POLITICAL
LANDMARKS;
OR
HISTORY OF PARTIES,
IFlOM THE ORGANIZATION OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMILN'IT 1TO
TIHE PRESENT TIME,
COMPILED FROM TIHE MOST RELIABL; AUTHIORS, BY
DANIEL MUNGEIR.
DETROIT:
PRINTED BY FOX & EASTXAN.
1 8"1.








PREFACE.
3n presenting to the public this volume, entitled the "Political Landmarks  or History of Parties," we feel that we
have undertaken a severe task;  yet we hope that the facts we
have endeavored to collect, from the most intelligent and reliable authors, and arrange together, will be satisfactory to
the reader as being a faithful delineation of the political history of the country. It is of much importance that these
" landmarks" should be kept constantly in view by those
doming upon the political stage, as they must soon be called upon to guide the ship of state. Our great men are now
arriving at an age which must ere long deprive us of their
invaluable services. Among the number, we must mention
Messrs. Cass, Clay, Buchanan, Benton, Webster, Woodbury, Dallas, &c. These men have occupied conspicuous
places in the political history of our government, but the
measure of time allotted to man for his sojourn upon this
earth, has with them been nearly filled. The senate of the
United States now embraces the most brilliant galaxy of
talent and statesmanship that was ever assembled in a legislative body upon the face of the globe, unless perhaps a
period antecedent, in the fame body, would have found




IVft7~ PREPAEB
added to the glorious list of talented men, the late Hon.
John C. Calhoun and Silas Wright, but the sand has nearly
run, and new men must fill the places of the living. It iS
important, therefore, that our young men should make the
effort to qualify themselves for public stations. None should
think for a moment that even the highest distinctions are
beyond their reach. Among the men here mentioned there
is hardly one who does not owe his enviable position in the
political world, to his own perseverance. We must say that
we have fears as to the industry and application of those
coming upon the stage as the successors of the great men
of the nation alluded to. When they were young, times
and circumstances were vastly different from what they are
at the present time. Their fortunes and fame depended
upon their own industry and perseverance, while at the
present day a competency to carry one through life is more
easily obtained, and frequently falls from estates, without
the least effort on the part' of the recipient. The great
danger is, that such a state of things will have a tendency
to paralize the efforts and energies of those who must fill
up the scene of life upon the political stage.
Gen. Cass came upon the political stage poor, and with
an ordinary education, in the practice of the law. Being
possessed of an ambitious spirit, and an unusual degree of
industry, he made himself what he is, probably one of the
most accomplished scholars in the Union. Had he been
brought up in luxury in younger days, it is quite doubtful
whether he would have been prompted to attempt the Herculean task. He will live to enjoy his luxury in his older
age, as the competency of this world's goods allotted to
Jhim probably far outstrips that of the others named.




PRErACE.                        v
Col. Benton is said to be the most studious man of the
age.  He is remarkable for his statistical information.
Whatever subject arises in the senate he can put his hands
upon the necessary papers or information relative to the
same, or something analogous, either in his table drawer or
in the library.  His whole time, aside from his senatorial
duties, are devoted to researches in his library.
The same can be said to a great extent of HIIenry Clay,
and of John C. Calhoun, and Silas Wright while living.
Mr. Webster is said not to be so studious, but never forgets
any thing he has read or heard during his life.  His early
education was of the most complete order.
It has been our effort, in this undertaking, to place before
the public, the prominent facts connected with political
history from  the organization of the national government
to the present time.  The low price fixed upon the work
will render it accessible to all; and should our efforts prove
satisfactory to the public, our object will have been accomplished.








TABLE OF CONTE NTS.
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS,                       1
CONVENTION TO FRAME CONSTITUTION, 1787,     1
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION,
JOHN ADAMS'       do                        12
THOMAS JEFFERSON'S do                      -2
JAMES MADISON'S   do                        41
DECLARATION OF WAR IN 1812,                45
HARTFORD CONVENTION. PROCEEDINGS AND REPORT, 47
JAMES MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION,              89
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' do                       98
ANDREW JACKSON'S  do                       1(6
MARTIN VAN BUREN'S do                      173
WILLIAM H. HARRISON'S do                   193
JOHN TYLER'S      do                       t02
JAMES K. POLK'S    do                      226
ZACHARY TAYLOR'S  do                       236
MILLARD FILLMORE'S do                      246
NEW POST OFFFICE LAW,                      251.
NATURALIZATION LAWS,                       259
ELECTION LAW O MICHIGAN,                 265
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT,-                 2
STATE GOVERNMENTS,                         267
ELECTORAL VOTES OF ALL THIE. PRESIDENTS,   268
CENSUS FROM 1790 TO 1850,                  272.NDEBTEDNESS OF STATES,                    275
CFNSUS OF MICHIGAN BY TOWNS,               276
d4o     dv      BY COUiJNTIES,          283








POLITICAL LANDMARKS,
COMIPRISING
A HISTORIY OF PARTIES,
From the organization of the Government to the present time.
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
The sessions of the Continental Congress were commenced as follows:  September 5, 1774; also May 10,
1775, at Philadelphia; December 2(, 1776, at Baltimore;
March 4, 1777, at Philadelphia; September 27, 1777, at
Lancaster, Pa.; September 30, 11777, at York, Pa.; July
2, 1778, at Philadelphia; June 30, 1783, at Princeton, NewJersey; November 26(,!78'3, at AAinapolis, Maryland; November 1, 1784, at Trenton, New-Jersey; January 11, 1785,
at New-York, which firom that time continued to be the
place of meeting, until the adoption of the Constitutioir of
the United States
CONV:ENTION  TO,FRAME, CONSTITUTION.-FIRST
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
In May, 1787, a convention was assembled at Philadelphia to fiame a new constitution.  General George Washington was sent as a delegate from Virginia, and was
unlanimously chosen President of that body  Tn 1789, he




2               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
was unanimously chosen the first President of the United
States, by electoral votes given by States, as follows:
New-Hampshire,    -                              5
Massachusetts,                                  10
Connecticut,   -                                 7
New-Jersey,      -..                        6
Pennsylvania,  -                                10
Delaware,                                -  -  3
Maryland,                                    -  6
Virginia,                                       10
South-Carolina,                                  7
Georgia,.                        -.       5
69
The legislature of New-York having omitted to pass a
law directing the mode of choosing electors, owing to a
disagreement between the two branches of the legislature,
no vote was cast from that state.  The ten states gave
sixty-nine votes, all for General Washington; and thirtyfour votes were given for John Adams, and thirty-five votes
were scattering.  By the constitution, as it then stood, the
President and Vice President were voted for by the electors
upon an equal footing-the one receiving the largest number of votes being elected President, and the one receiving
the next largest number, being elected Vice PresidentJohn Adams was, therefore, elected Vice President.
The intelligence of the election of General _Washin.gton
was first communicated to him at his residence at Mount
Vernon, by Mr. Charles Thomnpson, secretary of the then.
late Continental Congress.  The urgency of the public busi-.
ness required the immlediate attention of' the President elect
at the seat of government; he consequently left fbr NewYork immediately, in company with Mr. Thompson and
Colonel Humphreys.  On his way thither he was greeted
by the people of the different places through which he
passed, with the most enthusiastic and decisive evidences
of attachment and respect.




oR HISTORY Of PAaRTIES.              3
Soon after the adjournment of Congress, General Washington selected his cabinet.  Thomas Jefferson was appointed Secretary of State; Alexander Hamilton, Secretary
of the Treasury; Henry Knox, Secretary of'War; and
Edmund Randolph, Attorney General.  Mr. Jefferson returned from a mission to France and assumed the duties of
Secretary of State in March, 1790.
John Jay, of New-York, was appointed Chief Justice of
the supreme court; and John Rutledge, of South-Carolina,
James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, William Cushing of Massachusetts, Robert fH. Harrison, of Maryland, and John Blair,
of Virginia, Associate Justices.
The second session of the first Congress was also held at
New-York, in January, 1790, when Alexander Hamilton
put forth various able reports, as Secretary of the Treasury,
which shadowed forth the policy of the then existing administration.  He recommended the funding of the public debt
incurred by the war of the revolution; the assumption of
state debts by the general government; the providing of a
system of revenue friom duties on imports, and an internal
excise, which measures were adopted by Congress.
An act was passed for the permanent location of the seat
of government in the District of Columbia, and the temporary seat of government at Philadelphia. The third session
was held at Philadelphia, colmmlencing on the first Monday
of December, 1790. To complete the national financial
systenm recon-imended by Aleitander Hamilton, Secretary of
the Treasury, -a national  bank.- was incorporated.  The
cabinet and members of Congress were divided upon this
subject, but the bill passed, and General Washington gave
it his signature.
The second Congress met at Philadelphia, in October,
1791.'LThere was a majority in each branch favorable to
the administration.  The excise act, imposing a duty on
domestic distilled liquors, similar to one passed in 1790,
was one of the measures, and became very unpopular.
Upon this subject the TW/itskey Insurrection, broke out in




4                POLITICAL LANDMARKS;.
western Pennsylvania, and an army of 15,000 men was
raised to quell the rebellion.
During the second session of the second Congress, from
November, 1792, to MAarch, 1793, much time was occupied
in discussing the domestic and foreign relations of' the
country, without the adoption of any measure of particular
importance.  Party spirit ran high.  The cabinet was divided, Hamilton and Knox advising federal measures, while
Jefferson and Randolph acted in unison with the opposition
in Congress, whom Mr. Jefferson denominated republicans.
The difference of opinion existing between the members
of his cabinet was a source of extreme mortification to the
President.  Entertaining the highest respect fbr both Jefferson and Hamilton, he was unwilling to part with either, and
exerted all his influence to effect a reconciliation between
them, without success.
The French revolution had an inportant influence upon
the politics of' the country at' this time.  Jefferson and his
republican fiiends sympathized with the French nation ill
their struggles for liberty, and their contests with other
nations, while Hamilton and his friends of the federal party,
with whom  Washington coincided in this particular, considered it important to the interests of the United States to
maintain friendly relations with Great Britain, which power
was then at war with France.
Under this state of public opinion, the p:esidential election took place. General Washington desired not to be
re-elected, but finally yielded to the earnest wishes of his
friends to serve a second term.  General'Washington, in
1793, again received the unanimous electoral vote, as
follows:
New-Hampshire,    -    -    -    -    -    -  6'Vermont,    -                                    4
Massachusetts,     -    -    -    -    -    -  16
Rhode-Island,     -                               4
Connecticut,  -                                   9
New-York,.  -. 1.2




OR HISTORY OP PARTIES.             5
New-Jersey,.                                 7
Pennsylvania,..      -         15
Delaware,      -                              3
Maryland,                                     8
Virginia,                                    21
North-Carolina,                              12
South-Carolina,                               7
Georgia,    - *                               4
Kentucky,                                     4
132
John Adams received 77 votes, and George Clinton of
New-York received 50 votes, (New-York, Virginia, North
Carolina, Georgia;) consequently Mr. Adams was declared
elected Vice-President.
December 31, 1793, Thomas Jefferson resigned his seat
in the cabinet, as Secretary of State, iln pursuance of notice given some months previous. The President appointed Edmund Randolph to succeed Mr. Jefferson, and Wn'
Bradford, of Pa., to succeed Mr. Randolph, as Att'y General.
In April, 1794, the President selected John Jay, then
Chief Justice, as a special Envoy to England. Mr. Jay arrived in England in June, 1794, and in November following
a treaty with Great Britain was signed. It arrived in the
United States on the 7th of March, 1794, and was ratified
by the Senate on the 24th of June, by precisely the constitutional majority, (two-thirds,) after much opposition.
In 1794 the French government requested the recall of
Gouverneur Morris, the Minister to that country. The request was complied with, and James Monroe was appointed
his successor. In 1796 the President recalled Mr. Monroe,
and appointed Charles C. Pinckney to succeed him.
At the close of the year 1794, General Knox resigned
the place of Secretary of War, and Timothy Pickering was
apppointed.  Alexander Hamilton resigned the post of
Secretary of the Treasury, in January, 1795, and Oliver
Wolcott, of Connecticut, was appointed his successor.




6               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
We have thus far been very particular to give a minute
history of all events which have transpired, it being the
starting point in the political events of the country. We
shall proceed to put forth the most reliable authorities for
the purposes of our history of parties, and shall for the
present quote from Niles' Register, a " History of Parties,"
prepared by him in 1823.  I't will be noticed that Mr. Niles
was a violent opponent of the congressional caucus system:
Presuming that I know something of what were the landmarks of the old political parties in the United States, a
brief notice of them may not be uninteresting or useless,
seeing that so much is said about holding a caucus of the' democratic members " of Congress, to recommend a sound
and undeviating "' democrat," to the support of the party,
as President of the United States. It is not my intention,
at least, at present, either to be deluded, coaxed, or driven
into a discussion as to the.persons put up for the chief magistracy of the republic-but 1 am willing to do what I can
to place certain general subjects before the people, some of
whom are too young to know what parties were, others
have forgotten their cordition, and many find it convenient
just now to disreimember things, once deemed essential to
constitute a " democrat."  But if any will use that word,
they ought to understand the meaning that it had in primitive times, when the lines between parties were so strictly
drawn that no mistake could be made about it. This will
not stir'up old animosities, and I utterly disavow the most
remote intention of the sort-for justice compels me to say,
that the " federalists" were not always wrong, nor the
"' democrats " always right. Some measures were at different times proposed by one party, that were worthy of the
support or deserved the reprehension of both parties-but
it was too much the practice of one to be'continually opposed to the other, no matter what was the subject acted
upon, in relation to our foreign or domestic policy.
I shall proceed to detail the prominent points on which
parties divided in the United States.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                  7
in Washington's administration, partly on account of the neutral policy
that he had adopted and maintained, on the breaking out of the French
Revolution, (now universally acknowledged to have been a wise one,)
but especially concerning the treaty with Great Britain, signed at
London in November I794, and ratified in thefbllowing year, and
the money to carry it into effect appropriated in I796.
Previous to the receipt of this treaty, with Great Britain, much feeling  had been excited by certain assumptions and arbitrary and unjust proceedings of the British
Government, a narrative of which is too long for the present occasion; and an undoubtedly large majority of the
people of the United States awere willing to come to an
open rupture on account of them; and there was a very
warm feeling in favor of Fralce, because, having shaken
off her regal government, the crowned heads of Europe had
entered into an infamous league, to force chains upon her
in the manner that the successor of Louis XVI attempted
to fasten upon Spain, at a subseqdent day-to which proceeding the British were a party.  The appointment of Mr.
Jay, then chief justice of the United States, to negotiate
this treaty, was much objected to on constitutional as well
as political considerations, for he did not resign the office
of chief justice, and was regarded by many as being too
warmly attached to the interests of those with whom he was
to treat.  [It is not necessary for re to express an opinion
on this case, or others of its nature-I: only state the facts
as I personally know that they were.3 When the treaty
was received, president Washington laid it before the
Senate, who then, as they do now, sat with closed doors,
(and the president often attended their secret deliberations.)
It was supported and opposed with uncommon ardor-at
last, and before the question on its reception was decided,
Mr. Mason, a senator from  Virginia, in the heat of his indignation at the whole proceeding, furnished a. copy of the
instrument to the editor of the " Aurora," and thousands
of copies were almost instantly published. The shock on
the political mind of the people, could be compared to
nothing but that of an earthquake on the moral feelings of




8               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
a society.  Meetings were held everywhere to express the
public disapprobation of the instrument, and to entreat the
president to withhold his signature from it; and, perhaps
not less than nine-tenths of the yet surviving soldiers and
sages of the revolution were, at first, opposed to it.  But
still the treaty was ratified by the Senate, and Washington
firmly signed it. The mnighty weight of his character thus
thrown into the scale, brought many to a serious pause, and
the people began to divide into parties, pretty nearly equal
in strength, and out of this mainly grew the late democratic and federal sects —or until then, it had really been
chiefly whig and tory, so far as questions merely political
had been regarded.'Washi.igton naturally rallied around
him a vast amount of the gocd people of the nation, and all
persons believed that he meant what was right; though
others, and yet a majority, thought he had done what was
wrong. Before the treaty ctioid be fully perfected, certain
appropriations of money would have to be made by the house
of representatives, and this subject was seriously and very
warmly agitated until the meeting of congress late in the
year 1795. Those, and those only, who truly felt the importance of the s" Missouri question," of 1820-21 can apprehend the then existing state of the public mind, unless
they saw and felt it at that period.  I heard many men say,
they were reminded of' the awful anxiety that prevailed
when the Declaration of' Independence was about to be
made in 1776-that they never had, except at that season
been so moved as they were then.  I was yet in my " teens,"
but accident placed me in certain situations where I had a
much better opportunity, perhaps, than most youths of my
age, to know what was going on. The papers were filled
with essays for and against the treaty.  It was discussed
before the people by the ablest men in the United States,
and attacked or defended by smaller essayists without number; even by myself, without the editor of the paper, who
published my articles, ever suspecting the source from
whence they came-and here was the date of my " demo



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                 9
cracy."  The most solemn debate took place in Congress
that had ever been known, except on the case of Independence.  Notwithstanding the senate had ratified and Washington approved of the treaty, there was a clear and decided
majority in the house of representatives hostile to it, and
apparently resolved to withhold the appropriations necessary to carry it into effect.  It was during this discussion
that Mr. Fisher Amles delivered his famous speech. I heard
a part of it; it was, indeed a most powerfel appeal to the
passions.  It was said, and perhaps truly, that even WAsTINGTON himself exerted his personal influence on the occasion: and thereon, for the first time (that I know of in the
United States,) the people were excited to instruct their representatives, and claim  it as a right.  Meetings were extensively held, and many sets of instructions forwarded,
that were seemingly in opposition, as to the private opinions
of some of the members, as well as a majority of those whom
they represented-that opinion and majority being really opposed to the treaty.  I believe that I speak understandingly,
and might venture to mention particular cases, if I pleased.
Many questions of various character, but bearing on the
treaty, were decided, and the right of the House to withhold the appropriations, if it pleased, was maintained by
Mr. Gallatin, and, I well remember, he was severely attacked for his expression, that it was the constitutional principle *of the house of representatives " to hold the purse
strings," even if G" the wheels of government should be stopped," though he was supported in his opinions by the late
president Madison, the venerable Macon, and by Mr. Giles,
and nearly all the rest of the "s democratic" members of
congress. The famous Cobbett, who then or soon after
prided himself on being believed to be in the confidence
and pay of the British government, caricatured Mr. Gallatin,in a print prefixed to a periodical work published by
him, and called the " Political Censor."  The friends of
the treaty, [joined by a few who believed it was expedient
to carry it into effect, circumstanced as things were, it having




10              POLITICAL ~ LANDMARKS;
been approved by the president, by and vwith the advice and
consent of the senate, co-ordinate branches of the government,] resorted to several indirect means to operate on
the main question, but failed until the thirtieth April, 1!796,
when the following resolution was decided:
"'Resolved, As the opinion of the committee, [of the
"whole,] that it is expedient to pass the laws necessary for
carrying into effect the treaty lately negotiated between
6 the United States and Great Britain."
This was unexpectedly passed in the affirmative-51 to
48.  One or two persons, who had originally opposed the
appropriations, were suddenly indisposed and could not
attend, and several had'" chopped round," as the sailors
say, suddenly, under cover of'"instructions," professing
obedience to the Will of fhe people. Every member present
from Maryland, except General Sprigg, voted in the affiimative, though at least three of them  were counted on as
being firmly opposed to the treaty as he was-and there
was one vacancy. One of these, weas rejected by his constituents at the next election, on account of his vote; a
second never regained the confidence of his party or went
again to Congress-a third succeeded in reinstating himself.
One that was absent I happened to have the pleasure of an
acquaintance with some years afterwards-he had been a.
gallant soldier in the revolution, and was one of the most
amiable of men, but was not returned to Congress: and to
his dying day, that absence " hung heavy'at his heart." In
the fifty-one yeas there are the names of many afterwards
distinguished as " Federalists,".but in the forty-eight nays,
I cannot call to mind ally one who did not retain the reputation of a " democrat." Among them were Madison, Macon, Giles, Gallatin, Baldwin, Dearborn, Livingston, New,
Swanwick, Varnum, Hampton and others, equally well.
known in their day, and all who yet survive of them, are
still called " democrats."  Notwithstanding the " starting
place," of parties was at the adoption of'" Jay's treaty," it
was a mere difference of opinion with WASHINGTON, on a




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                11
single point, and4a question of expediency.  No regular
opposition was made to the measures of his administration,
and the lines of parties were not fairly drawn until the campaign for the next president was opened. It was, no doubt,
the fact, that a large majority of the people of the United
States was opposed to the treaty; and it was said, by persons who were believed to know, that Washington himself
had agreed to receive it with great reluctance; abut, having
adopted his course, he was not to be diverted from it, and
he accomplished what he thought the good of the country
required.  But surely, he was the only man in the nation
who could have got that treaty through.  The love and reverence of the people for him, induced many to give up
their private opinions wholly to him: a proceeding that, in
this case, was not so important, but which I have no desire
to see a recurrence of.  It has destroyed the liberties of
many nations, for few have had a WAsHINGTOrN at their
head.
I believe that this is a faithfill political history of the first
arrayment of parties in the United States, under the names
by which they were long after designated. It s a brief detail —yet it may call up somethings to recollection, and especially impress it on the house of representatives, that that
body " holds the purse strings" —that no provision of the
constitution will admit of the drawing of one dollar fiom
the public treasury without their approbation.  There is
safety in this consideration: and, as the senate was wisely
designed to act as a check on the haste of the house, so
the house may serve as a check on the power of the senate,
even in the making of treaties.
In continuing this history, it will be observed that Mr.
NILES, from. whom we are still quoting largely from.."Niles'
Register," refers to matters then existing July, 1823.  It
will also be observed that the Register frequently alludes to
the Congressional caucus system.  Mr. Niles was a violent




