a. ndre" carfler0.'


582945 -PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE


-SPEECH
OF
HON. MANUEL L. UEZON
OF THE PHILIPPINES
IN TSR


HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
THURSDAY, MARCH 2, 1911


The day has now arrved when it is absoutely essenta to.the happiness, welfare, and tranquillit of'the
Filipino people that a decdaration regarding their inde.
pendence be at once made by Congress.
WASHINGTON r". 1911. /...
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SPEECH
HON. MANUEL L. QUEZON.
The House having under consideration the bill (8. 9674) for the
relief of James Henry PayneMr. QUEZON said:
Mr. SPEAKER: The gentleman from         the Philippines [Mr.
LEGABDA] joins me in requesting the House to give proper consideration to the following cablegram from the secretary of
the Philippine Assembly:
Assembly adopted February 3, 1911, the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the assembly do, and hereby does, petition the Congress of the United States for the immediate recognition of the independence of the Philippine Islands In the manner set forth in the
memorial of the Nacionallsta Party dated September 1, 1910: and
"Resolved further, That the assembly adopts each and all of the conclusions and propositions contained in said memorial; and
"Resolved finally, That this resolution be cabled to the Congress of the
United States and to the Resident Commissioners for the Philippine
Islands, suggesting that they present and supportthe same in Congress
before the adjournment of the present session thereof."  -
DIOKNO,
Secretary Philippine Assembly.
The memorial referred to in this cablegram is one addressed
and delivered to the Secretary of War on his visit to the Philippines last year, which reads as follows:
LETTER OF THE NACIONALISTA PARTY (AS TRANSLATED AND PRINTED BY
THE WAR DEPARTMENT).
MANILA, September 1, 1910.
Mr. SECRETARY: The Nacionalista Party believing that it interprets
the feelings of all its members honors itself In directing to you this
statement of facts to call your attention to the true general aspiration
of the people of these islands, whose interests, well-being, and happiness the United States has assumed control of in e tablishing its
sovereignty over the Philippine Archipelago.       I
The Naclonalista Party was organized in the year 1906, and promptly
obtained popular favor. It has committees established in almost all the
towns of the archipelago and represents approximately 81 per cent of
the popular suffrage. At present of 81 members of the Philippine
Assembly, it has 66, and of 31 proval ovincial ernors, it has 23.
This party aspires to the immediate independence of the country,
because it belietes the Filipino people endowed with those conditions
necessary to establish and maintain a stable government of hw and
order, is has been proven by the existence of what was the government
of the Filipino republic in the years 1898 and 1899. The period of
experiment which has passed-during the American sovereignty is ample
to demonstrate that the Filipinos know how to make use of civil and
political liberty, and to comply with and to force compliance with the
laws, to avoid disorders, prevent abuses, and live in accordance with
the practices of civilized communities. It is for this reason that we
believe that the transfer of political control to the Filipinos an not
signify any sort of disturbance within the country, or danger to the
life, property, or liberty of residents therein, but on the contrary the
maintenance and preservation of the essential principles for.which are
established governments, law and order, and guaranties of liberty and
justice for everybody..
The independence of the Philippine people will be a due satisfaction
for the efforts and sacrifices made by Filipinos in acquiring cultivation
84780-9790




4
and western clvilization, and a compliance with the sacred principtes
of equality nnd liberty ot the people consecrated in the Declaration of
Independence of the United Stateo of North America.
The Indefinite retention of the Philippine Islands lends to produce
racist antogonism, miosuderstsnding, and reciprocal jeal-ousy among a
people -witose interests in ithe extreme Orient should be allied, mahes
didicolt the rapid development of the nationol aptitude of the Filipinos
In the manacentent and defence of their own interests, and sacrifices
the fotore of a yocng people dec.iroos of followinc the examples of the
oldest in their fruitful sorb for the good of progress and of the life of
humanity.
In this brief exposition in witich we will review the accomplisltments
and facts whkh itave revealed lthe apltittde of Filipinos for independent
self-governocent, and s-ill consider tome quoestions which.-affect tite problem of the reloaicots between Ameriea and the Philippine Islands, lt will
be neceessary to separate all lice mattero into various chapters with the.folloo-ing headinfgs
I. Capcacity deaonstrated by the Filipinos In the organization of a
popular self-covernomeat.
Ii. Trhe capacity of the Filipinos demonstrated during American
cant rol.
Ill. Alleged obstacles to independence: their econsideration.
IN'. Obctacles to the indefittite retention at the Pitilippine Islands
preparatcry to their independence.
I. CAPACITY DcmocccnTtATFD at rtc Ftltrticos IN THE ORG&vIZATIO'N Or
A POPULAS SELF-GOVEANSirNT.
It is important to set tactic some historic facts which hear on the
aspiration of the Filipinos for fndeicendence, and mahes patent the
apiiittdes of ithe leospile in sustaining a popular Independent government.
The Philippine islands were under the domination of Spain from
Ike 10th of Mlav. 1571, when tLegaspi loch possession of them in the
name of Phtilip II. The laws approved in the beginning for the adminlstratiist of insular affairs n-crc beneficent and protective in an extreme
degree for tise natisea of tite colonies. Tite Spanish people in the greatness of Ito then poser felt Itself imicelled to carry the light of Chcrisfinally and of civilization to tice inbabitants of the darkest places of the
eartit. It bcelieved, honestly, that it s-as called by Providence to govern
foreignc peoiple, even isy toeasn of violence, avith the object of making
theas halsiy, bringinc to item knowledge of the true God and to administer their interests paternaily. The Philippine Islands were governed in accordattce s-ilt this aliruistic sentinment, and the Filipinos
were effectively converted is Christianity and educated In what progress anod Etiropean civilizstion meonc.
The Fili '~nos at the end of 7100 years constituted a homogeneous pecp7 e, swith national aspirations, political ideals, and love of
progress and liberty. Nevertheless, the paternal rfgime continued as
at. the beginning, based on the false Idea that the people was a child
whose u-ill and opinion should not be taken Into account to determine
matters bearing on its own interest.  Tile people understood on the
other side titot tice colonial rfgime in force did not favor its rapid
progress to place it at the height of the civilized people of the earth,
The doctrines relating to the right of man and citizenship had advanced in tite conscience of the Filipinos, and as such rights were sot
recognized under the colonial regime, they were —consequently demanded.
The people by public aubscription and is other ways paid fer the sendIng of various Filipinos to Msadrid to bgncsayrfrsi           the
insular administration. The Idea that theFlpn    epesol have
the same political and Ovili rights us the Saihpolansmevoice
is thte administrotion sl its own affairs wstelmtothcapaign
Intrusted to the Filipinos sent to Spain.
The denial by the Spanish authorities of the petitions of the people
began to produce discontent among the Filipinos, and the Idea that they
were an object of political abuse was readily E~ccepted. The distance
from thep lace s-here this colony was governed, the intrigues of the
insular offcials to create the belief in the governing authority of the
metropolis of die inadvisability of reforming the policy sad- insular
administration, and the suspicions ~of which those Filipinos who bagged
reforms were the object were so many causes to present am appreciation of the justice of the popular demands and contributed to maintain and increase the general discontent and provohed hatred towsrd
that r~ime.
The hatred at what was considered political tyranny culminated In
1896, when Andrfs Bonitaclo, a man cumIng. from the working masss
started an insurrectional movement against Spain which acquired greet
84780-9790O




5
proportion, and ended in the so-called treaty of "Biak-4a-bato."  In
virtue of this treaty the leaders of the insurrection promnsed to accept
the program of reforms which, as they were made to understand, would
be brought about if they laid down their armbut as nothing was subsequently done, the insurrection continued, and on the opening of the
Spanish-American War in April, 1898, the Filipinos believed there had
arrived an opportunity of fighting determinedly for independence, expecting to count for this purpose on American aid. The American naval
forces destroyed the Spanish fleet, occupied the Bay of Manila and the
port of Cavite, while the Filipinos under the orders of Aguinaldo organized an army and took all the provinces of the archipelago from the
power of the Spanish. This ended practically the Spanish sovereignty
In the islands.
TYPE OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
There was immediately organized a Philippine government in all the
occupied places. The government was dictatorial at the beginning, but
this condition only lasted a month, or that is the absolutely necessary
time that Aguinaldo employed in exciting the spirits of his compatriots
in favor of Philippine independence.  During this time Aguinaldo,
"understanding that the first duty of all government- is to interpret
faithfully the popular aspirations," and understanding further "the
present necessity of establishing in each town a solid and robust organization, the firmest bulwark of public security and only measure of
assuring union and discipline indispensable for the implantation of the
republic, or, that is, the government of the people for the people,"
published a decree giving instructions to the people that were liberated
from the Spanish control to change the form of government in their
respective localities. The before-mentioned instructions outlined a type ~
of popular government simple and suitable to those moments of transition. It was provided that "so soon as the town is free from the
Spanish domination those residents most distinguished by their learning. social position, and honorable conduct, as well in the center of the
towns as in the barrios, should unite in a general meeting and elect
by majority votes a chief of the municipality and three delegates, one
of police and interior order, another of justice and civil register, and
another of taxes and property, and a chief or head of each barrio," all
of whom will form the popular junta. " The chiefs of the municipalities after having obtained the views of their respective juntas will
unite and will elect by majority votes a chief of the province and three
councilors for the three departments above named."  These officials
with the chief of the provincial capital will form the provincial council.
There was no difficulty in the application of these Instructions, and
the towns and provinces which were under the jurisdiction of the dictatorial government worked in conformity therewith. On June 23, 1898,
Aguinaldo resigned his dictatorial powers in the revolutionary government, "whose object is to struggle for the independence of the Philippine Islands until the free nations, including Spain, recognized it ixpressly, and to prepare the country for the implantation of a true
republic." The evident object of Aguinaldo in resigning his dictatorship was to give promptly to the people guaranties of a civil government
as most conformable to the character of the new institutions implanted.
The revolutionary government preserved the popular form of provincial
and municipal governments under conditions heretofore stated. The
central government was organized with the president as chief of the
government and executive power, assisted by four department secretaries, namely, foreign relations, marine and commerce; war and
public works; police and interior order; treasury, agriculture, and industry, with a revolutionary congress as the legislative power. whose
members were to be elected in the same manner prescribed for the election of the provincial officials.  To this revolutionary congress was
given true independence, since "the president of the government may
not prevent in any way whatever a reunion of congress. nor interfere
with sessions thereof," and with a commission of the congress presided
over by the vice president, and assisted by one of the secretaries of the
same, as supreme court to take cognizance on appeal of criminal matters
passed on by the provincial councils. The popular juntas and provincial councils were at the same time competent tribunals to take cognizance of civil and criminal matters, with their respective jurisdictions
well defined.
It is important to take note of these details to understand properly
what was the object of the government that thek I'ilipinos by themselves,
without aid or council of anyone, proposed t, adopt, having in mind
their conditions and political views. The fac; that the Filipinos had.efused to reestablish the old institutions. and that they had created
others-new ones-made it clear that the Filipinos not only had their
84780-9790




