only by repeated injuries.
A prince whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of at people [who mean to be free. Future ages will scarcely believe
that the hardiness of one man adventured, within the short
* Excited domestic insurrections among us, and has  t Free.




328                   APPENDIX.
compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad
and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and
fixed in principles of freedom.]
Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British
brethren.  We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend [a*] jurisdiction over
[these our states.t] We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, [no one of
which could warrant so strange a pretension; that these
were effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure,
unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain;
that in constituting indeed our several forms of government,
we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them; but that
submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited: and,]
wet appealed to their native justice and magnanimity [as
well as to~] the ties of our common kindred to disavow
these usurpations which [were likely to 11] interrupt our connection and correspondence.  They too have been deaf to
the voice of justice and of consanguinity, [and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their
laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our
harmony, they have, by their free election, re-established
them in power. At this very time too, they are permitting
their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our
common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy us.  These facts have given the last stab
to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce
forever these unfeeling brethren.  We must endeavor to
* An unwarrantable jurisdiction.  t Us.    Hasve.
And we have conjured them by the ties,.
JI Would inevitably interrupt.




DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.             329
forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold
the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.  We
might have been a free and a great people together; but a
communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is
below their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it. The
road to happiness and to glory is open to us too.  We will
tread it apart from them, and*] acquiesce in the necessity
which denounces our (eternal) separation I t
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of
America in General Congress assembled, do in the name,
and by the authority of the good people of these [states,
reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the
kilgs of Great Britain and all others who may hereafter
claim  by, through, or under them; we utterly dissolve all
political connection which may heretofore have subsisted
between us and the people or parliament of Great Britain;
and finally we do assert and declare these colonies to be free
and independent states,] and that as free and independent
states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace,
contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other
acts and things which independent states may of right do.4
* We must therefore acquiesce.
f And hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in
peace friends.
t We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in
General Congress assembled, appealing to the supreme Judge of the
world for the rectitude of our intentions, do in the name and by the
authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and
independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown, and that all political connection between them and the
state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as
free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude
peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and
things which independent states may of right do.
28*




330                   APPENDIX.
And for the support of this declaration, we mutually
pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred
honor.*
No. II.
LETTERS OF JOHN RANDOLPH IN RELATION
TO   MR. JEFFERSON'S        ELECTION     TO   THE
PRESIDENCY.
Chamber of the House of Representatives,
Wednesday, February 11th, 1801.
Seven times we have ballotted-eight Slates for J.-six
for B.-two, Maryland and Vermont, divided. Voted to
postpone for an hour the process; now, half-past four,
resumed-result the same.
The order against adjourning, made with a view to
Mr. Nicholson, who was ill, has not operated.  He left
his sick bed-came through a snow storm-brought his
bed, and has prevented the vote of Maryland from being
given to Burr. Mail closing.
Yours with perfect love and esteem,
J. R., JR.
Thursday morning, February 12th.
MY DEAR SIR:
We have just taken the n neteenth ballot. The result
has invariably been eight States for J., six for B., two
divided. We continue to ballot with the interval of an
hour. The rule for making the sittings permanent seems
* And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the
protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
~lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.




RANDOLPH'S LETTERS.             331
now to be not so agreeable to our Federal gentlemen. No
election will, in my opinion, take place. By special permission the mail will remain open until four o'clock.  I
will not close this letter until three. If there be a change
I shall notify it, if not. T shall add no more to the assurance
of my entire affection.
JOHN RANDOLPH, JR.
Chamber of the House of Representatives,
February 14th, 1801.
After endeavoring to make the question before us depend
upon physical construction, our opponents have begged for
a dispensation from  their own regulation, and without
adjourning we have postponed, (like able casuists) from day
to day, the ballotting. In half an hour we shall recommence the operation. The result is marked below.
We have ballotted thirty-one hours. Twelve o'clock,
Saturday noon, eight for J., six for B., two divided.
Again at one, not yet decided. Same result. Postponed
till Monday twelve o'clock.
JOHN RANDOLPH, JR.
Chamber of the Representatives,
February 17th.
On the thirty-sixth ballot, there appeared, this day, ten
States for Thomas Jefferson-four (New England) for
A. Burr, and two blank ballots, (Delaware and South Carolina.) This was the second time that we ballotted today.
The four Burr-ites of Maryland, put blanks into the box
of that State. The vote was, therefore, unanimous. Mr.
Morris, of Vermont, left his seat, and the result was, therefore, Jeffersonian. Adieu, Tuesday, two o'clock, P. M.
J. R., JR.
I need not add that Mr. J. was declared luly elected.




332                  APPENDIX.
No. III.
JEFERSON'S NOTE ON MR. BAYARD.
The following vindication of Mr. Jefferson for a note in
in his ana concerning the late Mr. Bayard of Delaware,
was written by Mr. Madison, and was first published in the
National Gazette of February 5th, 1831:
25th. January, 1831.
Mr. Editor: The National Gazette of January 1st, contained a publication, edited since in pamphlet form,,froml
two sons of the late Mr. Bayard; its object being to vindicate the memory of their father against certain passages in
the writings of Mr. Jefferson.
The filial anxiety which prompted the publication was
natural and highly commendable. But it is to be regretted,
that in performing that duty, they have done great injustice
to the memory of Mr. Jefferson, by the hasty and limited
views taken of the evidence deducible from the sources to
which they had appealed.
The first passage on which they found their charges is
in the following words:
" February 12, 1801.-Edward Livingston tells me, that
Bayard applied, to day or last night, to General Smith, and
represented to him the expediency of coming over fo the
States who vote for Burr, that there was nothing in the
way of vppointment which he might not command, and
particulaily mentioned the Secretaryship of the Navy.
Smith asked him if he was authorized to make the offer.
He said he was authorized. Smith told this to Livingston,




JEFFERSON'S NOTE ON MR. BAYARD.        333
and to Wilson Carey Nicholas, who confirms it to me."
[See Mr. Jefferson's Memoirs, Vol. IV. p. 515.]
From this statement it appears, that Mr. Jefferson was
told by Mr. Livingston, that he had it from General Smith,
that Mr. Bayard had applied to him [General Smith,] with
au offer of a high appointment, if he would come over from
the Jefferson party, and join that of the rival candidate for
the presidency. It appears that this information of Mr.
Livingston was confirmed to Mr. Jefferson by Mr. W. C.
Nicholas, who also said he had it from General Smith.  It
appears that the communication thus made to Mr. Jefferson,
was reduced by him to writing on the day on which it was
made; and that the incident which was the subject of it,
took place on the morning of the same day, or at furthest
on the night before. It is found also, that what was in this
case reduced to writing, made no part of what was first
reduced to writing on the 15th of April, 1806, [see Vol. IV.
p. 521] but that it was then expressly referred to, as having
been reduced to writing at the time.
Opposed to this memorandum of Mr. Jefferson is firstthe declaration of Mr. Livingston on the floor of the Senate
of the United States, after a lapse of about twenty-nine
years, " that as to the precise question put to him, [touching the application of Mr. Bayard to General Smith,] he
must say that after having taxed his recollection, as far as
it could go, on so remote a transaction, he had no remembrance of it;" implying that he might have had a conversation with Mr. Jefferson relating to the remote transaction,
not within the scope of the precise question. Second-the
declaration of General Smith in the same place, and after
the same lapse of time, " that he had not the most distant
recollection that Mr. Bayard had ever made such a proposition to him," adding, " that he never received from any
man any such propos;tion "




334                  APPENDIX.
On comparing these declarations, made after an interval
of so many years, with the statement of Mr. Jefferson re.
duced to writing at the time, it is impossible to regard
hem as proof, that communications were not made to him
by Mr. Livingston and Mr. W. C. Nicholas, which he
[Mr. Jefferson,] understood to import, that Mr. Bayard
had made to General Smith the application as stated. And
if Mr. Jefferson was under that impression, however erroneous it might be, his subsequent opinion and language in
reference to Mr. Bayard, are at once accounted for, without
any resort to the imputations in the publication.
That there has been great error somewhere is apparent;
that respect for the several parties requires it to be viewed
as involuntary, must be admitted; that being involuntary,
it must have proceeded from misapprehensions or failures
of memory; that there having been no interval for the
failure of the memory of Mr. Jefferson, the error, if with
him, must be ascribed to misapprehension.  The resulting
question therefore is, between the probability of misapprehensions by Mr. Jefferson of the statements made to him at
the time by Mr. Livingston and Mr. Nicholas, and the probability of misapprehensions or failures of memory in some
one or more of the other parties; and the decision of this
question must be left to an unbiased and intelligent
public.
The other passage is at page 521, Volume IV. of the
Memoir, and is as follows, under date of April 15, 1806.
Referring to a previous conversation with Colonel Burr, he
says" I did not cdmmit these things to writing at the time,
but I do it now, because in a suit between him [Col. Burr]
and Cheetham, he had a deposition of Mr. Bayard taken,
which seems to have no relation to the suit, nor to any
other object than to calumniate me. Bayard pretends to




JEFFERSON'S NOTE ON MR. BAYARD.       335
have addressed to me during the pending of the presidentiai
election in February, 1801, through General Samuel Smith,
certain conditions on which my election might be obtained,
and that General Smith, after conversing with me, gave answers for me. This is absolutely false. No proposition
of any kind was ever made to me on that occasion by
General Smith, nor any answer authorized by me; and
this fact General Smith affirms at this moment."
The reply given to this memorandum by the authors of
the publication is a reference to the depositions of Mr.
Bayard and General Smith, in the cause of Gillespie and
Smith.
It appears that Mr. Jefferson, attending merely to the
matter of Mr. Bayard's deposition, did not distinguish
between the suit of Burr and Cheetham, and that of
Gillespie and Smith; in the latter of which the deposition
of General Smith as well as that of Mr. Bayard was taken.
The part of the deposition of Mr. Bayard referred to by
Mr. Jefferson is as follows:
"I [Mr. Bayard] told him [General Smith] I should no.
be satisfied, nor agree to yield, till I had the assurance from
Mr. Jefferson himself; but that if he, General Smith, would
consult Mr. Jefferson, and bring the assurance from him,
the election should be ended. The general made no difficulty in consulting Mr. Jefferson; and proposed giving me
his answer the next morning. The next day upon our
meeting, General Smith informed me that he had seen
Mr. Jefferson and stated to him the points mentioned; and
was authorized by him to say that they corresponded with
his views and intentions; and that we [Mr. B., &c.] might
confide in him accordingly. The opposition of Vermont,
&c. &c. was immediately withdrawn, and Mr. Jefferson was
made President by the vote of ten States."
Here it is explicitly stated, by the authority of General




336                  APPENDIX.
Smith, that an assurance in the nature of a pledge was
authorized by Mr. Jefferson to be given to Mr. Bayard,
that he [Mr. Jefferson] would conform to the conditions
on which his election was to be obtained.
The terms used by Mr. Jefferson in denouncing the fact
deposed by Mr. Bayard are accounted for, by the odious
light in which it presented itself, by his consciousness that
he had never authorized it, by the impressions unfavorable
to Mr. Bayard which had been made upon him, by the information, as he understood it, given him by Mr. Livingston and Mr. Nicholas; and especially by the denial of the
fact by General Smith at the moment.
Certain it is, that there is a direct contrariety betweer
the deposition of Mr. Bayard, and the memorandum  of
Mr. Jefferson, involving a question between General Smith
and Mr. Bayard on the one hand, and between Mr. Jefferson and General Smith on the other.
That Mr. Bayard understood General Smith to have
borne an authorized pledge from Mr. Jefferson, is attested
by the fact that he proceeded forthwith to execute the purpose of which such a pledge was the condition.
Passing to the deposition of General Smith, given twelve
days after that of Mr. Bayard, and on the same day on
which the memorandum of Mr. Jefferson is dated, let it be
seen what light is furnished by that document.
The assertion of Mr. Jefferson in the memorandum is,
that no proposition was ever made to him on that occasion
by General Smith, nor any answer authorized by him; and
this fact General Smith affirms at this moment.
In accordance with this assertion of Mr. Jefferson, and
confirmation by General Smith, is the passage in the deposition of General Smith which declares "that he knew of
no bargains or agree:ments, which took place at the time of
the ballotting;" and the other passage which sttes " that




JEFFEBRON'S NOTE ON MR. BAYARD.       33T
he [M. Jefferson] had told me [General Smith] that any
opinion he should give at this time might be attributed to
improper motives. That to me [General Smith] he had no
hesitation in saying that as to the public debt, &c. &c. he
had not changed his opinion, &c. &c."  This was so far
ftom authorizing any use of what he said that might be
attributed to improper motives, that it was expressed as
between themselves, and consequently with a view to guard
against any such use.
The passage in the deposition of General Smith on which
particular reliance seems to be placed, as contradicting the
statements of Mr. Jefferson, is the following:
" He [Mr. Bayard] then stated that he had it in his
power (and was so disposed) to terminate the election, but
lie wished information as to Mr. Jefferson's opinions on
certain subjects, and mentioned (I think) the same three
points already alluded to, as asked by Colonel Parker and
General Drayton, [viz.: respecting the navy, commerce,
and public debt,] and received from me the same answer im
substance (if not in words) that I had given to General
Drayton. He added a fourth, to wit: What would be
Mr. Jefferson's conduct as to the public officers? He said
he did not mean confidential officers, but by way of elucidating his question, he added, such as Mr. Latimer of Philadelphia, and Mr. M'Lane of Delaware. I answered that
I never had heard Mr. Jefferson say any thing on that subject. He requested that I would inquire, and inform him
the next day.  [ did so. And the next day (Saturday)
told him that Mr. Jefferson had said that he did not think
that such officers ought to be dismissed on political grounds
only, except in cases where they had made improper use of
their offices, to force the officers under them to vote contrary to their judgment. That as to Mr. M'Lane, he had
already been spoken to in his behalf by Major Eccleston,
29