12               )POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
oppon ent of that system, in which he differed with EDWIN
CROSWELL of the Albany Argus, and Mr. RITCHIE Of the
Richmond Enquirer, and now of the Union.  The Congressional caucus system continued to exist for some considerable time, as also the legislative caucus system, in the
State of New-York, until finally it; became unpopular with
the masses of the people at large, as it was thought that it
concentrated too much power in the hands of a few men
who were thrown together during a session.  It was also
thought that the abuse of that power thus delegated was
fast destroying all confidence in the caucus or convention
system. The result was that that system was superceded by
the system of electing delegates from town to county conventions, and, firom county to state conventions; and for the
nomination of candidates to be supported for President and
Vice-President, delegates were sent from  state to national
conventions, thus constituted.  In this manner the full and
fair expression of the people is supposed to be arrived at.
The federalists opposed this scheme for a time, but finally
adopted it as the only true mode of making political nominations.
The contest between JOHN ADAMS and THOMAS JnEFFERSONfor the Presidencs in 1796, and the subsequent measures of M.r. Adams' administration in regard to the quasi war with F'rance, 4-c.
ELECTORAL VOTE:
John Adams received,    -                           71
Thomas Jefferson,                                   69
Thomas Pinckney,         -    -    -    -    -    59
Aaron Burr,      -    -    -                        30
Scattering,   -                                     48
A full table will be appended in the close of the work,
showing the vote of each state.
This election  was maintained with great warmth, and
tended more firmly to fix the-lines between parties, which
were yet indistinct on account of the personal popularity of
Washingtoxn, and'the well-earned confidence that was re



OR nISTORY OP PARTIES.               13
posed in his discretion and zeal for the public good. Mr.
Adams was elected, and commenced his administration with
a speech to Congress that astonished many who had opposed
him, and startled some that had supported him. It had less
of party in it than either expected, and some members of his
administration, (as was then believed,) went to work to
give a higher tone and " energy," as the word was, to the
government. They succeeded. Among the measures adopted in 1798, was that of getting up addresses to the president, commending him in the most extravagant terms, and
expressing " unlimited confidence in the wisdom and virtue
of his administration."'  These addresses were hawked
about from door to door, like petitions in our cities to get a
street paved-those who signed them were good citizens,
and those who refused were put down as "jocobins."  In
many places it was like taking the census of the people, to
determine how  many were " federalists," and how many
were "democrats;" and it was believed that many persons were actually dismissed from office as being "disaffected," because they thus refused to send in their ADHESION."
I do not magnify facts.  Parties were at such a height at
that day, that I well recollect to have been personally abused,
because I did not mount a black cockade, and once had
great difficulty to prevent personal violence on a young nman
of my acquaintance, because he foolishly braved a set of
persons by wearing one.  Both parties went so far, that social, family intercourse was destroyed,. in thousands of cases-anld a gentleman could hardly join a mixed company
without being insulted by unsupportable epithets.  To re:
ceive the " Auiora" at that time, was regarded as the extreme point of political degradation, and so powerful was
the persecution, that many obtained and read it secretly,
though " Porcupine's Gazette" was openly patronized!
People compared the proscription of that and other newspapers to the proceedings of the "holy inquisition," by
whom it was made an unpardonable sin to read the Bible!
Lists of the subscribers to these offensive papers were ob



14              POLITICAL tAN30XA'A9;2
tained at some places and forwarded to the seat of government! Credit was, very generally refused, at some banks to
the'"opposition," and it was believed that the old bank of the
United States at Philadelphia, had closed the accounts, (or
caused the closing of them,) of most persons that were not
acknowledged " federalists." I recollect one personal instance of this sort.  It happened in the bank at Wilmington,
Delaware, where I then lived-a note was objected to because the maker of it was an "enemy of the government;"
but the good sense of' the direction rejected the proposition
and the " legitimate" was exposed.  Further to show the
spirit of parties, I will notice a fourth of July celebration
that took place in that town, always remarkable for its " republicanism," though then almost broken down by the power of " federalism."  It had been agreed to make a joint celebration of the anniversary of independence-that the president of the day should be a " federalist," and the vice president a" democrat," and that the company should in good humor, drink all the toasts that they might alternately offer.
The dinner party consisted of a number of the most prominent and respectable gentlemen on both sides.  When the
cloth was removed the president gave -' John Adams," &c.
The toast was drank by all, though it afforded no small degree of merriment to see what a "hard job" it was for some to
get down their wine. The vice president then gave "Thomas
Jefferson," &c. It was generally drank as the other had been,
but an imprudent young man violeiltly broke his glass and
spilled his wine on the table.  Every one was on his feet in
a moment. The act was deprecated by almost every one
present and in the severest terms-yet party feelings were soon
so much roused, that a general battle seemed inevitable. All
wlanted to talk, and none were willing to listen! But the
affray was soon settled-a powerful mechanic very deliberately seized the young man by the back of the neck, grasping him as if in a vice by one hand, while with the other he
poured a glass of wine down his throat to the manifest dan



OR HISTORY o' PARTIS.               15
ger of suffocating him  This was the act of a moment-but
that moment was happily sufficient to restore the company to discretion, and convince both parties of the necessity
of an immediate separation-which took place, and each division of the company finished the celebration'in its own way.'
Things of this character were forced into the most common transactions of life, from the making of a pair of shoes
to the building of a ship, in all places whereat the parties
were pretty equally matched.  In some, the different political sects met in actual combat, with as much regularity as
opposing armies ever did. This was notoriously the case
in Maryland, and especially il Baltimore, during a famous
electioneering campaign, when fighting and voting were a'
common object on both sides! All persons had yet to
learn, or at least to attend to the admonition, that " TRUTH
IS A VICTOR WITHOUT VIOLENCE."  The passage of the alien and sedition laws increased the flame.  These two acts
of Congress passed in the summer of 1798, which became
extremely unpopular with a large portion of the people.
The alien law was opposed upon the ground that it was liable to abuse by the president, who had authority to order
aliens, who were found, or supposed to be conspiring against
the peace and authorities of the United States, to depart
from its territories.'It is known to all, that the revolutionary war was carried on mainly by foreigners-that is, the
battles were mainly fought by men who had repaired to this
country, then in its infancy, to better their own condition.
These were found in the front ranks, nobly combatting
friends and kindred, in mxaintaining what they considered
to be the rights of their adopted country.  One apology for
the law  was, that there were then computed to be thirty
thousand Frenchlmen in tie United States, all of whom
were devoted to their native country, and mostly associated
throtigh clubs or otherwise.  Besides these, there were
computed to be fifty thousand who'had been subjects of
Great Britain, some of whom had found it unsafe to remain




16              P1OLITICAL LANDMARKS;
at home. It was also contended that the persons who by
the law, were liable to be required to leave the country,
were not citizens-had no just claim to a continuance here
-and that their residence, with the views they had, and the
opinions they published, endangered the welfare of the nation. The objection to the sedition law was, that it restricted the liberty of speech and of the press, which was an arbitrary interference with the right of the citizens to express
freely their opinions on all public and political measures.
Those who justified the law asserted that the grossest falsehoods were uttered and published, tending to deceive the
people- and to excite their prejudices unduly, to the danger
of the peace of the nation. There were at this period about
two hundred newspapers published in the United States, 180
of which were in favor of the federal administration, and
about twenty were opposed to the leading measures then
adopted; and it was urged that the greater proportion of
the twenty were under the control of aliens.
In Virginia and Kentucky particularly, the people were
violently opposed to these measures.  The legislatures of
those States declared them to be direct and gross infractions of the constitution, and appealed to the other states
to join in opposition to them.  An attempt was made to repeal the measures at the next session of Congress, but without avail. T'he officers of the provisional army were often
very overbearing, and, perhaps, not, at all times treated with
the respect that they deserved, on account of a letter said to
be written by the secretary of war, Gen. D. of Virginia, in
which it was said that persons laboring under a certain hideous political designation, would not be objected to on that
account for officers; and many believed that the army was
rather intended to operate on the people of the United
States, than on the French republic; that it was designed
to build up;" a strong administration," to support an alliance
with England in a crusade against liberty, destroy the state
sovereignties, and consolidate the government, That these




OR HISTORY OF PARTIXES        ].       7
were the designs of sonze, there can&.t be a doubt.  Wlashington, however, yet lived, and the " federal party" cer:taixn
ly embraced many of the best men of the nation, who had
for seven years contended for frieedom,. and could not be
supposed willing to establish such an aristocracy as a faction of that party, (the Hartford conventionists of latter
times,) aimed at.  Moderate measures were recommended
and encouraged, and the election of Thomzas Xlic~fea   as
governor of the great central state of Pennsylvania, "the key
stone of the political arch," had a wonderful effect in suppressing violence. President Adams seemed displeased with
the lengths to which parties had proceeded, and he changed
his policy, in renewing his attempt to effect, and inibringing about an accommodation with France.  This was understood to be against the advice of the heads of departments, and an explosion took place.  Immediately after the
New-York election was over, Mr. Adams abruptly dismissed two of his Cabinet ministers-Mr. Pickering, Secretary
of state, and Mr. McHenry, Secretary of war, an event
which caused much sensation, and had much influence in
reducing the federalists to a minority.  Gen. Hamilton, althlough of the same party, subsequently czame out with-a letter censuring the public conduct and character of Mr. Adams; which letter disclosing a determined aversion to the
president by so conspicuous a leader of the administration
party, was considered as among the operative causes of Mr.
Adams' failure at the then approaching election. Mr. Hamilton, it was supposed, designed the pamphlet only for circulation at the south, but it got into the hands of the democrats, and its publication was very general at the north.  Mro
Hamilton was favorable to the election of General Pinckney to the Presidency, but did not oe(,penly advise the withholding any electoral votes f'om Mr. Adams.  In consequence of this rupture, a party was gelt up only less hostile
to Jefferson and the democrats than to Mr. Adams~  So me
account of these things were given in sevear, *u rioAP3 paROa:1.,t




18               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
phlets that appeared at the time-but a friend long since borrowed my collection of them; still the general facts of that
political quarrel are pretty fresh in my recollection.
The president, it is said, was highly offended, because things
had been done by his secretaries, as under his sanction,
that he did not approve of; and it seemed as if he had himself really began to apprehend what the' democrats" imputed to him, as the design of his administrationl —-to wit, a
change in the form  of government, " a f'raternal alliance"
with England, and an extinction l' the firee representaltive
system.  It may be, that it was the idea. of' the alliance that;
first caused a stir in the blood of the old patriot.  He had
been worked into what was, perhaps, a too hostile disposition towards France —but to unite with England, and give
up the destinies of this country to the will of old George and
his ministers, was too much!  The fire of the revolution
again warmed his soul, he penetrated into what he supposed
was the ulterior designs of those who had possessed his almost unlimited confidence, and with a burst of his former
sririt of resistance, cast them all off.  I well remlember the
shock that it produced, and the'~ long faces," that it made
-and it was currently believed, on what then seemed undoubted authority, he said, " that had all the regilients ordered to be raised been full, and IHT    at their head, nae
should have been compelled to raise another army to preserve
the constitution."  I cannot now refer to the authority for
this remarkable declaration as quoted; but I happened to
meet with: it in a pamphlet written by myself fourteen years
ago, called " Things as they are," and have no manner of
doubt of its substantial truth.  An anecdote may serve to
show the probability of these things, which was directly related to me while Mr. Adams was president, and perhaps
before the result of the election of 1800 was known. When
going from  er proceeding to Washington, he inet, at one
of the public houses on the road, an old revolutionary friend,
that he had not seen since the close of the war.  They




OP. HISTORY OF PARTIES              19
agreed to dine iogether.  Mr. Adams made some observations that evidently manifested a desire to know the politics
of his compatriot —who said he had not changed them since
1776; adding, " but they tell me that you have changed
yours."  The president said,' "perhaps it has appeared so
-but it is not the fact. My predecessor left me surrounded
by men that were exceedingly useful to him, and innocent,
because they dared not attempt to dictate to or mislead him,
but, presuming on their standing with Washington, they
have given me inexpressible pain, and, to cast them off, was
a most difficult matter. I have relieved myself of them, but
it is too late."  This is the substance of what, (from particular circumstances,) I remember was told to me sometime in the year 1800, in a way that I believed it. It was
well understood that many of the " federalists" w6re opposed to the taking of Mr. Adams for the presidency, a
second time —that they had nearly fixed upon another person; but, having agreed upon him, they supported him to
the utmost of their power, as a party —as the " democrats"
have supported their candidates. It may here be added,
that Mr. Adams was not long. out of office before he was a
friank and open friend of Mr. Jefferson's administration;
and, a few years after, he became a public writer against
imnpressment and other hostile acts of the British, under his
own name. And it has been stated, I think by himself, that
when the first embassy to France was talked of, he was
greatly importuned to send Gen. Hamilton as one of the
envoys —he yielded to this, on condition that Mr. Madison
should be another. This was most decidedly objected to
and neither were appointed.
But to return to the subject —the people at large remained
nearly.as much heated as ever, and it required time for
them to get cool. They had been worked into the madness
of passionl by reported plots and conspiracies-believed on
one side to be real, we must hope —and on the other denounced as despicable contrivances to introduce "a reign




20.POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
of terror;" and the approaching election still furnishes materials for inveterate opposition among them, which some
of the last acts of Mr. Adam's administration were not calculated to lessen —especially that concerning the judiciary,
for this'the democrats supposed was designed as a. pclladium
of " federal" politics and policy.
Tn 1784, Mr. Jefferson being in Conlgress, as chairman
of a committee for that purpose, reported the plan for the
government of the Northiwest Territory, which contained
a _Proviso forever inhibiting slavery in the territories of the
United States northwest of the Ohio.  The mneasure was
carried ouit three years afterwards, and was sanctioned by
the new constitution.
In continuing our'reimarks, we have thought it not out
of place to speak of the life of one who will occupy a conspicuous place in the present number of the "' History of
Parties.'
The life of THOMAS JEFFERSON, tle third president of
the United States, is one of the most interesting and instructive among those of the distinguished persons whose names
are identified with American history.  In the character of
this extraordinary man, as well as in the events of his life,
we are presented with a combination of philosophical attainments and political talents of benevolent feelings, and ambitious aspirations, rarely found united in the same individual, and still more rarely resulting in the popular veneration bestowed upon his:name by a large portion of his countrymen; while by others he has been regarded in an unfavorable light as a statesman and a ruler, particularly in
the effect of his political principles upon the American
people, over whom  he acquired such an extra~ordinary ascendancy.
The family of Jefferson were among the early emigrants
from Great Britain to Virginia.  Thomas Jefferson was born
at Shadwell, in.Albemarle eQounty, Virginia, on the 2d of




oR HSTORXY oF PARTIES.              I
April 1743.  His father, Peter Jefferson, a man of some
distinction in the colony, died in 1757, leaving a widow with
two sons and six daughters.  These children inherited a
handsome fortune from their father.  Thomas, the eldest
received the lands which he called Monticello, on which he
resided, when not in public life, and where he died.
Mr. Jefferson by birth, belonged to the aristocracy, but
the idle and voluptuous life which imarked that order had
no charmis for a mind like his. He relished better the strong
unsophisticated, and racy character of the yeomanry, and
attached himself, of choice to that body.  He was a republican and a philanthropist, from the earliest dawn of his
character. fIe read with a sort of poetic illusion, which
identified him with every scene that his author spread before him. Enraptured with the brighter ages of republican
Greece and Rome, he had followed with an aching heart,
the march of history which had told him of the desolation
of thote fairest portions of the earth; and had read with
dismay and indignation-of that swarm of monarchies, the
progeny of the Scandinavian hive, under which genius and
liberty were now every where crushed. He loved his country, and with that love, he combined and expanded philanthrophy which encircled the globe. From the working of
the strong energies within him, there arose an early vision,
which cheered his youth and accompanied him through life
-the vision of emancipated man throughout the world.
While a student at law at Williamsburgh,    ill 1765, Mr.
Jefferson heard the celebrated speech of PATRICK HENRY
in. the Virginia House of delegates, against the stamp-act;
and animated by the eloquence of Henry, he from that time
stood forward as a champion for his country.
With these brief remarks relative to the early history of
Mr. Jefferson, we proceed with the numbers of the "' Political Landmarks," it.being the second and a very exciting
contest between Messrs. Adams and Jefferson:




22                 5iPOLITCAL LANDMARKS.
Second contest between John Adams and Thomas Jeffersonfor the Presidency, in the year 1800, in which the latter was successful, and entered
upon the duties of his office on the 4th of March, 1801.
ELECTORAL VOTE.
o  D     C:0
Vermont,         -       -       -                4      4
Massachusetts,.-       -       -16                16
Rhode-Island,   -.                                4      3
Connecticut,         -       -       -       -   9       9
New-York,..12    12
New-Jersey,   -    -         -       -       -   7       7
Pennsylvania,,   -       -       -       -     8 7  8  7
Delaware,            -      -       -       -    3       3
Maryland,       -       -       -              5     5-    5
Virginia,   -        -       -       -        21 
North-Carolina,                                    4  8  4
South-Carolina,      -       -       -         8     8
Georgia,                                       4     4
Tennessee,                                     3     3
Kentucky,       -          -       -4                4
73 65 73 64
Scattering, 1.
Mr. Jefferson commenced the organization  of his cabinet by the appointment, with the consent of the Senate, of
Wames Madison, secretary  of state; Henry  Dearborn  of
Mass. ocretary of war; and Levi Lincoln of Mass., attorney general.  The secretaries of the treasury and navy,
Samuel Dexter, and Benjamin Stoddert, who had been appointed by Mr. Adams, were continued in office for a brief
period of time;  but before the meeting of congress, Albert Gallatin of Pennsylvania, was appointed secretary of
the treasury, and Robert Smith, of Maryland, secretary of
the'navy.  Gideon Granger, of Connecticut was appointed




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                23
post-master general, in place of Mr. Habersham, of Georgia.
The federalists, from the tone of Jefferson's inaugural
address, had hopes that he would retain in office the incumbents under Mr. Adams' administration, but they were soon
undeceived.  In June, 1801, Mr. Jefferson removed Elizur Goodrich, a federalist, from the office of colector of the
port of New-Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop, a democrat, in his place.  In reply to a remonstrance from various
citizens of New-Haven, in which they asserted the promptness, inegrity and ability of Mr. Goodrich, and their belief
that he was better qualified for the office than Mr. Bishop,
who was nearly eighty years of age, and quite infirm, Mr.
Jefferson said among other things, in his answer, dated the
12th of July: " Declarations by myself in favor of political
tolerance, exhortations to harmony and affection in social
intercourse, and respect for the equal rights of the minority, have, on certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued
into assurances that the tenure of offices was not to be dis-'
turbed.  But could candor apply such a construction?
When it is considered that, during the late administration,
those who were not of a particular sect of politics were excluded from  all office; when by a steady pursuit of this
measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were
monopolized by that sect; When the public sentiment at
length disclosed itself, and burst open the door of honor
and confidence to those whose opinions they approved; was
it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was to be continued in the hands of the minority?  Does it violate their
equal?,rights to assert some rights in the majority also?  Is
it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share'u the
direction of public affairs? If a due participation of office
is a matter of right, how  are vacancies to be obtained?
Those by death are few, resignations none. Can any other
mode than that of removal be proposed? This is a painful
office; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such.  I
proceed in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that
it may injure the best men least, and effect the purposes of




24               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
justice and public utility with the least private distress; that
it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on anti-revolutionary adherence to
our enemies.
"' [ lament sincerely, that unessential differences of opinion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half
the society from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them  as unworthy of every trust.  It
would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I
found a moderate participation of office in the haws of the
majority.  I would gladly have left to time and accident to
raise them to their just share.  But this total exclusion calls
for prompt correction.'I shall correct the procedure;
but that done, return with joy to that state of things
when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be,
Is he honest? Is he capable?  Is he faithiful to the constitution?"
The history of this era embraces a great multitude of
facts, but they shall all be noticed with all possible brevity,
This election was conducted as violently as the former had
been-and the parties abused each other ill the most extravagant manner.  It was said that if Mr. Jefferson was
elected, our churches would be turned into cow stables, the
public debt of the United States wiped away, the country
become a province of France, and the like; and th at if Mr.
Adams was chosen, he would do things not much less offensive.  Persons of character-some men in the most eminent
stations, so far forgot themselves as to become common
traducers of public and private reputation.  The "' federalists" yet had the power, and the'" democrats" were struggling.to get it; but great principles were maintained and
opposed.  The first thought, generally, that the constitution
was too weak-the latter believed' that it was sufficiently
strong; and on these leading points hinged many important
collaterals, thought to be essential to the well-being of the
people.




oR HISTORY O0 PVATIER5& 
It is here needful to give some account of the progress
and termination of that mermorable election in the house of
representatives.  It was the most awful political contest
that ever occurred. Never, perhaps, before had the minds
of a whole people been so seriously agitated  and I cannot
yet revert to the period without a sensation of horror, when
I reflect on the narrow escape that the republic made.
At that timne there was. no designation on the ballots of
the electors whom they designed for president and whom
for vice president.  They simply contained two names, and
the person who had the greatest number of votes was considered as elected president -if no one had a majority, the
choice devolved upon the house of representatives of congress, voting by states.  Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr
had seventy-three votes each, and Mr. Adams sixty-five.
The balloting comnenced in the house of representatives
on the 11th of February.  Eight states voted for Mr. Jefferson, six for Mr. Burr, and two, (Maryland and Vermont,)
were divided.  It required a majority of the whole number
of the states to make a choice, so no determination was had.
The balloting, with the same result, continued until the
17th of the same month.  In all places, whereat the intelligence of it was receivedl, the people looked as we might
have supposed they would do if a civil war was expected,
and the agitation at Washington, filled with strangers, was
almost; beyond bearing.  The late estimable Nicholson, of
Maryland, though apparently at the point of death, was
brought to the capitol in his bed and lodged in one of the
committee rooms, that by his vote he might prevent Maryland from being given to Burr. At; last, on the thirtyseventh ballot, the following result appeared:
Vernmont, New-York, New.-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North-Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, nine
states voted for Mr. Jefferson,  Maryland gave 4 votes f6r;gi u and four Vbantks, Delwawire and South-Carolina declined