6
own political ideas, but likewise that their ideals are the most advanced
that the pro'gress of time has shown.  The revolutionary government
was. as has )aeen seen. in its essence popular. In all the governmental
divisions the,eople were represented by officials elected by them. This
is especially ihown if we refer to the organization of the judicial power
which was from top to bottom officered by elected officials.
THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED.
The authority of the revolutionary government was extended In a
few months to all the islands composing the archipelago by express
recognition of their inhabitants.  It was questioned in no part of
Luzon. of the Visayas, or of Mindanao after the people were delivered
from tile Spaniards.  The chiefs of the various non-Christian tribes
of the north of.uzon who never submitted to Spanish domination sent
messages acknhow-ldring( thle government then established. Prominent
Mohammlnedan chiefs of the island of Mindanao gave their spontaneous
and sincere adhesion.  The ditTiff-nt grades of civilization. the accidental differenccs of relirion. habits. and dialects, which are always
exaggerat(ed by those who are interested in presenting the Filipinos
as incapable of in-titnting gh indlendent self-government, were no
obstacle to smake diflicult in any way the establishment of said Philippine governmenat or the normal exercise of its authority over all the
islands. T'he Filipinos on displayling their national unity under that
government consecrated likewise its legitimacy under the principle that
the power of the governtmnt comes from the consent of the governed.
THE PHILIPPINE CONS-TITUTION.
In September. 1898. the revolutionary congress opened its sessions.
All the provinces of the archipelago were represented therein. After
the work of organization. congrress idevoted all its time to drawing up a
constitution.  )n the 20thll of January, lS!), the Filipino constitution
was appI)roved and Iplac-d in force inlmmedi;tely thereafter.
If tlhe spirit and letter of this constitution be considered, it will be
seen that its provisions contain all the principles of law, order, and
liberty contained in the modern constitutions of the world.
Title I defines the  'hililppine replublic. and declares that the sovereignty resides exclusiv(el in the people. Title II establishes the form of
popular representative 'government, alternative and responsible,. with
three distinct and indel)endent powers.
Title III recognizes tlis separation of the church and state and the
liberty and equality of all religions. Title IV contains the declaration
of individual rights to life. propl(rty, freedom of thought, reunion and
association. foundation of schools, and petition to authorities, the exercise of profession or industry, and prescribes the guaranties of these
rights. Authorizes the samte rights and guaranties to foreigners and
permits the latter to acquire 'Philippine citizenship by naturalization
papers and residence during two years in any territory of the republic.
Establishes obligatory military service, popular gratuitous and obligatory instruction, civil trial for all crimes, prohibits institution of
primogeniture and the entailing of property, the accepting and authorizing decorations and titles of nobility. Title V establishes -a representarive assembly in which resides the legislative power. Representatives will be such of the nation. and may not receive any imperative
mandate from their electors. They may not be molested for their opinions or votes nor imprisoned without authority of the assembly. The.
assembly may try tile highest officials of'-the government for crimes
against the state. Title VI constitutes a permanent commission of the
assembly during the closing of the sessions toeGeclde on certain specific
matters. Title VII declares the president of the republic chief of the
executive power which he exercises through his secretaries. Questions
relating to private interests of the municipalities correspond to the
provincial and popular assermblies and to the central administration on
the base of the amplest decentralization and economy. Title VIII provides the election of the president of the republic by means of a constituent assembly by absolute majority of votes. The term is for four
years with reelectlon. The president may initiate laws and is obliged
to promulgate those which have been approved. Title IX provides for
a council of government composed of a president and seven secretaries,
who are collectively responsible before tlie assembly for the general
policy of the nation, and individually for their personal acts. Title X
declares that tile judicial power rests in the supreme court and other
tribunals provided by law. empowering any citizen to bring action
against the individuals of the judicill power for crimes committed in
the exercise of tlleir offices. Title XI provides that the organization
and powsers of tlhe provincial andl populllar assemblies will be fixed by
84780-O-9790




7
law under certain conditions. Title XII regulat't-he administration
of state. Title XIII provides methods and form lof amending the constitution. Title XIV provides that all officials irust swear to support
the constitution. Adopts as official language the Spanish. Temporarily
places in force the Spanish laws and regulations as to the exercise of
civil rights of citizens.            I
There can be no doubt that this constitution not only represents the
grade of cultivation of men that drew itp, but that it shows likewise
that the Filipinos considered a system of popular givernment as that
most suited to their conditions and the experiences of the country.
They did not think of copying and imitating the institutions with which
they were most familiar. On the contrary, they constructed a system
radically contrary to that which had been in force herel for several
centuries. In some of the lines of this constitution is observed a tendency to maintain any sort of oligarchy, but'in all of them are imprinted democratic principles more accentuated, perhaps, than in many
of the republican constitutions of the day. The Philippine constitution,
as it was drawn up by representatives of the revolutionary congress,
portrays with fidelity more than any other act of the Filipinos of that
time the aspirations and political ideals sf the people of the islands.
CONDITIONS WHICH PREVAILED UNDER THAT GOVERNMENT.
In the conditions of order, tranquillity, and progress which prevailed
under the authority of the revolutionary government there was clearly
displayed the good dispositions of these people for the direction of their
own affairs. A decree of Aguinaldo abolishing all gambling privileges
and cockfighting taxes, "because they tend only to ruin the people,
with slight advantage to the public treasury," was sufficient that the
people should give up completely their ancient favorite practices.
Crimes and ordinary misdemeanors diminished notably in number.
There were enjoyed as in no time entire security, well-being, and content. The parties of bandits which from the most remote periods were
accustomed to disturb the order voluntarily disappeared. The spirit of
cooperation of the people in the measures of the government for good
order and progress was evidenced by the- liberal treatment of the Spanish prisoners, the respect to foreigners, the attendance. at school, and
the return to customary field work in those places in which the revolutionary condition had ceased.
The government on its part, without neglecting provisions fbr war,
consecrated itself to organize the most important and urgent public
services. The corps of civil physicians to watch over sanitary conditions, hygiene, and urbanization of the provinces was established. There
was created a civil register in all the municipalities. The chiefs of the
municipalities were authorized to act provisionally as notaries in the
authentication of documents and extrajudicial acts. There was founded
a university to teach law, medicine, pharmacy, and notaryship, and the
institution" Burgos" for studies of the general high-school class, and
there was ordered the reopening of all the municipal primary-szoolas
All the provincial councils and popular juntas were ordered to proceed
to the repair and preservation of roads, bridges, and -public buildings,
because "the ways'of communication were one of the causes which contribute to material and moral progress of every country." There was
created~an institute for vaccination to prepare and distribute vaccine to
all the provinces. There was established a bureau of census and statistics. There was organized a corps of communications to regulate the
sending of correspondence and telegraphic dispatches between the towns
and provinces.
The government not only organized practically all the public services which existed under the Spanish Government, but likewise adopted
various provisions which showed its good desire to watch over the general interest, prohibiting the sale of copra which is not thoroughly dry
"as prejudicial to the credit of commercial articles," and the slaughtering of carabao useful for agricultural purposes " because they might
be better used in the fields."
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES.
On the 23d of January, 1899, in accordance with the constitution.
proclamation of the Philippine republic was made in the town of
Mlolos; Aguinaldo was proclaimed chief of said republic. Hut shortly
thereafter, that is, on the 4th of February, occurred the opening of
hostilities between Americans and Filipinos. This outbreak was a surprise for the Filipinos. But the moral union of the people and Philipine Government was displayed during the new condition of war.
Aguinaldo published a proclamation ordering the war, and his order was
obeyed in all sections. The American forces encountered open resistance wherever they were, and had to forcibly capture or force the
84780-9790




8
Philippine forces to surrender by superiority of resources. The spirit
of resistance terminated toward the end of 1901, and the Filipinos,
through the efforts made by some of their compatriots, agreed to recognize American domination.
II. THE CAPACITY OF THE FILIPINOS DEMONSTBATED DURINa   AMERICAN
CONTROL.
Nothing can indicate better the capacity of the people for independent government than the spontaneous adhesion that the same people
is giving to the essential democratic principles which inspire the present government and its cooperation in the many steps that have been
taken for the betterment of the intellectual, moral, social, and material
conditions of the people.
If this people should be lacking in those conditions necessary for
progress, doubtless any effort in that direction undertaken by the
American Government would have been fruitless. It would not be true
to affirm that all the progress realized in the Philippine Islands has
been due to the energy and talent of the Government, since without the
cooperation of the people, without the practical sense indispensable to
appreciate good, no beneficient work would have been carried successfully to a termination.
A resume setting forth the manner in which the Filipinos have conducted themselves in the exercise of the powers conferred on them
under the present government will show us that the conception and
application by the Filipinos of a popular government are entirely satisfactory.
PUBLIC ORDER.
The satisfactory state of public order in the islands has been brought
about with the ajd and efforts of the Philippine people. The work of
the American Army doubtless has been a factor in finishing the war
and establishing peace, but the maintenance of order and tranquillity
after the period of the war is due to the determined attitude and to
the decided interest of the people to pursue in peace the struggle for
their political ideals and to consecrate themselves to the cause of
progress and prosperity destroyed by six years of disturbance. This attitude reveals nothing but good, practical sense-the good disposition
which this people has of considering existing conditions in the determination of its national convenience.
Public order is maintained in the municipalities and provinces by
Filipino officials and agerts with the exception of some chiefs and
officers of the constabulary. 'The agricultural work and the operations
of commerce. are effected with the greatest tranquillity and security
for all. The violations of order and the local disturbances occasioned
by misdemeanors are not numerous, so that the Philippine people may
sustain In this matter a favorable comparison with any of the most
civilized countries of the world. The good disposition of the-people
toward the maintenance of order and the discipline of the law is evidenced most pathetically, taking int, consideration that there has
passed bat a short time since the period of war with the subsequent
disturbance and that there has not disappeared from the mind of the
people many of the motives and prejudices which originated in the war
and provoked from time to time discontent with the present situation.
There is no little argument 'in faror of the orderly and disciplined
spirit of the people in the fact that the exercise and practice of civil
ahd political rights completely new to the inhabitants of these islands,
such as liberty of religion and direct suffrage, have not occasioned long
and bloody struggles which they have produced in nations of longer
history than ours.
THE LOVE FOR AND PROGRESS IN PUBLIC INSTBUCTION.
The great interest which the Filipino people has shown for education
is quite evident. One of the causes frequently cited and which contributed to the discontent of the Filipinos with the Spanish regime was
the monopoly exercised in instruction by the religious corporations,
which showed no great desire for the instruction of the masses of the
country. In reality, during that regime primary or elemental instruction received little attention. The instruction in the secondary grade
and in superior and university grades was deficient and sectarian. But
in the midst of such a vicious system the zeal for study and the interest
of families in sending their children to the schools and colleges established in the Philippines or to Europe to acquire a more extended education were very marked. Poor families imposed on themselves all classes
of sacrifices that their children might study.  In many cases they
begged of the rich families or their friends that they should acept their
children in domestic service so as to permit them some free hours to
dedicate themselves to study., 84780-9790