838                   AAPPENDIX.
and from the character given him by tnat gentleman, he
considered him a meritorious officer; of course that he
would not be displaced, or ought not to be displaced. I
further added, that Mr. Bayard might rest assured (of
words to that effect) that Mr. Jefferson would conduct as
to those points, agreeably to the opinions I had stated as
his. Mr. Bayard then said, we will give the vote on Monday, and we separated."
Here it is to be observed, that General Smith does not
say that he had made any proposition to Mr. Jefferson, or
that he should communicate to Mr. Bayard the conversation then held with Mr. Jefferson.
The expression having most the aspect of a pledge is,
" he [Mr. Jefferson] considered him [Mr. M'Lanei a meritorious officer; of course that he would not be displaced,
or ought not to be displaced, &c"
It cannot be denied that the phrase admits the construction that " of course, &c." was a continuation of what was
said by Mr. Jefferson, not the inference of General Smith,
But to construe the expression as conveying a pledge from
Mr. Jefferson is forbidden-1. By the declaration of Gene.
ral Smith in the same deposition, "that he [General
Smith] knew of no bargains or agreements which took
place at the time of the ballotting;" 2. By tie caution
of Mr. Jefferson, as stated by General Smith, in expressing
even his opinions at a time when they might be attributed
to improper motives; 3. By the confirmation given by
General Smith to Mr. Jefferson's denial of the fact, that
any proposition of any kind was ever made to him on aly
occasion by General Smith, or any answer authorized by
him [Mr. Jefferson].
It is true that Mr. Bayarcl, as already observed, must
have understood General Smith in this conversation as
meaning that he was authorized by Mr. Jeffersoi t.o -iIy3




JEFFERSON'S NOTE ON MR. BAYARD.       339
" that the points mentioned (the conditions made by Mr.
Bayard) corresponded with his [Mr. Jefferson's] views and
intentions."  But whether this discrepancy is to be explained by misapprehensions at the time, or by the lapse
of nearly five years, the explanation cannot invalidate the
positive denial of Mr. Jefferson, that any such authority
was given to General Smith, and his affirmance of the denial at the moment when it was put into the memorandum
by Mr. Jeflerson.
It can never be admitted that the authority of the deliberate statement of Mr. Jefferson is impaired by its being
witllout the sanction of an oath. Apart from its intrinsic
sufficiency, no one can doubt that such a sanction would
readily have been added on any occasion calling for it; anrd
with the greater confidence, as the fact sworn to would have
been reduced to writing at the time —an advantage always
duly estimated in cases depending on the accuracy of
recollection.
The situation of Mr. Jefferson during the critical period
of the presidential contest in the House of Representatives,
was equally marked by its peculiarity and its importance.
HIe saw the whole government in a state of convulsion; he
saw the danger of an absolute interregnum in its executive
branch, the consequences of which could not be foreseen;
he saw what he regarded as the will of the people about to
be trampled upon, and the party whose ascendancy he believed to be of vital importance to the cause of republican
government, attempted to be broken down; and he saw at
the same time, no escape from all these dangers, but in
pledges which might be stigmatized as an anbitious intrigue, and a purchase of success at the expense of those
principles and feelings which h had avowed and held inviolable.  Happily the course of circumstances fulfilled his




340                  APPENDIX.
patriotic wishes without the sacrifice which the accomplish.
ment of them had seemed to require.
The situation of Mr. Bayard was also peculiar and try.
ing.  He was justly struck with horror at the prospect of
an interregnum in the. government so full of evils, and so
fatal in its example; and he was scarcely less alarmed at
the danger which threatened what he held to be a vital
policy of his country. But holding at the same time, in his
hands, the event on which every thing depended, he availed
himself of the opportunity of terminating the crisis in a
manner wh'ch prevented the calamity which lie most dreaded,
and provided, as he believed, an adequate security against
the other.
*Before dismissing the subject, a word may be proper
with respect to the charge in the publication against Mr.
Jefferson, of leaving the memorandum  referring to Mr.
Bayard's deposition, for posthumous use, when the means
if refuting it might be lost.
The suit of Gillespie and Smith, which led to the depo-:ition of Mr. Bayard, is said to have been a fictitious one,
instituted for the purpose of obtaining and perpetuating
testimony against the purity of Mr. Jefferson's conduct
during the presidential election in 1801. The cause, it is
understood, was never brought to trial; and it is inferred
from the resort to the source which furnished the copies of
the depositions of Mr. Bayard and General Smith, that the
depositions were never published. Of their existence, however, (and in a custody supposed by Mr. Jefferson to be unfiriendly,) and of the passage in that of Mr. Bayard, testifying
that he [Mr. Jefferson,] had authorized General Smith to
accede for him to certain conditions on which his election to
the presidency might be obtained, Mr. Jefferson, it seems,
was apprized from some friendly quarter.   With this
knowledge of a shaft that might posthumously inflict a deeu




PROTEST OF VIRGINIA.              341
wourd on his reputation, could he do less than provide a
shield against it, by recording with his own hand the falsity
of the charge, and the affirmance of its falsity at the moment of his doing so, by the individual named as the
authority for the charge? What is now before the public
proves that a weapon was in reserve, by which a posthumous assault on his reputation might be made. And if
there be unfairness in the case, let candor pronounce on
which side it is chargeable; on that of Mr. Jefferson, or
that, not of the (doubtless involuntary) deponents, but of
the parties to the suit which rendered the precaution necessary
No. IV.
THE SOLEMN DECLARATION AND PROTEST
OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, ON
THE PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSTITUTION OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND ON
THE VIOLATIONS OF THEM. WRITTEN BY
MR. JEFFERSON.
We, the General Assembly of Virginia, on behalf, and
in the name of the people thereof, do declare as follows:
Tlhe states in North America which confederated t'
establish their independence on the government of Great
Britain, of which Virginia was one, became, on that acquisition, free and independent states, and as such authorized
to constitute governments, each for itself, in such form as it
thought best.
They entered into a compact, (which is called the Con29*




342                   APPENDIX.
stitution of the United States of America,) by which they
agreed to unite in a single government as to their relations
with each other, and with foreign nations, and as to certain
other articles particularly specified. They retained at the.same time, each to itself, the other rights of independent
government, comprehending    mainly their domestic interests.
For the administration of their federal branch, they
agreed to appoint, in conjunction, a distinct set of functionaries, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the manner
settled in that compact; while to each, severally, and of
course, remained its original right of appointing, each for
itself, a separate set of functionaries, legislative, executive,
and judiciary, also, for administering the domestic branch
of their respective governments.
These two sets of officers, each independent of the other,
constitute thus a whole of government, for each state separately; the powers ascribed to the one, as specifically made
federal, exercised over the whole the residuary powers retained to the other, exercisable exclusively over its particular
state, foreign herein, each to the others, as they were before
the original compact.
To this construction of government and distribution of
its powers, the commonwealth of Virginia does religiously
and affectionately adhere, opposing, with equal fidelity and
firmness, the usurpation of either set of functionaries on the
rightful powers of the other.
But the federal branch has assumed, in some cases, and
claimed in others, a right of enlarging its own powers by
constructions, inferences, and indefinite deductions from
those directly given, which this Assembly does declare to be
usurpations of the powers retained to the independent
branches, mere interpolations into the comoact, and direct
infractions of it.




PROTEST OF VIRGINA.              343
They claim, for example, and have commenced the exercise of a right to construct roads, open canals, and effect
other internal improvements within the territories and jurisdictions exclusively belonging to the several states, which
this Assembly does declare has not been given to that branch
by the constitutional compact, but remains to each state
among its domestic and unalienated powers, exercisable
within itself and by its domestic authorities alone.
This Assembly does further disavow and declare to be
most false and unfounded, the doctrine that the compact, in
authorizing its federal branch to lay and collect.taxes, duties, imposts and excises to pay the debts and provide for
the common defense and general welfare of the United
States, has given them thereby a power to do whatever they
may think, or pretend, would promote the general welfare,
which construction would make that, of itself, a complete
government, without limitation of powers; but that the
plain sense and obvious meaning were, that they might levy
the taxes necessary to provide for the general welfare, by
the various acts of power therein specified and delegated to
them, and by no others.
Nor is it admitted, as has been said, that the people of
these states, by not investing their federal branch with all
the means of bettering their condition, have denied to themselves any which may effect that purpose  since, in the
distribution of these means, they have given to that branch
those which belong to its department, and to the states have
reserved separately the residue which belong to them separately. And thus by the organization of the two branches
taken together, have completely secured the first object of
human association, the full improvement of their condition,
and reserved to themselves all the faculties of multiplying
their own blessings.
Whilst the General Assembly thus declares the rights




344                   APPINDIX.
retained by the states, rights which they have never yielded,
and which this state will never voluntarily yield, they do
not mean to raise the banner of disaffection, or of separation from their sister states, co-parties with themselves to
this compact. They know and value too highly the blessings of their Union as to foreign nations and questions
arising among themselves, to consider every infraction as to.
be met by actual resistance. They respect too affectionately
the opinions of those possessing the same rights under the
same instrument, to make every difference of construction a
ground of immediate rupture. They would, indeed, consider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities which
could befall them; but not the greatest. There is yet one
greater, submission to a government of unlimited powers.
It is only when the hope of avoidi'ng this shall become absolutely desperate, that further forbearance could not be
indulged.  Should a majority of the co-parties, therefore,
contrary to the expectation and hope of this assembly, prefer, at this time, acquiescence in these assumptions of
power by the federal member of the government, we will be
patient and suffer much, under the confidence that time, ere
it be too late, will prove to them also the bitter consequences
in which that usurpation will involve us all. In the meanwhile, we will breast with them, rather than separate from
them, every misfortune, save that only of living under a
government of unlimited powers.  We owe every other
sacrifice to ourselves, to our federal brethren, and to the
world at large, to pursue with temper and perseverance the
great experiment which shall prove that man is capable of
living in society, governing itself by laws self-imposed, and
securing to its members the enjoyment of life, liberty,
property and peace; and further to show, that even when
the government of its choice shall manifest a tendency to
degeneracy, we are not at once to despair but that the will




PROTEST OF VIRGINIA.             345
and the watchfulness of its sounder parts will reform its
aberrations, recall it to original and legitimate principles,
and restrain it within the rightful limits of self-government.
And these are the objects of this Declaration and Protest.
Supposing then, that it might be for the good of the
whole, as some of its co-states seem to think, that the power
of making roads and canals should be added to those
directly given to the federal branch, as more likely to be
systematically and beneficially directed, than by the independent action of the several states, this commonwealth,
from respect to these opinions, and a desire of conciliation
with its co-states, will consent, in concurrence with them,
to make this addition, provided it be done regularly by an
aniendment of the compact, in the way established by that
instrument, and provided also, it be sufficiently guarded
against abuses, compromises, and corrupt practices, not
only of possible, but of probable occurrence.
And as a further pledge of the sincere and cordial attach~
ment of this commonwealth to the union of the whole, so far
as has been consented to by the compact called " The Constitution of the United States of America," (construed
according to the plain and ordinary meaning of its language,
to the common intendment of the time, and of those who
framed it;) to give also to all parties and authorities, time
for reflection and for consideration, whether, under a temperate view of the possible consequences, and especially of
the constant obstructions which an equivocal majority must
ever expect to meet, they will still prefer the assumption of
this power rather than its acceptance from the free-will of
their constituents; and to preserve peace in the meanwhile,
we proceed to make it the duty of our citizens, until the
legislature shall otherwise and ultimately decide, to acquiesce
under those acts of the federal branch of our government
which we have declared to be usurpations, and against




346                  APPENDIX.
which, in point of right, we do protest as null and void, and
never to be quoted as precedents of right.
No. V.
JEFFERSON'S ESTIMATE OF FEDERALISM AND
DE MOCRACY.*
JEFFERSON says " That at the formation of our government, many had formed their opinions on European writings
and practices, believing the experience of old countries, and
especially of England, oppressive as it was, to be a safer guide
than mere theory. The doctrines of Europe were, that men
in numerous associations cannot be restrained within the
limits of order and justice but by forces physical and moral,
wielded over them by authorities independent of their will.
Hence their organization of kings, hereditary nobles, and
priests.  Still further to constrain the brute force of the
people, they deem it necessary to keep them down by hard
labor, poverty, and ignorance, and to take from them, as
from bees, so much of their earnings, as that unremitting
labor shall be necessary to obtain a sufficient surplus barely
to maintain their privileged orders in splendor and idleness,
to fascinate the eyes of the people, and excite in them an
humble adoration and submission, as to an order of superior
beings. Although few among us had gone all these lengths
of opinion, yet many had advanced, some more, some less,
on the way. And in the Convention which formed our
government, they endeavored to draw the cords of governFrom a letter to Judge Johnson, of S ^'th Carolina, in 1823.