'2Ad36          POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
voting, and New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island
and Connecticut stuck to Burr.
When the issue was known the people were wild with joy
-they hugged one another in the streets, and some danced
and sung and shouted, not knowing what they did-the old
forgot their infirmities-and the young committed many extravagancies.  A notice of two little things that happened
to myself may illustrate the state of the public feeling.  I
caught myself, though entirely aldne at the time, with my
hat in my hand and whirling it round my head, and huzzaing with the whole force of my lungs; and it made me feel
very foolish-but I could not help it.'Immediately after this
I met a friend who begged me to proceed to my office with
the least possible delay. I accordingly ran towards it as fast
as I could, and there found a large crowd of persons in the
very act of forcing a small cannon into the office to give me
a grand salute, though I then was a private man like the
rest, never having printed a public paper of any sort until
several years after. It was with no small difficulty that I
diverted them from their design, and, as it was, they were
yet so mad as to discharge the gun in a thickly built and
populous street, by which a couple of dozen lights of glass
were broken in the office alone! In this crowd, a number
ofpersons were actors whose common habits were as sober
and sedate as those of others in the town in general.  It is
just to add, that though the " federalists," for a moment,
seemed depressed by this event, a common sense of what
was right soon caused a large majority of them, (so far
as came _to my knowledge,) to be satisfied with a result, bottomed on the undoubted will of a majority of the
people, though they did not esteem Mr. Jefferson any more
on that account.
This act of the " federal " party in Congress can hardly
be excused; I never heard it defended.  The constitution,
true, gave them power to proceed as they did-but if all men
ashould do, on every occasion, what the written law will not




o.R HISTORY OF PAARTIES.            27
prevent them from doing, we should be but little better off
than a nation of savages, and, perhaps worse. Take away
from society its moral sense of decency, justice, mercy,
honor, truth, &c., and what remains is not worth contending for, as an imnprovement over the customs and manners
of the rudest aborigines of America.  It was just-as perfectly known that the people designed Mr. Jefferson for
president, and Mr. Burr for vice president, as that an election had been held at all. Some may have quibbled, and
said, that members of Congress had no right to know this.
It is true they had no-legal right. But there was a right far
beyond the law, that should have operated-THE ETERNAL
RIGHT OF TRUTH AND JUSTICE: and even the first principle
of the constitution under which they acted, " that the will
of the people is the supreme law of the land."
The following letter from  the late James A. Bayard,
(then having the vote of a state, being the sole representative from Delaware,) though lately published in the REGISTER, we feel it proper to insert here.  It was addressed to
one of his friends at Wilmington:
"' Washington, 17th February, 1801.
"DEAR SIR-M~r. Jefferson is our president-Our opposition was continued till it was demonstrated that Burr could
not be brought in, and even if he could, he meant to come
in as a democrat.
" In such case, to evidence his sincerity, he must have
swept every officer in the United States.  I have direct in
formation that Mr. Jef'erson will not pursue that plan.  The
New-England gentlemen came out, and declared they meant
to go without a constitution, and take the risk of a civil
war. They agreed, that those who would not agree to incur such an extremity ought to recede without loss of time.
AWe pressed them to go with us and preserve unity in our
measures.
"After great agitation and much heat, all agreed except
one'. But- n consequence of his standing out, the others ren




POLITICAL LAND ARKS;
fused to abandon their old ground. Mr. J. did not get a
federal vote.  Vermont gave a vote by means of Morris
withdrawing.  The sane thing happened with Maryland.
The votes of South Carolina and- Delaware were blank.
Your obedient servant,        [Signed]  J. A. B."'
bhave a suspicion of the source from whence this letter
was published.  I heard of it shortly. after its date —and the
fact is strongly impressed on nmy mind, that the writer
made a request to withdraw it, but was assurecl that it had
been destroyed immlediately on its receiplt, as improper to be
kept in eristence.  EF  If he had been living, that letter
would not have been published.
[One passing remark on this subject.  If I could apprehend the repetition of such a scene and supposed that a
congressional caucus would prevent it, liable as it is to nmany and such serious objections in the present state of' atL
fairs-I would support it, even if it virtulally vested t/he
election of president in the senate and house of'representac
tives on their'" individual characters."'   But I do not believe that an old fashioned caucus, "democratic" or 6" federal," can now-be held, and that if holden, apprehend that
it may rather have a tendency to throw the decision into the house of representatives than prevent it-some of the
reasons for which I have already assigned.]
The contest being over, and Mr. Jefferson -seated, he
soon indicated his design of softening down party rage, and
he so effected it, that in 1804, he was re-elected almost
without opposition   But there were imany severe contests
in the different states before this unanimity was brought
about.  I shall notice two of them, that the spirit of the
whole may be understood-they are familiar to me, and as
applicable to the condition of things elsewhere, as in the
little state of Delaware.
In the year 1801, the democrats for the first time since
the peace of'83 succeeded in the election of their candidate for governor, and Col. David Hall, who had comnlan&ad




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              29
ed the justly celebrated Delaware regiment for some time
during the revolution, was chosen by a majority of' 17 votes.
It was the constitutional duty of the senate of that state to
count the votes and proclaim  the result of such elections.
It was currently reported and decidedly believed,. that a majority of that body had pre-determined to pronounce the
election illegal, and so secure the governorship to the speaker of the senate, a majority of which was " federal.". It
was delibeiately resolved to resist this-and concluded to
swear in Col. Hall as governor, on the green, before the
state house, at Dover, if the senate persisted in its supposed.
desig'n.  Preparatory to this, it was needful to find a willing person who could administer the oath; and after much,'inquiry, it was discovered, that only one "democrat" in
the whole state had authority to administer a common oath
— so perfect had been the proscription; and how that one
had escaped then became a matter of much speculation; it
was an honest Irishman who had fought bravely in the revolution, and he promptly agreed to perform the duty requested, for which purpose he proceeded to the seat of govern-.
ment; and in its neighborhood, many resolute persons were
located —among them as respectable men as there were in
the state, to act as occasion might require.  A sort of negotiation was entered into and an understanding had, as to
the proceedings that would take place. One of the senators, (who could not " go the whole") gave way and voted
against his party; Col. Hall was then declared duly elected
and each man departed for his home in peace.
We had another great contest in this small state in the ensuing year, 1802, which I shall briefly notice, and conclude, this
branch of the subject.  Mr. Bayard, who voted thirty-six
times for Burr in the house of representatives, vested with
the whole power of the state in his own person, was again
a candidate.  We put up Mr. C. A. Rodney to oppose him.
These gentlemen ever were, till the lamented decease of the
former, on the most intimate and friendly footing of any




30              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
two persons that I ever knew, and they nobly maintained
their regard for one another, even in this furious rencontre of parties.  It was as stubborn a contest as ever took
place-but resulted in the election of Mr. Rodney by a majority of fifteen votes! Mr. Bayard was a man of great
powers-fearless and brave, almost an idol with his party,
and so much the mnore desired to be put down by the other
side.  In looking  over some  old papers, I  happened
to meet with an  extract from  the  Baltimore  Federal
Gazette, of the llth October, 1802. This was not the
most violent of the papers of that day; it, however said,
"Indeed, the death of WASHINGTON could not have given
the enemies of liberty more satisfaction than that Bayard
has lost his election."  It was an event deplored by one
party, and a cause for triumph in the other, that, perhaps,
never had its fellow in the choice of one representative in
the congress of the United States.  Mr. Bayard, surely,
was about the strongest man in the " federal" interest-he
was privately liberal, yet as a puhlic man, resolved, and
sometimes apparently rather austere.  Still every one admired his uncommon talents, and all believed him  honest.
His political principles were severely assailed in this contest,
but his integrity never impeached; and it is fair to add that
Mr. Rodney was treated in the same respectful manner by
the other side; but it would sometimes imake one smile lto
see these gentlemen, almost daily arm-in-arm together, while
their adverse political friends were seemingly ready to make
battle at every corner or cross roads in the state 
Before Mr. Bayard proceeded to Washington in the latter end of the year 1800, he declared, in my hearing, that, if
the choice of a president was to be made between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, no man ought to hesitate.  He believed, he said, that the first meant right, but that his
scheme of government was not fitted to the state of society,
and he pronounced it visionary. -Of the latter he spoke in
very rough terms, and expressed his surprise that the




Os -ISToRY OrV PARTIESi.
democrats " had ever taken him up, saying he was a perfeet Cataline.  The very evening of IIMr. Bayard's return
home, onthe 6th or 7th of March, 1801, we accidentally
met, and I took the liberty to remind him of the conversation alluded to, and apply it to his late votes for Mr. Burr
in congress.  He said that his opinion of the men had not
been changed; and then expressed his detestation of the
trammels of party; observing, that I could not yet understand their force.  He said this in a way that silenced me,
for he appeared exceedingly mortified, if not distressed. I
do not affect to have had an intimacy with Mr. B. but we
were sometimes together at the house of a mutual friend;
and then, as on all other occasions, he was polite and communicative-liberal in his remarks, and willing to hear the
observations of those that he happened to be in company
of. This gentleman's conduct in 18)1, has already been
mentioned-it was he who then, perhaps, prevented a dreadful Calamity; and if the history of a certain meeting that
took place between 1808 and'10 is ever brought to light,
I apprehend it will appear that: he, A SECOND TIME, interposed, and destroyed a scheme that had for its apparent;
purpose a separation of the states.  He was a warm part;i.zan-but a real patriot; a good neighbor and a gelerous
friend.  My testimony cannot add any thing to his reputation; but a notice of him seemed fitted to the'general subject that I am endeavoring to give a faithful, though imperfect, account of-and when a man such as hd was, proceeded to the lengths that he did, through party, what must
have been the state of the public mind.
In 1803, an amendment of the constitution was proposed
relative to the election of president and vice-president, so
as to designate which person was voted for as president and
which as vice-president.  The admlendment was proposed
by the republicans, to provide against.the disappointment
which had threatened them  at the election in 1801, and
which had caused so much bitterness of feeling.  The federalists opposed the amendment as an unwise departure




32               POLITIOAL LANDiTAsKS;
from the spirit and design of the constitution, which was,
that two persons fully qualified for the office of chief magistrate, should be voted for without a specific and exclusive designation of one to the presidency, and thus in case
of death of one, the other who would succeed, would be equal
to the discharge of the high trust. rThe amendment was
agreed to by the votes of twothirds of the members of both
branches of Congress, and within the year 1804, it was ratified bVy three-fourths of the States as required by the constitution. It became a part of the constitution on the -5th
September, 1804.
An additional law was pa.sJed by Congress on the subject of the naturalization of aliens, and the time of residence required previous lo their becoming citizens was
placed on its original footing of: five years, instead of fourteen.  The federalists oppoc:-i this law, as they deemed it
unreasonable to admit foreigners to all the rights of those
born and educated in the United States, until they had resided a longer time in this country, while they were readily allowed protec tion a-nd equal justice.
The bankrupt law  which had been enacted under Mr.
Adams' administration xas repealed at the first session of
the 8th Congress at'the instance, it is believed, of MrW Jefferson, and certainly with his hearty concurrence.
During the contest in the House of Representatives be —
tween Jefferson and Burr, the latter was in Albany, and his
friends represented that he took no part il the matter; but
strong feelings of dissatisfaction and jealousy grew up between the friends of the president and vice-president, creating quite'a schism  in the ranks of the democratic party.
These feelings were suppressed in a measure; but the result was the political prostration of Col. Burr, before his
term of office expired.




oR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                33
Second election of TIOMAS JEFFERSON, as President of the United States,
and the incidents therewith connected.
In 1803, the zeal of parties was so much softened, thai;
Mr. Jefferson wlas re-elected in I804; as before observed,
almost unanimously-Connecticut and Delaware being the
only states that; voted against him, supported however, by
two straggling votes from Maryland-l14, all told,  Matters
went on pretty quietly until 1807, though parties were yet
strictly divided in Congress, and some agitations took place
about " Burr's conspiracy," the purchase of Louisiana, and
divers other things-none of them, perhaps, coming into
our view as " landmarks,"-the majoiity was not violent,
and the minority submitted as it should do.
In November, 1806, Napoleon, emperor of France issued
is Berlin decree. This was fillowed up by the famous British orders in council, the:first dated January 7, 1.807, and
order was heaped on order, in perfect contempt of neutral
rights, Napoleon taking part in the effect by his Milan decree of the 17th December, same year.  The British orders
in council declared nearly all Europe in a state of blockade,
and the American coast was lined with ships to enforce said
blockade, at the mouth of the harbor of New- York, and it.Was done!.  Nay, the insolent persons who commanded
these ships took the liberty of overhauling even shallops,
laden with cord wood or hay, for the New-York. market, and
a scoundrel, naumed Whitby, fired into a sloop a-nd murdesred
a citizen of the United States.  At other places, acts nearly
as outrageous were coxnmitted, and the cup of bitterness
was filled by the base attack on the Chesapeake fi'igate, to
support British claims to the " right of search," and to inioress seamen  firom  our ships, thousands of whom, native
American citizens, were then enslaved in her " floating
hells."  Blessed be heaven!-I never expect to hear of a'
recurrence of these things.-they cannot happen in a sta.te
of peace; for though Britain thus made war on us we were
at peace with he r   Not being prepared for the contest, and




34               rPOLITICAL LANDMARKSs X
for every good reason wishing -to avoid a war -that would
mix our affairs with those of Europe, what were called " restrictive measures" were adopted, and the embargo laid in
December, 1807, to protect persons and property against the
depredations of the British, and nearly two months before
the Milan decree was here known to have been passed. It
was regarded as the only alternative between submission
and war, by the "6 democrats," though opposed by the " federalists," being, as they asserted, laid at the dictation of
France.
A minute account of the proceedings that led to the embargo would be highly interesting-and shew  that those
who first urged the government t6 resist British encroachments, were the first to abandon it for having resisted them-!
The facts are in proof, in the memorials of the merchants
and others-and, if collected, would make a curious little
volume.
The bill for laying an embargo passed the senate, 22 yeas
and 6 nays-and was carried in the house, 82 to 44.  On
looking over the yeas and nays, I notice the name of one
gentleiman, at that time holding his seat as a " federalist,"
who voted for the embargo -and one also, so regarded as a
"' democrat," who voted against it.  Perhaps there never
was a more strict drawing of the line between parties than
on this occasion.  It was the grea.t point or " landmark"
of Mr. Jefferson's administration, involving in its practice,
the whole of his theory in favor of peace and in opposition
to war.  But it rekindled the old fire of party.  He that
was for the embargo was a " democrat" —he that was against
it, a " federalist."  It was a wall between the parties, to
be seen and almostfelt with the hand, (so strong was it,) in
every state, city, county, town, village or hamlet of the
United States, and in every class or condition of the people,
"' high or low; rich or poor."  It was the TOUCHSTONE OF
PRINCIPLE-a.s shall be exemplified by familiar events that




OR HISTORY OF PARTIESB               35
happened in Maryland, to represent the acts and feelings
of the whole people of the United States.
The city and county of Baltimore formed a district that
sent two members to congress. The " democrats," resolved to re-elect Major N. R. Moore, a soldier of the revolution, who had voted for the embargo, with Mr. A. McKim,
a very respectable merchant and a friend of the embargo as
his colleague.- The " federalists," or opponents of the embargo, thought'they had a better chance of success by taking
up one man only, and they fixed on a gentleman that would
have- succeeded if it had been possible to elect one favors
able to the policy of his then party; it was Mr. W. H.
Winder, since General Winder of the army of the United
States, at that time believed and now held to be, not only a
learned and accomplished gentleman, but as true an American as ever lived.  If perseverance, in itself, ever deserved
success, he ought to have been elected.  The campaign
was a very hot one, and each party spent much time, and
used all possible exertion, to increase or bring forth its.
-strength.  But when the election came on, Messrs. Moore
and McKim obtained 6857 votes, and Mr. Winder only 1818.
Butt let us further mark the prevalence of principles-this
same M ajor Moore, who obtained such an overwhelming majority in 1808, who had always sustained the character of one
of the best of men and soundest of "' demlocrats," was rejected in 1810, and Mr. Peter Little, sent in his place!
Little 2604, Moore, 2478.  The reason for this was, that
Major Moore had voted for a repeal of the embargo law,
which Mr. Little said he would not have done; and the old
veteran, with all the power of old attachments and faithful
services, supported too by three-fourths of the wealthy of
the "' democratic party," was beaten by a neaw man, a mechanic, for principle sake; and hundreds who voted against
him put in their ballots with serious regret.'I was one of
these.  We all loved the man, but felt it our duty to maintain what we thought a matter of principle.  It is notorious




36              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
that the whole state of Maryland so acted for or against the
embargo question; and that because the majority was in
favor of that measure Gen. Smith was re-elected to the
senate, in 1806.
During the term of Mr. Jefferson's administration, some
points were unsuccessfully made by the " federalists," in
which subsequent events and increased knowledge have
shewn that they were right-and others were made in which
they were undoubtedly wrong. But party supported and
party opposed, almost every measure suggested by the executive. The g'un boat system, no doubt proper, useful and
efficient in certain cases, but now universally acknowledged
as wholly incompetent to a scheme of national defence; and
the opposition of the " democrats" to the-navy (proper) had
also been in the extreme.  But I doubt very much whether
in the leap we have made fromn gun bocits to ships of the
first class will not be found as inconsistent with sound policy, if much faurther' extencled.  I am  fearful that the
science and skill of our invaluable seamen, and their exploits on the ocean, may have seduced us into an establishment that will hereafter cause us miuch trouble.  It is an
easy thing to build ships of the line-but to man and support them for war, is another affair: and when we call to
mind the accidents of storm  and battle to which they are
liable, perhaps there may be reason to'believe that theymay become too much a favorite with us.  A fleet may be.defeated-it may be wrecked, and then the naval means for
the whole period of a war may be lost. I know that it is
the opinion of some of our best naval officers, that if the
navy is to be increased beyond the amount of ships now
building, attention should be paid exclusively to the erection of strong frigates and sloops of war, to harass an enemy
and dissipate his strength.
We must here be permitted to diverge a little from what
might be, strictly speaking, our straight path, in order to




Ol H*IStORY OF PA1TIES.              37
show up an error, which even in these days, prevails in the
minds of many. There are not a few who believe that the
difference of party consists merely in the strife of one set
of men to obtain offices and posts of honor to the exclusion
of others. It is a very great error. The contests between
the two great political parties have ever been conducted
upon the supposition that in the success of one or the other,
a particular line of policy would be adopted in accordance
with the views and policy of that majority.  To show this
more clearly, we place before the reader the following
Extract of a letter f;om Mro Jefferson, to M11. Alelish7 dated
MONTICELLO,, Jan. 13, 1.813.
DEAR SiR:-I received, duly, your favor of the 15th, and
with it the copies of' your map and travels, for which be
pleased to accept my thanks.  The book I have read with
extreme satisfaction and information.
The candor with which you have viewed the manners and
condition of our citizens, is so unlike the narrow prejudices
of the French and English travelers preceding you, who,
considering each the manners and habits of their own people
as the only orthodox, have viewed every thing differing from
that test as boorish and barbarous, that your work will be
read here extensively and operate great good.
Amidst this mass of approbation which is given to every
other part of the work, there is a single sentiment which I
cannot help wishing to bring to what I think the correct;
one; and, on a point so interesting, I value your opinion
too highly not to aambition its concurrence with my own.
Stating in volume one, page sixty-three, the principle of
difference between the two great political parties here, you
conclude it to be, "C whether the controlling power shall be
vested in this or that set of men."  That each party endeavors to get into the administration of the government,
and to exclude the. other from power, is true, antd, may be
stated as a motive of' action  but this is only secondary;




38               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
the primary motive being a real and radical difference of
political principle. I sincerely wish our differences were
but' personally who should govern, and that the principles
of our constitution were those of both parties. Unfortunately, it is otherwise; and the question of preference between monarchy and republicanism, which has so long divided mnankind  elsewhere, threatens a permanent division
here.
Among that section of our citizens called federalists;'
there are three shades of opinion.  Distinguishing between
the leaders and people who compose it, the leaders consider
the'English constiitution as a model of perfection, some,
with a correction of its vices, others, with all its corruptions
and abuses.  This last was Alexander Hamilton's opinion,
which others, as well as myself, have often heard him declare, and that a correction of what are called its vices,
would render the English an impracticable government.
This government they wished to have established here, and
only accepted and held fast, atjirst, to the present constitution, as a stepping stone to the final establishment of their
favorite model.  This party has therefore always clung to
England, as their prototype, and great auxiliary in promoting and effecting this change.  A weighty MINORITY,
however, of these leaders, considering the voluntary conversion of our government into a monarchy as too distant,
if not desperate, wish to break off from our Union its eastern fragment, as being, in truth, the hot bed of American
monarchism, with a view  to a commencement of their favorite government, fiom wvlence the- other states may gangiene by degrees, and the whole be thus broulght finally to
the desired point.  For Massachusetts, the prime mover in
this enterprise, is the last state in the Union to mean ajifnal
separation, as being of all the most dependant on the others.
Not raising bread for the sustenance of her own inhabitants,
not having a stick of timber for tle construction of veasels,
her principal oecupation, nor all article to export irn tli.,




OlR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              39
where would she be, excluded from the ports of the other
states, and thrown into dependance on England, her direct
and natural, but now insidious. rival?  At the head of this
MINORITY is what is called the Essex Junto of Massachusetts.  But the M.IAJORITY of these leaders do not aim at separatioll. Inl this, they adhere to the known principle of
General Hla:milton, never, under any views, to break the
Union.  Anglomany, monarchy, and separation, then, arethe principles of the Essex federalists; Anglomany and monarchy, those of the Hamiltonians, and Anglomany alone,
that ofthe portion among the people who call themselves
federalists. These last are as good republicans as the
brethren whom they oppose, and differ from them only in
the devotion. to England and hatred of France, which they
have imbibed from their leaders.  The moment that these
leaders should avowedly propose a separation of the Union.,
or the establishment of regal government, their popular adherents would quit them to a man, and join the republican
standard; and the partisans of this change, even in Massachusetts, would thus find themselves an army of officers
without a soldier.
The party called republican is steadily for the support of
the present constitution. They obtained, at its commencement, all the amendments to it they desired. These reconciled them to it perfectly, and if they have any ulterior view,
it is only, perhaps, to popularise it further, by shortling the
senatorial term,  and divising a process for the responsibility of judges,' more practicable than that of impeachment.
They esteem the people of England and France equally,
and equally detest the governing powers of both.
This I verily believe, after an ititifmacy of forty years
with the public councils and characters, is a true statement
of the grounds on which they are at present divided, and
that it is not merely an ambition for power. An honest
man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of power over his
fellow  citizens.  And considering as the only offices of




40                POLITIOCAL LANDMARUKS 
power those conferred by the people directly, that is to say,
the executive and legislative functions of the general and
state governments, the common refusal of these, and multiplied resignation.s, are proofs sufficient that power is not
alluring to pure minds, and is not, with them, the primary
principle of contest.  b'his is mny belief of it; it is that on
which I have acted; and had it been a mrere contest who
~hould be permitted to administer the government according to its genuine republican principles, there has never
been a moment of my life, in which I should have relinquished fbr it the enjoyments of my family, my farm, my
friends and books.
You expected to discover the difference of our party principles in General Washington's valedictory, and my inaugural address.  Not at all.  General'Washington did not
harbor one principle of federalism.  HIe was neither an Angloman, a moiarchist,  nor a separatist;.  He sincerely
wished the people to have as much self-government as they
were competent to exercise themselves.  The only point
in which he and I ever differed in opinion, was, that I had
more confidence than he had in the natural integrity and
discretion of the people, and in the safety and extent to
which they might trust themselves with a control over their
government.  He has asseverated  to me a thousand tines
his determination that the existing government should have
a fair trial, and that in support.of it he would spend the
last drop of his blood.  He did this the more repeatedly,
because he knew General Halmilton's political bias, and my
apprehensions froma it.  It is a mere calumny, therefore, in
the nlornarchists, to associate General Washington with their
pirinciples.  1But that may hf;ve happened in this case which
has been often seen in ordinary cases, that, by often repeating an untruth, men come to believe it themnselves.  It.,s a mere artifice in this party, to bolster themselves up on
the revered name of that first of our worthieso  If I have
dwelt 1onger onl this subject tian was niecessGary,   i yt -oves