9
The general movement noted under American control in favor of education is not, therefore, new in the history of this country. The Filipino people appreciates the advantages given by education and information of life. It recognizes its necessity and has a sympathy and
aptitude for all sorts of education. This explains the fact that the
number of children attending the schools has crowded in many cases the
capacity of said schools and that at times there was necessity of denying admission to pupils. This explains likewise the fact that there has
not been lacking pupils in the industrial schools or others of special
branches of education little or not at all known in past periods. It is
a source of congratulation to be able to say that in all experiments
which have taken place to prove the love of instruction or the measure
of the intellectual capacity of the people the proof in our favor has
been decisive.
Two years ago effort was made to open courses for nurses. This was
an instruction completely unknown in the country. The education given
to woman in former times-not to be for a long time absent from home,
not to know or to comply with other obligations than those purely domestic, not to require of her severe and difficult labor which was considered proper only for men-appeared to give little hope for a successful outcome of the new experiment, but, in view of the results obtained,
there can be no doubt that the effort has been a complete success, which
speaks in favor of the aptitude of the Filipino woman for the evolution
of modern civilized life. The constant increase of schools and of the
attendance of children of the school age since American occupation are
phenomena generally observed in all the provinces. The following statement of attendance taken from the last report of the secretary of public
instruction proves this assertion:
Pu blic  Monthly
schools, attendance.
1903.........................................................  2,000  150,000
1904........................................................  2,233  227,600
1905..................................................  2,727  311,843
1906.........................................................  3,166  375,534
1907.........................................................  3,436  335,106
1908.........................................................  3,701  359, 738
1909..............................................   4,194  437,735
There has been observed on many occasions a tendency to suppress
or postpone the payment of land tax by the municipal or provincial
governments, while at the same time they have tried to continue in
force that part of said tax destined to the schools, and when this has
not been successful the consideration of closing the schools in case of
failure to pay said tax has exercised such influence in the provincial
and municipal governments that there have continued in full effect the
provisions of the law.
In view of the foregoing demonstration, there can be no fear that the
Filipino people will maintain itself in ignorance. A people that shows
the live interest in being instructed, such as the Filipino has shown
before and now, can not constitute a danger for a regular and orderly
maintenance of a popular government.
THE EXERCISE OF SUFFRAGE.
One of the fears of those who considered the Filipinos incapable of
popular self-government is that they would not have sufficient discretion to elect to those offices which must be filled by election the best
people in the community. i The exercise of suffrage by the Filipinos has
shown, nevertheless, that they know    how to make good use of this
privilege. Up to the present the electors have been abe to confide public offices to persons who could duly perform their duties as officials.
In the majority of cases they are persons of intelligence and responsibility who have known how to justify their election and bring about
during their official terms the betterment of their respective towns. An
excellent proof of this fact is that with rare exceptions there has not
been suspended or deprived of his office any provincial elective Filipino
dfficial since American domination. Nor is the percentage of municipal
officials suspended or deprived of office greater than that in independent
nations, especially if it is considered that not all the suspensions or deprivations of office are the result of grave faults which affect the morality and capacity of certain officials.
84780-9790




10
ce gond judgment and discretion of the electoral body are 50 mani-.sot that the reosutst of an election have given origin to few welt-founded
protests. The logical and immediate inference that we may drawv from
this is that there enxint wvithin the electoral body an Iateltigent public
opinion which influences and decidea emphaticafly the results of the
elect ions.
An indication lihewise highly favorhibte to thc Filitpilao people in relation to thle exe ecise of ithe suffrage is tbat all the elections hove tahen
place with thle greoteot order in spite, otany times, of the intensity of
the otruggle ibetween candidaten of different sorties prior to alto election.
It to niot less potent ond indicative of fine discretion in the peoplet the
fttct thut otter the elections,_ or after a protested election bus teen decided, the detested sninocity lsonws itself definitely resigned and mahen
no effort to it1irset or oh.otruct tbe adtninistration of the official elected,
aso haypens is sitter countries that are niece sarisotoned" to the use of
the osuffroge. WVe do not ss'isis absolutely to affirm that there are no
enceytiosn to Ibis title, lists that stilt is tite rstle confirms our ntatement
that the Filipino people is coysisle of msanazing a poptuttar govertnment
supported bsy thr inflseisce of a sane and intclligt-nt psibtic opintion. This
ittfluenceoshoss's itself liltesis;e in tise cases of those officials woh in
poster have tiot compsilied slith their promises and duties and who later,
on worhing for their reelectiosn, fo il so their object even though men of
education, money, oc inilussnie.
ORGANttA'TION OF POLITICAL PARTIES ANn THEItR RELATtONS.
The organization of political parties under democratic rdgime Is absolutelytnecs-stary. Political parties are orgatioesi in tise PItrillppines, and
from  thse beginning ilt-ce wass tisrhedly disislay-d the too tendencies
whicit enisted   in all costntries in  which  prce-sailed  individsal iliserty,
namely, the conservative anod the radicul.      Betote the pruclumation of
tite so-efillesi orsianic loss of tusly I, 19)02, there wa'a organised the nocalled F'sde-rasl Party ss'iche to esissated ithe isrinciple of final annexation
of the isionsds to the Uuitesi Stales. W~itisout affirming or discustsing
whetiser its dirctrors aisd tostnders sincerely sustaitted this principle or
not and sshctisc rit' xias changed toter, tite fuct is they fottnd In this
formula, or rather aith that of is-are, a meons of weahening the revolution. Forced thereto isy circutmstasnces, the people accepted peace under
the Amserican sovereigtsty. - The Federal Party wa-a the only party during that time, sinci- the part-isans of iosmesilite independence of the
country, In spite of isoving attempted to organize a party, did not obtain tise cotsesnt of the American Governtoent which qualified them as
uphoisiers and sympatiziesrs of tie revolution its arms. Later, when the
organic lass's-s pronsulgated, different partiess arose, all af which aspired to foual indeisetdence for the counatry. The Federal Party in 190i4
on as-ring tisat tise Idea of atncnextiou fossnd no popuiar ohipport, changed
its original prosgtoa and set forth in itn place the otbtaining of indepettdence isy gradual steps and successive increase of Filipino control
In  tie adssinistratioss  of tise gsoverntaent.  Without weahening      their
vies's, strong In their former desires, tise partisans of Immediate independence fosrned at lie end of tise year 1906 a great organization entitled -- lartido Nacionulinta" wisich has extended rapidiy througisout
the cossatrys becausse It rispondid setter to its political aspirations.
Tise princlynl program of thisi party is, as has been said, the Immediate
indeisendence of the country.
In thisi mianter acre properly defined the two tendencies of Filipino
opinion. The principals of tite Federal Putty, nsw coiled "1Pntrtido
iris5-.slts." rs' trest-nt the  conservotive   tetdency  of man, and      the
Pa lrtido Nucionsalista -- the radical tendency.
Bus even tise consers-ativ-e tendenscy can not now osupport In any
manner the permasne-nt maintenance of tse present relations with Nbrth
Ameriess, nor tise radii-al tendency conneive of the employment of
visit-nt meassoiris to tiring asoist the change of sovereignty.      One, as
well its the other, sellis-ss that indepetistnce mttst he given       to the
iseopie of the isisands. onsd differ only in the Idea as ton how and when
Independence asimst be olitained.
In the relations beta-cnn the men of both parties there Is noted
nesarly alwayn o close ailissnce and unity of opinion in considering
atatters relating to tise hsest manner of administering local affairs
stinder this proviasionul government, and althostgh, as is nantural in
time of elections, st-ere are ssttcred bitter censures and recriminations,
the isormony shirts Is maintained and sthe cous-tesy with which they
treat each othser In tise course of titeir relations are an indibation thai
they consider the public interest completely separate from the selfishness of faction or of party, Chines isave occutrred In the reiations of
butts parties within the assembly and out of' It, and likhewise in the
rotations between the prominent men In tine same party, hut suth
8478i0-9790




11
crises not having been frequent were altogether passing, ending In
the greatest cordiality and respect. It is certainly flattering to the
pride of the Filipinos to cite that fact, which shows better than any
other the practice of tolerance and of mutual consideration between
both parties which occurred in the assembly during the discussion of
the Payne bill. The Irogresista minority unanimously declined to
assist at the sessions of the assembly, believing itself offended at the
treatment given it by the majority, but at the end of a week. through
mutual explanations, the affair remained satisfactorily adjusted to
both sides.
PROVINCES AND MIUNICIPALITIES.
The administration of the provinces and municipalities can not bua
merit a favorable opinion regarding the aptitude of the Flliplnoo for
the exercise of the powers intrusted to them. In reality, consild ring
the provincial administration, the functions authorlzed to Filipinos
suffer such limitations that it is frequently found that the local initla.
tives are crippled by the delays of a centralized regime. But in spite
of this, to the energy, skill, and patriotism of the provincial govern.
ments are due the preservation of order, the progress of public Insttruc
tion, the betterment of the highways, bridges, and public buildings, the
introduction of sanitary and hygienic measures, and the assurance ot
improvements of all sorts for the well-being of the community In their
respective provinces.
The municipal officials, on their part overcoming many difficulties,
of which the greatest is the lack of funds, show each day a noble
emulation in bettering the public service In their respectlve localities.
If the Interest displayed by the municipal officials in the construction
of public edifices, particularly schools and markets, In the boring of
artesian wells for public sanitation, and the implrovement of neillhborhood roads, in the prosecution and punishment of evildoers, and in the
ornamentation and sanitation of public pli.ces, be considered, there Is
reason for saying that everywhere they understand the true public in.
terest, and the officials understand at the same time that they are
servants of the public well-being. The municipalitles which can count
on sufficient funds have realized all classes of public works that are
monuments of progress and of efficiency in the public service. The
majority of the municipalities naturally can not display such monuments,
because of lack of resources, but all can show that they have done
something for the towns and for the people, who see with deep feeling
the excellent use they are making of the money provided by the payntent of their taxes.
The interest with which in some places are attended the popular
conferences in which instruction is given to the people of its rights and
civic duties, is an argument against what Is affirmed by some writers
of "Caclqulsmo" of the local officials, which they supposed very gen.
eral in the towns of the Philippine Islands. In these conferences the
first who take part are the very local functionaries and young people
of the schools. The Philippine Assembly initiated a law for this purpose, which is producing excellent results.
PHILIPPINE MAGISTRATES AND JUDGES.
There is a very general belief against the methods of administration
of justice by oriental people, especially when the parties,i litigation
are not natives, but of other races. The organization of tribunals of
justice In the Philippine Islands, and the participation which has been
given to the Filpinos in it, have shown the inconsistency of such
belief. The Fllipino magistrates and judges, whether they have sat
together with Americans or alone. can not be accused of partiality or
bad faith. Some decisions of Filipino judges have given origin to
suspicions among the Filipinos themselves that they have been dictated to under executive influence; it has not been possible to confirm
these suspicions and they only have their foundation in what is
generally considered a defect In the present system, which confers on
the executive the power to name and remove said judges. No American or foreigner has been able to formulate a just accusation against
any Filipino judge for lack of competence or integrity in his decisions
and methods, and this proves that the law in Fllipino hands offers
equal protection to everyone, native or foreigner, poor or rich. The
reputation of the Filipino judge has always been very high, and this
has been noted by some Americans who have familiarized themselves
with the affairs of the Phillpplne judiciary. There is not seen, then,
any reason to believe that if the government were Filipino the native
judges would not conduct themselves in the manner in which they now
perform their duties in hearing and deciding the questions which are
presented before the judges without fear or favor.
84780-9790