FEDERALISM AND DEMOCRACY.            347
ment as tight as they could obtain them, to lessen the dependence of the general functionaries on their constituents;
to subject to them those of the states; and to weaken their
means of maintaining the steady equilibrium which the
majority of the Convention had deemed salutary for both
branches, general and local.  To recover, therefore, in
practice the powers which the nation had refused, and to
warp to their own wishes those actually given, was the
steady object of the federal party.  Ours, on the contrary,
was to maintain the will of the majority of the Convention,
and of the people themselves.  We believed, with them,
that man was a rational animal, endowed by nature with
rights, and with an innate sense of justice; and that he
could be restrained from wrong, and protected in right, by
moderate powers, confided to persons of his own choice,
and held to their duties by dependence on his own will.
We believed that the complicated organization of kings,
nobles, and priests, was not the wisest or best to effect the
happiness of associated man; that wisdom and virtue were
not hereditary; that the trappings of such a machinery
consumed, by their expense, those earnings of industry they
were meant to protect, and, by the inequalities they produced, exposed liberty to sufferance. We believed that
men enjoying in ease and security the full fruits of their own
industry, enlisted by all their interests on the side of law
and order, habituated to think for themselves, and to follow
their reason as their guide, which would be more easily and
safely governed, than with minds nourished in error, and
vitiated and debased, as in Europe, by ignorance, indigence
and oppression. The cherishment of the people was then
our principle, the fear and distrust of them that of the
other party. Composed, as we were, of the laboring interests of the country, we could not be less anxious for a
government of law and order than were the inhabitants of




848                  APPENDIX.
the cities, the strongholds of federalism.  And whethe!
our efforts to save the principles and form of our Constitu.
tion have not been salutary, let the present republican free.
don, order, and prosperity of our country determine.
History may distort truth, and will distort it for a time, by
the superior efforts at justification of those who are conscions of needing it most. Nor will the opening scenes of
our present government be seen in their true aspect, until
the letters of the day, now held in private hoards, shall be
broken up and laid open to public view. What a treasure
will be found in General Washington's cabinet, when it
shall pass into the hands of as candid a friend to truth as he
was himselfl When no longer like Caesar's notes and
memorandums in the hands of Anthony, it shall be open to
the high priests of federalism only, and garbled to say so
much and no more, as suits their view ~"
-4 —
No. VI.
JEFFERSON'S      OPINION    OF   GEORGE     WASH
INGTON.
" His mind was great and powerful, without being of the
very first order; his penetration strong, though not so
acute as that of a Newton, Bacon, or Locke; and as far as
he saw, no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow in
operation, being little aided by invention or imagination,
but sure in conclusion. Hence the common remark of his
officers, of the advantage he derived from councils of war,
where, hearing all suggestions, he selected whatever was
best; and certainly no general ever planned his battles




JEFFERSON S OPINION OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. 349
more judiciously. But if deranged during the course of the
action, if any member of his plan was dislocated by sudden
circumstances, he was slow in a readjustment. The consequence was, that he often failed in the field, and rarely
against an enemy in station, as at Boston and York. He
was incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers with the
calmest unconcern. Perhaps the strongest feature in his
character was prudence, never acting until every circumstance, every consideration, was maturely weighed, refraining if he saw a doubt, but when once decided, going
through with his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed
His integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible
I have ever known; no motives of interest or consanguinity,
of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision.
HIe was, indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good,
and a great man. His temper was naturally irritable and
high-toned; but reflection and resolution had obtained a
firm and habitual ascendancy over it. If ever, however, it
broke its bonds, he was most tremendous in his wrath. In
his expenses he was honorable, but exact; liberal in contributions to whatever promised utility; but frowning and
anyielding on all visionary projects, and all unworthy calls
on his charity. His heart was not warm in its affections;
but he exactly calculated every man's value, and gave him
a solid esteem proportioned to it. His person, you know,
was fine, his stature exactly what one would wish, his deportment easy, erect and noble, the best horseman of his
age, and the most graceful figure that could be seen on
horseback. Although in the circle of his friends, where he
might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in
conversation; his colloquial talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither copiousness of ideas, nor
fluency of words. In public, when called on for a suddel opinion, he was unreaqy, short, and embarrassed. Yet
30




350                  APPENDIX.
he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct
style. This he had acquired by conversation with the
world, for his education was merely reading, writing, and
common arithmetic, to which he added surveying at a later
day. His time was employed in action chiefly, reading little, and that only in agriculture and English history. His
correspondence became necessarily extensive, and with
journalizing his agricultural proceedings occupied most of
his leisure hours within doors. On the whole, his character
was, in its mass, perfect; in nothing bad, in a few points
indifferent; and it may truly be said, that never did nature
and fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great,
and to place him in the same constellation with whatever
worthies have merited from  man an everlasting remembrance. For his was the singular destiny and merit of
leading the armies of his country successfully through an
arduous war, for the establishment of its independence; of
conducting its councils through the birth of a government,
new in its forms and principles, until it had settled down
into a quiet and orderly train; and of scrupulously obeying
the laws through the whole of his career, civil and military, of which the history of the world furnishes no other
example."
— 4 —No. VII.
JEFFERSON'S OPINION OF PLATO.
HE speaks most contemptuously )f the " whimsies, the
puerilities, and unintelligible jargon (f this work;" and says
he often asked himself how the world could have so long
consented to give reputation to such nonsense. He thus




JEFFERSON'S OPINION OF PLATO.        351
accounts for Plato's influence among the moderns.  "In
truth he is one of the race of genuine sophists, who has
escaped the oblivion of his brethren, first, by the elegance
of his diction, but chiefly by the adoption and incorporation of his whimsies into the body of artificial Christianity.
His foggy mind is ever presenting the semblances of objects which, half seen through a mist, can be defined neither
in form nor dimension. Yet this, which should have consigned him to early oblivion, really procured him immortality of fame and reverence. The Christian priesthood,
finding the doctrines of Christ leveled to every understanding, and too plain to need explanation, saw in the mysticisms of Plato, materials with which they might build up
an artificial system, which might, from its indistinctness,
admit everlasting controversy, give employment for their
order, and introduce it to profit, power, and pre-eminence.
The doctrines which flowed from the lips of Jesus himself
are within the comprehension of a child; but thousands of
volumes have not yet explained the Platonisms engrafted
on them: and for this obvious reason, that nonsense cannot
be explained."
Without denying that the sublimated speculations of
Plato, in the main, merit the severe censure bestowed on
them by Mr. Jefferson, another explanation may be given
for the favor which this philosopher found among the earlier Christian writers, without supposing it was the result
of settled design. First, on account of his pure and lofty
theism, and next because his mystical fancies could be made
to harmonize with some of the more subtle doctrines which
the controversies of the Christian sects had engendered;
and which were thus more readily received by the scholars
of the age, when recommended by an authority of such
celebrity




852                   APPENDIX.
No. VIII.
JEFFERSON'S RULES FOR THE CONDUCT OF
LIFE.
MR. JEFFERSON wrote a letter to his namesake, Thomas
Jefferson Smith, of Washington, at the instance of his
father, who requested him to address something to his son
which might have a salutary influence on his future life,
when he could understand it. More solid advice was never
conveyed in so small a compass, and no one could have a
better chance for respectability or happiness who would
faithfully observe these precepts. Those which respect his
religious and moral character are six. 1. Adore God.
2. Reverence and cherish your parents. 3. Love your
neighbor as yourself, your country more than yourself
4. Be just. 5. Be true. 6. Murmur not at the ways of
Providence.
He also gives him ten canons for the regulation of his
practical life  They were-1. Never put off till to-morrow
what you can do to-day. 2. Never trouble another for
what you can do yourself. 3. Never spend your money
before you have it. 4. Never buy what you do not want,
because it is cheap; it will be dear to you. 5. Pride
costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold. 6. We never
repent of having eaten too little. 7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. 8. How much pain have cost
us the evils which have never happened. 9. Take things
by the smooth handle.  10. When angry, count ten before
you speak; if very angry, a hundred.
Hie also cited to hin for his imitation, the translation of
one of the Psalms, beginning, " Lord, who's the happy




JEFFERSON S CORRESPONDENCE AFTER RETIREMENT. 853
man;" which he calls " the portrait of a good man by the
most sublime of poets."
No. IX.
JEFFER SON'S CORRESPONDENCE AFTER HIS
RETIREMENT.
ONE of the inconveniences felt by Mr. Jefferson, from the
conspicuous part he had acted in public affairs, as well as
from his popularity, was the number of letters with which he
was importuned. This tax, in a greater or less degree,
every ex-president must pay; but no one, unless perhaps
General Washington, was ever called upon to pay it to the
same extent as Mr. Jefferson.'He sorely complains of it
in a letter to Mr. Adams, dated June 27, 1822. "I do
not know how far you may suffer, as I do, under the persecution of letters, of which every mail brings a fresh load.
They are letters of inquiry for the most part, always of goodwill, sometimes from friends whom I esteem, but much
oftener from persons whose names are unknown to me, but
written kindly and civilly, and to which, therefore, civility
requires answers. Perhaps the better known failure of
your hand in its function of writing, may shield you in
greater degree from this distress, and so far qualify the
misfortune of its disability. I happened to turn to my letter list some time ago, and a curiosity was excited to count
those received in a single year. It was the year before
last. I found the number to be one thousand two hundred
and sixty-seven, many of them requiring answers of elaborate research, and all to be answered with due attention
30*




854                   APPENDIX.
and consideration. Take an average of this number for s
week or a day, and I will repeat the question suggested by
other considerations in mine of the 1st. Is this life? At
best it is but the life of a mill-horse, who sees no end to his
circle but in death. To such a life, that of a cabbage would
be a paradise 
No. X.
JEFFERSON'S LETTERS TO THE AMERICAN
PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.' Monticello, January 28, 1797.' GENTLEMEN    I have duly received your favor of the
7th instant, informing me that the American Philosophical
Society have been pleased to name me their president.
The suffrage of a body which comprehends whatever the
American world has of distinction in philosophy and science
in general, is the most flattering incident of my life, and that
to which I am the most sensible. My satisfaction would be
most complete, were it not for the consciousness that it is
far beyond my titles.  I feel no qualification for this distinguished post, but a sincere zeal for all the objects of our
institution, and an ardent desire to see knowledge so disseminated through the mass of mankind, that it may at
length reach the extremes of society, beggars and kings. I
pray you, gentlemen, to testify for me, to our body, my
sense of their favor, and my disposition to supply by zeal
what I may be deficient in the other qualifications proper
for their service, and to be assured that your testimony
cannot go beyond my feelings.
"Permit me te avail myself of this opportunity of ex.




AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.       355
pressing the sincere grief I feel for the loss of our beloved
Rittenhouse. Genius, science, modesty, purity of morals,
simplicity of manners, marked him as one of nature's best
samples of the perfection she can cover under the human
form. Surely, no society till ours, within the same compass
of time, ever had to deplore the loss of two such members
as Franklin and Rittenhouse.  Franklin, our patriarch,
whom philosophy and philanthropy announced the first of
men; and whose name will be like a star of the first magnitude in the firmament of heaven, when the memory of those
who have surrounded and obscured him, will be lost in the
abyss of time.
" With the most affectionate attachment to their memory,
and with sentiments of the highest respect to the society,
and to yourselves personally, I have the honor to be, gentlemen,           "Your most obedient,' And most humble servant,
"TH. JEFFERSON."
"To Messrs. Samuel Magaw, Jonathan Williams, Wiliiam Burton,"and John Bleakley, Secretaries of the American Philosophical Society."
"Monticello, Nov. 23, 1814.
SIR: I solicited on a former occasion permission from
the American Philosophical Society to retire from  the
honor of their chair, under a consciousness that distance, as
well as other circumstances, denied nme the power of executing the duties of the station, and that those on whom
they devol ed were best entitled to the honors they confer.
It was the pleasure of the society at that time, that I should
remain inl their service, and they have continued since to
renew the same marks of their partiality. Of these I have
been ever duly sensible, and now beg leave to returin my
thanks for them with humble gratitude. Still I have never




356                  APPENDIX.
ceased, nor can I cease to feel, that I am holding honors
without yielding requital, and justly belonging to others
As the period of election is now therefore approaching, I
take the occasion of begging to be withdrawn from the
attention of the society at their ensuing choice, and to be
permitted now to resign the office of president into their
hands, which I hereby do. I shall consider myself sufficiently honored in remaining a private member of their
body, and shall ever avail myself with zeal of every occasion
which may occur of being useful to them, retaining indelibly a profound sense of their past favors."
No. XI.
JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS OF BONAPARTE AND
THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.
For several years the uninterrupted military successes of
Napoleon Bonaparte, and the gradual enlargement of his
power to a height never before attained by man, excited
not merely sympathy for the nations whom he despoiled of
their independence, but very lively fears for that of the
United States. It seemed as if the whole civilized world
was destined, sooner or later, to bow to the ascendancy of
his genius and fortune; and though some hopes were en
tertained that he would meet with an effectual check in
Spain, yet similar hopes had too often proved abortive, for
these to be very lively, In a letter to Mr. Langdon of
New Hampshire, Mr. Jefferson thus discloses his views on
this subject. " The fear that Bonaparte will come over to
us and conquer us also, is too chimerical to be genuine.