.OR HISTORY OF PARTIESo              41
the estimation in which I hold your ultimate opinions, and
my desire of placing the subject truly before them.'In so
doing, I am  certain I risk no use of the co mmunication
which may draw  rne into contention before the public.
Tranquility is the soumlnumm bonuzlm of a Septagenaire.
To return to the mnerits of your worlk  I consider it as
so lively a picture of the real state of our country, that if I
can possibly obtain opportunities of conveyance, I propose
to send a copy to a friend in France, and another to one in
Italy, who, I know, will translate and circulate it as an antidote to the mnisrepresentations of former travelers.  But
whatever effect my profession of political faith may have on
your general~opinion, a part of my object will be obtained,
if it satisfies you as to the principles of my own action, and
of the high respect and consideration with which I tender
you my salutations.                  TH: JEFFERSON.
The election of JAMES 3M'ADISON to the Presidency in
1808 was incidental to the embargo policy;, and not in itself a landmark.  His opponent CHARLES C. PINCKNEY, Of
South-Carolina, only received 4.7 votes, while Mr. Madison
received 122, as follows:
Madison,  Pincckney.
New-Hampshire,    -    -    -
Vermont,                           6
Massachusetts,                                 19
Rhode-Island,               -                   4
Connecticut,                                    9
New-York,  -    -    -            13
New-Jersey,   -    -               8
Pennsylvania,    -    -    -      20
Delaware,                                       3
Maryland.      -            -      9
Virginia, -...       24
North-Carolina,   -    -      L    1 $
South-Carolina,     -             10
Georgia,    -    -       -         6
Tennessee,          -              5
Kentucky,.   7
Ohio,..             3
~:_.      ~
~~~~39.                           A




42               POLITICAL LANDIDMARKS;
GEORGE CLTNTON was the democratic candidate running
with Mr. Madison, and RuvFus KING  was the federal candidate running with Mr. Pinckney, receiving of course the
same vote.
Mr. Madison selected for his cabinet, Robert Smith, of
Maryland, as secretary of state; William Eustis, of Massa
chusetts, secretary of war; Paul Hamllton, of South-Carolina, secretary of the navy; Mr. Gallatin was continued as
secretary of the treasury, as was Cesar Rodney, of Delaware, attorney-general.
The eleventh Congress met on' the 22d of May, 1809,
agreably to a law passed by the previous congress, in consequence of the critical state of the nation, and the apprehension of awlvar with Great Britain or France.
At this session the non-intercourse act with Great Britain
and France, which had b.een substituted for the embargo,
by the last congress, was continued, with some modifications.
Soon after this there was a tolerable political calm.
The next great political struggle was upon the attempt
to renew the charter of the old Bank of the United States,
in i$11   The federa.lists, regarded that institution as a
"Sheet Anchor," and the " democrats" deprecated it as
an oppression; unconstitutional in organization, and pernicious in its operation.
That some cases of politicalpersecution, at least, seemed
to appear in the conduct of the bank of the United States,
was undoubted —-perbhaps, they were magnified; but the fact
was, that the management of its concerns, during the most
ardent of our contests, was e          y7chsisely vested in 1"federalists," as was stated at the time, and now believed to
have been the case. The boards of directors were generally made up of the most active poli7icians. From the
period of the election of Mr. Jefferson, in 1800, it seemed
as if it was the common purpose of all the " democrats" to
refuse to  e-charter that institution.  Its establishment had




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                43
been opposed by Mr. Madison and other men, of the highest standing, as unconstitutional, and so it was accepted to
be by the democratic party, whose opinion, it may be, was
strenghtened by party hostility to it; but, when the time to
act arrived, some flew the course, on the ground of expediency, or an honest apprehension of the great injury that
would result fromt the natural death of the institution: but
the body of the party held its ground, and, for their mainl
taining it, the "democratic" papers were severely alluded
to in the senate, when the subject was under discussion, as
may be seen by a reference to the speeches then delivered.
Still, the vote in both houses was, (taken together,) unprecedentedly close.
Nothing like it before, perhaps, had ever taken place.
A bill to renew the charter was first introduced in the
house-and, after much debate, the first section was struck
out, (or, in other words, the bill was rejected,) by sixty-five
votes against sixty-four-majority one. This vote was taken
on the 24th January, 1811.  A bill with some new provisions, but to effect the same general purpose, was introduced into the senate, and a motion made therein to strike
out the first section.  A long and very able debate followed
-the vote was taken on the 20th of February and stood
seventeen to seventeen!  The vice-president of the United
States, the venerable Geoirge Clinton, then  rose, and,
having assigned his reasons, directed that his vote should
be entered in the affirmative.
It was an, exciting moment when it was discovered that
" to be or not to be," depended upon one man —the casting
vote of the vice-president-but he discharged his duty manfully.
The bill pending before the Senate was to renew the
charter of the United States Bank, which was so odious to
the democratic party, when a motion was made to strike
out the first section; the effect of which would be to destroy
the bill, the vote stood as follows:




44              POLITICAL, LANDMARIS 
YEAs. —Messrs. Anderson, Campbell, Clay, Cutts, Gaillard, German, Giles, Gregg, Franklin, Lambert, Leib,
Mathewson, Reed, Robinson, S. Smith, Whiteside, Worthington, 17.
NAYs. —-Messrs. Bayard, Bradley, Brent, Champlin, ConR
dit, Crawford, Dana, Gilman, Godrich, Horsey, Lloyd,
Pickering, Pope, J. Smith, Tait, Taylor, Turner, 1.7.
It will be observed that WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD wasr one
of the expediency democrats who voted in the negative.
HENRY CLAY, then a member of the United States Senate,
voted in the affirmative, and was then a democrat. 1He
made a powerful speech against the bank at the same time.
It has been regarded as' one of the most argumentative
speeches ever made upon that subject.  Subsequently Mr.
Clay left the "democrats," which fact  alone has probably
liept him from the presidential chair, as he stood high as a
statesman, and the democracy retained the ascendancy for
years afterwards. - He became an advocate of the re-charter
of the bank in 1816, and during the discussions incident to
the attempt to re-charter the same in 1832, he was the
main champion of the whigs upon that question in favor of
such re-charter.
The position - taken by Mr. Crawford upon the bank
question in 1811 injured him very Laterially with democrats
in 1824, when his name was brought into the presidential
canvass. He had Lany warm supporters, and among the
rest THOMAS RITCHIE, then of the Richmiond Enquirer, and
now of the " Union,' who, in his devotion  to Mr. Crawford,
allowed himself to deal in rather unwarranted language
towards ANDREW  JACKSON, who was always a demrocrat,
and one who never deviated from a straight foirward course
for expediency sake, or any other cause.
Both houses resolved that they would not re-establish the
bank, on any conditions whatever.  That the federalists regarded this as a great party measure is to be ascertained
from the fact, that every one of then, in both I houses, voted




OR, HISTORY OP PARTIESo                4~
for a renewal of the bank; and they were joined by a number of members, who were regarded as " democrats," not
believing the bank to be unconstitutional, and thinking it
expedient to re-instate it, for various reasons.  The decease
of this bank afforded much joy to the party.
The twelfth Congress assemlbled on the 4th of November,
181 1, when Henry Clay of Kentucky, an ardent supporter of
the administration, was elected speaker of the house of representatives, it being the first time in which he had taken a
seat in that body, although he had previously been a member of the United States Senate at two short sessions, when
he had acquired - considerable  reputation as a ready and
eloquent debater, and exhibited some of those traits of
character which have since distinguished him in the annals
of the country, as a statesman.'The next landmark was laid down in the declaration of uwar, in June 1812.
The main question was carried in the House of Representatives of Congress on the 4th of June, yeas 78-nays,
45.  All the yeas were " democrats."  In the Senate, yeas
19, nays, 13.  All the "federalists " in bo0th houses were
against it, —one who had rather been considered as such,
excepted.
The war was successfillly prosecuted and resulted favorably, in the winding up scene, being the great achievements of ANDREV   JACKSON  at New-Orleans,  on the 8th
day of January, 1815.  The embarassments thrown in the
way of the party in power in the prosecution of the war
were very great on the'part of the " federalists."
History filrnishes the particulars of thal war and its results, and we have not space to refer to it at length.
Attempt made in 1812 to deftat the re-election of lfMr. Madison by putting
utp a " democrat,".De'Vitt Clinton?, against him.
The result of the matter was, that Mr. Madison received
128 votes~ and Mr. Clinton 89 votes, as follows.




46              PQIPOLT ICAL LANDMARKS;
iadison.  Clinton.
New-Hampshire,                                  8
Vermont,    8-           -     
Massachusetts,                                 22 
Rhode-Island,. 4
Connecticuti,                                   9
New-York,                                      29-    -
New-Jersey,       -    -                        8
Pennsylvania,       -.           25.Delaware,   4
Maryland,   -                         6         5
Virginia,       -                   25
North-Carolina,                      15
South-Carolina,.! 1
Georgia,. 8
Louisiana,   -       -    -       -   3
Tennessee,                -    -     8
Kentucky,                            12
Ohio,'7.128      89
EL.BRIDGE GERRY, of Massachusetts was the democratic
candidate for Vice-President, and JARED INGERSOLL, the
candidate of the federal party.  The vote stood 131 to 86.
The declaration of war against Great Britain gave full
force again to parties, and a re-organization of the "federal"
strength took place.
Mr. Clinton had been regarded as a most decided "6 dem
ocrat," but the opposition, knowvng that they could not displace Mr. Madison by one of their ownv men, agreed on Mr.
Clinton, that they might secure the important state of NewYork, at that time of doubtful politics, or indeed " federal."
He was known to be a man of energy and talents —-there
were strong attachments to him among the " democrats,"
and it is morally certain that, if he had not been pushed
forward in 1812, he would have received the unanimous




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               47
support of the party in 1816.  Local feelings, it may be,
had some influence in New-York and New-Jersey, but almost every where else, it was the old guestion of denmocracy
and jederalisml.  The friends of the war generally thought
that a change of the administration would have a fatal effect
on its results, and shew a wavering policy highly prejudicial to the national character-still there were some few in
Maryland, supporters of the war, who advoca;ecl the election of Mr. Clinton, on the alleged incompetency of Mr.
Madison to carry it on with spirit, and bring it to a successful termination.  Some of us, nevertheless, thought, at the
same time, that personal considerations had as much to do
in this proceeding as national feelings.  I do not believe
that.we were greatly mistaken-=mad it is probable that most
of us had respected Mr. Clinton as sincerely as any of those
opposed to Mr. Madison.  They had not influence enough
to obtain an election in either of the districts. All the "6 deiocrats" chosen in Maryland voted for Mr. Madison —all the
<6 federalists" for Mr. Clinton.
The congressional elections in 1810-11, proved that the
policy of Mr. Madison's administration was sustained by a
large majority of the American people; the preponderance
of the democratic party being kept up in both branches of
congress.
Many divisions of parties took place before the termination of Mr. IMadison's second period of service-but they
were all incidental to or depending upon the great points
already laid down; and before he retired we had arrived at
a state of things not materially different from that which
existed in the first part of Mr. Jefferson's second period of
service.  The nation had acquired a character of which all
real Americans were proud, though called by different
names.
THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.
THEODORE DWIGHT, in his history of the Hartford Convention, makes an attempt to vindicate the character of




48              POLITICAL LANDMlARKS
those engaged in that matter, from the denunciations of the
American people.  In this work Mr. JEFIFEPSON is unmercifully handled. T.e is denounced as being the leader.of the
"CCanti-federal party."  Amrong other olbjections urged by
Mr. Dwight against Mr. Jefferson, was, that he ",strongly
disapproved of the assumiption of the state debts" by the
General Governmenlt, was opposed to the United States
Bank, &c. &c.
We now proceed to give the Secret Journal of the Hartford Convention, as made out by Theodore Dwight, the
Secretary of the Convention.  It is quite lenghty, but as it
embraces a very imp)ortant branch of the history of parties,
we publish it entire, in his own language.
SECRET JOURNATl OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.
" -HARTFORD, Thursday, Dec. 15, 1814.
6" This being the day appointed for the meeting of the
convention of delegates firom the New England States,
assembled for the purpose of conferring on such subjets as
may come before them, the following persons from those
states, met in the council chamber of the state house, in
Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, viz:
" From the state of Mliassachusetts, Messrs. George Cabot, William Prescott, Harrison Gray Otis, Timothy Bigelow, Nathan Dane, George Bliss, Joshua Thomas, Hodijah
Baylies, Daniel Waldo, Joseph Lyman, Samuel S. Wilde,
and Stephen Longfellow, Jun.
"c From the state of.Rhode-Island, Messrs. Daniel Lyman, Benjamin Hazard, and Edward Manton.
Fr-om the state of Connecticut, Messrs. Chauncey Goodrich, James Hillhouse, John Treadwell, Zephaniah Swift,
Nath'l Smith, Calvin Goddard, and Roger M. Sherman...IFromz the State of New-.famnpshire, Messrs. Benjamin
West, and Mills Olcott.
" Jpon being called to order by Mr. Cabot, the persons
present proceeded to choose, by ballot, a president, Messrss




OR HISTORY OF PIARTIE 0
Bigelow and Goodrich were appointed to receive and count
the votes given for that purpcse, who reported that Mr.
George Cabot, a  emberr from Massachusetts was unanimously chosen.
"' On motion voeted, that the Convention proceed to the
choice of a person to be their secretary, who is not a member of the Convention;  and the votes raving been received
and counted, Theodore Dwight of Hartford, was declared
to be chosen unanimously.
" MeI1srs. Otis, Hillhouse, and Lyman were appointed a
committee to examine the credentials of the members returned to serve in the convention, and report the names of
such as they should find duly qualified; who, having attended to the subject of their said appointment, made the following report:'" The committee appointed to examine the credentials
of the members returned to serve in the convention now assembled at Hartford, have attended to that service, and find
the following persons to have been elected members thereof'by the respective legislatlres of the following states:
Fromm. 1ssa;chusetts, Geco. Cabot,  William Prescott, Harrison Gray Otis, Timothy Bigelow, Stephen Longfellow, Jun.,
Daniel Waldo, George Bli ss, Nathan Dane, Hodijah Bay=
lies, Joshua hT!omas, Josephi Lyman, and Samuel S. Wilde.
From:Rhode Island, Daniel Lyman, Samuel Ward, Benjamin Hazard, and Edward iManton.  From  Connecticut,
Chauncy Goodrich, Jame - Hillhouse,  John Treadwell,
Zephaniah Swift, Calvin Goddard, Nathaniel Smith, and
Roger Minot Sherman.' The committee also, report, that at a conventional meetAmg of twenty towns in the county of Cheshire, in the state
of New-Hamlpshire, Hon. Benjamin West was elected to
meet in this convention;  and at a conventional meeting of
delegates from most of the towns in the county of Grafton,
and fotom  the town o:F Lancaster in the county of Coos,
m.2ills Olcott,,  w Es   7 leted to leet in thbi oeoventior;




to              POLTTICAL LANDMARKS,;
and the committee are of opinion that the above named persons are entitled to take their seats as members of this convention.
"On motion) voted, that the report be accepted and approved.
"On motion of Mr. Otis, voted, that the convention be
opened with prayer, and that the delegates from  the state
of Connecticut be iequested to invite a clergyman belonging to tht town of Fartford to perform such service.
" On motion voted that Messrs. Goddard, Bigelow, and
Lyman be a committee to prepare rules of proceeding for
this convention.
" The convention was opened with prayer by the Rev.
Dr. Strong of Hartford.
On notion; voted, that this convention be adjourned to
3 o'clock, P. M. of this day, then to meet at this place.
TH-unsAY,  Dec. 15, 3 o'clock P. M.
"The convention met agreeably to adjournment.
"' The committee appointed to prepare rules of proceeding, proper to be observed by this convention, &Dc., made
the following report:
d' The committee appointed to prepare rules and orders
proper to be observed by this convention, during ibs continuance, ask leave to report the following; vwhich are
respectfully submitted.
CALVIN GODDARD, per' 0oder.
"' 1. The meetings of this convention shall be opened
each morning by prayer, which it is requested may be
performed, alternately, by the chaplains of the legislature
of Connecticut, residing in Hartford.
"2. The most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by
each rmiember of this~ convention, including the secretary,
as to all propositions, debates, and proceedings thereof,
until this injunction shall be suspended or altered.
3. The secretary of this convention is authorized to
employ    e so i suitable person to serve as a doorkeeper and




oR HISTORY OF, PARTIESo             51
messenger, together with a suitable assistant, if necessary,
neither of whom are at any time to be made acquainted
with any of the debates or proceedings of the board.
"4. That the president of this convention be authorized
to regulate and direct the debates and proceedings thereof,
in such a manner as to him may seem discreet and proper,
and to name all their conmmittees.
"On motion, voted, that said report be accepted and ap=
proved.
"On motion, voted, that a committee of five be appointed
to inquire what subjects will be proper to be considered by
this convention; and report such propositions for that purpose, as they may think expedient, to the convention, tomorrow morning.
"' The following persons were appointed on that committee: Messrs. Goodrich, Otis,  Lyman, of Rhode - Island,
Swift and IDane.
c On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned
to ten o'clock to-morrow morning; then to meet at this
place.
FRIDAY, December 16, 1814,
T'he convention met agreeably to adjournment.
The convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr.
Strong.
66 Mr. Ward, a member from Rhode-Island, attended and
took his seat in the convention.
Ad The committee appointed to inquire what subjects will
be proper to be considered by the convention, and to report
such propositions fbr that purpose, as they may think expedient, respectfully report:
"That your commlittee deem the following to be proper
subljects for the consideration of the convention':  The
powers claimed by the executive of the United States, to
determine, conclusively, in respect to calling out the militia
of the states into the service of the United States;  and the
dividiving the, C!itted Statues }ano r.ilitary districts, with  14i




POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
officer of the army in each thereof, with discretionary authority from the executive of the United States, to call for
the militia to be under the com mand of such officer.  The
refusal of the executive of the United States to supply, or
pay the militia of certain states, called out for their defence,
on the grounds of' their not having been called out under
the authority of the United States, or notl having been, by
the executive of the state; put under the command of tihe
commander over the military:,district.  The failure of' the
government of the United States to supply and pay the mix
litia of the states by them  admitted to have been in the
United States' service.  The report of the secretary of war
to Congress, on filling the ranks of the army, together with
a bill, or act on that subject. A bill before Congress providinng for classing and drafting the militia. The expenditure of the revenue of the nation in offensive operations on
the neighboring provinces of the enemy. The failure of'
the government of the United States to provide for the
common defence; and the consequent obligations, necessity and burdens, devolved on the separate states to defend
themselves; together with the mode, and the ways and
means, in their power for accomplishing the object.
". On motion, voted, that said report be accepted and aps
proved.  On motion, voted, that a committee of three be
appointed to obtain such documents'and information as may
be necessary for the use and consideration of the convention, and may be connected with their proceedings.  Mr.
Hillhouse, Mr. Bliss, and Mir. Hazard, were appointed on
that committee.  On motion, voted, that the Rev. Dr. Perkins be invited to attend in turn with the other gentlemen
already invited, as chaplains.  On motion, voted, that the
injunction of secrecy, as to the proceedings of yesterday, be
removed.  On motion, voted, that the convention be adjourned to 3 o'clock, P. M. of this day, then to meet in this
place.;Thlrce o'clock Pl i.- The Convention met agreeably
to adjouranment~ After spending the afternoon in varioaus disp




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             58
cussions of important subjects, on motion, voted, that this
Convention be adjourned till to-morrow, 10 o'clock A. M.,
then to meet at this place.
SATURDAY, December 17, 1814.
"The Convention met, agreeably to adjourment.
" The Convention was opened with prayer, by the Revo
Dr. Stronig. After spending the forenoon in discussing the
first section of the report of the committee made on Friday,
on motion, voted, that when this Convention adjourn, it be
adjourned till Monday next.  On motion, voted, that this
Convention be adjourned till Monday next, at 10 o'clock,
A.. M. then to meet at this place.
"MONDAY, December 19, 1814.
"' The Convention met, agreeably to adjournment.  The
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Mr. Chase.
"( On motion, voted, that a committee of five be appointed
to prepare a general project of such measures as it may be
proper for this Convention to adopt.
s" Messrs. Smith, Otis, Goddard, West and Hazard, were
appointed to be of that committee.
" On motion, voted, that this  convention be adjourned
till 3 o'clock this afternoon then to meet at this place.
T' Three o'clock.P. J T.-The Convention met agreeably
to adjournment.  On motion, voted, that the Rev. Mr.
Cushman be invited to attend in turn with the other gentleimen already invited, as chaplains.
" After spending the afternoon in discussing the report,
the committee, on motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock, then to be held
at this place.'" TUESDAY, Dec. 20, 1814.
"6 The Convention met agreeably'to adjournment. The
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Dr.
Strong. The commnittee appointed to prepare and report a
general project of such measures as it may be proper for this
Convention to adopt, made a report, which was laid in and
read. After discussing several articles of the said report,




54              POLITICAL LANDMARKS9
the further consideration of it was postponed until the
afternoon.  On motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned till 3 o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this
place.
Three o'clock P. I. —The Convention met pursuant to
adjournment. The Convention resumed the consideration
of the report of the committee, which was postponed in the
forenoon; and after discussion through the afternoon, the
same was postponed until the morning.  On motionj voted,
that this Convention be adjourned until to-morrow morning,
10 o'clock A. M. then to meet at this place.
"';WEDNESDAY, Dec. 21.), 1814
6The Convention met pursuant to adjournment.  The
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Mr. Chase.
The Convention resumed the consideration of the report
postponed yesterday.  After spending the time of the forenoon in the discussion of the report of the cor-nmitte, the
further consideration was postponed to the afternoon.  On
motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned to 3 o'clock
this afternoon then to meet at this place.
Th/ree o'clock P. M.-The Convention met pursuant to
adjournment. The Convention resumed the consideration
of the report of the committee, which was postponed in
the forenoon. On motion, voted, that a committee of seven
be raised to prepare a report illustrative of' the principles
and reasons which have induced. the Convention to adopt
the results to which they have agreed. Mr. Otis, Mr. Smith,
Mr. Sherman; Mr. Dane, Mr. Prescott, Mr.'West, and Mr.
Hazard, were appointed on that committee.  On motion,
voted, that this Convention be adjourned till to-morrow
morning, 10 o'clock.
" THURSDAY, Dec. 2, 181.4.
6 The Convention met pursuant to adjournment.  The
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Perkins.  The Convention resumed the consideration of the
report of the committee, postponed last evening. After
spending the forenoon in discussing said report, further




OR ilSTORY OF  ARTIES. 
consideration was postponed till this afternoon. On motion,
voted, that this Convention be adjourned till 3 o'clock then
to meet at this place.
c UThree o'clock P. IL. —The Convention met agreeably
to adjournment.  The Convention resumed the consideration of the report of the committee, which was postponed in
the forenoon.  After spending the afternoon in discussing
said report, the further consideration thereof was postponed.
On motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned till
to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock, then to meet at this place.
"7 FRIDAY, Dec. 23, 1814.
"The Convention rmet pursuant to adjournment. The
Convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Chase.
The Convention resumed the consideration of the report of
the committee, which was postponed yesterday. After
spending the fore'noon in di;;cussing the report of the coinmittee, the further consideration thereof was postponed until
to-morrow.  On motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned until to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock, then to meet
at this place..
SATURDA-Y, Dec. 24, 1814.
"The Convention met pursuant to adjournment.  The
Convention was opened with prayer, by the B ev, Dr. Perkins. The president communicated an address fiom  a
number of citizens belonging to the county of Washington,
in the state of New-York, which was read. On motion,
voted, that the said address be referred to the committee
appointed on the 21 st instant.'" The Convention resumed the consideration of the report of the committee,. which was postponed yesterday. On
motion, voted, that another member be added to the committee appointed on the 21st, Mr. Sherman being necessarily absent. Mr. Swift; as appointed on said committee.
"The report of the committee which was laid in on the
20th instant, having been under discussion at; the several
meetings of the Convention, and having been amended, wal.




56               POLITXCAT~ LANDMARKS;
adopted, and referred to the committee appointed orn the
21st to report, which report is as follows, viz:
"The committee appointed to prepare and report a general project of such measures as it:may be proper for this
Convention to adopt, respectfully report:
"1. That it will be expedient for this convention to prepare a general statement of the unconstitutional. attempts of
the executive government of the United States to infringe
upon the rights of the individual states, in regard to the
militia, and of the still more al-arming claims to infringe
upon the rights of the individual states, manifested in the
letter of the secretary of war, and in the bills pending before Congress, or acts passed by them, and also to recommend to the legislatures of thle states, the adoption of the