12
FILIPINO EMPLOYEES SUBJECT TO THE CIVIL SERVICE.
The efficiency shown by Filipinos subject to civil service in public
office which they occupy justifies the belief, heretofore expressed publicly before a body of the Representatives of Congress in 1905, that
there were sufficient persons in the country to serve the public interests in the different branches of administration. This statement was
understood apparently erroneously as an enunciation of the incorrect
idea that the Filipino had of popular government, believing that there
was necessary a governing class and another class- obedient and submissive. But the idea which It was Intended properly to express was
that the administration of the public Interests might be well served
by a sufficient number of persons who possess the necessary intelligence
and zeal for the fulfilling of their public duties. The belief has been
completely demonstrated by facts.
Speaking of Filipino employees, the executive secretary, In his
annual report for 1905, made the following statement: "The Fllipinos
have demonstrated marked capacity in many respects, and a devotion
to duty and a desire to increase their knowledge, and have demonstrated that under good auspl'ces they may execute original work of
highly creditable character, which merits more praise than is generally
conceded to them."  All the Philippine governors general during the
American administration have agreed on this point, and Gov. Gen.
Forbes, in his inaugural discourse, said: " I would not desire better men tllan the present officials and employees of the government
Americans as well as Filiplnos. They may be favorably compared
with any men that I have seen In my life in respect to aptitude and
fidelity In compliance with duty."
I'sILIl'rPINE ASSIEMBLY.
We reach the climax of this probational process. If the plain demonstrations of capacity given by the country in the other orders of public
activity heretofore mentioned were not sufficient, the establishment of
the Philippine Assembly, and its recognized success, give one of those
i ncontrovertlble arguments which in other affairs would bring about a
decisive and final state. Summarizing in the work of reestablishing
public order, there was nothing new, the Filipino people having been
accustomed for many years to comply with the law and to maintain its
rule almost by Itself. The Filipino people is old in the practices of a
life of progress and order. Thus it may be understood how the exercise of the liberty of the press, the liberty of association and assembly,
the liberty of petition have not produced disturbances of any class,
nor have grave disturbances been caused by the freedom of religion in
a people accustomed to profess the religion of the state, and with a
great majority belonging to a single religion. Guided by Its profound
good sense and the experience of freer people, there was settled in the
courts, and not outside of them, those contentions as to ecclesiastical
property, the defense of whose possession and control would have
shaken in other places, we are certain, the foundations of society. In
the midst of the revolution the people knew by itself how to maintain
order and respect property in those towns where there was lacking a
local government, due to the capture thereof by American troops and
the abandonment thereof a little later by them, and consequently lacking the safeguards either of a Philippine government or of an American
government. The fact that a great deal of the merit of completely
reestablishing public order in the Philippines may Justly be attributed
to the local authority, to the people itself, should carry. great weight
with those who honestly, but with little knowledge of conditions, constantly speak of the ignorance of the Philippine people and of their
lack of qualificatlons to maintain a government of law and order, but
produces no great effect with those who are more familiar with our
conditions and know perfectly that nothing of this is new among us.
A stronger argument is supplied by the appropriate use of the
suffrage, efficiency of Philippine officials, elective as well as appointive,
and the success of local governments. We doubt if there are people
who exercise the suffrage with the same purity and order as the
Filipino people. We are sure that the efficiency of our public officials
passes the most rigorous test. It is not ours, but American and foreign opinion which places our tribunals of justice at the highest level.
And just as In the exercise of the suffrage, however great were the
limitations under the past domination placed on our initiatives and the
free manifestation of civic virtues, in the local governments of modern
type implanted in the Philippines during this rdgime, there have been
given those clear demonstrations of political experience that prove
that the progress and the condition of instruction of the people can not
be judged solely by the data that the census may give with reference
84780-9790




13
to literacy, and that true political experience depends as much on the
opportunities given to the people as those high virtues, valor, energy,
discretion, and patriotism, which are the fruit of civilization, and are
not the exclusive patrimony of any race.
Where fear would appear better founded is in the establishment of
a popular assembly. The Filiplnos, it was said, have not had any parliamentary experience. There were not lacking persons who, having
superficially studied history and finding that the life of some parliaments had been worked out through centuries, exacted as an essential
condition for the success of parliamentary liberty centuries of experience. On the other hand, elections for delegates to the assembly had
been very bitter and the triumphant party with an immense majority
was the radical party, the defender of immediate independence, which
ha'd had little contact with the present regime, and which had not intervened, except when the people was called to deposit its votes.
Contrary to all the fears, contrary to all prejudice and suspicion, the
Philippine Assembly was inaugurated on the 16th of October, 1907,
and its organization was immediately made effective. The organization
was completed in 40 minutes. When there is considered the Inherent
difficulties in the organization of an assembly, when it is taken into
account the difficult experience of the older parliaments, when the
recent experience of Cuba is brought to mind, calm and reflection permit
us to appreciate all the success of this decisive step taken by the
Filipino people.
The practical sense of the assembly is singularly revealed in the type
of organization adopted. It is easy to understand that the representatives of the people having united for the first time, many of them
coming from the provinces most remote from the capital, and the
country being without fixed precedents, each one would bring a private
opinion as to organization. Finally, there was adopted the type of
organization of the Congress of the United States, which, as was seen
later, was most adapted to our - interests. Probably there was considered in this selection the idea that In this manner, selecting a type
that was familiar to Congress, the latter might judge of the labor of
the assembly with greater facility and accuracy. It was not the most
-'   appropriate to deliver long and sterile orations and provoke in the
assembly those debates that are so frequent in other countries, and
which, though they result in a very interesting spectacle for those that
have no interest in the success of the organization, injure on the other
-hand the seriousness of an assembly and necessarily delay the prompt
and proper dispatch of business. The lines of discretion and seriousness that the delegates adopted then in their deliberations and debates show that their intention on adopting the American rule was
that of abolishing all unnecessary difficulty and to proceed with resolution and expedition in the transaction of the important business in
its charge. The Filipino delegates were not ignorant of the defects
which, among the advantages of regulations formed through partlotism,
wisdom, and experience, appear, as in all human work, In the drganization of the Congress of the United States, but placed the application
of the rules in the hands of persons who knew how to interpret at the
same time the true needs of the assembly and its sentiments. There
was named as president of the committee on rules a member of the
assembly, and not the speaker, and the theory of good democracy applied to the dispatch of the business of the assembly gave as a result
that initiative which received a stimulus, and all the legislative business was regularly and promptly dispatched. The fact that the majority of the assembly composed more than four-fifths of the membership served to show the liberality and patriotism of its members, and
there was conceded to the minority in spite of this not only representation in all of the committees, but the chairmanship of several of them.
There were associated all and were excluded none from the labor of
the assembly; thus there was recognized and protected the minority
and there were likewise fixed the foundations of an organization the
results of which we are now going to see.
The assembly entered boldly on its duties. Without passion and
without hatred, forgetting that its members belonged to different political parties that there had been a fierce struggle in the elections, there
was remembered only that they belonged to a common country and the
public welfare was a sacred charge placed in its hands. The highest
feeling of responsibility, that responsibility of which the Filipino peo-.ple had given so many and such great proofs in other moments of Its
history, accompanied the assembly in its tasks. Its legislative work
has been fruitful and the scalpel of study and criticism penetrated
from the little local details to the organization of the central government. The task of fixing the budget was approacned vigorously and
84780-9790




14
there were presented proposals to simplify the present organization of
the rentral government. Wittiost systematic opposition, projecto were
defeated considtered] prejudicial to the people or thot infringed its
rights. Noithing indicates bietter the ciharacter of the tirot assemhly
than the conctrurtivs tendeact of its tows, and this merit, singular In
a neaw legisative tiody. scould met-it withotit donut the close considersfloat and leng-thy ciudy of tituie wiio may or must juiige of the capacity
of the Filipinos for the management of their own affairs.
Nothing was forgotten. ansi the resolutions of the -assemhly making
1'a putldic declaration of the sentimeats of the people to tive a free and
ladependent life are a monument tc Ito loyalty and its ciictism.  It
isnot irue that sonie of the political partiea represented in the assemhly
have mode concrete piromises of immedilate lndetiendence If Its memhers
reached the assemhly. and the colt' thsing which sustained It and which
now sustaiaa It is that the Filiplac people desire it. The policy of ihe
assembly was condacted wittiin the omplest tolerance and the host
feeling of ntaelli-gence and coclierotion. sod this woo done not hecasse
within or without the asoscaill the Filipino pecple had renounced its
ideals, hot bsecause it woo lielieved that oScii pclicsy would he, among
other measures. a proper argiiaient to show the Justii~e of such Ideals.
In this manner when the party that ohtained the asajority in the first
elections again presentid itself t* the. pecple ta the-electoral campaign
which preceded the seccond assacoiblp. it received the meat sincere and
complete approval of the people. which elected a more considerahle'majcrity to its flovr thanr in the last.
Edacatioa. material imprecemats, agricalture, Industry and commerce, pahlic health. local governsments. lahor-everything which -has
lieen under the consideration of the assemblty-recetoed tImmediate and
efficient attenticn. Two viry noctahle tendencies of the legislation
passed are, first, the profoundly democratic sense which was shown
from the fCccl instance in the latw appr-opriating a million pesos, fcor the
schocls. and in the law gcoverning tahoe accidents; and, s~nd, the
character of stolsility hrciiclit to the legislative sphere an d-appropriately shown in the law which provided for the revision of aft the codes
sled the compilation of the inii ite numbler of admInistrative laws now
is force. When thi-re is sees sand judged with eyes tree from all
prejudice the result of the Philippine Assemhly, which has fully ju-stifled the hopes of those that vosiched for It and were responsihle to
Congress for its estahlishment, and a-hen are considered the tremendotm
difficulties that in the advance of the liherty of all countries accompony the oroanization and operation of popular assemhlies, in the
serene jodgment of all Impartial and lust men there must necessarily
he admintted the bosis on which the Filipino people nests in Insisting on
their demando which adversity and mishaps fortify and esolidify, to
possess the high attritiates sod assame the grave responaihillties of a
*.   sovereign free and indepeadeiat government.
III. ALLFGED OBSTACLES TO INDPE~NDENCEn: Tunta CaNSIDERATIONe.
There are some ohjections that the statesmen responsihie for the
tires-vt policy of the toiled St-iles In the Philippines have presented
to the natural amhition of Filipinos possessing an indepenadent selfgoveronment. riese olijections are summtarized hrieh~y In the lack of
preliaration of ihe Filipinos for the exercise of the responsihilities and
powers inherent in ouch governments on account of defective conditions,
tome Inherent and others transitory. presented hy the present state of
Philippine civilization, or the natute of the Filipinos. Whether these
shiuctions hove or not a solid foundation to deny or defer the transfer
to the Filipinos of political control of their own affairs Is what we
wilt consider in this chatiter.
It is to he lamented, nevertheless, that the progress of political
science has not estoluliolued definitely the conditions of preparation which
peotple require to lie cblei to govern themselses, since the lack of commoo rule mahes it tittle less than Impossilile to know if a given people
has or not the rn-cscary conditions to maintain an independent government. Independent nations present such different conditions, such contradictory systems of government, vices and virtues so different, ianguauges. caste ma, and ustoges so -varied, that testy we can not know to
a certainty a-hat are the conditions which exist in independent nations
and which are laching in the Filipino people. This will necessarily
limit oar study solely to those conditions or defects of osr peopie, or
of osr civilization. that arn mentioned hy those who are interested in
not conceding indelsendence to the Filipinos.
In the declarutions made authoritatively af the American policy In
the Philippine Islanda there has heen frequently stated the helief that
the isloonds wvould lie delivered to a hloody and horrihle chaos If they
84780i-9790i