BONAPARTE AND THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.   835
Supposing him to have finished Spain and Portugal, he has
yet England and Russia to subdue. These two subdued,
ancient Greece and Macedonia, the cradle of Alexander,
his prototype, and Constantinople, the seat of empire for
the world, would glitter more in his eye than our bleak
mountains and rugged forests. Egynt too, and the golden
apples of Mauritania, have for more than half a century
fixed the longing eyes of France; and with Syria, you
know, he has an old affront to wipe out.  Then come'Pontus and Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia,'.'e fine countries on the Euphrates and Tigris, the Oxus
and Indus, and all beyond the Hydaspes, which bounded
the glories of his Macedonian rival; with the invitations
of his new British subjects on the banks of the Ganges,
whom, after receiving under his protection the mother
country, he cannot refuse to visit. When all this is done
and settled, and nothing of the old world remains unsubdued, he may turn to the new one. But will he attack us
first, from whom he will get but hard knocks, and no
money? or will he first lay hold of the gold and silver of
Mexico and Peru, and the diamonds of Brazil. A republi.
can emperor, from his affection to republics, independent of
motives of expediency, must grant to ours the Cyclops' boon
of being the last devoured. While all this is doing, we are
to suppose the chapter of accidents read out, and that
nothing can happen to cut short or to disturb his enterprises."
The following was his theory of the English government:
" The real power and property in the government is the
great aristocratical families of the nation.  The nest of
office being too small for all of them to cuddle in at once,
the contest is eternal which shall crowd the other out. For
this purpose they are divided into two parties, the Inns and
the Outs, so equal in weight that a small matter turns the




858                   APPENDIX.
balance. To keep themselves in when they tre in, every
stratagem must be practiced, every artifice used which may
flatter the pride, the passions, or the power of the nation.
Justice, honor, faith, must yield to the necessity of keeping
themselves in place. The question whether a measure is
moral, is never asked; but whether it will nourish the
avarice of their merchants, or the piratical spirit of their
navy, or produce any other effect which may strengthen
them in their places. As to engagements, however positive,
entered into by the predecessors of the Ins, why they were
then enemies; they did every thing which was wrong; and
to reverse every thing they did must therefore be right,
This is the true character of the British government in
practice, however different its theory; and it presents the
singular phenomenon of a nation, the individuals of which
are as faithful to their private engagements and duties, as
honorable, as worthy, as those of any nation on earth, and
whose government is yet the most unprincipled at this day
known." H' e then speaks of the general causes why princes
should be superior to other men, and.by way of illustration
gives a sketch of the principal monarchs of Europe, which,
in the style of broad caricature, retains enough of resemblance to the originals to be readily acknowledged.




MESSION -OF LOUISIANA.           359
No. XII.
JEFFERSON'S VIEWS ON           THE "CESSION      OF
LOUISIANA, IN       A  LETTER     TO   CAPTAIN
LEWIS.
" WasMngton, July 15, 1803.
"DEAR SIR: I dropped you a line on the 11th inst., and
last night received yours of the 8th. Last night also we
received the treaty from Paris, ceding Louisiana, according
to the bounds to which France had a right-price, eleven
and a quarter millions of dollars, besides paying certain
debts of France to our citizens, which will be from one to
four millions. I received also from Mr. Lacepede at Paris,
to whom I had mentioned your intended expedition, a letter, of which the following is an extract:'Mr. Broughton,
one of the companions of Captain Vancouver, went up
Columbia River one hundred miles, in December, 1792. lHe
stopped at a point which he named Vancouver, latitude
45~ 27', longitude 237~ 50' E. Here the river Columbia
is still a quarter of a mile wide, and from twelve to thirtysix feet deep. It is far then to its head. From this point
Mount Hood is seen, twenty leagues distant, which is probably a depeadance of the Stony Mountains, of which Mr.
Fiedler saw the beginning about latitude 40~, and the
source of the Missouri is probably in the Stony Mountains
If your nation can establish an easy communication by
rivers, canals, and short portages, between New York, for
example, and the city [they were building, or to be built,
for the badness of the writing makes it uncertain which is
meant, but probably the last] at the mouth of Columbia,
what a route for the commerce of Europe, Asia and
America!'
" Accept my affectionate salutations
"THOMAjs jEErrRscNw."




860                   APPENDIX.
No. XIII
JEFFERSON'S FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
I. One daughter-Martha Wayles Randolph, widow of
the late Governor Randolph.
II. Eleven grandchildren, to wit
I. Thomas Jefferson Randolph.
2. Ellen Coolidge, wife of Joseph Coolidge of Boston.
3. Virginia Trist, wife of Nicholas P. Trist, consul at
Havana.
4, Cornelia Randolph.
5. Mary Randolph.
6. James Madison Randolph, since deceased.
7. Benjamin Franklin Randolph, a physician in Albemarle.
8. Meriwether Lewis Randolph, residing in Arkansas.
9. Septimia Randolph.
10. George Wythe Randolph, midshipman in the navy.
11. Francis Eppes, the only grandchild by his daughter
Maria Eppes.
III. Fourteen great-grandchildren, to wit:
The children of Thomas Jefferson Randolph-six.
The children of Ann Bankhead, deceased, the eldest
daughter of Mrs. Randolph-four.
A daughter of Mrs. Coolidge.
The children of Francis Eppes-two.
A daughter of Mrs. Trist.
Since Mr. Jefferson's death, time has made its usual
changes, both by deaths and births, and the number of his
descendants now exceeds forty, among whom are several of
the fifth generation.




SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI.         361
No. XIV.
JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS          IN  REFERENCE       TO
THE SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI.*
"Having been in America during the period in which
this institution was formed, and being then in a situation
which gave me opportunities of seeing it in all its stages, I.
may venture to give M: de Meusnier materials for a succinct history of; its origin and establishment.  I should
write its history in the following form.
" When, on the close of that war which established the
independence of America, its army was about to be dis.
banded, the officers who, during the course of it had gone
through the most trying scenes together, who, by mutual
aids and good offices had become dear to one another, felt
with great apprehension of mind the approach of that mo.
ment which was to separate them, never, perhaps, to meet;
again. They were from different States, and from distant
parts of the same State.  Hazard alone could therefore give
them but rare and partial occasions of seeing each other.
They were, of course, to abandon altogether the hope of
ever meeting again, or to devise some occasion which
might bring them together. And why not come together
on purp se at stated times? Would not the trouble of such
a journey be greatly overpaid by the pleasure of seeing.
each other again, by the sweetest of all consolations, the
talking over the scenes of difficulty and erdearment they
had gone through? This, too, would enable them to know
who of them should succeed in the world, who should be
* The remainder of this Appendix is taken from the " Observations of
Henry Lee, of Virginia, on the Writings of Thomas Jefferson," &c. This.
is a very valuable work, and not generally accessible to the reader. The
following extracts possess more than ordinary interest
31'




3S2                   APPENDIX.
unsuccessful ard to open the purses of all to every laboring
brother. This idea was too soothing not to be cherished
in conversation. It was improved into that of a regular
association, with an organized administration, with periodical meetings, general and particular, fixed contributions for
those who should be in distress, and a badge, by which
not only those who had not had occasion to become personally known should be able to recognize one another, but
which should be worn by their descendants, to perpetuate
among them the friendship which had bound their ancestors
together.
"Gen. Washington was, at that moment, oppressed with
the operation of disbanding an army which was not paid;
and the difficulty of this operation was increased, by some
two or three States having expressed sentiments, which did
not indicate a sufficient attention to their payment. He
was sometimes present when his officers were fashioning in
their conversations their newly proposed society. He saw
the innocence of its origin, and foresaw no effects less innocent. He was at that time writing his valedictory letter
to the States, which has been so deservedly applauded by
the world. Far from thinking it a moment to multiply the
causes of irritation, by thwarting a proposition which had
absolutely no other basis but that of benevolence and
friendship, he was rather satisfied to find himself aided in
his difficulties by this new inc.ident, which occupied, and at
the same time, soothed, the minds of his officers.  He
thought too, that this institution would be one instrument
the more for strengthening the federal bond, and for promoting federal ideas.  The institution was formed.  They
incorporated into it the officers of the French army and navy,
by whose sides they had fought, and with whose aid they
had finally prevailed."
After statingl that Gen. Washington accepted the office




SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI.         363
of President of the society, (which he held until his death)
and mentioning the opposition which its supposed tendency
to divide the community into distinct orders, soon excited,
he proceeds:" The uneasiness excited by this institution, had very
early caught the notice of Gen. Washington.  Still recollecting all the purity of the motives which gave it birth, he
became sensible that it might produce political evils, which
tile warmth of those motives had masked. Add to this, that
it was disapproved by the mass of citizens of the Union.
This alone was reason strong enough in a country where
the will of the majority is the law, and ought to be the law.
lie saw that'the objects of the institution were too light to
be opposed to considerations as serious as these; and that
it was become necessary to annihilate it absolutely. On
this, therefore, he was decided.  The first annual meeting
at Philadelphia, was now at hand; he went to that, determined to exert all his influence for its suppression. He
proposed it to his fellow-officers, and urged it with all his
powers. It met an opposition which was observed to cloud
his face with an anxiety that the most distressful scenes of
the war had scarcely ever produced. It was canvassed for
several days, and at length it was no more a doubt what
would be its ultimate fate. The order was on the point of
receiving its annihilation, by a vote of a great majority of
its members.  In this moment their envoy arrived from
France, charged with letters from the French officers, accepting with cordiality the proposed badges of union, with
solicitations from others to be received into the order, and
with notice that their respectable sovereign had been
pleased to recognize it, and to permit his officers to wear its
badges. The prospect was now changed. The question
assumed a new form. After the offer made by them, and
accepted by their friends, in what words could they clothe




8364.          APPENDIX.
a proposition to retract it, which would not cover them.
selves with the reproaches of levity and ingratitude —which
would not appear an insult to those whom they loved?
Federal principles, popular discontent, were considerations
whose weight was known and felt by themselves. But
would foreigners know and feel them equally? Would they
so far acknowledge their cogency, as to permit, without
indignation, the Eagle and Ribbon to be torn from their
breasts, by the very hands which placed them there? The
idea revolted the whole society  They found it necessary,
then, to preserve so much of their institution as might continue to support this foreign branch, while they should
prune off every other which would give offense to their
fellow-citizens; thus sacrificing, on each hand, to their
friends, and to their country.
The society was to retain its existence, its name, its
meetings, and its charitable funds; but these last were to
be deposited with their respective legislatures. The order
was to be no longer hereditary. The Eagle and Ribbon
were indeed retained, because they were worn, and they
wished them to be worn by their friends in a country where
they would not be objects of offense; but themselves never
wore them. They laid them up in their bureaus, with the
medals of American Independence, with those of the trophies
they had taken and the battles they had won.     But
through all the United States no officer is seen to offend
the public eye with a display of this badge. These changes
have tranquillized the American States. Their citizens feel
too much interest in the reputation of their officers, and
value too much whatever may serve to recall to the memory
of their allies the moments wherein they formed but one
people, not to do justice to the circumstances which prevented the total annihilation of; the order; and it would be
an extreme affliction to them, if the domestic reformation




SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI.          865
which has been found necessary, if the censures of individual
writers, or if any other circumstance, should discourage
the wearing their badge by their allies, or lessen its reputation."  He then adds, that the above is "a short and true
history of the Order of the Cincinnati."
From this account then, we have the grave authority of
Mr. Jefferson himself, for saying, that the Society of Cincinnati was founded exclusively on sentiments of " benevolence and friendship," was "innocent in its origin," and as
far as its members could foresee, "no less innocent in its
effects," was considered likely to smooth the difficulties of
disbanding the army, and to strengthen the tendencies to
union among the States.  That as soon as unforeseen objections were entertained toward it by their fellow-citizens,
" a great majority" of its members, in conformity with the
advice of Gen. Washington, and in patriotic deference to
the sovereignty of the public will, resolved on its immediate
annihilation. That this radical measure was prevented
solely by an accidental circumstance, which opposed to it
their respect, gratitude, and attachment for the French
officers, who, in compliance with their invitation, and by
permission of their own government, had become members
of it. That, influenced by a desire to comply with the
opinions of their countrymen, and at the same time to avoid
disrespect to their foreign friends, they pruned off the
hereditary quality, and other objectionable parts of their
institution, and preserved only so much as might support
the foreign branch.  That this reformation satisfied the
people of the United States, who felt a pride in the estimation in which the society was held abroad, and would view,
with "extreme affliction," any evidence of a decline in that
flattering sentiment.
This, he says, is "the true history" of the society.  It
does uot look like "carving oat bfr itself hereditary dis01a((




866                   APPENDIX.
tinctions," or " lowering over the Constitu ion eternally."
And as to "accumulating a capital in their separate
treasury," he declares the object of that design (for no
capital of any consequence ever was accumulated, the great
majority of the officers having lived and died poor,) was to
relieve the necessities of their unfortunate associates; and
that the funds, should any be collected, were to be placed
for that purpose in the treasuries to the several States.
As he affirms that his account of M. de Meusnier was a
true history, it is hardly necessary to say that the one here
given to Mr. Madison could not be any thing but a libel
upon men whose patriotism, benevolence, friendship and
modesty, throughout all its stages, he himself had solemnly
attested. That he presented the genuine account to his
French friend, and put the base one on Mr. Madison, you
may be inclined to attribute to the predominance of
familiarity over respect in their intimacy.  But the fact
is, that the truth was to be locked up in a foreign library,
or to reach few American readers, and was intended to
minister to no ulterior purpose.  Whereas, the article
fabricated for Mr. Madison, was for home consumption;
was a thread in that web of misrepresentation which he was
weaving around the character of Gen. Washington-a web
of torments-which, if we believe him, were not less fierce
and mighty than those which writhe and swell the figure of
Canova's Hercules-when the distracted demigod" Felt the envenom'd robe, and tore,
Through pain, up by the roots Thessalian pines,
And Lichas from the top of (Eta threw,
Into the Eubuio sea."
These torments were cruelly inflicted, as they were calmly
witnessed, for the purpose of bringing his own claims
before the people with a better chance of success.




SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI.         367
As this hatred and suspicion of the Cincinnati Sc piety
were evidently spurious and unfounded, you will be the
less surprised to learn that the zeal expressed in the same
letter, in behalf of the democratic societies, " the friends of
popular rights," was not the fruit of principle but of
interest.  At page 345 of his fourth volume, is a letter
from Mr. Jefferson of the 6th of March, 1822, in which he
declines an invitation to become a member of a society
whose object was " to promote civilization and improvement
among the Indians." In this letter he observes-"( I shall
not undertake to draw a line of demarcation between private
associations of laudable views and unimposing numbers,
and those whose magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the
march of regular government. Yet such a line does exist.
I have seen the days-they were those which preceded the
Revolution-when even this last and perilous engine be.
came necessary; but they were days which no man would
wish to see a second time."  He proceeds to delprecato
such associations upon the ground of their being bad and
prolific examples, of being "wheels within a wheel," and by
reference to the excesses perpetrated by the Jacobin Clubs
of France.
It would appear, therefore, that while Mr. Jefferson felt
called on "as a good citizen" to discourage a society instituted for the purpose of "promoting civilization and improvement among the Indians," as setting a dangerous
example, and tending " to rivalize and jeopardize the march
of regular government," he pronounced Gen. Washington
guilty of " an inexcusable aggression on popular rights,"
when he discountenanced in terms of anxious patriotism
and considerate dignity, the proceedings of organized
political clubs, which had nearly involved us in foreign war,
in opposition to "the march of regular government," and
had, as he and his whole Cabinet believed, and as a majority




868                   APPENDIX.
of the members of the legislature declared, fomented a
formidable domestic insurrection.
Since, of his contradictory opinions on this subject, those
expressed in his letter to Mr. Morse are said to be conscientious, the natural and melancholy conclusion is, that
the false and scandalous ones again fall to the share of Mr.
Madison.
But to go on with his letter of December, 1794. After
attempting to separate these societies from their proceedings, affecting "to put out of sight the persons" whose
confessed misdemeanors he calls misbehavior, he proceeds
to affirm that the President's allusion to them was generally
and justly considered " an abstract attempt on the natural
and constitutional rights of the people."
The injustice of these expressions is much more conspicuous than their meaning. What is " an abstract attempt,"
on a practical subject-or on any subject? But a more
important question is, what sense of equity was Mr. Jefferson guided by, when he pronounced the societies innocent,
in spite of practical guilt, and Gen. Washington guilty, in
spite of practical innocence? Is this judging the tree by its
fruits, or men by their works?
It may be here observed, that while in his letters to Gen
Washington of May the 14th and September the 7th, 1794,
and that of June the 19th, 1796, the last, it appears, he
ever wrote him, he was humbugging that confiding friend,
that kind benefactor, that illustrious patriot, with professions
of undiminished attachment for him, unabated love for
retirement and repugnance to politics-with such expressions as " I cherish tranquillity too much to suffer political
things to enter my mind at all," "'it is a great pleasure to
me to retain the esteem and approbation of the Presi,lelt,"
"'I put away this disgusting dish of old fiagmellts, and taik
to you about my peas and clover," with "the Albany pea,"




3EFFERSON'S HOSTILITY TO BURR.       869
-it the hog pea,"-" the true winter vetch," —" the Carolina
drill,"-and "the Scotch threshing-machine," he was collecting from "an extensive circle of observation and information," and transmitting to the head of the opposition in
Congress the most unjust and poisonous opinions that
could possibly be fabricated of the President's character
and conduct. This would of itself have furnished cause
sufficient for Gen. Lee, or any other sincere friend of the
President, to put him on his guard, to open his eyes to the
ambush from which this pretended friend and philosopher
was secretly wounding him-where, too, his great and
patriotic soul felt the injury the most acutely-in the love
and confidence of his country.
No. XV.
JEFFERSON'S PROFESSIONS OF FRIENDSHIP
AND SECRET HOSTILITY TO BURR.
To this person he continued to manifest the most respectful friendship, as will be seen by a letter of the 1st of
February, 1801, just before the competition for the Presidency was to be decided by the House of Representatives,
and when it was desirable not to irritate Burr or disgust
his friends.
"DEAR SI: It was to be expected that the enemy would
endeavor to sow tares between us that they might divide us
antd our friends. Every consideration assures me that you
will ie on your guard against this, as I assure you I am
strongly. I hear of one stratagem so imposing and so base,
that it is proper I should notice it to you. Mr. M Mumford,




370                   APPENDIX.
who is here, says he saw at New York before he left it, ain
original letter of mine to Judge Breckenridge, in which are
sentiments highly injurious to you. He knows my handwriting, and did not doubt that to be genuine. I inclose
you a copy taken from the press copy of the only letter I
ever wrote Judge Breckenridge in my life; the press copy
itself has been shown to several of our mutua. friends here.
Of consequence the letter seen by Mr. Mumford must hava
been a forgery, and if it contains a sentiment unfriendly or
disrespectful to you, I affirm it solemnly to be a forgery, as
also if it varies from the copy enclosed. With the common
trash of slander I should not think of troubling you, but
the forgery of one's hand-writing is too imposing to be
neglected. A mutual knowledge of each other furnishes us
with the best test of the contrivances which will be practiced
by the enemies of both."
The difference here in point of fact is between the statements of Mr. Mumford and the press copy; and as Mr.
Jefferson himself affirms that, from the commencement of his
acquaintanee with Burr, he was in the habit of expressing
to Mr. Madison his suspicious of his honesty, and perceived
that he kept himself in the market, it. is reasonable to suppose that he indulged the same sentiments in letters to other
gentlemen, and that consequently the press copy was mistaken. This is the more probable, as a similar accident
will hereafter be pointed out, and as he does not refer Burr
to Judge Breckenridge, either for a sight of the letter itself
or for a copy of it. The last sentence, however, contains
the quintessence of deceit, where be tells Burr, that by
reflecting on their mutual sincerity and reciprocal respect
he would furnish himself with the best possible test for
detecting the poison of the mischief-making fabrications of
their enemies. That is,' if you hear any thing of me inconsistent with honor on my part, and with resDect and




JEFFERSON S HOSTILITY TO BURR.        371
friendship for you, you have only to feel assured that it is a
base contrivance of our mutual enemies to sow tares between
u3. This is the reasoning I shall employ, should a similar
stratagem be attempted on me.' Now only suppose that
Mr. Madison lhad just at this time discovered to Burr one
of the " habitual cautions," which he had received in regard
to him I
When, however, in 1807, his friend Burr was arrested on
a chlarge of treason, he discovered that he had all along
despised him, in spite both of his own endearing professions,
and of the equally cordial effusions of his press copy. In a
letter to Mr. Giles of the 20th of April, 1807, (Vol. IV. p
74,) he says: "Against Burr personally I never had one
hostile sentiment. I never indeed thought him an honest,
frank-dealing man, but considered him as a crooked gun, or
other perverted machine, whose aim or shot you could
never be sure of."
The contrast between these sentiments and those in the
Anas, on the one hand, and those in his letters to Burr,all volunteers, not answers-on the other; will be useful in
enabling you to comprehend the difference of his style,
when speaking to a man he hated, and of him. It justifies
the inference that at the very moment he was so grossly
traducing Gen. Lee to Gen. Washington, declaring that
he had never " done him any other injury than that of declining his confidences," he would have been glad, had there
been the least prospect of promoting his own interest by it,
to encumber him with epistles and press copies of homage
and attachment.
Of tie object of the conspiracy, his conduct in regard to
which is now to be compared with that pursued in quellinlg
the Western insurrection, he gives the following,acountI in
a letter of the 2d of April, 1807, to our minister in Spain,
(Vol. IV. p. 1,) " Although at first he proposed a sepalra



372                  APPENDIX
tion of the Western country, and on that ground received
encouragement and aid from Yrujo, according to the usual
spirit of his government toward us, yet he very early saw
that the fidelity of the Western country was not to be shaken,
and turned himself wholly toward Mexico."  And in the
letter to Mr. Giles of the 20th, he thus describes the points
of treason he expects to be established, by witnesses whose
testimony he affirms " will satisfy the world, if not the
Judge, of Burr's guilt-" And I do suppose the following
overt acts will be proved: 1. The enlistment of men in a
regular way.  2. The regular mounting of guard round
Blennerhasset's island, when they discovered  Governor
Tiffin's men to be on them modo guerrio arriati, 3. The
rendezvous of Burr with his men at the mouth of Cumberland. 4. His letter to the acting Governor of Mississippi,
holding up the prospect of civil war. 5. His capitulation
regularly signed with the aids of the Governor, as between
two independent hostile commanders."
These acts, he says, amount incontestably to treason.
Yet the attack of five hundred armed men on the hioue of
the inspector of the revenue, and a detachment of the troops
of the United States-the burning the inspector's house
and forcing an officer of the United States Arny to march
out and surrender-the shooting at the marshal with intent
to kill him, while in the execution of his duty-the seizing
and violating the mail of the United States on its passage
to the seat of government-the arrest and intimidation of
the marshal-the banishment of those citizens of Pittsburg,
who were suspected of allegiance to their country-open
resistance to the laws and defiance of the government-the
rejection of an offered amnesty-the preparation of a force
of 7,000 men to wage war against the United States, and
to effect ultimately a dissolution of the Union-all these
revolting outrages, in the comparative infancy of the gov



JEFFERSON'S HOSTItITY TO BURR.       g7i
ernment, when they were leveled at the peace and dignity
of the nation, through the fame and feelings of President
Washington, Mr. Jefferson considered as nearly harmless,
as provoked by " an infernal law," and as at most merely
"riotous transactions I I"
Tl1e force with which Burr was to accomplish his designs,
he estimates as follows, in a letter of the 14th of July, 1807,
to Gen. La Fayette. (Vol. IV. p. 97.) "Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow his fortunes, without letting them know  his projects, otherwise than by
assuring them the government approved of them.  The
moment a proclamation issued undeceiving them, he found
himself left with about thirty desperadoes only."  This
conspirator, with his gang of thirty followers, however, was
too formidable to be left unpunished, whether in due course
of law or not, and therefore the President of the United
States descended from his station, and took the lead in
hunting him down.
Accordingly, on the 2d of June, 1807, he opened a
correspondence with the District Attorney of the United
States, (Vol. IV. pp. 75 to 103,) which for indecency to
the court, disrespect for the independence of a co-ordinate
department, outrage upon the sanctity of justice, and cruelty
to the prisoner, was never exceeded by the executive
authority of any nation, in any age. After saying to Mr.
Hay, " While Burr's case is depending before the court, I
will trouble you from time to time with what occurs to me,"
-he proceeds to counsel him as to the management of
various stages of the prosecution, inspiring him all the
while with distrust of the purity of the court before which
he was pleading, until the 19th of June, when he makes a
suggestion, the wickedness of which cannot be adequately
expressed in any language but his own. (p. 86.)  "I inclose you the copy of a letter received last night, and giving
32




374                   APPENDIX.
singular information. I have inquired into the character
of Graybell. IHe was an old revolutionary calptain, is now
a flour merchant in Baltimore, of the most respectable
character, and whose word would be taken as implicitly as
any man's for whatever he affirms. The letter writer also is
a man of entire respectability.  I am well informed that for
more than a twelvemonth it has been believed in Baltimore,
generally, that Burr was engaged in some criminal enterprise, and that Luther Martin knew all about it. We
think you should immediately dispatch a subpoena for Graybell; and while that is on the road, you will have time to
consider in what form you will use his testimony: e. g.
shall Luther Martin be summoned as a witness against
Burr, and Graybell held ready to confront him? It may be
doubted whether we could examine a witness to discredit
our own witness. Besides, the lawyers say that they are
privileged from being forced to breaches of confidence, and
that no others are.  Slall we move to commit Luther
Martin, as particeps criminis with Burr? Graybell will fix
upon him suspicion of treason at least. And at any rate,
his testimony will put down this unprincipled and impudent
federal bull-dog, and add another proof that the most
clamorous defenders of Burr are all his accomplices. It
will explain why Luther Martin flew so hastily to the aid
of his' honorable friend,' abandoning his clients and their
property during the session of a principal court in Maryland, now filled, as I am told, with the clamors and ruin of
his clients."
You perceive from this that a general belief, reported t4
exist in Baltimore, of Burr's having meditated an unlawful
enterprise, of some sort or other, and that Luther Martin
klew all about it; with the second hand assertion that this
knowledge could be proved by a third person, was cause
sui.cic.nt in the humane and philosophic mind of Mr.