most effectual and decisive measures, to protect the militia
and the states from the usurpations contained in these pro:
ceedings.
"2. That it will be expedient, also, to prepare a state=
ment exhibiting the necessity -which the improvidence and
inability of the general government have imposed upon
the several states, of providing for their own defence, and
the impossibility of their discharging this duty,. and at the
same time fulfilling the requisitions of the general government; and also, to recommend to the legislatures of the
several states, to make provision for mutual defence, and to
make an earnest application to the government of the United
States, with a view to some arrangement, whereby the states
may be enabled to retain a portion of the taxes levied by
Congress, for the purpose of self-defence, and for the reimbursement of expenses already incurred, on account of the
United States.
6" 3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several
state legislatures, certain atmenrdments to the constitution
of the United States, hereafter enumerated, to be by them
adopted and proposed. (The remainder of this article in
the report was postponed).




OR HISTORY OF PARTIESR              5
"1. That the power to declare or make war, by the Congress of the United States, be restricted.
"2. That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for
restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power,
to make new states, and admit them into this Union.
3. That the powers of Congress be restrained in laying
embargoes, and restrictions on commerce.
4. That a. president shall not be elected fromr the same
state two terms successively.
T' 5, That the same person shall not be elected president
a second time.'6. That an amendment be proposed, respecting slave
representation, and slave taxation,
On  aotion, voted, that this. Convention be adjourned
to Monday afternoon, three o'clock, then to -meet at this
place.
M1ONDAY, December 26, 1814.
( The convention'met pursuant to adjournment. The
convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Mr Woodbridge, of Hadley, Massachusetts. The committee not being prepared to lay in their report, on motion, voted, that.this convention be adjourned till to-morrow morning, 10
o'clock, then to meet at this place.
TUEsDAY, December 27, 1814.
(6 The convention met pursuant to adjouornment,   The
convention was opened with prayer, by the ge'v~. Dr. Perkins, The coTmmittee not being prepared to lay in their
report, on motion, voted that this convention be adjourned
to 3 o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this place.
Thraee o'clock FP, f,-The convention met pursuanrt to
adjournment.  The committee not being prepared to lay in
their report, on motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned to 10 o'clock to-morrow morning, then to meet at
this place.
t lWE N.SDnAY, December 28, 1814.
"The convention met pursuant to adjourrnment.  The
convention was opened with prayer, by the Revo Mr. Chase.




8               POLITICAL LANDMrARKS;
A certificate of the proceedings of a convention in the county of Windham, in the state of Vermont, appointing Hon.
William Hall, Jun., to represent the people of that county
in-this convention, was read. On motion, voted, that the
Hon. William Hall Jun., is entitled to a. seat in this convention; and that the Hon. Mr. Olcott, of New-lJampshire be
requested to introduce Mr, 1Ha.ll for the purpose of taking
his seat.
" Mr. Hall, a member from the county of Windhamil, in
the state of Vermont, attended and took his seat in the convention. The report of the committee not being prepared,
on motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned to 3
o'clock this afternoon; then to'meet at this place.'7 T/ree o'clock P. 11'.-The convention met pursuant to
adjournment.  The report of the committee not being prepared, upon motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till to-morrow morning at 10) o'clock.
THURSDAY, December 29, 1814.
The convention met pursuant to adjourment.  The convention' was opened with player by the Rev. Dr. Strong.
Oln motion, voted that -the following proposition be referred
to the committee appointed on the 2rSt inst:
"That the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices
of trust, honor or profit ought to be restrained; and that it
is expedient to propose an a:nendment to the Constitution
of the United States, in relation to that subject.
T''The report of the committee not being prepared, on
motion, voted that this convention be adjourned till 3 o'clock:
this afternoon, then to meet at this place.
FJoDAV, December 30, 181.4.
The' convention met pursuant to adjournment.  The convention was opened with.prayer by the Rev. Dr. Perkins.
The committee appointed on the 21st instant presented
their report, which was  read twice. The forenoon having
been spent in reading the report, on motion, voted, that this
convention be adjourned till three o'clock this afternoon,
then to nmeet at this place.




ONR:ISTORlS Y OE' PAtE T.ES.        5
Three o'clock P. 16-The -convention mnet. pursuant to
adjournment.  After spending the afternoon in discussing
the report, the subject was postponed.  On nmotion, voted,
that this convention be adjourned till to-morrow morning,
10 o'clock, then to meet at this place.
SATURDAYr, December 3l, 181.4.
"The convention met pursuant tlo adjournment.  The
convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Chase.
The convention resunmeda the consideration of the report,
postponed yesterday. On motion, voted, that a. committee
to consist of three, be appointed to procure that part of the
report which relates to the militia, printed confidentially.
Messrs. Goodrich, Lyman, of Massachusetts, and Goddard,
were appointed on that committee,  After spen'ding the
forenoon in considering the report of the committee, the further consideration thereof was postponed.  On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till half-past two
o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this place..Half-past tw'o o'clock.F). i.-The convention met pursuant to adjourlnment.  The convention resumed the consideration of.the report of the committee, which was postponed in the foren-oon.  After spending the afternoon in discussing the report of the committee the further considera.tion thereof was postponed.  On motion, voted, that a com
mittee.of three persons be appointed to ascertain what expenses have been irncurred in this convention, which it is
necessary for them to defray, and to report the mode of discharging them. On motion, voted, that the first eight pages of the report be recommitted to the cornmitte which reported it, to reconsider the same.  On motion, voted, that
the same committee report such documents and articles as
they may think proper, to compose an appendix to the reportl
"On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned
till Monday morning at 10 o'clock, to meet'at.this place.
MONDAY, January 2, 181.
6' The convern~tion met pursuant to adjournment. The




60             -POLITICAL LANDMAR KS
convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Chase.
The convention resumed the consideration of the report of
the committee which was postponed from Saturday.  After
spending the ibrenoon in discussing the report, the farther
consideration thereof was postponed. - On motion, voted,
that this convention be adjourned till half-past two o'clock
this afternoon, then.to meet at this place.
".BaCl/f p)ast two o'clock, PI. J. —The convention met
pursuant to adjournmlent.  The convention resumed *the
consideration of the report of the committee, which was
postponed in the forenoon.  After spending the afternoon
in discussing the report of the committee, the further consideration thereof was postponed.  On motion, voted, thalt
this convention be adjourned till to-morrrow morning, nine
o'clock, then to meet at this place.
"TUEsDAY  January 3, 1815.
"The convention met pursuant to adjournment.  The
convention was opened with praper by the Rev, Dr. Perkins.  The convention resumed the considerationr of the
report of the committee, which was postponed yesterday.
After spending *the forenoon in discussing the report of the
committee, the salie was posptoned till afternoon.  On mroion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till three
o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this place.
hr1ee o'clock P.'  J.-The convention met pursuant to
adjounmelnt.l  The convention resumed the consideration
of the report of the conrmmittee; which was postponed in the
forenoon.  After discussing and a.mending the report of
the commintee, voted, that the same be accepted and approved.  On motion, resolved, that the injunction of secresy, in regard to all the debates and proceedings of this
convention, except int so far as relates to the report finally
adopted, be, and hereby is continuied.  On motion, voted,
that a committee of three persons be appointed to consider
and report what measures it will be expedient to recommend
to the states, for their mutual defence.  Mir. Prescott, Mr.
Wilde, and Mr, Manton, were appointed on that committee.




ORt H$STORY OF PARTES.               61
"On motion, voted, that Mr. Sherman be added to the
committee for superintending the printing of the report.
On motion, voted, that this convention be a4journed till tomorr1'O   morning, ten o'clock, then to meet in this place.
W;EDNESDAv January 4, 1!8!5.
"The convention met pursuant to adjournment.  The
convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. IMlr. Chase.
On motion, voted, that certain docunments before the convention be published, with the following title:' Statements
prepared and published, by order of the convention of dele.
gates, held at Hartfbrd, December 15, 1814, and printed by
their order.
"On motion, voted, that Mr. Goodrich be discharged
firom any further services on the committee to superintend
the printing of the report, &c.  On motion, voted that another member be added to that committee.'Mr. Otis was
appointed to that place.  The committee appointed to report what measures it will be expedient to recommend to
the states, for their mutual defence, presented a report,
which was read.  On mlotion, voted, that the said report beaccepted and approved.  On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till three o'clock this afternoon, then
to meet at this place.
TThree o'clock.P. il.-T. TLhe convention met pursuant to
adjournment.  On1 motion, voted, that two copies of the
report of the couvention, subscribed by all the members
who shall be disposed to sing the same, be forwvarded to
each of' the governors of the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhodejllsla-d, New-HiTampshire, and Vermont
one of which to be  for the private use of the said governors,
and with a request that the other, at some proper time, may
be laid before the legislatures of' the states aiforesaid.
" Mr. Goodrich sllulitted.the following  resoittion to the
convention:   Resolved, Trhat the t4hanks of'the convention
be presented to the Hon. George Cabot, in testimony of the
respectfitl sense they entertain of his conduct while presiding over their deliberations,




62'POLITIrCAL LANDMARKFS;
"' On the question being put by the secretary, it passed
in the affirmative unanimously.  On motion, voted, that the
convention be adjourned till seven o'clock this evening,
then to meet at this place.
" Seven o'clock- P. l.-'The convention met pursuant to
adjournment.  On, motion, voted, that the report as amended, and the. resolves accomnpanying the same, be accepted
and approved.  On motion, voted, that the delegates firoi
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, take two
copies of the report of the convention, and deliver the same
to the governors of those states, agreeably to the vote of the
convention passed this day, and that the president be requested to transmit two copies of the report to the governors
of the states of New-Hampshire and Vermont, together with
a copy of the vote of the Convention aforesaid.
"On motion, voted, that at the close of the convention,
the journal be committed to the care of the president.  On
motion, voted, that the convention be adjourned till to-mor-..
row morning, nine o'clock, then to meet at this place.
T.HUVRSDAY, January 5, 1815-9 o'clock A. M.
" The convention met pursuant to adjournment -— after
solemn  prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Strong, on motion, voted,
that this convention be adjourned without day.
"6.Attest,     THEODORE DAVIGCT, Seciretary."
lIt will lbe bornle in mind that the convention was adjourned for filture action, without1 the accomplislhment of any
thing save sending forth a report, which we proceed to publish, it being closely interwoven with the blistory of parties.
The author of the work from whicih we extract, was a " federalist " and secretary of the convention, and the object of
the work appears to be to satisfy the world that the designs
of those comprising that convention were net so revolutionary or disgraceful as common reports ascribed to them.
Soon after the adjournment of the convention the news
of peace arrived, which put a quietus upoti their revolttio-rary r0ovementso




OR HISTORY OF PARTTIES.                 63
SECRET JOURNAL OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.
REPORT.' The delegates ftom the legislature s of the states of liassachusetts, Connecticut and aahode Island, and fromn the counties of. Grafton and
Cheshire, in the state of iVNewvI-lan7pshire and the county of Windham
in the state of Veirmont, assembled in conveontion, beg leave to report
the jollowing' r'esult of their con0feyrence:
"The convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the
arduous nature of the commission which they were appointed to execute, of devising the means of defence against
dangers,.and of relief from  oppressions proceeding from
the acts of their own government,  without violating constitutional principles, or disappointing the hopes of a suffering and injured people.  To prescribe patience and firm.
ness to those who are already exhausted by distress, is sometimes to drive them  to despair, and the progress towards
reform  by the regular road, is irksome to those whose imaginations discern, and whose feelings prompt, to a shorter
course.  But when abuses, reduced to system, and accumulated through a course of years, have pervaded every
department of government, and spread corruption through
every region of the state; when these are clothed with the
forms of law, and enforced by an executive whose will is
their source; no summmary means of relief can be applied
without resource to direct and open resistance,'This experiment, when justifiable, cannot fail to be painful to the
good citizen; and the success of the effort will be no security against the danger of the example.  Precedents of resistance to the worst aldministration, are eagerly seized by
those who are naturally hostile to the best.  Necessity alone
can sanction a resort to this mteasure; and it should never
be extended in duration or degree beyond the exigency,
until the people, not merely in the fervor of sudden excitement, but after full deliberation, are determined to change
the constitutioan,




64       ~      POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
"It is a truth not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails to no inconsiderable extent, that administration have
given such constructions to that i'nstrument, and practised
so many  abuses under color of its authority, that the time
fbr a change is at hand.  Those who so believe, regard the
evils which surround them as intrinsic and incurable defects
in the constitution.  They yield to a persuasion, that no
change,'at any time, or on any occasion, can aggravate the
misery of their country.' This opinion may ultimately prove
to be correct.  But as the evidence on which  it rests is
not yet conclusive, and as measures adopted upon the assumption of its certainty might be irrevocable, some general considerations are submitted, in the hope of reconciling
all to a course of moderation and firmness, which may save
them from the regret incident to sudden decisions, probably
avert the evil, or at least insure consolation and success in
the last resort.
"The constitution of the United States, under the auspices
of a wise and virtuous administration, proved itself competent to all the objects of national prosperity comprehended
in the views of its frarmers. No parallel can be found in
history, of a transition so rapid as that of the United States
fromr the lowest depression to the highest felicity-from  the
condition of' weak  and disjointed  republics, to that of a
great, united, and prosperous nation.' Although   this high state of public happiness has undergone a niserable and afflicting reverse, through the prevay
lence of a weak and profligate policy, yet, the evils and afflitions which. have thus been induced upon the country, are
not peculiar to any form of: government.  The lust and caprice of power, the corruption of patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of community by the stronger,
heavy taxes, wastefiul expenditures, and unjust and ruinous
wars, are the natural offspring of bad administrations, in
all ages and countries,  It was in:deed to be hoped,:.hat the
rulers o(f these states would| not mak e such disapstrotus    hast




OR HISTORY OF PART'IES                65
to involve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and
rotten institutions. Yet all this have they done; and their
conduct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But
to attempt upon every abuse of power to change the constitution would be to perpetuate the evils of revolution.'" Again the experiment of the powers of the constitution
to regain its vigor, and of the people to recover from their
delusions, has been hitherto made under the greatest possible disadvantages arising from the state of the world.  The
fierce passions which have convulsed the nations of Europe,
have passed the ocean, and finding their way to the bosoms
of our citizens, have afforded to administration the means
of perverting public opinion, in respect to our foreign relations, so as to acquire its aid in the indulgence of their anl
imosities, and the increase of their adherents. Further, a reformation of public opinion, resulting from dear-bought experience, in the southern Atlantic states, at least, is not to
be despaired of.  They will have felt, that the eastern states
cannot be made exclusively the victims of a capricious and
impassioned policy.  They will have seen that the great and
essential interests of the people are common to the south
and to the east.  They will realize the fatal errors of a system which seeks  revenge for commercial injuries in the
sacrifice of commerce, and aggravates by needless wars, to
an immeasurable extent, the injuries it professes to redress,
They may discard the influence of visionary theorists, and
recognize the benefits of a practical policy.  Indications of
this desirable revolution of opinion, amnong our brethren in
those states, are already manifested.  While a hope remains
of its ultimate completion, its progress should not be retarded or stopped, by exciting fears which must check these fan
vorable tendencies, and frustrate Vtie eflbrts of the wisest
and best men in those states, to a;cc-:erate this propitious
change.
"' Finally, - if the union be destined to dissolution, by rea,
Son of the multiplied abuses of bad administaations, it shouold,




66               $g'POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
if possible, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate
consent.  Some new form  of confederacy should be substituted among those states which shall intend to maintain a
federal relation to each other.  Events may prove that the
causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They
may be found to proceed, not merely from the blindness of
prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the
confusion of the times; but they may be traced to implacable combinations of individuals, or of states, to monopolize
power and office, and to trample without remorse upon the
rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union.
Whenever it shall appear that these causes are radical and
permanent, a separation, by equitable arrangement, will be
preferable to an alliance by constraint, among nominal
friends, but real enemies, inflamed by mutual hatred and
jealousy, and inviting by intestine divisions, contempt and
aggression from abroad.  But a severance of the union by
one or more states, against the will of the rest, and especially in a time of war, can be justified only by absolute necessity.  These are among the principal objections,gainst precipitate measures tending to disunite the states, and when
examined in connection with the farewell address of the
Father of his country, they must, it is believed, be deemed
conclusive.
" Under these impressions, the convention have proceeded to confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of public affairs, especially as affecting the interests of the people
who have appointed them  for this purpose, and they are
naturally led to a consideration, in the first place, of the
dangers and grievances which. menace an immediate or
speedy pressure, with a view of suggesting means of present
relief; in the next place, of such as are of more remote and
general description, in the hope of attaining future security.
"   Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension
which might be co-npr'ised under the former of these propo



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES.               67
sitions, the attention of the convention has been occupied
with the claims and pretensions advanced, and the authority exercised over the militia, by the executive and legislative departments of the national government.  Also, upon
the destitution of the means of defence in which the eastern states are left; while at the same time they are doomed
to -heavy reqduisitions of men and money for national objects.
"The authority of the national government over the
militia is derived from those clauses in the constitution
which give. power to Congress " to provide for calling forth
the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions;"-Also "to provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such parts of them as may be employed in the
service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of
training the militia according to the discipline prescribed
by Congress,"  Again, " the President shall be the commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States,
and of the militia of the several states, when called into the
actual service of the United States."  In- these specified
cases only, has the national government any power over the
militia; and it follows conclusively, that for all general and
ordinary purposes, this power belongs to the states. respectively, and to them alone. It is not only with regret, but
with astonishment, the convention perceive that under color
of an authority conferred with such plain and precise limitations, a power is arrogated by the executive government,
and in some instances sanctioned by the two houses of Congress, of control over the militia, which, if conceded, will
render nugatory the rightful authority of the individual
states over that class of men, and by placing at the disposal
of the national government the lives and services of the
great body of the people, enabled it at pleasure to destroy
their liberties, and erect a military despotismr on the ruins,




68 -             POLITICAL LANDMAREKS
"An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for
the basis of these extravagant pretensions, of the consequences to which they lead, and the unsurmountable objections
to their admission, would transcend the limits of this report.
A few general observations, with an exhibition of the character of these pretensions, and a recommendation of a
strenuous opposition to them, must not, however, be omitted.
"It will not be contended that by the terms used in the
constitutional compact, the power of the national governxnent to call out the militia is other than a power expressly
limited to three cases. One of these must exist, as a condition precedent to the exercise of that power.  Unless the
laws shall be. opposed, or an insurrection shall exist, or an
invasion shall be made, Congress, and of consequence the
Presidentas their.organ, has rio more power over the militia
than over Ihe armies of a ioreign nation.
"But if the declaration of the President should be admitted to be an unerring test of the existence of these cases,
this important power would depend, not upon the truth of
the fact, but upon executive infallibility.  And the limitation of the power would consequently be nothing more than
merely nominal, as it might' always be eluded.  It follows,
therefore, that the decision of the President in this particular cannot be conclusive.  It is asnmuch the duty of the
state authorities to watch over the rights reserved, as of the
United States to exercise the powers which are delegated.
"The arrangement of the United States into military
districts, with a small portion of the regular force, under an
officer of high rank of the standing army, with a power to
call for the militia, as circumstances in his judgment may
require; and to assume the command of them, is not war.ranted by the constitution or any law of the United States.
It is.not denied that Congress may delegate to the President
of the United States, the power to call forth the militia in
the oases which are within their jh uisdiction-but he ha. no




OR UISTORY OF PARTIES.                69
authority to substitute military prefects throughout the
Union, to use their own discretion in such instances.  To
station an officer of the army in a military district without
troops corresponding'to his rank, for the purpose of taking
command of the militia that may be called into service, is a
manifest evasion of that provision of the constitution which
expressly reserves to the states the appointment of the officers of the militia; and the object of detaching such officer
cannot well be concluded to be any other than that of superseding the governor or other officers of the militia in their
right to command.
"The power of dividing the militia of the states into
classes, and obliging such classes to furnish, by contract or
draft, able-bodied men, to serve for one 6r more years for
the defence of the frontier, is not delegated to Congress.
If a claim to draft the militia for one year for such genl
eral object be admissible, no limitation can be assigned to
it, but the discretion of those who make the law. Thus,
with a power in Congress to authorize such a draft or
conscription, and in t-he executive to decide conclusively
upon the existence and continuance of the emergency, the
whole militia may be converted into a standing army dispos
sable at the will of the President of the United States.
"The power of compelling the militia, and other citizens
of the United States, by a forcible draft or conscription, to
serve in the regular armies, as proposed in a late official
letter of the secretaWy of war, is not delegated to Congress
by the constitution, and the exercise of it would be not less
dangerous to their liberties, than hostile to the sovereignty
of the states.  The effort to deduce this power from  the
right of raising armies, is a flagrant attempt to pervert the
sense of the clause in the constitution which confers that
right, and'is incompatible with other provisions in that instrument.  The armies of the United States have always
been raised by contract, never by conscription, and nothing
more caa be wanting to a government possessing the power




70              POLITICAL LANDMARKS,
thus claimed to enable it to usurp the entire control of the
militia, in derogation of the authority of the state, and
o convert it by impressment into a standing army.
"It  may be here remarked, as a cir.cumstance illustrative
of the determination of the executive to establish an absolute control over all descriptions of citizens, that the right
of impressing seamen into the 1-.:val service is expressly
asserted by the secretary of the  mavy, in a late report.
Thus a practice, which in a foreign government has been
regarded with great abhorrence by the people, finds advocates among those who have been the loudest to condemn it.
"6 The law authorizing the enlistment of minors and apprentices into-the armies of the United States, without the
consent of parents and guardians is also repugnant to the
spirit of the constitution.  By a construction of the power
to raise armies, as applied by our present rulers, not only
persons capable of contracting are liable to be impressed
into the army, but those who are under legal disabilities to
make contracts, are to be invested with the capacity, in order to enable them to annul at pleasure contracts made in
their behalf by legal guardians.  Such an interference with
the municipal laws and rights of the several states, could
never have been contemplated by the fiamers of the constitution.  It impairs the salutary control and influence of the