15
should be left to their fate; that the United States has the duty of
educating the ignorant masses of the people until they can know their
civil rights and sustain them against the abuses of the superior classes
and exercise with certainty their political rights; that if the Islands
should now be left to the Fillpinos the probable result would be the
organization of an oppressive and cacique oligarchy, which would
exploit the inferior masses; and that the educated as well as the
ignorant masses of the Filipino people must be educated In the practice
of political power, of which they have not had experience, until the
Filipino people shows itself reasonably fit to control a popular government, mainta'ning law and preserving order and offering to the rich
and poor the same protection of the laws and of civil rights.
DISORBDE AND CHAOS.
The first point we must study, because it is the most important condition in the life of an Independent government, is the question of
order and the method of preserving It. The causes which are Indicated
as likely to generate a condition of anarchy, the government being in
the hands of the Fillpinos, are: (a) That in all periods, and from
the earliest days of Philippine civilization, there have existed in the
islands bands of ladrones, who infest the Provinces and control pacific
residents and the forces of the Government; (b) that the profound
ignorance of the masses constitutes a constant danger to public trantranquillity; (c) that the irresponsible power of the caciques over their
ignorant fellow citizens would always be used in cases of discontent
for purposes of vengeance and to destroy the peace. Before beginning
to consider these characterictics, which are believed peculiar to the
present state of the country, we take note of what many Impartial
observers have written concerning the character of the Filipino people.
The Filipino people, according to these observers, who have associated
familiarly with them, is pacific by temperament, is inclined to peace,
is patient, and at times even indolent in seeking reparation for offenses
committed against them when they may be borne. This opinion Is
proven by history. In the long period of Spanish domination history
scarcely records a few local disturbances; not one had a general
character, except the revolution of 1896, which reappeared in 1898 and
which, as known, was based on political motives.
During the period of the revolutionary government no grave disturbances occurred affecting the interior order of the Provinces comprehended within the jurisdiction of Aguinaldo's government. Nothing,
then, may be feared with respect to the public order and public tranquillity which may come from a natural propensity in the inhabitants
of the islands for disorder and revolution, as occurs in many countries
of Latin origin.
The existence of certain bands of robbers, few in number, and disturbing few Provinces during the Spanish government, were the consequences of temporary causes arising from the deficiencies of the
political system in force in the islands and from the condition of
poverty which prevailed among the common mass of the people. The
rural inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were unarmed against the
violators of order, and the guardia civil which was spread throughout
the Provinces was insufficient to protect the inhabitants of the remote
barrios. The terror of the guardia civil and the crimes it committed
against defenseless residents tended rather to augment the number of
robbers than to suppress them. The lack of means of defense and
protection must always constitute a cause of public insecurity, because
It Is not practicable to require the residents of a neighborhood to defend themselves against the wicked members of the-community who
have arms and resources dangerous to their lives and properties. The
condition of order during the present sovereignty Improved only when
the constabulary could be concentrated in a sufficient number in one
or a few Provinces to encourage the people to pursue robbers and to
terrorize and scatter the latter by their presence. The only measure
consequently to remedy such unfortunate condition is to distribute
among the people sufficient arms to resist and destroy individuals who
are members of such bands. Failing in this, the same state of things
which formerly existed will still exist in those neighborhoods in which the
police force Is not sufficiently efficient by number or by arms to prevent
the temporary formation of bands of three or more persons devoted to
robbery and violence, especially in the years of bad rice crops, because
then hunger reduces to a truly miserable condition numbers of the
residents of the mountains without other resources.
It is not to be assumed, however, that the same causes which brought
about-the forming of bands of robbers In former times would be revived under the government of the Filipinos. As a fact, such bands
were dissipated during the government of Aguinaldo. The right,to
84780-9790




16
bear arms would doubtless be one of the rights which would be recognized under an independent government, and this would give to each
community practical means of protecting its lives and interests against
those persons prejudicial to the same. These would tend to cease their
evil habits or would be exterminated in one manner or another, since
there would be no other alternative. The misery of the common mass
which contributed and contributes now to the formation of such bands
would have to be effectively improved through suitable legislation
which would give to the poor facility to acquire their lands and cultivate them.
An eloquent proof of the good disposition of the people toward preservation of order under normal circumstances was the organization of
the bands which operated during the Spanish sovereignty. These were
selected from the common people of the municipalities.  They performed service by day in the municipality and watched by night at
points outlying the resident section for the public security.  They
received no salary except equipment and clothing. Their duties were,
when oc:lsion necessitated, though badly armed, to seek and pursue
evildoers. fight these, and arrest them. They successfully performed
these duties. The men of the towns accompanied on many occasions
these bands for such purposes. It is not less indicative of the spirit
of order and discipline of the people that there are communities which
have barely two or three policemen to guard the jail and maintain
order. The lack of these is not felt on days of great feasts and crowds.
The danger of disorder feared is as small as remote.
IGNORANCE AS A IMENACE TO ORDER.
There Is pointed out as another of the grave menaces which might
constitute a constant danger to order the ignorance of the Philippine
masses who speak only one of the 15 or 16 Malay dialects, each one of
which contains a very limited vocabulary, which offers no means of
communication with modern thought and civilization.
We do not desire in any way to deny that there really exists among
the Filipino people persons not educated in schools. No one laments
this situation like the Filipinos themselves-a situation due to causes
altogether foreign to their will. Nevertheless, while it may be 'said
that there are some illiterate people not prepared In the schools, it
can not be said that the people is profoundly ignorant. From the fact
that there are people who do not know how to read and write does not
necessarily indicate that the community in which they live does not
know the rights and duties appropriate to a civilized community.
Let us take as an example one of those rural communities of the
islands far distant from  centers of commerce and education.  It Is
a community that lives pacifically. has a religion-the Christian-and
practices its creed. Iach individual constructs his home and works
a piece of ground and sows what is necessary for his living. His house
is small, but he keeps it clean, as well as Its surrounding lot. He lives
from fishing or agriculture. I-e does not rob or steal or kill or molest
any of his neighbors. He receives the stranger cordially and shares
with him all the resources that his natural hospitality permits. He
pays a teacher for his children or sends them' to the public school of
the town. lie recognizes his public authorities, to whom he appeals
on all occasions when lie receives some injury or other, pays his tax religiously when required to do so by the agent of the municipal authority.
The community scarcely requires police because order is very rarely disturbed. All live in the greatest satisfaction, without passions, without
struggle, in the midst of an enviable harmony. -
We can not say that a community that lives thus is profoundly
ignorant and might place in danger the security and order of the
state on account of its ignorance.  If we compare this community
with other Filipino communities which form the municipalities and the
Provinces of the archipelago and present the same sketch and characters, with the only difference that there are in these a greater proportion of instructed persons, we can not see any danger to order in
confiding to such communities the government of their own interests.
It is flattering to be able to say that the truth ih that the so-called
ignorant mass of our people so unjustly treated by our critics is
sufficiently instructed in its duties of man and of citizen, and we are
certain from what occurred during the revolutionary period that with
the independence of the country there would be aglin awakened in it
that stimulus to greater progress, well-being, and liberty that collective
conscience and that spirit of responsibility of which It has given so
many and such eloquent proofs.
Furthermore, the causes which under the past sovereignty produced
the present condition of education in the people are sufficiently known,
84780-9790




17
and likewise well known are the methods which should be employed to
more generally spread instruction among the masses most needing it.
It is reasonable to suppose that whatever government the Filipinos may
have will give all possible opportunities to all the classes of the people
to educate themselves in the schools. The Filipino people, as has been
said in another place, is glad to instruct itself in all branches of human
knowledge. It is not necessary that it be compelled to this. In the
official reports there is noted with true satisfaction the natural Inclination displayed by the Filipinos for education, the poorest families sending their children to school.' There has been a constant increase in the
number of children attending the public and private schools, so that in
this year it may be reckoned that nearly 700.000 children and youths
are receiving an education in the different public and private schools
established throughout the archipelago.
The Philippinsssembly has always been ready to make large appro- 1
priations for tLtureau of education, and this certainly Indicates that
if the country were independent the Philippine government would place
all its interest in increasing and spreading instruction among the
masses, not only because it would understand that this was its responsibillty, but likewise because It would recognize the advisability of having
the people instructed in order that the nation might be solid and strong.
The Philippine government would be in possession of power to save a
great part of the present budget destined to salaries and expend such
savings in paying school-teachers and constructing school buildings in
order that *he progress of education might be more rapid daily in the
islands.
There exists, then. in our opinion, no reason whatever to fear the
imagined dangers that the present state of education of the people
might offer to the permanent establishment of public order under an
independent government. Above the subtle conventionalisms of nations
which, in spite of all, have never been able to fix with precision and
uniform judgment when a people is sufficiently educated to be Indeendent or when not, it is certain that there exists here a people old
the practices of civilized life. lovers of home and property and enthusiastic for education and progress, obeyers of the law, all of which,
far from being a danger to order, is its firmest and most secure foundation.
" CACIQLISM " AND OLIGARCHY.
There Is likewise pointed out as another obstacle to good order and
the establishment of democratic institutions and principles the so-called
"caciquism" dominant in the country.   There is mentioned the fact
that in the rural municipalities of the Philippines the whole people is
completely subject to the will of some educated person of alert Intelligence livlug in the community, who knows the local dialect and who
desires or knows how to excite the fears or the cupidity of his neighbors
to organize a party to resist imaginary wrongs or oppression, in order
to satisfy vengeance or to obtain a livelihood without labor. There issaid in iroof of this that the history of the revolution and of the state
of -disorder which followed it is full of examples in which the simple
country. people, incited by the local caciques, have committed the most
horrible crimes of torture and assassination, and when the authors have
been arrested and prosecuted, they have simply replied that the caciques
of the locality had ordered them to commit the crime. There is mentioned likewise that with great frequency the presidente and other officials of the town make use of their offices to subject the ignorant
residents of their respective towns to their control'in the sale of agricultural products. The official acts as an intermediary in the sale and
takes the greater part of tie products of the person he represents. It
is likewise alleged that caciquism is revealed in the most flagrant form
when the Philippine municipal officials, and even provincial officials,are
invested with governmental power over non-Christian tribes or over
others that are not of their own race distributed through the Christian
Philippine Provinces.  It is said that the people of these tribes are
victims of abuse and oppression on the part of such Philippine officials.
The series of acts mentioned which show the existence of the socalled "caciquism" in the Philippine Islands is not truly the result
solely of tho state of education of the masses, but a natural product of
the perversl.y of man of whatever time and whatever race. The instinct of profiting at the expense of one's neighbor or of satisfying certain passions and taking advantages of other men who may be convinced or seduced is not only a quality peculiar to Filipinos, but a
universal human sentiment. This instinct naturally reveals Itself in
different forms, according to the condition of the various societies, but
MI one form or another it exists among all people, whether they are
84780-9790-     2