SEFE'RSON9S HOSTILITY TO BUR         375
Je'ffers n to fix the stigma of treason on Luther Martin, by
arresting him as particeps criminis with the prisoner he
was defending. And if this unjust proceeding should fail
of every other effect, it would at least have the happy one
" of putting down this unprincipled and impudent federal
bull-dog' —that is, it would silence him as an advocate for
Burr-would deprive the prisoner of the assistance of the
counsel on whom he peculiarly relied in a trial for his life,
and thus expose him to all the violence and stratagem that
the zeal of lawyers and the unbridled hate of the Executive
could impart to the prosecution. Had this cruel project
been fulfilled, Burr would have stood like Bothwell, his
sword-arm broken and his dagger lost, while his bloodthirsty and hypocritical adversary, represented by the
President, brandished his impatient blade aloft, and plunged
it to the hilt in his body.
In unison with this unparalleled mixture of craft and
inhumanity, more fit for the cells of the Spanish Inquisition
than for an American court of justice, is his resentment at
the zeal with which Mr. Martin undertook the defense of a
man, who, though accused, was yet unconvicted, was under
the legal presumption of innocence, had been dear to Martin as a friend, and had, moreover, a right, on the usual
conditions, to his services. The whole correspondence with
Mr. Hay is of this cast, diversified occasionally with
promises of new witnesses, and interspersed toward the
close of the trial with insinuations against the integrity of
the court; leaving but one doubt as to the disposition of
President Jefferson at the time, that is, whether he was more
eager to hang the judge or the criminal.




376                   AtDZSIX,.
No. XVI.
JEFFERSON'S      STRICTURES       ON   WASHIIGO.
TON'S ADMINISTRATION.
SHOULD your good-nature revolt at the vindictive appear.
ance of the examination, through the perplexities of which
I am endeavoring to guide you, I have little to soothe it,with, but an expression of my regret, or to relieve it by,
but an appeal to yourjustice. If Mr. Jefferson's character
is now for the first time to be displayed in its true light, and
to be divested of the folds of artifice and delusion in which
he disguised it, it is only because he painted in false and
opprobrious colors that of others; and though it be, when
thus exposed, a subject of unpleasing contemplation, it may
prove a useful and inatructive stu(ly. In the system of the
moral world, it seems to be established by Providence, that
injustice done to our neighbor should sooner or later recoil
on ourselves. And naturalists tell us, that although, atfirst
sight, the history of the lion appears more entertaining than
that of all other beasts, yet that on close inspection, more
vivid curiosity and agreeable wonder are excited by the
structure of the spider that sly insect, whichi Throned on the centre of his thin designs,
Proud of a vast extent of flimsy lines,"
entangles and destroys the bold hornet and the blossom,
loving bee.
Pursuing then the analysis of this envenomed letter to
Mr. Madison, let us pass from its palpable injustice toward
Gen. Washington and Gen. Lee, to the consideratioi of its




WASHINGTONS ADMINISTRATION.         837
main design, which is both concealed, and betrayed by an
artifice, not unlike the trick of an Indian juggler.  The
object of all Mr. Jefferson's schemes and movements, of his
friendships and hatreds, his slanders and praises; of that
philosophy, for worship in the sanctuary of which, he would
have the world believe he was predestined by nature, (Vol.
IV. p. 126, et passim,) of his mis-quot'ation from  the
Georgics, (Vol. III. p. 337,) his "mould-board of least
resistance," (p. 334;) of that retirement which was so profound, that lest it should be unnoticed, he proclaimed it in
all directions, as the Irishman was to whistle when he should
fall asleep; the real object of all these professions, passions,
pretensions, and maneuvres, was the office of President.
For this he deserted the Cabinet of Washington, against
the entreaties of that illustrious man; and having got into
a private station,-for this, he was now wriggling and
stretching to get out of it.  To Mr. Madison, whose
powerful aid was indispensable, he was holding out his hand
for help.
In disparaging and traducing Gen. Washington so industriously, his intention was not to supplant himn; for
besides that he could neither have desired nor hoped to
compete with him before the people, he knew the general
was now in his second and last official term. But his design
was by curtailing the influence of his name and opinions,
to change the course of succession, which, should that influence be left unimpaired, the sense of the nation would
probably give to the Chief Magistracy-devolving it first
on Adams, whom he disliked, next on Hamilton, whom he
hated; whose superiority in the Cabinet he had felt and
still resented; whose ready eloquence, cogent reasoning,
practical views, ascendant genius, martial spirit, generous
character, rebuked and foiled his own subtle sagacity,
pusillanimous temper, and indirect ambition.
32*




378                  APPENDIX,
As it was to be supposed that Mr. Madison was apprized
of Gcn. Washington's wish to appoint him Secretary of
State, and for that and other reasons retained a degree of
kindness and respect for him, there was room to apprehend
that his sense of justice would revolt at the gross and virulent detraction which Mr. Jefferson, in execution of one
part of his scheme, had thought proper to hazard. There.
fore, as physicians expel one poison from the body by the
introduction of a more energetic one, the sage of Monticello
proceeded to counteract the occurrence of remorse, by
means of those never-failing agents, vanity and ambition.
While urging Mr. Madison to persevere in his meritorious
opposition, and foretelling that a change of men and
measures was soon to take place, he encroached so far oi
the " double delicacy" of himself, and the simple modesty
of his friend, as to insist that if he does retire, it must only
be " to a more splendid and a more efficacious post;" for
which, by the way, by an evolution peculiar to his own
tactics, he had himself retired.  The heartfelt joy this
promotion of Mr. Madison over his own head would give
him, may be better conceived than described; steeped as he
lay in the charms of a " retirement," which he protests he
" would not give up for the empire of the universe."
Nothing could be more skillful than this move. Like that'
of a knight at chess, it placed in check King, Queen and
Castle, and all at once. It told the opposition that it was
time to bring forward determinedly a candidate for the
Presidency. It said to Mr. Madison, "As I have proposed
you for this post, you cannot do less than support me, upon
that principle of seniority and civility which would be observed were we to come together at the entrance of a drawing-room."  It suppressed any scruples that a gentleman
might feel at entering into an alliance founded on injustice
to the father of his country, by overshadowing his judgment




WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.         379
with clouds of vain incense and visions of future greatness
through which Mr. Jefferson's election could not but ap.
pear as previous and instrumental to his own elevation,
and it conformed apparently with that rural seclusion which
the artless philosopher loved as dearly as he did his friend
Col. Burr, and was as willing to forsake.
These advantages of the maneuver were not counterbalar.ced by a single inconvenience. There was not the
slightest chance of Mr. Madison's superseding him; for
besides that he was a man of personal modesty and of comparatively mild ambition, Mr. Jefferson was entitled by preoccupancy to the head of the opposition; to precedence,
by superior age, and the high diplomatic and executive
stations he had filled, to the duties of which Mr. Madison
was yet a stranger.  Iad it been in his wish therefore to
put himself before Mr. Jefferson, it would not have been in
his power. Mr. Madison's situation and character at the
time, in short, render it a moral certainty, that Mr. Jefferson's professing a wish to see his election, was simply an
expedient to promote his own.
In tracing his correspondence up to the 19th of June,
1796, when he wrote the letter in vulgar abuse of Gen. Lee,
and cruel humbug of Gen. Washington, I shall not stop to
notice those in which he exasperates the zeal of Mr. Giles's
opposition; encourages and counsels that of Mr. Madison;
hails the appearance of an inconsiderable demagogue in
Pennsylvania as " an acquisition upon which he congratulates republicanism;" caricatures by a most invidious criticism one of the President's messages to Congress, and by
lecturing Mr. Rutledge of Carolina, on the debt of public
service he had left unpaid to the nation by his retirement
from political life, endeavors to provoke a reciprocation of
that grateful reproach.
These I shall pass by, as subordinate stratagems in his




880                  APPENI IX.
grand design, at once exposed by and exposing it, in 6ofder
to examine his strictures on the next in succession and importance of President Washington's measures-the treaty
of amity, commerce and navigation, concluded with the
government of Great Britain, on the 19th of November,
1794, by our envoy Mr. Jay.
A sketch has already been attempted of our political par.
ties, from their rise to the period at which Mr. Jefferson
took his place at the head of Gen. Washington's cabinet.
And it was then observed that occasions very soon presented
themselves for such differences of opinion as were likely to
be discovered by sects so oppositely constituted. But in
the nature of our new relations with Great Britain, causes
of peculiar excitement and discussion were found.
Washington and the great body of his political friends
readily passed from real war to genuine peace, in conformity
with the solemn assurance given to the world in the Decla.
ration of Independence, that the citizens of the United
States would thenceforth hold the British nation like the rest
of mankind, "enemies in war, in peace friends."  This
promise they could well afford to fulfill, having signalized
both their opposition to England, and love for their own
country, their impatience of tyranny and devotion to free.
dom in the painful marches and bloody conflicts of a seven
years' war. With the return of peace, to the minds of such
men returned the sentiments belonging to it-justice,
moderation, amity, good faith, and all those fair dispositions
that lead to the mutual advantage of nations.
When, therefore, from the unavoidable delay which
occurred on our part in executing that article of the treaty
of peace which stipulated for the payment by our citizens
of a description of debts due to the subjects of Great
Britain, that government refused to surrender, in conformity
with conditions in the same treaty, certain military posts uu




WASHINGTON S ADMINISTRATION.         881
the southern margin of the great lakes, they used their
utmost exertions to have our side of the covenant strictly
performed, in order to secure the right dependent on it. In
the same temper they endeavored to preserve an exact
neutrality in the war between France and England, and
preferred negotiation with both belligerents, as long as it
could be honorably maintained, to war against either, as
the means of repairing the actual, and preventing the
fnture injury, to which our commerce was exposed by their
collision.
As the opposite party had not expended their animosity in
the generous trade of war, much of it remained on the conclusion of peace; and as they had not been able to demonstrate their zeal in the Revolution by such bold and patriotic
evidences as Gen. Washington and his followers had exhibited, they sought now to display it by an unseasonable
hostility toward Great Britain. In this spirit they insinuated that the endeavors of the administration to execute
faithfully the treaty of peace, and to establish a commercial
intercourse with England, manifested, with other of their
measures, a monarchial tendency in their counsels, if not a
design to replace us under the dominion of the British
crown    To color these imputations they alleged that our
resistance to the encroachments of France evinced a secret
partiality for England-inconsistent with the gratitude due
to her rival, and the sympathy which one republic ought to
feel for another.
Those against whom these accusations were directed, did
not fail, in repelling them, to assert that they proceeded
from politicians unduly partial to France, dishonorably
insensible to the riglhts and dignity of their own country,
and willing to gratify their lust of power at the expense of
her character tind interest.
It thus occurred that a habit was engrafted on the public




382                   APPENDI S.
mind of regarding the measures of government less as
they affected our own prosperity, than as they seemed
likely to bear upon one or other of these antagonist
nations, a habit, which, by the machinations and predominance of Mr. Jefferson, among other consequences, encouraged that fond injustice and affectionate inferiority,
with which, in a more or less insolent shape, we have been
since regarded by the successive governments of France.
This being the dispositions of the ins and outs-the one
determined to condemn any connection with Great Britain
which did not secure, not only all our rights but all our pretensions, and not only all that we pretended to, but every
thing that we wished for-the other compelled to choose
between the calamity of a war, and the convenience of the
best agreement, which, under existing circumstances they
could negotiate; it is not surprising that the ratification of
Jay's treaty, in which the concessions and advantages of the
contracting powers were pretty equally balanced, gave
occasion to much discontent and violent censure.
In inflaming this discontent and exacerbating this cen.
sure, no one took more pains than Mr. Jefferson. In a
letter to Mann Page, (Vol. III. p. 314,) declining attendance at the exhibition of a village academy, he digresses to
the subject of the treaty, and takes occasion from it to sneer
most indecently at the President. In a letter to Mr. Madison on the next page, (21st Sept. 1795,) urging him to
answer a piece which Hamilton had published in explanation of the advantages of the treaty, he states his opinion
of it in the following words-" It certainly is an attempt
of a party, who find they have lost their majority in one
branch of the legislature, to make a law by the aid of the
other branch, and of the Executive, under color of a treaty
which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch, fiom
ever restraining the commerce of their patron nation."




JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEI.        883
This objection implies, not that any right of the Jrnited
States had been sacrificed or interest neglected, but that
the commerce of Great Britain was not to be restrained.
As to the word ever, the violence of its misapplication can
be conceived only by reflecting that the treaty, in its principal articles, was limited expressly to ten years.
In the same letter he tells.Mr. Madison that a number
of Hamilton's pieces had been sent to him, with an answer
by a Mr. Beckley; and that he gave these, "the poison
and the antidote, to honest, sound-hearted men of common
understanding," by way of experiment.   Finding that
Hamilton's pieces, in spite of Beckley's answer, produced
conviction on the minds of these honest, common-sense
citizens, he adds with rare simplicity, " I have ceased therefore to give them"- showing that this advocate for the
diffusion of knowledge, for "leaving reason free to combat
error of opinion," had no scruple in suppressing arguments
however clear and convincing, if at variance with his own
interested views.  It does not appear that Mr. Madison
could be induced to enter the lists in this controversy,
finding it probably more easy to join Mr. Jefferson in reprobating the treaty, than to oppose Hamilton's logic in its
defense.
No. XVII.
JEFFERSON'S      CELEBRATED       LETTER     TO
MAZZEI.
THE course of Mr, Jefferson's correspondence next leads
us to his famous letter to Mazzei, which, in a futile attempt
to explain it, he denominates (Vol. IV. p. 401,) "a pre



884                   APPENDIX.
cious theme of federal crimination."  It bears date less
than two months anterior to that in' which he assures Gen.
Washington of his total abstraction from party politics,
and reviles Gen. Lee so bitterly for having intimated a
doubt of the sincerity of this avowal. Being connected
with a strenuous effort in 1797, to mask one of its bearings,
and with an abstract attempt in 1824, to parry another, it
extends to two distinct eras, both as it regards Gen. Washington and Mr. Jefferson himself.  To the former it refers
both before and after his death, to his envied popularity,
and his unsullied renown; to the latter, while intent upon
the acquisition of power; and after that had been enjoyed
and resigned, when covetous of fame. You will therefore
perceive that the task of detecting its true meaning, (and
of exposing the objects with which it was written,) if not
likely to require ability in a writer, will demand of the
reader patient attention.
As it appears in his " Writings," this letter, so far as it
relates to public matters, is in the following words. (Vol.
III. p. 327.)
Monticello, April 24th, 1796.
"MY DEAR FRIEND:-The aspect of our polities has
wonderfully changed since you left us. In place of that
noble love of liberty and republican government which
carried us triumphantly through the war, an Anglican,
monarchical, and aristocratical party has sprung up, whose
avowed object is to draw over us the substance, as they
have already done the forms of the British government.
Tlhe main body of our citizens, however, remain true to
their republican principles; the whole landed interest is
relul)lican, aid so is a great mass of talents. Ag'aiust us
are the executive, the judiciary, two out of three brancles
of the legislature, all the officers of the government, all who




mJEFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEL,        385
rvant to be officers, all timid men who prefer the calm of
despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, British merchants,
and Americans trading on British capitals, speculators, and
holders in the banks and public funds, a contrivance
invented for purposes of corruption, and for assimilating
us in all things to the rotten as well as the sound parts of
the British model. It would give you a fever were I to
name to you the apostates who have gone over to these
heresies, men who were Samsons in the field, and Solomons
in the council, but who have had their heads shorn by the
harlot of England. In short, we are likely to preserve the
liberty we have gained only by unremitting labors and
perils. But we shall preserve it; and our mass of weight
and wealth on the good side is so great as to leave no danger that force will ever be attempted against us. We have
only to awake and snap the Lilliputian cords with which
they have been entangling us during the first sleep which
succeeded our labors."
This letter, or rather this part of it, was translated into
Italian, and published by Mazzei in a Gazette of Florence.
In Paris, it was republished in the ioniteur in a French
version of Mazzei's translation, with editorial remarks
adapted to its sentiments, tending to show the faithless
spirit of our government toward France, the strength of the
Gallican party in the United States, and the justice as well
as the policy of the hostile measures pursued by the DirectQry toward us. From the Moniteur it was transferred to
the English papers, after undergoing a retranslation, and
in this last dress found its way to the U;nited States. Although it bore no signature, it was immediately imputed to
Mr. Jefferson, a circumstance which occasioned his favoring
Mr. Madison with the following eager explanation of it.
(Vol. III. p. 362.)
33




886                  APPENDIX.
"Monticello, August 3d, 179T.
"I scribbled you a line on the 24th ult., it missed of the
post, and so went by a private hand. I perceive from
yours by Mr. Bringhurst that you'had not received it. In
fact, it was only an earnest exhortation to come here with
Monroe, which I still hope you will do. In the meantime
I enclose you a letter from him, and wish your opinion on
its principal subject. The variety of other topics the day
I was with you, kept out of sight the letter to: Mazzei imputed to me in the papers, the general substance of which
is mine, though the diction has been considerably altered
and varied in the course of its translations from English
into Italian, from Italian into French, and from French into
English.  I first met with it at Bladensburg, and for a
moment conceived I must take the field of the public papers.
I could not disavow it wholly, because the greatest part
was mine in substance, though not in form. I could not
avow it as it stood, because the form was not mine, and in
one place the substance very materially falsified. This,
then, would render explanations necessary; nay, it would
render proofs of the whole necessary, and draw me at
length into a publication of all (even the secret) transactions of the cabinet while I was of it; and embroil me personally with every member of the executive, with the
judiciary, and with others still. I soon decided in my own
mind to be entirely silent. I consulted with several friends
at Philadelphia, who every one of them were clearly against
my avowing or disavowing, and some of them conjured me
most earnestly to let nothing provoke me to it. I corrected,
in conversation with them, a substantial misrepresentation
of the copy published. The original has a sentiment like
this, (for I have not it before me,)' they are endeavoring
toQ submit us to the substance, as they already have to the
forms of the British government,' meaning by forms the




JEFFERSON S LETTER TO MAZZEI.        88T
birth-days, levees, processions to Parliament, inauguration
pomposities, &c. But the copy published says:'as they
have already submitted us to the form of the British,' &c.;
making me express hostility to the form of our government,
that is, to the Constitution itself. For this is really the
difference of the word form, used in the singular or plural,
in that phrase of the English language. Now it would be
impossible for me to explain this publicly without bringing
on a personal difference between Gen. Washington and
myself, which nothing before the publication of this letter
has ever done. It would embroil me, too, with all those
with whom his character is still popular, that is, with ninetenths of the people of the United States; and what good
would be obtained by avowing the letter with the necessary
explanations? Very little, indeed, in my opinion, to counterbalance a good deal of harm. From my silence in this
instance, it cannot be inferred that I am afraid to own the
general sentiments of the letter. If I am subject to either
imputation, it is to that of avowing such sentiments too
frankly both in private and public, often when there is no
necessity for it, merely because I disdain every thing like
duplicity. Still, however, I am open to conviction. Think
for me on the occasion, and advise me what to do, and confer with Col. Monroe on the subject. Let me entreat you
again to come with him; there are other important things
to consult upon."
The explanation here advanced is evidently designed to
impose on Mr. Madison, and therefore is naturally at variance with that subsequently furnished to Mr. Van Buren
-the object of which was to delude him into the belief that
Gen. Washilngton had never taken exception to the letter to
Mazzei, and that assertions to that effect were the false
effUisioa "" of fed.eal, maliice."




388                   APPENDIX.
The design upon Mr. Madison was a'double one; first,
to reconcile him to the unmanliness of preferring an evasive
silence, to an open avowal or fair explanation of the letter;
second, to conceal from him, if possible, the obvious application of its censure to himself.  As this latter application
had a tendency to wound the delicacy of his self-love, it iq
dexterously covered by the former part of his design, and
by that stratagem is made to appear as if it were intended
solely to answer their mutual purpose, of avoiding an open
rupture with Gen. Washington.   In furtherance of this
scheme, Mr. Madison is assured that in consequence of
mutilations which successive translations had produced in
the text of the letter to Mazzei, Mr. Jefferson could not
disavow it wholly with truth, nor avow it wholly without
explanations; which explanations "would embroil him
personally with every member of the executive, with the
judiciary, and with others;" that consequently he decided
very soon in his own mind to remain perfectly silent; and
that certain nameless friends, whom he consulted in Philadelphia, were clear and earnest for his persisting in this
equivocal silence. Mentioning then, that he had corrected,
in conversation with these frank and worthy persons, a substantial error in the copy, he shuffles down with a sort of
brazen confusion to the point of the slander which was
pressing against Mr. Madison's reputation; and keeping
that confederate's eyes upturned all the while to the indignant countenance of Gen. Washington, slips out the follow.
ing card of deception:-" The original has a sentiment like
this, (for I have it not before me,)'they are endeavoring to
submit us to the substance as they already have to the
forms of the British government,' meaning by forms. the
birth-days, levees, processions to Parliament, inauguration
pomposities, &c. But the copy published says:'as they
have already submitted us to theform of the British,' &c.,




JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEI.        889
making me express hostility to the form of our government,
that is, to the Constitution itself.  For this is really the
difference of the word form, in the singular or plural, in
that phrase of the English language."
As Mr. Jefferson made this exposition, confessedly on
the strength of his memory, and not from a collation of the
copy with the original, I shall take the liberty of suggesting
that he was mistaken in point of fact; that the word used
in the letter to Mazzei, was form.  His handwriting was
remarkably neat, plain, and correct, as is known to his
numerous correspondents, and appears by the fac-simile at
the end of his fourth volume; and Mazzei, from their inti.
macy and correspondence, was familiar with it.  The
probability is, that in a letter which this person thought, or
was induced to consider, of sufficient importance to be
published in the Florence Gazette, he would be careful to
see that no error was committed in its translation or publication; and it having been accurately printed in Italian, a
subsequent error of the kind insisted on, was almost
impossible. For in the French language, as in the Italian,
the difference between the singular and the plural in nouns
is marked by a change in the termination of two words, that
is the article and the noun; as for example-in Italian la
forma, singular, is le forme plural; and in French, la
forme singular is lesformes plural. Whereas in English,
the change is confined to one word, and consists solely in
the absence or presence of the s final. Thus, if Mr. Jefferson had written forms, the care of Mazzei would have
ensured the appearance in the Florence Gazette, of the
phrase le forme, which the structure of the French and
Italian languages would have forced the Morliteur to represent by lesformes; a noun that the English translator
would of necessity have known to be plural, and would
have so rendered. From these intrinsic evidences, it is
33*




890                   APPENDIX.
highly improbable, to say the least, that if Mr. Jefferson
wrote the word in the plural, it should have been altered in
the series of translations into the singular.
But considering it in another point of view, if this alteration did actually happen, as he affirms, " in the course of its
translations from English into Italian, from Italian into
French, and fiom French into English," it only proves that
the person who made the alteration, considered it, as every
body else will probably do, immaterial, deeming the two
phrases form of government, and forms of government,
equivalent; and that the use of the one or the other made
no change whatever in the meaning. Thus a sort of dileinma arises at the threshhold of his explanation, and
seems to shake its horns at this assertion of Mr. Jefferson,
making it either erroneous or idle. If the error of version
be not unlikely, the equivalent construction put upon the
phrases by the peccant translator, becomes highly probable;
and if this construction is considered unnatural, the error
of translation is scarcely possible.
But can it be seriously supposed by the most ignorant,
or by the most learned man, that Mazzei, or any one else in
Europe or America, could understand by the phrase, Jbrms
of the British government, the King's birth-night balls, the
Queen's levees, processions to Parliament or ceremonies of
the coronation? Does Montesquieu, in his analysis, or De
Lolme, in his description of the English Constitution, allude
even to these forms? Was the mind of Pope, when he
wrote the oft-repeated line,
" Forforms of government let fools contest,"
inspired by levees, birth-nights, and processions? After the
alleged transp)lantation of these ceremonies in America, did
they become forms of our government, of a government




JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEI.         391
which exists solely in our written Constitution. When Mr.
Jefferson, on becoming President, announced to Mr. Macon
the heads of the reformation he proposed to introduce, and
commenced the    list with  "Levees are done away,'
could the venerable senator from North Carolina have understood that a certain form of our government was to be
abolished? Are the Washington birth-night balls, which
still anniversarily recur in the towns and villages of the
United States, forms of the Federal or State governments?
Were the weekly levees of Mrs. Madison and Mrs. Monroe
forms of political or petticoat government? Or was the
custom adopted by Gen. Washington of opening each session of Congress with a speech instead of a message, when
he was attended by a voluntary concourse of his fellowcitizens, a form of the British government, "drawn over"
the people of the United States?
The truth is, that as a message is nothing more nor less
than a written speech, and as the kings of England open
the sessions of Parliament by commission, more frequently
than in person, Mr. Jefferson's custom was of a more regal
form than Gen. Washington's, was less consistent with the
frank and open carriage of a republican officer, less respectful to the legislative bodies, and consequentlyo o the people
and the States whom they represented.
On the other hand, the forms of the British government
have universally been understood to mean its division into
legislative, executive, and judiciary departments; the unity
of its executive; the duality of its legislature, and the independence of its judiciary. These forms were imitated with
more or less exactness, as they appeared conducive to the
substance of freedom, in the Constitution of the United
States, as may be seen by reference to the compact itself,
and to the essays of Mr. Madison expounding it; and were