parent over his child —the master over his servant-the
guardian over his ward-and thus destroys the most important relations in society, so that by the conscription of the
father, and the seduction of the son, the power of the executive over all the effective male population of the United
States is made complete.
" Such are some of the odious features of the novel system proposed by the rulers of a free country, under the
limited powers derived from the constitution.  What portion of them will be embraced in acts finally to be passed,
is yet impossible to determine. It is, however, ufi icetly




OR HISTORY:OF PARTIES.              71
alarming to perceive, that these projects emanate froim the
highest authority, nor should it be forgotten, that by the
plan of the secretary of war, the classificatiou of the militia
embraced the principleuof direct taxation upon the white
population only; and that, in the house of representatives, a
motion to apportion the militia among the white population
ezclusively, which wouldl;:,e been in its operation a direct
tax was strenuously urgeti and supported.
"In this whole series of devices and measures for raising
men, this convention discern a total disregard for the constitution, and a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the individual states firm and decided opposition.  An iron despotism can impose no harder servitude
upon the citizen, than to force him from his home and his
occupation, to wage offensive wvars, undertaken to gratify
the pride or passions of his master. The example of France
has recently shown that a cabal of individuals assuming to
act in the name of the people, may transform the great body
of citizens into soldiers, and deliver them  over into the
hands of a single tyrant. No war, not held in just abhorrence
by the people, can require the aid of such stratagems to
recruit an army.  Had the troops already raised, and in
great numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of Canada, been
employed for the defence of the country, and had the millions which have been squandered with shameless profusion,
been appropriated to their payment, to the protection of the
coast,' and to the naval service, there would have been no
occasion for unconstitutional expedients.  Even at this late
hour, let government leave to New-England the remnant of
her resources, and she is ready and able to defend her territory, and to resign the glories and advantages of the border war to those who are determined to persist in its prosecution.
"That acts of congress in violation of the constitution
are absolutely void, is an undeniable position.  It does not,
however, consist with the respect and forbearance due from




72               POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
a confederate state towards the general government, to fly to
open resistance upon every infraction of' the constitution.
The mode and the energy of the opposition, should always
conform to the nature of the violation, the intention of its
authors, the extent of the injury inflicted, the deternination
manifested to persist in it, and the danger of delay.  But
in cases of deliberate, dangerous, and palable infractions of
the constitution, affecting the sovereignty of the state, and
liberties of the people; it is not only the right but the duty
of such a state to interpose its authority for their protection
in the manner best calculated to secure that end.  When)
emergencies occur which are either beyond the reach of the
judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms, states which have no common umpire,
must be their own judges, and execute their own decisions.
It will thus be proper for the several states to await the ultimate disposal of the obnoxious measures recommended by
the secretary of war, or pending before Congress, and so to
use their power according to the character these measures
shall finally assume, as effectually to protect their own sovereignty, and the rights and liberties of their citizens.'6 The next subject which has occupied the attention of
the convention, is the means of defence against the common
enemy.  This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any
expectation can be reasonably entertained, that adequate
provision for the defence of the eastern states will be made
hby the national government? Whether the several states
can, from their own resources, provide for selfdefence and
fulfil the requisitions which are to be expected for the na*
tional treasury? and, generally, what course of conduct
ought to be adopted by those states, in relation to the great
object of defence.
" Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes
of the war, it may be assumed as a truthl officially announced, that to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory,
and to hold it as a pledge for peace, is the deliberate puro




Ot - HISTORtY OF PARTIES.            73
pose of administration.  This enterprise, commenced at a
period when government possessed the advantage of selecting the time and occasion for making a sudden descent
upon an unprepared enemy, now languishes in the third
year of the war. It has been prosecuted with various fortune, and occasional brilliancy of exploit, but without any
solid acquisition.  The British armies have been recruited
by veteran regiments. Their navy commands Ontario. The
American ranks are thinned by the casualties of war. Recruits are discouraged by the unpopular character of the
contest, and by the uncertainty of receiving their pay.
" In the prosecution of this favorite warfare, administration have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the counrtry destitute of all the efficient means of defence.  The
main body of the regular army has been marched to the
frontier. The navy has been stripped of a great part of its
sailors for the service of the lakes.  Meanwhile the enemy
scours the sea-coast, blockades our ports, ascends our bays
and rivers, makes actual descents in various and distant
places, holds some by force, and threatens all that are assailable with fire and sword.  The sea-board of four of the
New-England states, followring its curvatures, presents an
extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally occupied by a compact population, and accessible by a naval
force, exposing a mass of people and property to the devastation of the enemy, which bears a great proportion to
the residue of the maritime frontier of the United Stateso
This extensive shore has been exposed to frequent attacks,
repeated contributions, and constant alarms.  The regular
forces detached by the national government for its defence
are mere pretexts for placing officers of' high rank in command.  They are besides confined to a few places, and are
too i.nhignificant iln number to be included in any compu.
tation.
S" These states haye thus been left to adopt measures for
ihek oawn defence.  The milit.ia have been ~0onstantl7y kept




74              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
on the alert, and harrassed by garrison duties, and other
hardships, while the expenses, of which the national government decline the re-imbursement, threaten to absorb all the
resources of the states.  The President of the United States
has refused to consider the expense of the militia detached
by state authority, for the indispensable defence of the state,
as chargeable to the Union, on the ground of a refusal by
the Executive of the state to place them under the command
of officers of the regular army. Detachments of militia
placed at the disposal of the general government, have been
dismissed either without pay, or with depreciated paper.
The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enlivened by
the promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From;
authentic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose
inclination might lead them to conceal the embarrassments
of the government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and its credit prostrate.  So deplorable is the state of
the finances, that those who feel for the honor and safety
of the country, would be willing to conceal the melancholy
spectacle, if those whose infatuation has produced this state
of fiscal concerns had not found themselves compelled to
unveil it to public view.
"If the war be continued, there appears no room for reliance upon the national government for the supply of those
means of defence which must become indispensable to secure these states fiom desolation and ruin.  Nor is it possible that the states can discharge this sacred duty from
their own resources, and continue to sustain the burden of
the national taxes. The administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every effort of commnercial enters
prize, had fatally succeeded in their attempt at the epoch
of the war. Commerce, the vital spring of New-England's.
prosperity was annihilated.  Einbargoes, restrictions, and
the rapacity of revenue officers, had completed its destruction. Tlhe various objects for the employment of productive
labor irn the bra ches of business dependent on commerce,




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                75
have disappeared. The fisheries have shared its fate. Manufactures, which government has professed an intention to
favor and cherish, as an indemnity for the failure of these
branches of business, are doomed to struggle in their infancy with taxes and obstructions, which cannot fail most
seriously to affect their growth.  The specie is wilhdrawn
from circulation. The landed interest, the last to feel these
burdens, must prepare to become their principal support, as
all other sources of revenue must be exhausted.  Under
these circumstances, taxes, of a description and amount unprecedented in this country, are in a train of imposition, the
burden of which must fall with the heaviest pressure upon
the states east of the Potomac.  The amount of these taxes
for the ensuing year cannot be estimated at less than five
millions of dollars upon the New-England states, and the
expenses of the last year for defence, in Massachusetts
alone, approaches to one million of dollars.
"From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the
irresistible inference that these states have no capacity of
defraying the expense requisite for their own protection,
and, at the same time, of discharging the demands of the
national treasury.
i "The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought to be
adopted by the aggrieved states, is in a great degree momentous.  When a great and brave people shall feel themselves deserted by their government, and reduced to the
necessity either of submission to a foreign enemy. or of appropriating to their own use those means of defence which
are indispensable to self preservation, they cannot consent
to wait passive spectators of approaching ruin, which it is
in their. power to avert, and to resign the last remnant of'
their industrious earnings to be dissipated in support of
measures destructive of the best interests of the nation.
" The convention will not trust themiselves to express
their conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state of
things inevitably tends, Con scious of their high respon



76              POLITICAL LANDiMARKS;
sibility to God and their country, solicitous for the continuance of the Union, as well as the sovereignty of the
states, unwilling to furnish obstacles to peace-resolute
never to submit to a foreign enemy, and confiding in the
Divine care and protection, they will, until the last hope
shall be extinguished, endeavor to avert such consequences.
" With this view  they suggest an arrangement, which
may be at once consistent with the honor and interest of
the national government, and the security of these states.
This it will not be difficult to conclude, if that government
should be so disposed.  By the terms of it these states might
be allowed to assume their own defence, by the militia or
other troops.  A reasonable portion, also, of the taxes
raised in each state might be paid into its treasury, and
credited to the United States, but to be appropriated to the
defence of such state, to be accounted forwith the United
States. No doubt is entertained that by such an arrangement, this portion of the country could be defended with
greater effect, and in a mode more consistent with economy,
and the public convenience, than any which has. been practised,
"6 Should an application for these purposes, made to Congress by the state legislatures, be attended with success, arid
should peace upon just terms appear to be unattainable,
the people would stand together for the common defence,
until a change of administration, or of disposition in the
enemy, should facilitate the occurrence of that auspicious
event. It would be inexpedient for this Convention to diminish the hope of a successful issue to such an application, by recommending, upon supposition of a contrary
event, ulterior proceedings.  Nor is it indeed within their
province..In a state of things so solemn and trying as may
then arise, the legislatures of the states, or conventions of
the whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the
express purpose in another Convention, must act as sch
urgent circcuv.stances may then require,




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              77
"' But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not
have been performed, without exhibiting some general view
of such measures as they deem essential to secure the nation against a relapse into difficulties and dangers, should
they, by the blessing of Providence, escape from their present condition, without absolute ruin.  To this end a concise retrospect of the state of this nation under the advantages ot a vise aise administration, contrasted with the miserable
abyss into which it is plunged by the profligacy and folly
of political theorists, will lead to some practical conclusions.
On this subject, it will be recollected, that the immediate
influence of the Federal Constitution upon its first adoption,
and for twelve succeeding years, upon the prosperity and
happiness of the nation, seemed to countenance a belief in
the transcendency of its perfection over all other human
institutions. In the catalogue of blessings which have fallen
to the lot of the most favored nations, none could be enumerated from which our country was excluded-a free Constitution, administered by great and incorruptible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes of liberty and independence.
The progress of agriculture was stimulated by the certainty
of value in the harvest- and commerce, after traversing
every sea, returned with the riches of every climle. A revenue, secured by a sense of honor, collected without oppression, and paid without murmurs, melted away the na-.
tional debt; and the chief concern of the public creditor
arose from its too rapid diminution.  The wars and commotions of the European nations, and their interruptions
of the commercial intercourse afforded to those who had
not promoted, but who would have rejoiced to alleviate their
calamities, a fair and golden opportunity, by combining
themselves to lay a broad foundation for national wealth.
Although occasional vexations to commerce arose from the
furious collisions of the powers at war, yet the great and
good men of that time conformed to the force of circumstances which they could not control, and preserved their




78,             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
country in security from the tempests which overwhelmed
the old world, and threw the wreck of their fortunes on these
shores. Respect abroad, prosperity at home, wise laws
made by honored legislators, and prompt obedience yielded
by a contented people, had silenced the enemies of republican instituitions. The arts flourished-the sciences were
cultivated-the comforts and conveniences of life were universally diffused-and nothing remained for succeeding administrations but to reap the advantages and cherish the
resources flowing from the policy of their predecessors.
" But no sooner was a new administration established in
the hands of the party opposed to the Washington policy,
than a fixed determination was perceived and avowed of
changing a system which had already produced these substantial fruits. The consequence of this change, for a few years
after its commencement, were not sufficient to counteract
the prodigious impulse towards prosperity, which have been
given to the nation. But a steady perseverance in the new
plans of administration, at length developed their weakness
and deformity, but not until a majority of the people had
been deceived by flattery, and inflamed by passion, into
blindness to their defects. Under the withering influence
of' this new system, the declension of the nation has been
uniform and rapid. The richest advantages for securing the
great objects of the constitution have been wantonly rejected. While Europe reposes from the convulsions that had
shaken down her ancient institutions, she beholds with
amazement this remote country,.once so happy and so envied, involved in a ruinous war, and excluded from intercourse with the rest of the world.
"To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal
reverse has been effected, would require a voluminous discussion. Nothing more can be attempted in this report than
a general allusion to the principal outlines of the policy which
has produced this vicissitude. Among these may be erumerated



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              79
"First.-A deliberate and extensive system for effecting
a combination among certain states, by exciting local jealousies and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in
one section of the Union, the control of public affairs, in perpetual succession.  To which prinary objects most other
characteristics of the system may be reconciled.
" Secondly.-The political intolerance displayed and( avowed in excluding from  office men of unexceptionable
merit, for want of adherence to the executive creed., Thirdly.-The infraction of the judiciary authority and
rights, by depriving judges of their offices in violation of the
constifution.
"F;ourthly.-The abolition of existing taxes, requisite
to prepare the country for those changes to which nations
are always exposed, with a view to the acquisition of popular favor.
" Ffthly.-The influeice of patronage in the distribution of offices, which in these states has been almost invariably made among men the least entitled to such distinction,
and who have sold themselves as ready instruments for distracting public opinion, and encouraging administration to
hold in contempt the wishes and remonstrances of a people
thus apparently divided.
" Sixthly.-The admission of new states into the Union
formed at pleasure in the western region, has destroyed the
balance of power which existed among the original States,
and deeply affected their interest.
"Seventhly.-The  easy admission of naturalized foreigners, to places of trust, honor or profit, operating as an
inducement to the malcontent subjects of the old world to
come to these States, in quest of executive patronage, and to
repay it by an abject devotion to executive measures. )
"' Eightly.-Hostility to Great Britain, and partiality to
the late government of France, adopted as coincident with
popular prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party
power.  Connected with these must be ranked erroneous
and distorted estimates of the power and resources of those




80              POLITICATr LANDMARKS 
nations, of the probabal results of their controversies, and of
our political relations to them respectively.
" Lastly and Principallg.-A  visionary and superficial
theory in regard to commerce, accompanied by a real hatred
but a feigned regard tomits interests, and a ruinous perse
verance in efforts to render it an instrument of coercion and
war.
" BUt it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any administration could, in so short a period, have so nearly consummated thle work of national ruin, unless favored by defectin the constitution.
" To enumerate all the improvements of which that instrument (the Constitution) is susceptible, and to propossuch amendments as might rentder it in all respects perfectwould be a task which this convention has not thought proper to assume.  They have confined their attention to such
as experience has demonstraltICd to be essential, and even
among these, some are considered entitled to a more serious
attention than others. They are suggested without any intentional disrespect to other states and are meant to be such
as all shall find an interest in promoting. Their object is to
strengthen, and if possible to perpetuate, the union of the
states, by removing the grounds of existing jealousies, and
providing for a fair and equal representation, and a limnitationl of powers, which have been misused.
" The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment of representatives among the slaveholding states.  The
cannot be claimed as a right.  Those states are entitled to
the slave representation by a constitutional compact.  It is
herefore merely a subject of agreement, which should beconducted upon principles of mutual interest and accornmodation, and upon which no sensibility on either side should
be permitted to exist.  It has proved unjust and unequal in
its operation.  Had this effect been foreseen, the privilege
would probably not have been demanded; certainly not conceded.  Its tendency in future will be adverse to that harmo



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES        ~        81
ny and mutual confidence which are more conducive to the
happiness and prosperity of every confederated state, than
a mere preponderance of power, the prolific source of jealousies and controversy, can be to any one of them.  The time
may therefore arrive, when a sense of magnanimity and justice will reconcile those states to acquiesce in a revision of
this article, especially as a fair equivalent would result to
them in the apportionment of taxes.
"The next amendment relates to the admission of new
states into the Union.
"' This amendment is deemed to be highly important, and
in fact, indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to
recognize the right of congress to admit new states without
the original limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertained of disturbing the tranquility of any state already
admitted into the Union. The object is mbrely to restrain
the constitutional power of congress in admitting new states.
At the adoption of the constitution, a certain balance of
power among the original parties was considered to exist,
and there was at that time, and yet is among those parties,
a strong affinity between their great and general interests.
By the admission of these states that balance has been materially affected, and unless the practice be modified, must
ultimately be destroyed.  The southern states will first
avail themselves of their new  confederates to govern the
east, and finally the western states, multiplied in number,
and augmented in population, will control the interests of
the whole. Thus for the sake of present power, the southern states will be common sufferers with the east, in the
loss of permanent advantages.  None of the old states can
find an interest in creating prematurely an overwhelming
western influence, which may hereafter discern (as it has
heretofore) benefits to be derived to them  by wars and
commercial restrictions.
"The next aniendments proposed by the convention,
relate to the powers of Congress, in relation to embargo and
the interdiction of commerce.




82             POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
"' Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce have
hitherto divided the opinions of statesmen, experience has
at last shown that it is a vital interest in the United States,
and that its success is essential to the encouragement of
agriculture and manufactures, and to the wealth, finances,
defence, and liberty or the nation. Its welfare can never
interfere with the other great interests of the state, but
must promote and uphold them. Still those who are
immediately concerned in the prosecution of commerce,
will of necessity be always a minority of the nation. They
are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its course
by the advantages of experience, and the sense of interest.
But they are entirely unable to protect themselves against
the sudden and injudicious decisions of bare majorities, and
the mistaken or oppressive projects of those who are not
actively concerned in its persuits. Of consequence, this
interest is always exposed to be harrassed, interrupted, and
entirely destroyed, upon pretence of securing other interests. Had the merchants of this nation been permitted by
their own government to pursue an innocent and lawful
commerce, how different would have been the state of the
treasury and of public credit! How short-sighted and miserable is the policy which has annihilated this order of
men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, their capital to waste unemployed, and their affections to be alienated from the government which was formed to protect them!
What security for an ample and unfailing revenue can ever
be had, comparable to that which once was realized in the
good faith, punctuality and sense of honor, which attached
the mercantile class to the interests of the government!
Without commerce, where can. be found the aliment for a
navy; and without a nawy, what is to constitute the defence,
and ornament, and glory of this nation! No union can be
durably cemented, in which every great interest does not
find itself reasonably secured against the encroachment and
combinations of other interests. When, therefore, the past




OR rHISTORY OF PARTIES.               83
system of embargoes and commercial restrictions shall have
been reviewed-when tihe fluctuation and inconsistency of
public measures, betraying a want of information as well as
feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, the reasonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare
majority to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be
obvious.
" The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of
making offensive war.  In the consideration of this amendment, it is not necessary to inquire into the justice of the
present war.  But one sentiment now exists in relation to
its expediency, and regret for its. delaration is nearly universal.  No indemnity can ever be attained for this terrible calamity, and its only palliation must be found in obstacles to
its future recurrence.  Rarely can the state of this country
call for or justify offensive war.  The genius of our institutions is unfavorable to its successful prosecution.; the felicity of our situation exempts us from  its necessity.  In this
case, as in the former, those more immediately exposed to
its fatal effects, are a minority of the nation.  The commercial towns, the shores of our seas and rivers, contain the
population whose vital interests are most vulnerable by a foreign enemy.  Agriculture, indeed, must feel at last, but this
appeal to its sensibility comes too late.  Again, the immense
population which has swarmed into the west, remote from
immediate danger, and which is constantly; augmenting, will
not be averse from the occasional disturbances of the Atlantic states. Thus interest may not unfrequently combine
with passion and intrigue, to plunge the nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a military, rather than a
happy and flourishing people. These considerations, which
it would be easy to augment, call loudly for the limitation
proposed in the amendment.
"' Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but
still in a high degree expedient, relates to the exclusion of




84               POLITICAT, LANDMARKS;
foreigners hereafter arriving in the United States from the
capacity of holding offices of trust, honor, or profit.
"That the stock of population already in these states is
amply sufficient to render this nation in due time sufficiently
grea't and powerful, is not a controvertible question.  Nor
will it be seriously pretended, that the national deficiency
wisdom, arts, science, arms, or virtue, needs to be replenished from foreign countries.  Still, it is agreed, that; a liberal policy should offer the rights of hospitality, and the
choice of settlement, to those who are disposed to visit the
country.  But why admit to a participation in the government,aliens who where no parties to the compact —who are
ignorant of the nature of oui institutions, and have no stake
in the welfare of the country but what is recent and transitory? It is surely a privilege sufficient, to admit them aftel
due probation to become citizens, for all but political purposes. To extend it beyond these limits, is to encourage
foreigners to come to these states as oandidates for preferment.  The Convention forbear to express their opinion upon the inauspicious effects which have already resulted to
the honor and peace of this nation, from this misplaced and
indiscriminate libeiality.'' The last amendment respects the limitation of office of