18
civilized or not. tie who considers himself stronger will always 'try
to obtain some profit if he can from the weaker, whether this one be
ignorant or not.
The facts mentioned are not, however, very general nor are they of
such gravity as those that occur in more civilized countries. — The examples of caciques who have ordered the assassination or the torture
of hostile persons are exceptionally rare, or so little known that there
has not reached our knowledge specific cases registered in the tribunals
of justice. The abuses by officials who take advantage of their official
influence to serve as middlemen for some ignorant persons In-the sale
of their products, aside from being few, are assuredly less scandalous
than those which are told of officials of independent countries who enter
into illicit combinations to permit gambling houses or houses of prostitution, in the profits of which they participate.
We are not trying by this statement to apologize for these abusive
acts, but the fact that they are committed, not only in this country but
in all countries, although they wear different forms or aspects in each
one of them, brings us to a conclusion, and it is this: That because this
evil exists in the Philippine Islands is not a reason for failing to concede independence to the Filipinos. The belief that caciquism in the
islands may constitute a grave danger to order is not sustained by the
facts. There is nothing in the facts before mentioned and in those
which the action of the caciques show which can not be corrected by
the action of the courts or of the executive. It would be therefore extravagant to believe that the.Filipino government would lack means or
sufficient resources to punisRhthe abuses or the disturbances which local
caciquism may occasion. It would not be an error to suppose that the
government being in the hands of the Filipinos and there being established naturally greater confidence between the people and the government that any act of caciquism would be more promptly denounced and
consequently punished.
In relation to the existence of caciquism, which thrives, as' s believed,
because the mass of the people is profoundly Ignorant, there is likewise expressed tile idea that in case of constituting an Independent government the educated mass which would form the government would
make of this an oligarchy which would tend to oppress and exploit the
ignorant mass. In other words, It would be a government of caciquism.
It would not be possible to ignore this fact, that by the force of circumstances and In virtue of our sociological conditions, the government
must be in a certain manner In the hands of the most capable and Intelligent group having knowledge of the science of government and of
society. But far from this being an evil, if this group is to be the element favoring modern ideas always inspired in good and in the- interest of the community, if it is to guide tbe others to conduct them to
the object of their aspirations for progress and well-being through the
means most appropriate and suitable to it and in the final analysis, it
will be but the most faithful and suitable instrument of the will of the
majority; there would be no mistake in placing on its shoulders the
responsibility of a sovereign people.
There Is likewise sufficient evidence showing that the people are educated in the practices of equality and democracy; that there will be no
danger whatever of the interested and wicked preponderance of a determined group called caciquism or directing. There exists the positive
and certain fact that exactly the so-called caciquism group, responding to the desires of the entire body, has realized and Is realizing the
work of lifting up the-spirit of the most humble masses, of aiding them
to proceed in the road of progress and prosperity, of increasing the love
of country and liberty. From this one might infer that on establishing
the Philippine government the directive group would feel certainly the
pressure of the advantage of educating all the masses, because the first
work of the government would be to strengthen the nation in the interior and exterior, and there would be recognized that public instruction is the most solid basis of a nation's strength.
-    RELATIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIANS AND NONCHEISTIANS.
The fact that there have occurred examples of abuse and oppression
by Filipinos in office of persons belonging to the non-Christian tribes
does not indicate a general policy, nor is it the general treatment extended by Christian people to the non-Christian tribes. The reference
to these abuses seems to indicate the belief that the Christian people in
their relation with the non-Christian people would not be disposed to
ive to the latter a just and liberal treatment, -which would tend to
ift them to the grade of civilization acquired by the Christian people.
Nothing, however, can presept with less accuracy the point of view and
the intention which animates the Christian people with respect to those
84780-9790




19
who are not so. The inhabitants of the Christian Provinces, as we have
stated elsewhere, understand that the non-Christian tribes are a very
Important and valuable factor, not only for the population, but likewise
for the defense of the common country. The variety of people which
inhabits the islands and speak different dialects, with distinct religious
creeds and customs, are susceptible of forming a true homogeneous unit,
which they now have, through ethical reasons, assisted by the chains
of common interests and ideals for the objects of progress and civilization. The belief that there is a true rivalry and hatred between the
Christian and non-Christian people has been almost always exaggerated;
nothing, however, is falser than this opinion. The simple knowledge of
the non-Christian tribes of the establishment of the Flllipino government in Malolos produced a distinct approximation in the ideas and
relations of the Christian and non-Christian people, the latter having
presented themselves spontaneously to the authorities of said government, giving it loyal support and recognition. There is, too, the fact
that some Christians of Luzon and Vlsayas have established themselves
in Moro territory or in various " rancherias " that live in the mountains
from which the most skillful have succeeded in acquiring greater or
less fortune.
The true reason for the dissatisfaction and differences existing between the non-Christian people and the Christian people is based
rather on the fact that the non-Christian people believe the Christians
allied with the foreign government, anxious to pervert them with a
change of their religious beliefs. But religious intolerance having disappeared, the principal factor which caused the existing differences
between the two, it will not be difficult to convince the non-Christian
people of the islands of the benefits of living under a common regime
with the inhabitants of the Christian provinces.  We are convinced
that a Filipino government is the only one that could reach in a permanent manner and without violence a definite understanding with the
non-Christian communities of the islands, because the latter in spite of
the differences of religion and customs, would not oppose, nor could
they oppose, the influence of the ethnical unity and relationship. This
circumstance gives to the Christian Filipinos the advantage of a better
knowledge of the psychology of their non-Christian compatriots and
teaches them the road most appropriate and the measures most suitable
to reach the intelligence and hearts of the said compatriots and to
establish with them the relationship which tends to consolidate national
unity.
LITTLE POLITICAL BXPEBIENCI.
The little political experience of the Filipinos, acquired under the
Spanish Government, has constantly been a theme touched upon to
refuse the national aspirations of the Filipinos.  But if it be considered that the nations, whatever be their race or creed of humanity,
have only gained complete experience through direct and absolute control in the management and government of their interests, such argu —
ment loses a great part of its force and strength. Experience in life
and in business certainly comes in no other manner but in daily contact
with the men or with the interests which are managed. The United
States has not gained experience to manage the affairs of a federation,
except since the old Britannic colonies declared themselves independent
and constituted such form of government. We are convinced that the
Filipinos must likewise expect more complete experience to direct and
administer their national affairs after they are independent. The Filipinos have gained, doubtless, greater experience than they had in the
ast domination in municipal and provincial affairs, because they have
been placed face to face with the responsibilities and difficulties of
practice in such affairs. Experience in the control of affairs which we
would call national it may be said they have not had during the present
regime, or if they have had, it is as an experience purely theoretical.
So that if the laws which govern the present system are to continue
permanently, the Filipinos would experience the same results which
they had with the Spanish Government as to practical political
education.
The Filipinos acquired much more experience and education during
the epoch of the so-called government of the Filipino republic than in.any time before or since the American occupation. The succinct relation that we made in the first chapter of the provisions and regulations
adopted by that government shows that the governmental practice of
the Filipinos does not differ much from the experience of the old
nations. This historic fact serves to demonstrate that political experience may be gained either by independent effort or by the experience of
others.
84780-9790




The colonial experience of the T'nited States has occurred only since
the war with Spain.   The political experienc of American statesmen
has Ibe n limited before this time to domlestic affairs. When the American Nation, through the declaration of their prominent men, and in
other ways. congratulates itself in saying that its colonial administration of the new people, subject to its domination, has been carried on
with success. we can not do less thtln infer from this the truth from
our point of view tlhat a previous practictrl experience is not necessary
to a coluntrl  when it shows good judtlement and disposition in other
affairs to oltain the success of an undertaking.
W\  are glat to be able to say that the good sense and the good disposition shown by the Filipino people in adapting its life and customs
to the practic co tle civilized nations of Europe andl Am.\ericna  ermit
the well-founded hole tlhat with this actual practical experience it will
have success in its work in the experiment of an independent government.
A COMMION LANCI'.\,E.
The lack of a common langnuage sloken and written in the relations
of the l'lliplinos along tlholnselve hlls been likewise mentioned a number of times in discssiTing the proleom of our independ-nce. It has
caused the teachting of ElInglish in the schools and its diffusion by all'
possible meonns amnong different people of the country, with the object
that the F'ilipino people may acquire not only a common medium   of
communication but likewise the advantages t     tt the possession of the
English language would give for commrerce and the study of free
institutlon:s.
The existence of various dialects within a single country is certainly
an impediment to easy communications, and to the commulnication of
thought and word bet ween onnw of til  ae e country, but the fact that
there exists a like condition inT many independenltt nations of old Europe
makes us believe that it is not an indislpensable condition to the Indepelndlelce of nations.
Thle number of dialects of the country, and the importance of the dif-.ficulties which this variety of dialects creates has been much exaggeraled. But to be accurate, we must say tliat properly there are three
dialects-one which dominates in th- north. that is the Ilocano  another that dominates in the center, that is the Tagalog; and another
tlat dominates in the south, that is the Visayan. Thle other dialects
are varieties of one of these three prIincipal ones. so that after a period
of a few weeks i n a Ilace the Filipinos may i.aak and understand the
dialect of the locality.
IV. OtSTACL-S TO TIIE INDtFINITF. RsrTNTION OF TIHE ISLANDS PREPARATORY TO TIEIR INDEPENDENCE.
The present policy was explained by President Taft in his special
report as Secretary of War to the President relating to the Philippine
Islands. dated the 23d of January, 1908, as follows:
" I do not see how any more definite policy can be declared than was
declared by President McKinley in his instructions to Secretary Root
for the guidance of the 'hilippine Commission, which was incorporated
into law by the organic act of the Philippine Government, adopted July
1, 191)2. That policy is declared to be the extensionof self-government
to the Philippine Islands by gradual steps from time to time as the
people of the islands shall show themselves fit to receive the additional
responsibility, and that policy has been consistently adhered to in the
last seven years now succeeding the establishment of civil government.
It necessarily involves in its ultimate conclusion as the steps toward
self-government tbecome greater and greater the ultimate independence
of tli islands. although. 'of course, if both the United States and the
islands were to conclude after complete self-government were possible
that it would be nutuallvy Ieneficial to continue a governmental relation
between them like that Ietween England and Australia there would be
nothing inconsistent with the present policy in such a result.
"Any attempt to fix the time in which complete self-government may
be conferred upon the Filipinos. in their own interest, is, I think, most
unwise. Tlhe key of the whlole policy outlined by President McKinley
and adopted by (o'ongress was tliat of the education of the masses of the
people and the leading them out of the dense ignorance in which they
are now. vili I a view to eSnabling thelo   intelligently to exercise the
force of Ipulic opinion without which a popular self-government is
impossible."
84 i'8-9700




21
This policy nevertheless has not yet been sanctioned by Congress in
all its parts. Congress, which is the power in which resides the regulation of affairs referring to the Philippine Islands, has until the
present refused to express its opinion with reference to the future
political status of the islands.
CONTRARY OPINIONS AND POSITIONS.
This indefiniteness as to the political future of the country results In
two contrary movements of opinion as well among Americans as among
Filipinos-some who believe that independence must be conceded after
some years, and others who believe that it.is never to be conceded. The
doubts which arise from this state of indefiniteness result in all and
each one working without a fixed direction, producing a lack of general
agreement which is far from favoring the progress and wqll-being of
all the residents of the Islands. In the attitude, idea. and actions of
many Americans in the islands appears to be indicated tle conviction
held by them that the Filipinos are not to be, nor will ever be, Independent; that the American flag will never be lowered there, where it
has once waved.  So tlhat, notwitlhtanding the repeated declarations
made by high authorities in the United States that the government
implanted in the islands is for the interest and benefit of the Filipinos,
there are many American residents of the islands who conduct themselves in the contrary sense. animated apparently with the idea that the
government has been established here exclusively for their interest and
benefit,
It is observed, for example, that there are few Americans of those
who come to the islands who have endeavored to intimately know the
Filipinos or to gain the friendship of the latter, by socially and personally uniting with them. but many of them have displayed egotistic
and personal motives; sometimes publicly indicating that the Americans
have come to the Islands to better their purses and interests, and at
other times depreciating the association of the Filipinos, or in a thousand ways treating them depreciatingly. Few of the Americans who
deal with the Filipinos can hear with calmness the demands of the
Filipinos for their independence, but many of them laugh jokingly at
it as at a thing impossible. On the other hand, the Filipinos who accept in good faith and sincerity the carrying out of this policy, in view
of those examples given by the Americans, can with difficulty induce a
ray of hope into the minds of their compatriots, and not a few come to
establish in their minds the belief that the American Government is
not disposed to specify to-day or at any time the political aspirations
of the Filipinos.
HARMaONY AND GOOD CNDERSTANDING MADE DIFFICULT.
From this naturally come many difficulties which do not contribute
to create that healthful harmony, that close relation, between Americans and Filipinos which is necessary for the fulfilling of the mission
which the American people desires to fill with respect to the natives of
the islands. The American Government needs the cooperation of the
people, needs the support of the Filipinos to convince the country as to
the generous and altruistic designs which have moved it to remain in
the islands, but every day the Filipino politicians are denounced to
the government as propagators of evil doctrines: as obstacles to the
execution of the plans of the govrnment; as hostile to the sovereignty
and mission of North America in the islands; in general, as the most
dangerous enemies of its own people. It would even seem that there is an
effort to make the government believe that it should suspect all Filipino politicians; that ear should not be given to their proposals and
complaints; that it should entirely ignore them or do the contrary of
what they ask or propose, because in this manner they might administer
more justly and efficaciously the interests of the people in these islands.
In this manner the labor of the government for a closer union with
the people is strongly embarr-ised on the one side by the voice of a
portion of the American press, which clamors constantly against the
policy and the Philippine politicians. and on the other side by the voice
of a portion of the Filipino press which, rendered hostile by that, considers it necessary to take the defense of the Filipinos. censuring the
Americans and making them responsible for the violations of its own
principles and policy in the islands.
There is 6bserved on this account frequently a low struggle of individuals whose judgments are engaged in presenting an antagonism of,
interest between American and Filipino people, relaxing the bonds of
cordial and mutual intelligence which the government extremely desires to see established. The efforts of men of good faith of both
peoples are always directed in avoiding the breaking out of this struggle,
of the reestablishing in a short time courtesy and mutual consideration.
84780-9790