392                   APPENDIX.
unquestionably the subject of Mr. Jefferson's remark,
wlether he used the word in the singular or plural.
Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to John Dickinson, (Vol. II1.
p. 487,) in reference to the objects of the Revolution, says:
-"Surely we had in view to obtain a theory and practice
of good government; and bow any, who seemed so ardent
in this pursuit, could shamelessly have apostatized, and
supposed we meant only to put our government into other
hands, but not other forms, is indeed wonderful."  Now
here this word forms is used in the plural and in connection with the word government; yet it cannot be forced by
any construction into the meaning of "birth-days, levees or
processions to Parliament," which Mr. Jefferson assures his
friend Mr. Madison, it always bore " in that phrase in the
English language."
Thus it appears that, if we examine into the effect of the
various translations of this letter, we are led to believe that
Mr. Jefferson used the word form in the singular, in opposition to substance in the previous member of the sentence;
and that, if out of courtesy, we admit his assertion to the
contrary, we discover that the alteration of the text, which
he insists on, would make not the least possible difference
in his meaning.  The conclusion therefore is, even from
these premises, that this eager explanation to Mr. Madison,
was factitious and fraudulent, intended not so much to consult as to mislead his judgment, and to prevent his taking
offense at finding himself classed with the members of the
"Anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party," which
had "sprung up" in the United States.  For the natural
import of the langu age, whether the word form or forams
be employed, is, that those persons who had drawn over us
the forms of the British government, that is the frame rs of
our Constitution, had combined into an Anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party, and were trying to draw over




JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEI.         393
us also its substance, that is, its corruption, its executive
patronage, its privileged classes, its sinecures and hereditary
tenure of office.  Now, as Mr. Madison's popularity and
public reputation were founded on his exertions and influence in devising theforms of our government, (not birthnight balls, levees, &c.) and in recommending their adoption to the people, the inference, that he was implicated in
the slander entrusted to Mazzei, is irresistible.
You may ask if this explanation be so shallow and preposterous, how Mr. Jefferson could venture to offer, or
succeed in imposing it on a person of Mr. Madison's
scholastic and practical acquaintance with our language.
The answer is that Mr. Madison had been accustomed to be
deceived by him, and in this case would be willing to be
imposed on. Mithridates took poison so often, that at last,
the most deadly and active substances would produce no
disturbance in his stomach; and it is easy to comprehend
how reluctant Mr. Madison would be on the occasion in
question to doubt the personal friendship or to lose the
political alliance of Mr. Jefferson. The latter had therefore in his favor the power of habit and the influence o,
self-love; agents of force enough to bias the strongest understanding. Besides, the offensive meaning of the sentence, was rendered less obvious than it might have been,
by Mr. Jefferson's declining to enclose the genuine letter,
though he was then at Monticello, that great mint of press
copies, where, as you may remember, one was readily coined
to appease the apprehended resentment of Col. Burr, and
where, as we shall presently see, another was struck twentyseven years subsequently, to bewilder the credulity of Mr.
Van Buren. Instead of sending him a faithful copy of his
letter, he refers him to one from Mr. Monroe, and persuades
him to a conference with that gentleman, who as he had
borne no part in the formation of the Constitution and but




394                   APPENDIX.
an immaterial one in its adoption, (Vol. IT. p. 367,) might
be the more easily employed to decoy Mr. Madison into
security as to himself, and into apprehension as to the effect
which an avowal or explanation of the letter would have on
Mr. Jefferson, and through him on the interests of the
whole party.
To mislead Mr. Madison still further, he avers that the
sentence, by its alleged alteration, would make him "exv
press hostility to the form of our government, that is to the
Constitution itself "-whereas, if Mr. Madison had seen the
letter itself, he would have perceived that it could produce
no such effect-for certainly to say that the form of the
Federal government resembles that of Great Britainwhich was admitted on all hands to be the best in existence
before ours was created, and to which it is related by such
strong and numerous analogies,-cannot be interpreted into
an expression of hostility to the Constitution of the United
States, without going to the absurdity of imputing that
sentiment to the fathers of our charter. This superfluous
defense shows that it was the language he concealed from
Mr. Madison, not that which he repeated to him,-his conscience and not his communication,-which on this occasion
was his accuser. For his letter to Mazzei, as now published,
does most certainly " express hostility to the Constitution
itself," as well as to its framers.
But this chicanery, contemptible as it is, is not the worst
part of the letter to Mr. Madison. For after admitting the
letter to Mazzei to be in substance his, Mr. Jefferson expresses his determination, neither to avow, nor disavow, nor
explain it, for fear of its bringing on a personal difference
between himself and Gen. Washington, and embroiling him
with other distinguished men.  He said to Mr. Madison as
he had said to Mr. Monroe: " I have written a letter to
Mazzei, of a character to wound the feelings of Gen. Wash



JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEL.        895
rngton and several other gentlemen.  Contrary to my
expectation, it is published in the American newspapers,
fortunately without my signature, but in substance as I
wrote it, though with the alteration of one word, which I
think changes its meaning in one respect, but which neither
increases nor lessens the personal offense it is likely to give.
I cannot avow it wholly because of this alteration, nor disavow it altogether because of its substantial accuracy, nor
explain its alterations without bringing on a personal
difference with Gen. Washington, and embroiling me with
these other eminent persons. I am therefore decided in my
own mind, neither to avow, nor to disavow, nor to explain
it; and by this silence to avoid the personal responsibility
to which it would subject me, as well as the serious harm
it would occasion to my own popularity and our mutual
political plans.  I am anxious to get your advice on the
subject, and I hope that, after consulting with Monroe, you
will approve, like my honest friends in Philadelphia, this
prudent and evasive silence."
Here, if we trust the indications of Mr. Jefferson's correspondence, are three citizens, who were destined to rise in
succession to the highest place in the popular affection and
political power of a great republic-in a government, the
essential principle of which is virtue,-consulting together
on a point of conduct upon which no man of honesty can
possibly doubt, and, as far as appears, finally adopting a
proceeding which no man of honor can approve.  Is it
possible to believe that Gen. Washington ever could have
shrunk into such ignominious evasion? Or can the utmost
stretch of the imagination conceive him consulting urgently
and secretly with Gen. Hamilton and Gen. Lee, upon a
step, of which the vast departure from manliness and honor,
no language can describe? If there exists a being who can
suppose so great an improbability, let him refer to the un



396                   APPENDIX.
disputed fact that arose out of the resignation of Edmund
Randolph as Secretary of State. That gentleman-" for
the purpose as he alleged of vindicating his conduct, demanded the sight of a confidential letter which had been
addressed to him by the President, and which was left in
the office. His avowed design was to give this, as well as
some others of the same description, to the public, in order
to support the allegation, that in consequence of his attachment to France and liberty, he had fallen a victim to the
intrigues of a British and aristocratic party."  To this
demand Washington replied- "I have diiected that you
have the inspection of my letter of the 22d of July, agreeably to your request, and you are at full liberty to publish,
without reserve, any and every private and confidential
letter I ever wrote you. Nay more, every wurd I ever
uttered to or in your presence from whence yo-i can derive
any advantage in your vindication."
No contrast can be stronger than the difference between
these proceedings-that of Washington displaying a consciousness of rectitude, a sense of magnanimity, and an
ardent love of truth. To the admirers of Mr. Jefferson I
leave the glorious task of portraying the virtues which on
the occasion he exhibited. Let them reconcile his silence
with the sentiments of his letter abusing Gen. Lee, his evasion with honor, his secrecy with truth, either with the
spirit of an independent man or the duty of a good citizen.
Let them account for his conduct on any other hypothesis
than that involving a consciousness of the injustice of his
own aspersions; a fear of the exposure their avowal would
"draw over" him personally and politically, in substance as
well as in form; and an apprehension that besides this
formidable array of enemies, it would be attended by the
rupture of his alliance with Mr. Madison, and the consequent loss of this valuable auxiliary. For from the incom



JEFFERSON S LETTER TO MAZZEI.        397
patibility between the tenor of his professions to Gen.
Washington, and his communications to Mr. Madison, it
was morally impossible that an explanation, which would
disarm Gen. Washington, should not offend Mr. Madison.
M'hile to a private one, therefore, he was averse, a public
one he actually dreaded.
There is one sentence which brings us to the zero of
pusillanimity-to a point of prevarication, at which Mr.
Jefferson's moral sense seems to have undergone congelation,
and to have been attended by an instinctive assurance that
a similar catastrophe had befallen his friends-a degree in
the descending scale of dishonor at which shame and fear
are actually transmuted into vanity and impudence. After
this elaborate equivocation and dissembling, he exclaims:
"From my silence in this instance it cannot be inferred that
I am afraid to own the general sentiments of the letter. If
I am subject to either imputation, it is to that of avowing
such sentiments too frankly, both in private and public,
often when there is no necessity for it, merely because I
disdain every thing like duplicity"!! And to be convinced
that his love of truth was as sincere as his "disdain of
every thing like duplicity" you have only to remember
that he assured Gen. Washington in his letter abusing Gen.
Lee-which was written in the interval between the date
of the letter to Mazzei and of this to Mr. Madison, "of his
total abstraction from party politics"- that "political
conversations he really disliked, and therefore avoided when
he could, without affectation-or unless they were urged by
others."
There yet remain to be considered in this explanation to
Mr. Madison, two expressions, which will be found singularly significant. The first occurs in the following sentence
-"Now it would be impossible for me to explain this
publicly, without bringing on a personal difference between
34




398                   APPENDIX.
Gen. Washington and myself, which nothing before the
publication of this letter has ever done."  Does not the
conclusion of this sentence contain of itself a complete justification of Gen. Lee, out of Mr. Jefferson's own mouth 
What does it signify, but that although he was conscious
of having, before this letter to Mazzei was published, given
abulldant cause to justify the personal resentment of Gen.
Washington, it had as yet never been excited? What is it
but telling Mr. Madison, that notwithstanding the many
injurious and disparaging remarks, the numerous misrepresentations and calumnies in which he had ventured to
indulge, in his correspondence and conversations with him
and other ".political friends and connections," he had
hitherto managed to avoid a personal difference with Gen.
Washington? If this be not the meaning of his words, they
are destitute of meaning.
In the succeeding remark:-" It would embroil me too
with all those with whom his character is still popular, that
is with nine-tenths of the people of the United States"the adverb still, is as expressive as any single word can be.
The "tandem liber equus" of Virgil, so much celebrated
by commentators, yields to it in significancy. It unclasps
a volume of our national history which has as yet been very
little read —it developes the spirit of the volumnious correspondence I have beeL examining, and casts a detecting
light on the most obscure and invidious calumnies in Mr.
Jefferson's innumerable letters to Messrs. Madison and
Monroe. It now confesses to the world what it was then
intended to hint to these two chosen confederates, that in
spite of all his efforts to destroy the popularity of Gen.
Washiagton, there was but too good reasons to fear that a
great majority of the people of the United States remained
still devoted to him.
The truth is, however, that these efforts were ua.talto



JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO MAZZEI.         399
gether unsuccessful.  Gen, Washington did retire from
office, and descended to his grave with a name which,
though unsullied, was dimmed for a season by the slanders
thus hatched by Mr. Jefferson, and thus confided to his
compeers, and with a heart that was not agonized, only
because the ethereal temper of virtue is impassive to the
shafts of malice. This disinterested and devoted patriot
was publicly threatened with impeachment, and reduced to
the necessity of vindicating himself against an open charge
of pecuniary corruption. And after laying down his office,
he was condemned to learn that a leading member of Congress from his own State, had reproached him in debate
with a want of wisdom and firmness, and rejoiced at his retirement as an event of national advantage.
In the chicanery, slander, and ingratitude disclosed by
the examination of this part of Mr. Jefferson's career, was
laid the foundation of that ascendancy which he gained in
the United States, and transmitted to his successors,
Messrs. Madison and Monroe,-an ascendancy that has
been ascribed to patriotism, wisdom and justice, by a fiction
as gross in its nature, and as pardonable in its prevalence,
as that which induced the Romans to believe that they
drew their lineage from the gods.
The surviving partisans of Mr. Jefferson will not be
proud of this political pedigree; but as it is traced distinctly through his own "Writings," has every link of its
chain riveted by his own authority, it will require no little
address to escape from its incumbrance.  Mr. Madison,
indeed, from the supereminence of his reputation and
talents, and the strict account that history is likely to take
of his conduct, may feel himself called on by the publication of Mr. Jefferson's side of their correspondence to
declare whether, or in what degree, he conspired in those




400                  APPENDIX.
schemes which projected the shadow of a "dim eclipse"
between the glory of Washington and the admiration
of Iis fellow-citizens; and which, while the lustre of his
name shone unclouded in other lands, caused it, for a
space, to shed but pale and struggling beams upon his
native country.
THE END