President to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility
from the same state two terms in succession.
" Upon this topic it is superfluous to dilate.  The love of
power is a principle in the human heart which too often impels to the use of all practicable means to prolong its duration.  The office of President has charms and attractions
which operate as powerful incentives to this passion. The
first and most natural exertion of a vast patronage is directed towards the security of a new election. The interest of
the country, the welfare of the people, even honest fame and
respect for the opinion of posterity, are secondary considerations.  All the engines of intrigue, all the means of corruption are likely to be employed for this object.  A Presi



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                85
dent whose political career is limited to a single election,
may find no other interest than will be prompted to make it
glorious to himself, and beneficial to his country. But the
hope of re-election is prolific of temptations, under which
these magnanimous motives are deprived of their principal
force. The repeated election of the President of the United
States from any one state, affords inducements and means
for intrigues, which tend to create an undue local influence,
and to establish the domination of particular states.  The
justice, therefore, of securing to every state a fair and equal
chance foi the election of this officer from its own citizens
is apparent, and this object will be essentially promoted by
preventing an election from  the same state twice in suck
cession.
" Such is the general view  which this Convention has
thought proper to submit, of the situation of these states, of
their dangers and their duties. Most of the subjects which
it embraces have separately received an ample and luminous
investigation, by the great and able assertors of the rights
of their country, in the national legislature; and nothing
more could be attempted on this occasion than a digest of
general principles,'and of'recommendations suited to the
present state of public affairs.  The peculiar difficulty and
delicacy of performing even this undertaking, will be appreciated by all who think seriously upon the crisis.  Negotiations for peace are at this hour supposed to be pending,
the issue of which must be deeply interesting to all. No
measures should be adopted which might unfavorably affect
that issue; none which should embarrass the administration,
if their professed desire for peace is sincere; and none
which on supposition of their insincerity, should aflbrd them
pretexts for prolonging the war, or relieving themselves
from the responsibility of a dishonorable peace.  It is also
devoutly to be wished, that an occasion may be afforded to
all friends o:f the country, of all parties, and in all places,
to pause and consider the awfi;l,state to which pernicmlus




86              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
councils and blind passions have brought this people. The
number of those who preceive, and who are ready to retrace
errors, must it is believed, be yet suffcient to redeem the
nation.  It is necessary to rally and unite them by the assiurance that no hostility to the Constitution is meditated,
and to obtain their aid in placing it under guardians who
alone can save it fiom destruction.  Should this fortunate
change be effected, the hope of happiness and honor may
once more dispel the surrounding gloom. —Our nation may
yet be great, Our union durable.  But should this prospect
be utterly hopeless, the time will not have been lost which
shall have ripened a general sentiment of the necessity of
more mighty efforts to rescue from ruin, at least some portion of our beloved country.
" THEREFORE RESOLVED,
" That it be and hereby is recommended to the legislatures
of the several states represented in this Convention, to adopt
all such measures as may be necessary effectually to protect
the citizens of said states from the operation and effects of
all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress
of the United States, which shall contain provisions, subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or impressments, not authorised by the constitution of the United States.
Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the
said legislatures, to authorize an ilnmmediate and earnest application to be made to the government of the United States,
requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the
said states may, separately or in concert, be empowered to
assume upon themselves the defence of their territory against
the enenly; and a reasonable portion of the taxes collected
within the said states, may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the balance due said states, and the future defence of the same
The amount so paid into the said treasuries to be credited)




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               87
and the disbursements made as aforesaid, to be charged to
the United States.
"Resolved, That it be, and hereby is, recommended to
the legislatures of the aforesaid states to pass laws (where it
has not already been done) authorizing the governors or
commanders-in-chief of their militia to make detachments
fronm the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most
convenient and co-mformable to their constitutions, and to
cause the same to be well armed, equipped, and disciplined,
and held in readiness for service; and upon the request of
the governor of either of the other states to employ the
whole of such detachment or corps, as well as the regular
forces of the state, or such part thereof as may be required
and can be spared consistently with the safety of the state,
in assisting the state, making such requests to repel any invasion thereof which shall be made or attempted by the public enemy.
R' esolved, That the following amendments of the constitution of the United States be recommended to the states
represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the. state legislatures, and in such cases as may be
deemed expedient by a convention chosen by the people of
each state.
"And it is further recommended, that the said states shall
persevere in their efforts to obtain such amendments, until
the same shall be effected.
" First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers of free
persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years,
and excluding Indians not taxed, and all other persons.
".Second. No new state shall be admitted into the Union
by congress, in virtue of the power granted by the constitution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses.
Third, Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United




88              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
States, in the ports or harbors thereof for more than sixty
days.
F" Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the
concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the
commercial intercourse between the United States and any
foreign nation, or the dependencies thereof.
"F Jh. Congress, shall not make or declare war, or authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without
the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such
acts of hostility be in defence of the territories of the United States when actually invaded.
"Sixth. No person who shall.hereafter be naturalized,
shall be eligible as a member of the senate or house of representatives of the United States, nor capable of holding any
civil office under the authority of the United States.
" Seventh. The same person shall not be elected president
of the United States a second time; nor shall the president
be elected friom the same state two terms in succession.'R Resolved, T'hat if the application of these states to the
government of the United States, recommended in a foregoing resolution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should
not be concluded, and the defence of these states should be
neglected, as it has been since the commencement of the
war, it will, in the opinion of thK;3 convention, be expedient
for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates
to another convention, to meet at Boston, in the state of
Massachusetts, on the third Thursday of June next, with
such powers and instructiont as the exigency of a crisis so
momentous may require.
"Resolved, That the  vion. George Cabot, the Hon.
Chauncy Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, or any two
of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this conventlon, to be holden in Boston, at any time before new delegat_ es shall be choJsen, as recommended in othe abe re-i;.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              89
lution, if in their judgment the situation of the country shall
urgently require it.
GEORGE CABOT,               SAMUEL SUMNER WILDE,
NATHAN DANE.               JOSEPH LYMAN,
WILLIAM PRESCOTT,          STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, Jr,
HARRISON GRAY OTIS,        DANIEL WALDO,
TIMOTHY BIGELOW,          HODLJAH BAYLIES,
JOSHUA THOMAS,             GEORGE BL1SS,
Massachusetts.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH,         NATHANIEL SMITH,
JOHN TREADWELL,            CALVIN GODDARD,'
JAMES HILLHOUSE,           ROGER. MINOT SHERMAN,
ZEPHANIAH SWIFT,                        Connecticut.
DANIEL LYMAN,              EDWARD MANTON,
SAMUEL WARD,               BENJAMIN HAZARD,
Rhode-Island,
BENJAMIN WEST,             MILLS OLCOTT,
NVewKIHampshire.
WVILLIAM HALL, J.
Vermont.
Election of James 1Jonroe, as President qf the United States, to succeed
James Madison, which election tookc place en the fall of 1816.
The war question terminating so happily under the
democratic administration of James Madison, while his
efforts were combatted  by  the Federalists, friom  the
commencement to the termination of the agitation of the
war question, the people became convinced that the policy
had been a judicious one, and they felt disposed to continue
in power the adherents:to the then administration.  Such
was the unanimity of sentiment upon the subject, that in
1816 the only competitor of James Monroe, the democratic
candidate, was Rufus King, who received only 34 electoral
votes while 183 were cast for Mr. Monroe, as follows:
ifonsroe.     King.
New-Hampshire,    -          -    8
Vermont,                          S8
Massachusetts,     -    -                     22
Rhode-Island,    -                 4
Connecticut,.      -   -                      9
4*




90              POLITICAL LANDMARSXS;
Monroe.      King.
New-York,. 29
New-Jersey,                        8
Pennsylvania,         -    -      25
Delaware,                                      3
Maryland.        -         -       S
Virginia, 5-       -    -S       5
North-Carolina,   -              15
South-Carolina,    -   -         11
Georgia,                          8
Tennessee,                 -      8
Kentucky,.-               12
Ohio,..                     8
Illinois,     -    -    -    -    3
Louisiana,    --                   3
183          34
The Federalists placed no one in nomination, or rather
run no candidate for Vice President, while the democracy
supported'and elected Daniel D. Tompkins of New York.
Mr. Monroe, immediately after his inauguration, turned
his attention to the defence of the frontier9 and to acquire a
through knowledge of the wants, requirements and necessities of the government and people, he left the city of
Washington on the 31st of May, 1817, upon an excursion
of personal observation, and passing through the principal
towns in the New England states, he extended his journey
west, and visited the various important points along the
St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, and thence  up the
Niagara to Buffalo, where he embarked by sail vessel,
visiting the various points upon Lake Erie, and landed at
Detroit.  From thence he pass.ed through the territory of
Michigan, and on his return visited all important points in
Ohio, Pennsylvania and Maryland. The effort was productive of much good, and we believe it is the only case on'ecord where a president of the United States has entered




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              91
into a thorough personal examination of the wants and necessities of the government and the people.
In 1816 the policy was adopted of paying members of
Congress $8 a day and $8 for every. twenty miles' travel, in
lieu of a permanent salary of fifteen hundred dollars.  An
act was also passed granting pensions to soldiers.
Nothing of any great importance transpired after this until the next Presidential election.  Such was the confidence
oFthe masses in Mr. Monroe's administration that in 1820
he was re-elected President, there being but one electoral
vote against him.  Daniel D. Tompkins was re-elected VicePresident, there being only 14 votes against him.
Mr. John W. Taylor, of New-York, was elected Speaker,
upon the declination of Mr. Clay, after a constant succession of ballotings for three days. Mr. Taylor was of that
section of Republicans of the state of New-York, who supported De Witt Clinton, then governor of the state.  He
was decidedly favorable to a tariff for protection to domestic manufactures, and opposed to the extension of slavery in
Missouri.  The election of a slpeaker with these views, was
of course the cause of some excitement and dissatisfaction,
at a time when questions of great interest were to be determined by the action of Congress, which for a time seemed
even to threaten a dissolution of the Union.  The mild, impartial and conciliatory course of the new speaker, however,
tended to allay much of the feeling at first excitedf, at the
same time that the respect of the members was elicited toward himself.
The most important question agitated in Congress at this
session, was the admission of Missouri into the Union. The
constitution framed by the people of that state was communicated to Congress in the early part of the session, and
referred to a committee who through Mr. Lowndes, made
an able report on the subject, declaring the constitution of
the state republican, and concluding with a resolution that
Missouri be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with
the original states, in all respects whatever.  Mr. Lowdnes




92              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
in moving to. refer the resolution to a committee of the
whole, stated that the report was the act of a majority of
the committee, and not of every individual of the committee.
The debate on the subject cotinued a week, and the dis-.
cussion was managed with great ability and good temper.
It was decided by a majority of fourteenj in the house, that
Missouri could not be admitted into the Union with the constitution as presented. Those who voted against the admission, did so on the ground- that the constitution of the
state permitted slavery, and that there were other objectionable features in that instrument, particularly in relation to free
persons of color.  The members from the slave states voted
unanimously for the admission of Missouri, while those from
the northern and middle states, with fe'w..exceptions, voted
against it.
Matters were in this situation, when the Missouri question
again presented itself, on the fourteenth of February, 182l,
the day appointed by law for opening and counting the votes
for president and vice-president.  Missouri having chosen
presidential electors, and transmitted her votes for president
and vice-president to Congress, a resolution passed the
senate directing that in case any objection should be made
to counting the votes from  Missouri, the president of the
senate should declare that, if the votes of Missouri were
countX the number of votes for A. B. for president would
be so many, and if the votes of Missouri were not counted,
the number would be so many, and that in either case A. B.
is elected.  The same course to be pursued in relation to
vice-president.  This resolution was taken up in the house
on the morning of the day when the votes were to be counted.  Mr. Clay having by this time taken his seat as a member, warmly supported the resolution as the only mode of
avoiding the dificulty. It was also generally supported by the
members in favor of restricting Missouri as to slavery, but
opposed by most of those from the slave states. It was
finally agreed to on the part of the house, sometime after




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               93
the hour appointed for the meeting of the two houses to
count the votes.  Considerable delay and confusion took
place while the votes were being counted, and some of the
southern members, particularly John RPandolph, of Virginia,
made an effort to compel the house to declare that Missouri
was a state of the Union. The course recommended by the
joint resolution was finally 4adopted, and the president of the
senate declared James Monroe -and Daniel D. Tompkins
duly elected president and vice-president, for the term of
four years from the 4th of March, 1821.
On the 25th of February, Mr. Clay, from  a joint committee of the two houses appointed on the Missouri question,
reported a resolution for the admission of the state into the
Union, on condition that the said state, by their legislature,
should assent to a condition that a part of the state constitution should never be construed to authorize the passage
of a law by which any citizen of either of the states in the
Union should be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the
privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled
under the constitution of the United'States.  After debate,
the final question was taken on this resolution, which was
carried in the house by a vote of 87 to 81, and was concurred in by the senate on the 28th of February, and being
approved by the president on the 2d of March, 1J821, Missouri was admitted into the Union.'Thus ithis exciting
question was finally settled, principally through the efforts
of Mr. Clay, who had also at the former session proposed
and procured the adoption of a resolution, or section of
compromise, in the act authorizing Missouri to form a constitution, by which slavery was to be forever prohibited in
that part of the territory west of the Mississippi (excepting the state of Missouri,) lying north of thirty-six degrees
and thirty minutes north'latitude.
At the next session of Congress Mr. John W, Taylor was
a candidate for speaker, btt was finally defeated by Philip
P. Barbour of Virginia, who was regarded as a strong opponent of the principal of a protective tariff.




94               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The subject of a general bankrupt law was again debated,
and occupied much of the time of this Congress.  It was
finally rejected, by a vote of 99 to 72. The question of a
further protection to manufactures, particularly cottons
and woollens, by additional duties on importations of those
articles, was rejected, but the standing committee to whom
the subject was referred, having been appointed by a speaker
who was opposed to protection, reported that any additional
legislation was inexpedient.  The tariff question excited
great attention and interest throughout the United States.
The friends of protection to American manufactures were
zealous.and active in spreading their views among the people, 4nd in many of the northern and western states the
agriculturalists were convinced that their interests were
very materially promoted by the system of protection, as
well as that of the manufacturers.  Members of Congress
from the southern, and from some of the eastern states, at
that time, were opposed to an increase of the tariff on foreign goods, from an impression that' high duties operated
unequally on different classes and sections of the community.
At this juncture, great excitement prevailed on the subject of the next presidential campaign. The names of many
gentlemen were mentioned as candidates, but the number
gradually diminished, until the contest finally seemed to be
confined to William H. Crawford, secretary of the treasury;
John Quincy Adaims, secretary of state; Henry Clay,
speaker of the house of representatives; John C. Calhoun,
secretary of war; and General Andrew  Jackson, at that
time a private citizen.  Each of these candidates, during
the war with Great Britain, were warm  and efficient supporters of Mr. Madison's administration, and zealous members of the democratic party.
It soon became evident that a large proportion of the old
politicians of the democratic party had decided to support
Mr. Crawford for the succession'.  He had been, it will be
recollected, a formidable candidate against Mr. Monroe in
the congressional caucus in 1816.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              95
Previous to the meeting of Congress, the annual election
took place in the state of New-York, in November, 1823,
for members of the legislature, by whom the electors of
president were to be chosen.  The result was unexpected
and very unsatisfactory to the friends of Mr. Crawvford, for
although they claimed a majority of the members elect, yet
the city and county of New-York, and many other counties, had decided against them, and the anti-Crawford men
likewise claimed a majority in the legislature.  The latter,
moreover, rested their hopes of success on the passage of a
law by the legislature, giving the choice of electors to the
people. This question, which was for many months agitated in New-York, gave rise to what was called the people's
party, which comprised in its ranks most of the people opposed to Mr. Crawford for the presidency.
On the 1st day of December', 1823, the eighteenth Congress held their first session, which continued until the 26th
of May, 1824.  Mr. Clay, who was again elected a member
from Kentucky, was chosen speaker of the house, by  a
large majority, over Mr. Barbour, speaker of the last
Congress.
Many were opposed. to a congressioanal caucus, but
the friends of Mr. Crawford insisted opon it and it was'held on the 14th of February 1824. On a ballot for president, Mr. Crawford received 64 votes, Mr. Adams 2,
General Jackson 1.  Mr. Gallatin, was nominated for vicepresident, but aftei'wards declined.
The issue of this attempt to nominate Mr. Crawford
proved injurious to his prospects.  In the state of NewYork the Crawford party became very unpopular, in consequence of some of their leading men having rejected a
law proposed by the people's party in the legislature, providing for the choice of presidential electors by the people.
The electors in the state of New-York were therefore
chosen by the legislature; but owing principally to the
efforts of General James Tallmadge, the champion of the
people's party in the legislature on that occasion, with the




96              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
aid of Mr. Henry WVheaton and other zealous members of
that body, the friends of Mr. Crawford met with an unexpected defeat, and the electoral vote- of the state was given
as follows: for Adams,2, for Crawford 5, for Clay 4, for
Jackson 1.
The canvass for a successor to James Monroe was singular in many respects.  Mr. RITCHIE, now of the Washingtoll Union, but then of the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, advocated, with great pertinacity, the nomination and election of WILLIAMi H. CRAWFORD for the Presidency.  Mr.
R. went so far as to engage in a system of abuse of the
character of General Andrew Jackson. Edwin Croswell,
of the Albany Argus, entered into the same strain. This
was regarded as unfair and ungenerous by the democrats
throughout the country, and.was particularly pleasing to the
federalists. The managemnient of those two men, with a few
others, brought about a majority for Mr. Crawford, in the
Congressi6nal caucus, which, however, was but very slimly attended. This determined spirit of obstinacy and dictation manifested by Ritchie and Cr.oswell, had a tendency
to weaken the caucus or convention system in those days
materially,  The democracy felt as though there was an
attempt to drive tlhem to do what they were not disposed to
do. They did not consider William H. Crawford as a genluine democrat. In 1808 he voted with the federalists upon
the embargo question, and in 1811 he voted with the federalists for the United States Bank bill, which all other democrats opposed. It was not easy for the democrats of those
days to forget those who betrayed them in trying times.
There is no doubt the defeat of General Jackson in 1824,
was owingto the obstinacy of the gentlemen referred to.
The contest in the fall of 1824 was a very strong one, and
resulted in the election of no one as President of the United
States by the people. The candidates voted for were Andrew Jackson, Win. H. Crawford, John Quincy Adams and




oR HISTORY oF PARTIS.               97
Henry Clay.  The question was then to be settled by the
House of Representatives.
On the 3d Feb., A825, the members of the Senate and
House of Representatives in joint Convention counted the.
votes, and declared the same as follows:,Por? President.  For Pice _President.
C'   C)  C    )
)       E3  So     C )
Maine,         -    9.0  0  0    9  0 0  0 0.0  0f
New-Hampshire,      S  0 0    0    7  0  1  0  0  0
Massachusetts,  -    0  0  0   15    0  0  0  0 0
Rhode-Island,       4  0  0  0    3  0  0  0  0  0
Connecticut, -      3 O 0 "O0    0  0  8   0  0  O
Vermont,   -        7  0  0  0    7  O  0  0  0  0
New-York,          26  5  1  4   29  0  0  7  0  0.New-Jersey,  -      0  0  8  0    8  0  0  0  0  0
Pennsylvania,       0  0 28  0   28  0  0  0  0  0
Delaware,         -! 2  0  0    1.  0  0  0  2  0
Maryland,  -    S  i  7  0   10  0  1  0  0  0
Virginia,    -      0 24  0  0    0 24  0  0  0  0
North-Carolina,    d  0   15  0   15  0  0  0  0  0
South-Carolina,  -     0  11  0   1 1  0  0  0  O  0
Georgia,             0  9   0  0    0  0 0   0    0    9
Kentucky,           O  0 0O 14    7  0  0  7  0  0
T1ennessee,          0  0 11  0   11  0  0  0  0  0
-Ohio,        -      0  0  0 16    0  0  01:J6  0  0
Louisana,   -          0  3  0    5  0  0  0  0  0
MVississippi,   -   0  3  0    3  0  0  0  0  0
Indiana,            0 -    5  0    5  0  0  0  0  0:Illinois,  -           0  2  0         0  0  0  0  0
Alabama,   -    -0  0  5  0          - 0  0  0  0  0(
Missouri, -         0  0  0  3    0  0  3  0  0  0
84 &4    9 3e W7  1    4. 30  $  9, K'




98              POLIYTCAL LANDMARKS;
The president of the senate then rose, and declared that
no person had received a majority of the votes given for
president of the United States; that Andrew Jackson, John
Q. Adams and William H. Crawford, were the three persons who had received the highest number of votes, and
that the remaining duties in the choice of a president now
devolved on the house of representatives. He further declared, that John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, having
received 182 votes, was duly elected vice-president of the
United States, to serve for four years from the 4th day of
March next.
The members of the senate then retired.
The speaker directed the roll of the house to be called
when it was discovered that all of the members were present, when the voting by states was commenced, which resulted as follows, each state being entitled to one vote, it
being cast in accordance with the views of the majority of
the delegation of such state:
For John Q. Adams, of Mass., 13 votes,
For Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, 7 votes,
For William H. Crawford, of Georgia, 4 votes.
The speaker then stated this result to the house, and announced that John Quincy Adams, having a majority of the
votes of these United States, was duly elected president of
the same, for four years, commencing with the 4th of March
next.
Gen. Jackson having 99 electoral votes to S1 for Adams,
41 for Crawford, and 37 for Clay, there was of course some
considerable excitement when Mr. Adams was elected by
the house.
The inauguration of John Quincy Adams as President
of the United States, took place on the 4th of March, 1825.
After delivering his address, Mr. Adams descended from
the chair, and took the oath of office, at the close of which
the house rang with the cheers and plaudits of the immense
audience.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                99
The senate being in session, the piesident immediately
nominated the members of his cabinet, namely: Henry
Clay, of Kentucky, for secretary of state; Richard Rush,
of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; James Barbour,
of Virginia, secretary of war.  These nominations were
all confirmed, and unanimously, except that of Mr. Clay, to
which a warm opposition was made on. the part of a few
senatois, and the injunction of secrecy being removed, the
votes appeared to have been twenty-seven in favor, and
fourteen against it.  The remaining member of the cabinet,
William Wirt, of Virginia, was continued as attorney-general.  John M'Lean,  of Ohio, postmaster-general (not
then a member of the cabinet,) who had been appointed by
Mr. Monroe, was also continued in office.
After disposing of the nominations made by the executive,
thle senate took into consideration the treaty made with the