22
The frequent injury that this occasions in the cordiality of the relations of the Filipino people and governmen! is great. Meantime, the
government can not remain aloof from this struggle, and as it is
composed in its majority of Americans it is obliged to act in accord
with the dominating spirit in the American community. From which,
in their turn, the Filipinos complain-and form among themselves the
opinion that the government does not listen to the voice of the Filipinos,
but gives consideration only to the interests and satisfaction of the
Americans.
DIFFICULTIES IN ADMINISTRATION.
The difficulties of administering the interests of a completely different
race are revealed by the fact that the government judges many times
very erroneously the attitude of the people and its representatives, and
in its turn the people misunderstands the intentions and depositions
of the government. In 1902 there appeared for the first time since
the American occupation cholera in Manila and the surrounding
provinces. The government was obliged to adopt precautions and measures to protect the health of the inhabitants. There was put in force
various regulations drawn up to avoid the propagation of the evil, and
there was increased the number of the sanitary corps who had to carry
into effect said regulations. The people was not accustomed to the
methods adopted and believed itself persecuted by the representatives
of the government and refused, in many cases, to submit to the methods
prescribed by the official science.  The violence in the execution and
enforcement of such methods resulted in the hiding of cases and to
secret burial of corpses in such cases.  The native press criticized
some of the regulations emanating from the government and the manner
of putting them into execution. The government understood then that
the representatives of the press were Impeding the measures for the repression of the evil until the knowledge of some facts made the government understand the necessity of reforming the processes, and it then
took advantage of the cooperation of the Filipinos themselves in the
sanitary measures adopted, from which were obtained better results.
In 1904 the constabulary was the object of severe criticism on the part
of the native press for the commission of abuses and other excesses in
the performance of its duties. The government saw in such criticisms,
as always, a spirit of party and hatred on the part of those who criticized the government and its institution.  It believed that these sympathized with and aided the ladrones who disturbed peace and order.
The publication of certain facts in El Renacimiento gave rise to a
prosecution of this newspaper. The evidence in the case proved the
commission of acts of violence and torture by officials of the constabulary. The court acquitted the editors of El Renacimiento, and
since then the appointment of the chiefs and officers of said corps
are made with greater care and there has been observed a higher standard of efficiency in the service of the corps and better cooperation of
the people with its officers and men.
These facts serve to Illustrate the difference of judgment which always
appears when a people has not a government composed of men of
its own race that can understand clea fly its method of life and peculiar
habits. This lack of comprehension by a foreign government, aggravated by the difference of language, contributes not a little to the fact
that the people view with doubt or lack of confidence the acts of said
government. This government needs the faith and the complete confidence of the people in order that every one of its acts should be accepted by the people with the satisfaction and certainty that it is to
better their interests and make them happy and prosperous.
Great principles or great men are not so necessary in order that the
administration of the interests of a people attain the advancement or
well-being of the people, but it is absolutely necessary that the people
have entire faith in those to whom are confided its Interests, because
without that faith every effort of intention or of act that those who
govern take will encounter passiveness and indifference on the part
of the people. In consequence of this our government attributes at
times to ignorance or lack of understanding of its own interest the
indifference which the people displays toward many good acts or laws
made In its favor-as, for example, the homestead law.
POLITICAL ECONOMY.
These symptoms of doubt manifest themselves markedly In the consideration of economic subjects. All Filipinos believe necessary the
development of the natural resources of its to-day unproductive soil.
They understand the necessity of the assistance of foreign capital, but
they complain at the same time against the policy of selling great
tracts of land to corporations, against perpetual franchises for railroad
84780 —9790




23
companies, and against the predominance of corporations and commercial interests; and this, which appears a very grave confusion of ideas,
has its origin in the rooted belief that the future of the people is
threatened by the invasion of that capital which, once rootdd here,
will be opposed, when the moment arrives, to all change of sovereignty,
because It would not believe itself sufficiently secure -and protected
except under its own sovereignty. If this government were the image
and work of the people, these fears would not be felt and the cries of
protest of the present would be converted into cries of praise and blessing; because the people would have entire faith and complete security
that its interests and its future in the hands of such government would
be under the protection of guaranties such as would permit the development of native capital on equal terms with that from abroad.
It is believed generally among the Filipinos that this government
has given no attention to favoring with some stimulus the development
of Filipino capital, and has used all its efforts in bringing capitar from
without for the exploiting of the material riches of the country. They
feel that this government, which has been established for the happiness,
peace, and prosperity of the inhabitants of the island, according to the
text of the instructions of McKinley to Secretary of War Root, leaves
the Filipinos 'abandoned to their fate in the development of their
economic interests; does not extend its protection to native capital,
whether interesting said capital in the formation of new industries
for which the soil offers rich material, there being given some privileges
by law, or authorizing facility to Philippine producers and merchants
in the prosecution of their enterprises, or inducing the companies that
are formed to admit Philippine capital for the agricultural and mining
exploitations.
The people observe that all the preferences and stimulus of the government is kept for foreign capital and that the government leaves it
unprotected, and it is not to be wondered at that the people feels a
profound neglect and that it sees itself in advance beaten in an unequal
economic competition and loses faith in the benevolence of the intentions of the government. In the practice of the professions it observes likewise that natives of the country are being relegated to the
background and that the business is controlled by Americans, and that,
as in the case of the surveyors, there have been efforts to deny to the
latter the practice of the profession in what relates to an office of the
government, and in its profound logic the people have reason to believe
that the government, far from favoring their economic condition, restrains them without, perhaps, wishing to do so.
The people are convinced that they comply with all their obligations to the government; that in spite of their poverty they pay annually in taxes P30,000,000, with the object that the government may provide all measures and resources to improve the economic conditions of
the country. The Philippine people nevertheless finds itself in the same
condition of economic crisis that prevailed under the past domination.
Failures to pay and requests for deferment of payment of taxes and
the sale of property for insolvency evidence the deplorable state of the
economic interests of the Filipinos. The existence and increase of the
same pernicious amusements that created such poverty during the Spanish government and which were abolished during the short period of
the revolutionary government necessarily accompany such a condition.
The increase of houses of usury and loan tend to aggravate the situation. This, which is so evident to the people, is nevertheless not so
to the government.
The government believes that the people complain as a matter of
routine or through ignorance of what must be paid for the necessary
public services. The government shows that the commerce of importation and exportation, which measures the riches of a country is increasing yearly and shows likewise that the rate of contribution per
capita is considerably lower than in any civilized country. From this it
results that the people do not understand the government nor the
government the people, and the two doubt and mistrust each other.
In such a state of relations, that are the natural consequence of
the present regime, the faith which has placed America in the administration of the affairs of the Filipinos for the happiness, peace, and
prosperity of the latter will never see itself realized. If there is taken
into account, In addition, other organic defects in the present regime
which prevent the development of the individual and national aptitudes
of the people of the islands in a state which is supposed to be one of
preparation, the claims of the Filipinos for the enjoyment of an Independent government with the object of assuring its own progress and it
final well-being would be far more justified.
84780-9790




24
UNSUITABLE LEGISLATION.
The gravest defect of the present system Is founded entirely in the
lack of confidence In the capacity of the natives, who are prevented
from developing themselves by their own methods and are forcibly subject to an exclusively American type. Little effort has been placed so
that the Filipinos by themselves might form the legislation with reference to the conditions and customs of the people. The legislarton now
In force has been constructed on purely American lines without exact
knowledge of the character and peculiarities of the Inhabitants of the
country.  Such legislation Is not the work and product,f cerclmstances and convenience of this people, hut a copy and imitation of laws
taken from a people with different characteristics and a distinct type of
civilization. Tile Philiptpine Assembly was created after the conus rIction of this legislation, and whatever effort to reform it In its foundation is absolutely nonreallzable through the opposition, at times blind,
of the other branch of the legislature. It thus happens that some laws
are of difficult application to the people of these islands.
LITTLE P'RACTICAL EDUCATION.
In the executive branch is yet more notorious the lack of confidence
which is the base of the system. The central axle of the administrative organism revolves in such a way that   t t leaves to the Iliilnos
no opportunity for practice in the conduct of pullic affairs through
means of direct contact with the methods of action and thei, difficulties.  If It be considered that the basis of the policy followed in the
Philippine Islands Is the preparation of the Flliplnos for the exercise
of the powers of an independeht government, it I s not seen how under
the present system such a result may be olbtained. For example, nearly
all the chlllefsof bureaus are Aemericans, ils are their principal assistants and local agents; that Is, all those who go to form and direct the
plans for the execution of the laws. Few Filiplnos. if thel' are any,
can by virtue of their offices take part in the determinatiun and regulation of th se plans. The best (ducatilon would be that wlilch places
tile Fllipinlos on thle groundl-of reality and places them In contact, by
virtue of the duties of tllhir offices, with a knowledge of the methods
and practical difficultles of the public service.
INEQUALITY IN THE CIVIL S.ERVICE.
From this comes the constant demand of the natives for the Flllplnization -of tile public service, but tile bureaucratic spirit which is develop)ed necessarily aniong the colonizers in a colony tends to n(utrallze
the results of this demannd. Tie slow cCourse that the Insular government is adopting to phlic I'liinos in the offices of high salary and responsibility, notwithstandling the merit and the efficiency demonstrated
In several years of service, is the result of 'constant elsslu' nelet of
Americans who In a large' numbrer are always awaiting every occasion
to occupy the vitcancy or lprontion of other Amtericans. The Filipinos
are placed necessarly in tlnhir subordinate and assisting posts, ard
even when many of them e    re really prepared by experience gained
through long service In thel ollce and perform the duties performed by
the Americans, only rarely and by accident are they promoted to the
places of the latter.
The same treatment is not accorded to Americans and Filipinos in
the civil service. In practice there appear to govern certain rules for
Americans, and others for Filiplnos. The salaries are not the salme for
one as for tll other. T Te Americans are promoted more rapidly than the
Filiplnos in the same office, and the cases of demotion of the Filiplnos
are frequent.  The merit and efficiency of the Filipinos are rateld with
greater rigor than those of the Americans, as well as likewise their
failings in the service. A11 this Is evidenced manifestly in the material
fact that nearly all the posts occupied by Americans since the establishment of civil government continue in possession of the Americahn.
The Increase of illipino employees each year is only apparent. There
is not a chief of office who does not place annually In his estimate for
expenses a greater sum than in the preceding year, and with this augment are created some Inferior posts that are filled  y Filipinos. The
number which is set forth in the reports of the civil service is the
total, and It slmws an Increase In the number of Flllpino employees but
not a diminution in the number of Americans. If the American policy
In this matter In establislllnlg the civil service Is to educate the Flllplno
in the sense of responsibilty In the government, the practice followed,
instead of favoring tills policy, paralyzes it in its educative effects and
as.a result teUds to form a sort of privileged class composed solely of
Americans.
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GOVERNMENT OF THE NONCHRISTIAN PEOPLE.
Another grave fault of' the present system is having followed the
policy of maintaining a complete separation between the Christian and
non-Christian people. The different tribes which inhabit the mountains
of the north of Luzon and the Mohammedans of Mindanao must form
part of the Filipino nation as belonging to the-same territory and
originating from a single ethnical trunk. The separation between these
only tends to foment a lack of common interest, which creates In its
practical results unfounded misunderstandings between them. There
should be inculcated in the people of said tribes the idea that this Is a
Filpino government, and on that account they should become accustomed to see Filiplnos at the head of the governments Instituted
among themselves. The concept which actually is imbued in them is
that they must be protected against the alleged abuses of their own
brothers-the Filipinos. If the Filipino nation is to govern alone in
the future and those who constitute such tribes have to form part of
said nation, it is necessary to have them -look on the Christians as
brothers, as fellow-citizens with whom they are to live and are to he
united In a community of culture and aspiration. The Christians, as
we said elsewhere, can not be assumed to be without all practical sense;
that does not appreciate their interest in civilizing those non-Christian
tribes that are an important factor as well for the population as for
the, defense of the common country. There would certainly not be lacking Christian Filipinos of demonstrated executive skill who might
govern said tribes in accordance with their interest and well-being.
The present political and administrative organization which separates
the Christians from those that are not does not tend to the preparation
for an independent Philippine government, but to prepare for the latter
in its day difficulties in its relations with the inhabitants of said localities. If the Philippine Assembly could have jurisdiction over the territory occupied by the non-Christian tribes and the Moro Province
there would be made evident the reasonable Interest that the Christian
people feel for the progress and well-being of the non-Christian people.
CONCLUSION.
The Philippine Islands were acquired by the United States by virtue
of the cession made by Spain through an Indemnization of $20,000,000
in accordance with the treaty of Paris. On the date that this treaty
was signed a great part of the Philippine territory was in power of a
government organized by the Filiplnos. The organization of this government was made with the knowledge, consent, and moral support of
the Americans. On the opening of the Spanish-American War, Agulnaldo, who was considered the leader of the Insurrection against Spain
in 1896, came from Hongkong in an American -transport of war, with
the object of reopening the revolution against Spain, having been induced to believe that he might reckon on the aid of the American forces.
Although he made no use of the offers that were made to him, practically the attitude of the Americans and the relations that Aguinaldo
maintained with them created the impression, that he might consider
them as allies. For some time the launches and, steamers that were at
the service of Aguinaldo displayed the Filipino flag and were not prevented from circulating in the Bay of Manila and, some provinces to
carry forces and orders to Aguinaldo.
The 13th day of August, 1898, the city of Manila surrendered, and
Gen. Merritt, as commander of the American forces of occupation, published a proclamation, in one of whose paragraphs he said that he had
not come to the Islands to take a piece of territory. From the date
mentioned before and until the 4th of February, 1899, the Fllpino government maintained cordial relations with the military troops If North
America, and all of the differences were regulated through official communications of the representatives of the two governments.These facts are mentioned with the object of showing that the 'persistency of the Filiplnos in being Independent is bound up- in the recbllectlons of that short period of their past in which, associated with the
Americans, they threw down the secular power of a sovereignty and eSperienced the satisfaction and happiness of governing by themselves
their Interests and their future. Then they understood how satisfactig
and sweet to the citizens is the yoke imposed by the power of its own
laws and the government by men of its own race, and how close and
loyal is the cooperation which exists between people and government
to better the interests'of the country and to enter resolutely and without embarrassment into the wide ways of human progress. Then the
Filipinos abandoned all the vicious practices which the former sovereighty lHad extended over all the masses and recovered the good qualiIfes which -peonle free from all yoke possessed. This moved the Fill-.84780-9790..




26
pinos to resist with all their force the new American domination and to
submit to it only when they fully understood that they might be independent in a more or less short period. The efforts of the Filipinos in
defense of that government, the blood which its soldiers shed, and the
money which was employed in the service of the Filipino flag, recalls to
them constantly that short period of its happiness and makes them consider the present as a temporary situation which they desire to abbreviate as much as possible in order to acquire the satisfaction of their
national ambitions and their intentions of elevation and enrichment of
-the country. They wish to consider that the American people have been
guided providentially to these islands to save its people from oppression; they recognize that the American people has horne itself with
liberality toward the Filipinos after the latter had been conquered; but
they believe at the same time that if there existed the providential designs these have been completely realized; that after 12 years that
North America has governed these islands under its flag and has made
clear to its inhabitants those theories and practices of a free people, the
Government has terminated its mission with honor and glory for itself
in these islands and may confide the government to the Filipinos with
'complete security for the interests of the latter and to all those that
live in the country. The Filipinos at all times have shown a broad
spirit of progress, a high interest in assimilating all ideas and practices of civilized people, and are not doubtful that they will operate In
accordance with those ideas and practices on occupying their position
among the nations of the earth.
For all these reasons, Mr. Secretary, we respectfully charge you to be
the interpreter of the feelings of the Filipinos to President Taft, to
whom we desire to transmit a copy of this document, and to the Ameriican Congress, to each one of whose Members we likewise desire to
transmit copies of the same.
Respectfully,
THE EXECUTIVE CENTER OF THE NACIONALISTA PARTY,
By SERGIO OSMERSA, President.
Certified:
MAXIMINO MINA, Secretary.
This is not the first time, Mr. Speaker, that the Filipino people, by means of memorials, petitions, and resolutions, have addressed the Government of the United States for the purpose of
securing their political freedom. When President Taft, as
Secretary of War, visited the Philippines in 1904 with a party
of Senators and Representatives, another memorial was then
sent, through him, to Congress, wherein this legislative body
was urged to declare that it was the purpose and intent of this
Government to grant the Philippines independence.
The first Philippine Assembly, in its first regular session in
1907, adopted a resolution requesting Congress to terminate
the present colonial relationship between this country and the
Philippines, and when, in March, 1910, a petition signed by a
large number of prominent American citizens favoring Philippine independence was presented in the Senate by Senator
WILLIAM H. CRANE, of Massachusetts, that petition was enthusiastically indorsed by every Province in the islands and
by almost every town.
Again, when I had the honor of presenting and supporting
before this House on May 14, 1910, the resolution of the first
Philippine Assembly heretofore mentioned, my action was indorsed by my countrymen, and demonstrations of their deep appreciation of my efforts to bring about the realization of their
most cherished ideal were made in every place which I visited
during my recent stay in the islands.
All these facts Bhow in the most striking manner that the
day has now arrived when it is absolutely essential to the happiness, welfare, and tranquillity of the Filipino people that a
declaration regarding their independence be at once made by
Congress. There was a time some years ago when it was said
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27
with some show of justification that the demand for immediate
independence was only the rallying cry of a few ambitious and
misguided politicians, and not the true and real expression of
the heartfelt aspiration of the people of all classes. To-day
no one who is in any way familiar with the events in the Islands
could fail to realize that the independence of their country is
the most fervent and sacred desire of the whole Filipino people.
I am betraying no secret when I assert here that the unanimous opposition of the Filipino people to the sale of their
public or of the so-called friar lands to American capitalists
is mainly the result of their fear that said course will in the
end defeat their cherished national ambition. We know and
feel that as soon as there is invested in our public lands a large
amount of American capital we must give up forever the hope
of ever being freed from the control of the United States. By
this I mean no disrespect to the sincerity of the American people
or of those charged at present with the administration of this
Government, but facts are facts, and history has conclusively
demonstrated that large financial interests invested in a smaller
and weaker country can compel the nation whose money has
gone there to exercise an influence and to adopt a policy toward
that weaker country which, in the absence of those large investors, would have given way to a more generous and enlightened course. American capitalists having large amounts of
money invested in various enterprises, agricultural and otherwise, in the Philippines would naturally be the strongest opponents to the granting of independence to the Filipino people,
and would naturally prefer the constant and continuing control
and protection of their own Government' to the control and
policies of any alien Government, however kindly disposed or
generously inclined toward such capital that alien Government
might show itself to be. The voice and influence of such American investors in the Phillipines would, as all know, be forcibly
manifested in Congress, and against it the Filipino people would
be helpless except to appeal to what would be facetiously termed
a sentimental pledge to grant them future nationality.
Some people may say, perhaps, that the great majority of
the American people will never be interested financially in the
Philippine Islands, and that as they are the ones who will ultimately decide what should be done with the islands the voice
of those Americans who for selfish reasons would be disposed
to oppose the granting of independence would be powerless to
obstruct the carrying out of the pledges of this great Nation.
Theorectically that is true, but in practice the unfortunate fact
remains that the great majority of the American people are
either ignorant of or indifferent to the real trend of events and
affairs in the Philippines. There are to-day so many great and
vital problems demanding the attention of the greatest minds
in this country that it is too much to expect the Philippine
question to receive anything more than sporadic and passing
attention. The only ones who will be actively interested in
shaping the policies of this Government toward the Filipino
people in future will be those who for peculiar reasons are
deeply and personally interested in so doing.
This, then, is why the Filipino people are openly opposed to
the policy recently inaugurated by the Philippine Government
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of encouraging the rapid exploitation of the resources of the
Islands by inducing large amounts of American capital to comb
in to be employed in the acquisition of large tracts of public
and other Government lands.
There are also some economical and social questions Involved in this new policy, and I contend that no real industrial
and agricultural prosperity can be brought about in the Philippine Islands through the alien ownership of large tracts of
the public domain, but that. even at the cost of speed, the
agricultural development of the islands must be accomplished
through encouraging the people to acquire their own small
farms and business undertakings and to be independent of
corporate landlordism and peonage however carefully veiled.
It is vitally essential to the future welfare of the Filipino
people that the natural wealth of their country be properly
conserved, and no desire to produce in a day a false and fictitious prosperity should be allowed to divert this Government
from its only just and honorable course. The Filipinos are
not a race at a standstill, but, on the contrary, are a rapidly
increasing people. Numbering only 1,500.000 at the beginning
of the last century, they are now nearly 8.000,000, and at the
present rate of increase we shall be 30,000,000 of people within
100 years from now.
I shall not on this occasion take the time of the House to
demonstrate that we have a right to be independent and free.
This is a self-evident proposition to every gentleman on this
floor. You can not deny it without also denying the very
principle which gave life and support to your governmental institutions. Neither shall I endeavor to show that the Filipino
people are now, and for some time have been, fully prepared
and equipped to assume and exercise the power and responsibilities of national sovereignty. The memorial of the Nacionalista Party, heretofore mentioned, deals with this question at
length and is a substantial exposition of the accomplishments
of the Filipinos in public affairs. I shall simply confine myself
to asking Congress to act, without further delay, upon the petition of the Philippine Assembly which I have just had the
honor to present.
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