republic of Columbia, for the suppression of the slave-trade.
This treaty was made in conformity with a resolution of the
house of representatives, recommending' to the executive to
make treaties, giving the mutual right of search of vessels
in suspected parts of the world, in order more effectually to
prevent the trafic in slaves.  The amendments proposed by
the senate, at the last session, to the treaty wiith Great Britain, for the same purpose, vere introduced into this treaty;
but the fate of the treaty with England had probably caused
a change in ithe minds of some of the senators and other
views had been taken of' the subject by others, and the
treaty with Colornbia was rejected by 28 votes to 12.
The divisions which hiad been taken on the foregoing
questions, in the senate, left little doubt that the new administration was destined'to meet with a systematic and organized opposition; and previous to the next meeting of
Congress, the ostensible grounds of opposition were set
forth at public dinners and meetings, so as to prepare the
community for a warm political contest, until the next election.




100?POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
Those who placed themselves in opposition to the administration, without reference to its measures, urged. as reasons
for their hostility, that Mr. Adams' election was the result
of a bargain between Mr. Clay and himself; and his selection of Mr. Clay as secretary of state, was relied upon as a
conclusive proof of the bargain; that he was elected against
the expressed will of tle people; and that Congress by not
talking General Jackson, the candidate having the highest
number of votes, had violated the constitution, and disobeyed their constituents.
The first session of the nineteenth Congress colmmenced
on the 5th of Deceimber, 1825, and continued until the 222d
of May 1826.  Mr. Calhoun, the vice-president, took the
chair in the senate, and Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, was chosen president pro tern. previous to the adjournment in May.
In the house, on the second ballot for speaker, John W.
Taylor, of New-York, a friend of the administration, received 99 votes, against 94 for all others, and was elected.In the senate the administration had a decided majority,
but it soon became obvious that in both houses the fiiends
of General Jackson and Mr. Crawford, with few exceptions,
were disposed to unite, and embarrass and defeat the measures proposed by the president and his cabinet, or by their
friends in Congress.
Many of the most important of the suggestions in the
president's message were not acted on during the session;
other topics having occupied the attention of Congress,
which were introduced apparently for the purpose of agitating the public mind on the subject of the recent election
of president.  Amendments to the constitution were proposed in the senate by Mr. Benton, of Missouri, to provide
for a direct vote by the people, in districts, for president,
andl dispensing with- the colleges of' electors; and by Mr.
iMaDulfie, of South-,Catrolina, in the house, providintg i- a
choice of electors by districts, and preventing the choice




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              101
of president from devolving on the house of representatives.
Mr. Benton's proposition was accompanied with an able
report, but no action was taken on it in the senate. A long
and spirited debate took place in the house on the proposed
amendments, in the course of which Mr. M'Duffie went into
a history of the late election, ceusuring in severe terms the
course of MVr. Clay and his friends, to which Mr. Trimble,
of Kentucky, and others, replied in severe and pointed
language, which caused a scene of great excitement.  On
the first resolution, which took the election from Congress,
the house divided, 123 in the affirmative, and 64 in the negative.  The second resolution, in favor of the district system, was rejected, by a vote of 101 to 91.
The recommendation in the president's message, that
the United States should take part in a congress of North
and South American states, proposed to be held at Panama,
was at this time the subject of great political interest, and
much agitated in Congress at this session.  In certain official conversations had in the spring of 1825, with the ministers of those powers, invitations were given, on the part
of Columbia, Mexico, and Central America, to the United
States, to send commissioners to Panama.  The proposed
congress at that place was supposed to have been first suogested by General Bolivar, who was for some time at the
head of the republic of Columbia; and that Peru and Chili
should also join in it. The views of Bolivar were, to form
a close alliance, and to pledge mutual assistance to resist
European governments.
Mr. Clay, the secretary of state, in replying to the communications from the ministers of the republics of Spanish
America, remarked, that those communications were received with proper feelings of the friendly motives which
dictated them; but that the United States could not take
any part in the existing war with Spain, nor in concils for
deliberating on its further prosecution; though the president believed that such a congress might be highly useful
in settling several important disputed questions of public




102             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
law, and in arranging other matters of deep interest to the
American continent, and strengthening the bonds of friendship between the American powers; that it appeared to him,
however, expedient, before such a congress met, to adjust,
as preliminary matters, the precise objects to which the attention of the congress would be directed, and the substance and form of the power of the ministers representing
the several republics.  In reply to this suggestion, notes
were received from them, stating the objects of the assembly, and formally renewing the invitation. The president
determined to accept this invitation, and to send ministers
to the congress, should the senate consent to the measure.
This determination lie memtioned in his opening message
to Congress, and on the 26th of December he sent to the
senate a confidential message, setting forth the objects of
the Panama congress; his reason for accepting the invitation to send commissioners; and nominating Richard C.
Anderson and John Sergeant as ministers oun the part of the
United States, ana William B. Rochester, of New-York, as
secretary to the mission.
This message, with the accompanying documents, was
referred to the committee on foreign relations, by whom a
report was made on the 16th of January, 1826, condemning
the mission, and ending with a resolution, declaring it to be
inexpedient to send ministers to Panama.
The report of the committee on foreign relations occasioned a long debate in secret session in the senate, and
the resolution reported by that committee, condemning the
Panama mission, was negatived by a vote of 24 to 19, on
the 14th of Marchl The nominations by the president were
then confirmed by the senate; and the injunction of secrecy
on the subject removed from the journal. Thus the administration was sustained in this measure by the senate; and in
the house of representatives the bill making the appropriation for the mission, was carried, after a debate of many
days, on the  l1st of April, by a vote of 133 to 61.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.            103
The house having thus concurred with the senate in assenting to the policy of the mission, measures were taken
to carry it into effect; and orders were transmitted to Mr.
Anderson, who was then minister of Columbia, to attend
the congress, which was to hold its first meeting in the
month of June. In his way to Panama he was unfortunately
attacked, at Carthagenia, by a malignant fever, which proved
fatal, and deprived the country of an able and useful representative.
The representatives of Peru, Mexico, Centaral America,
and Columbia, met there on the ~2d of June, 1826. Upper
Peru, or Bolivia, had not then organized its government,
and was not represented, nor was the republic of Chili.
The governments of England and the Netherlands, though
uninvited, sent diplomatic agents, who were not permitted
to be, present during the (teliberations of the congress, but
communications were made to them of their proceedings.
The first session of the twentieth Congress commenced
on the 3d of December, 1827, and closed on the 26th of
May, 1828.
The subject of a revision of the tariff on imports, with a
view to additional protection to American manufactures,
was brought before Congress at an early period of the sess
sion. A committe appointed for that purpose, after great
deliberation, introduced a new tariff bill, in which an increased rate of duties was proposed on many articles of
produce and manufacture.
The discussions on the tariff bill continued from the 12th
of February to the 15th of April; various amendments
proposed by Mr. Mallary, chairman of the committee which
reported the bill, and a friend of the administration, having
been rejected, and others, offered by him and others, being
adopted; the bill finally passed the house by a vote of 109
to 91. In the senate, after sundry, amendments, which were
afterwards concurred in by the house, the bill passed, by 26
ayes to 21 nays, and being approved by the president, be



104                POXTTAAL'LANDMARKS; 
came a law a few days before the adjournment. This tariff
became very unpopular in the southern states, where the
policy was denounced on all occasions as unconstitutional
and oppressive. The law of 1828, however, continued in.
operation for about fourn years after its passage., namely, till
1832, when another revision took place.
Nothing else o:f particular interest transpired during the
session.  Congress adjourned on the   6th of NMay, without'
much regret on the part of the community, at the termination of its protracted debates.
At this time the subject of a successor to John Qluincy
Adams for. the Presidency was the all-engrossing topic of
discussion. from one extreme of the Union to the other,
Never has there'been known, since the formation of our
government, so mnuch bitterness of feeling to exhist as
during this controversyo The character, moral and political,
of all candidates was thoroughly canvassed. General Jackson. was represented as being a low-bred, rough, uneducated
man, totaly unfit for the station to which the democracy
seemed bent upon calling him.  Such were the violence of
the attacks made upon him by the Federalists throughout
the country, that, notwithstanding we were but a boy, and
could do nothing in the way of elevating General Jackson
to the presidential chair, except; to peddle tickets at the
polls oh the day of election in his favor, we did this with as
good. a cheer as any one living, yet we had imbibed the impression that he was a rough, uncouth bear of a man, possessed of a determined spirit of perseverance.  Being impressed with such views, we shall:never, to the day of our
death, forget the interview had with him while on his way
to Washington to take his seat as President of the United
States. When presented by a friend, and one who had
noticed our attachment to the man, although not a. voter,
we found instead of the rough, unpolished back-woodsman,
one of the most gentlemany polished men in his manners
we eer met., From the squeeze of the hand, we discovered




OR HISTORY 0F PARTIEo.               105
that there was some little iron in the composition.  We
revert to this matter to correct an error which to this day
exists in the minds of many of General Jackson's most ardent admirers.  There never was an impression more
erroneous.
In the contest of 1828, the democracy brought forward
Gen. Andrew Jackson, and the federal party the then president, John Quincy Adams.
The result was as follows;.Jackson.    Adams.
Maine,          -1                              8
New-Hampshire,                                  8
Vermont,            -         -                 7
Massachusetts,    -       -    -               15
Rhode-Island,  -                                4
Connecticut,      -    -                        8
New-York,         -      -  -       20         16
New-Jersey, -                                   8
Pennsylvania,                        28
Delaware,    -    -    -    -    -              3
Maryland, -                           5         6
Virginia,    -                      24
North-Carolina,                      15
South-Carolina,               
Georgia,                              9
Alabama,    -                        5
Mississippi,                     -   3
Louisiana,.                           5
Tennessee,      -    -    -    -    11
Kentucky,         -    -    -         4
Ohio,                                16
Indiana,          -                   5
Illinois,                        - 3
Missouri,         -..               3
178       83




106              POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
John C. Calhoun, of South-Carolina, was elected vicepresident by 171 electoral votes to 83 for Richard Rush,
and 7 for Williaml Smith, of South-Carolina.
On the fourth of March, 1829, General Audrew Jackson entered on his duties as President of the United States.
At twelve o'clock of that day, the senate, which had been
convened by his predecessor, Mr. Adams, adjourned, after a
session of one hour, during which the president entered the
senate-chamber, attended by the marshal of the district and
the committee of arrangements.  He had been escorted to
the capitol, from Gadsby's hotel, by a few of the surviving
officers and soldiers of the revolution, and made the following reply to an address delivered to him at the hotel:RESPECTED FRIENDS: Your affectionate address awakens sentiments and recollections which I feel with sincerity and cherish with pride. To have around my person, at
the moment of undertaking the most solemn of all duties to
my country the companions of the immortal Washington,
will afford me satisfaction and grateful encouragement.
That by my best exertions I shall be able to exhibit more
than an imitation of his labors, a sense of my own imperfections, and the reverence I entertain for his virtues forbid
me to hope.
" To you, respected friends, the survivors of that heroic
band who followed him so long and so valiantly in the path
of glory, I offer my sincere thanks, and- to Heaven my
prayers, that your remaining years may be as happy as your
toils and your lives have been illustrious."
After the adjournment of the senate, about noon, a procession was formed to the eastern porto of the capitol, where,
in the presence of an immense concourse of spectators, the
president delivered his inaugural address; and having concluded it, the oath to support the constitution was administered to him by Chief-Justice Marshal.
Salutes were fired by two companies of artillery, stationed in the vicinity of the capitol, which were repeated at the




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               107
forts, and by detachments of artillery on the plains.  When
the president retired, the procession was re-formed, and he
was conducted to the presidential mansion.  He here received the salutations of a vast number of persons, who came
to congratulate him upon his induction to the presidency.
The members of Mr. Adams' cabinet having resigned,
President Jackson, immediately after his inauguration, nominated to the senate the following gentlemen for the heads
of the respective departments, who were promptly confirmed: Martin Van Buren, of New-York, secretary of state;
Samuel D. Ingharn, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, secretary of war; John
Branch, of North-Carolina, secretary of the navy; John
M'Pherson Berrien, of Georgia, attorney-general. It was
determined to introduce the postmaster-general into the
cabinet; the incumbent of that office John M'Lean, was appointed associate justice of the supreme court, and William T. Barry, of Kentucky, received the appointment of
post-m aster-general. Certain duties in the department of
state requiring immediate attention on the accession of a
new president, James A. Hamilton, son of the late General
Alexander Hamilton, was charged temporarily with the duties of secretary of state, until Mr. Van Buren could close
his business as governor of New-York, on the duties of
which office he had only entered on the first of January, 1829.
The secretaries of state and the navy, and the attorneygeneral, had been leading supporters of Mr. Crawford, in
the presidential contest of 1824.  Mr. Ingham was selected
through the influence of the vice-president, IMr. Calhoun,
and Messrs. Eaton and Barry were among the original supporters of Gen. Jackson.
The determination of the respective friends of Jackson,
Crawford, and Calhoun, to combine in support of the General at the election of 1828, induced much speculation as to
the course he could pursue, in order to satisfy the various conflicting views upon different topics.   But he was




108              POLITTCAT, LANDMARJKS
elected without being particularly pledged upon any subject, and having received an overwhelming majority of electoral votes, he was left to adopt such course as he thought
proper.
Under these fortunate circumstances, Gen. Jackson had
assumed the executive government, with a suirplus of more
than five millions of dollars in the national treasury, the
country respected abroad, at peace with all the world, and in
a state of unexampled and progressive domestic prosperity.
Such was the state of affairs when the twenty-first congress assembled on the 7th of December, 1829; and this
first session continued until the 31st of May, 18380. The'majority ill each branch in favor of the new administration
was decided.  The vice-president being absent at the commencement of the session, Samuel Smith restnmed the chair,
as president pr-o-tempowe of the senate; In the house of
representatives, Andrew  Stevenson was re-elected speaker
by 1.52 votes against 39.
The message of the president in point of expression was
considered equal to those of his predecessors, and gave an
elaborate view of the foreign relations and domestic concerns of the United States.  Many of its recomlliendations
were considered at this session of Congress, but in several
instances the president's'views met with an unfavorable reception from many of his friends in both houses.  On the
subject of a relaewal of the charter of the bank of the United States, the standing committees of the senate and the
house, to whom  it was referred, made reports diametrically
apposite to the recommendation of the president.  The
friends of the administration formed a majority in  both
committees, and the marked difference in the opinions entertained by them  from  that expressed in the president's
message, afforded a striking proof of the want of harmony
between the president and cabinet, and the party which had
brought them into power. On the subject of a revision of the
tariff, the recommendation of the president met with favor.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                109
The tariff of 1828 became a law during the excitement
of the presidential election, and in  adjusting its details,
more regard had been paid to the political effect of the law,
than to the permanent interests of the country, or to the
rules of political economy.  Hostility to the tariff had
been  manifested  early in the session  of 1829-'30, by
many of the friends of the administration; but an equally
strong feeling of dissatisfaction with the existing law, on the
ground of' its iitadequate  protection to the woolen manuf'actures, had induced the friends of'the policy to bring forward
the subject, with a view of obtaining a modification of the law
more favorable to their interests, and to prevent tile ifrauds
which were alleged to be daily practised on the revenue.
A bill was accordingly reported in the house of representatives, by Mr. Mallary, chairman of the comniittee on manufactures, on the 27th of January, 1830, Ito regulate the entry
of importations of woolens.  After much debate in both
houses, it was passed, and beirig sanctioned by the president,
became a law in May following.
Several unsuccessful attempts were inade to engraft upon the above mentioned bill amendments reducing the duties
on various articles.  It was finally concltuded  to attack the
tariff in detail, and separate bills were introduced providing
for a reduction  of duties on salt and imolasses; both of
which were passed, by considerable majorities.  Another
bill was passed, reducing the duties on tea and cofibe.
The following laws,' in addition to the foregoing, iwere
the most imlportant which were passed during this session:
For the re-appropriation of: thirty thousand dollars for the
suppression of the slave-trade, which hadL been appropriated
two years before, but was not expended, and which was
fOtunded on an act of congress of i 819; for repealino an act
imposing tonnage duties on vessels of' which the officers
and two-thirds of the seamlen were citizens of the United
States; for the more effectua.l collection of impost duties,
ppoi tnirg e lt addii. oIt...!; -ppr oSers to e.inn'i. s;l.ported but no new regualtons to prevent lefaults in thre




110               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
officers of the customs; for the appointment of an additional
officer to be attached to the treasury department, called the
solicitor of the treasury; for allowing a portion of the claims
of Massachusetts, for services and expenses of the Militia in
1812-'14, in time of war, and for which that state had not
been reimbursed, the amount allowed being four hundred
and thirty thousand dollars, about half the sumn claimed.; for
the removal of the Indian's from  lands occupied by them
within any state of the union, to a territory west of the
Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or organized
territory, and belonging to the United States.
Although the unequivocal testimonies of popular feeling
checked the tendency on the part of many leading politicians
to nullification, and the doctrines of Mr. Webster's speech
were in substance sustained subsequently by president Jackson in his proclamation respecting the difficulties in South
Carolina, in 1832; yet the views of Mr. HIayne respecting
state-rights and the powers of the general government continued to be entertained and asserted by a large and respectable portion of the people of the southern states.
Besides those of Mr. Hayne and Mr. Webster upon the
questoin of the public lands, many of the other speeches in
the senate during the great. debate referred to, were distinguished for eloquence, ingenuity, and power.  No particular law resulted from this protracted and able discussion.
There was early indications of' a want of harmony among
the different sections of which the admliinistration party was
composed.  Efforts had been made from the commencement
of the presidential terim of General Jackson, by the respective partisans of the vice-presidernt and of the secratary of
state, to direct the executive. patronage to the aggrandizement of their own fiiends.  A division of the party was
early seen to be inevitable, but the personal predilections of
the president were as yet unknown.  In the formation of
the cabinet, the first post had been given to Mr. Van Buren
himself, but the extensive influence of the treasury depart



OR THISTORY oF PARTIES.               111
ment was placed under the control of Mr. Ingham, a devoted friend of the vice-president.  The other members of
the cabinet were not selected with reference to the views of
either of the colnpetitois for the succession to the presidency, but upon grounds of personal preference on the part of
the president.  The views of the secretary of state and of
the secretary of the navy had not harmonized with those of
the secretaries of' war and of the treasury.  The attorney
general had belonged to the old federal party, and the postmaster general had not shown that his political principles
necessarily inclined him  to a narrow  construction of the
powers of the federal government.  Upon the whole, however, the cabinet was formed with an apparent preference
of the political creed professed by the friends of the vicepresident, rather than that of the radical party.  The star
of the vice-president was deemed to be in the ascendant,
and it was generally believed that the influence of the executive would be exerted to promote his elevatioii to the presidential chair upon his own retirement.  These opinions,
however were, not realized.
While the patronage of the executive was so directed
publicly to strengthen Mr. Calhoun's political party, by
placing many of his friends in important posts, the ground
on which he stood was crumbling beneath him, and measures
were in train to create a breach between him and the president.  To him, as a more early and efficient supporter,
the president had given a greater share of confidence, and
manifested a warmer feeling thaws he had, originally bestowed
upon the secretary of state. In this particular the secretary
labored under a disadvantage; but'circumstances soon enabled him to obtain a great superiority of influence over the
mind of the president.
The secretary of war had been brought into the cabinet
on account of the confidential relations and intimate friendship subsisting betxeen him and the president, and of course
was entitled to and received his entire confidence. Upon
the arrival of the secretary of state at Washington, he found




112               POLITICAL LANDMAR KS
a coolness existing between the secretay of war and the
vice-president, and. a, division in the cabinet itself in consequence of some disagreement in their private relations.
As the president warmly sympathized in the feelings and
resentment of the secretary of war on this point, the secre-.
taries of the, treasury- and savy, as the objects of that resentment, gradually lost his confidence, which was transferred
to the sectretary of state, whose course both in public and
private had so completely.harmonized with the wishes of
himself and his friends.
The loss of influence on the part of' the secretary of the
treasury had impaired the Indirect power of  Mr. Calhoun,
nad the same cause had injured. his own standing vith the,executive.   No open breach had, howevelr, as yet taken
place between them, and the vice-president and his friends
iAn congress continued to support the administration, some
of whose appointments were carriecl  by the casting vote of
the vice-president as president of the senate.
Affairs remained on this uncertain footing until nearly the'close of the first session of the twenty-first congress. At
that time, and after the greater part of the questionable
nominations had been.confirmed, a movement was made
which ripened the misunderstanding between the president
and the vice-president into a complete alienation of feeling,
and prepared the way for an open rupture.  Before this
event occurred, the influence of the coutroversy above
alluded to had efflected a change in the political relations of
some of the members of the cabinet; and upon that question the president, the secretaries of' state and of war, xand
the post-master-general, were opposed to the secretaries of
the treasury and navy, and the attorney general; and the
division was understood to have no inconsiderable bearing
upon other questions of g-eater importamlce.
T'his misunderstanding continued to increase, until finally
an open ru lipture wa.s produced,   Tbhi  quarr.el however,
profeissedly  origihr:ated }i tihe vit (,ew tten by f i  I.j.-.au.n of




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               113
the conduct of General Jackson during the Seminole cams
paign, in 1818.
General Jackson had commanded the American troops
in that war, and acting, as he conceived, in the execution
of his orders; had invaded the territory of Florida, then
belonging to Spain, and occupied the forts and towns of
Pensacola, to which the Indians had fled for protection.
The Spanish minister at Washington remonstrated and in
the discussion which took place in Mr. Monroe's cabinet
respecting this transaction, Mr. Calhoun as secretary of war
proposed that a court of inquiry should be held on General
Jeckson's conduct, inasmuch as he had transcended his
orders.
Ir. Crawford, then secretary of the treasury, also advocated a course which would have been deemed a censure
on General Jackson.; but the secretary of state (Mr. Adams,)
conceding that the orders from the war department had been
transcended, so forcibly vindicated the course of General
Jackson; upon principles of national law, that all proceedings against him  were relinquished, and the government
determined, in its discussions with Spain, to justify the invasion, while it delivered up the posts. This was-done by
an able reply from the secretary of state to the complaints
of the Spanish minister, in which the course of the American general was successfully vindicated.
The subject was afterwards agitated in Congress, and
the friends of Mr. Crawford in that body were particularly
distinguished for, their efforts to censure the conduct of General Jackson. As might have been expected the General.
felt greatly aggrieved by this attack, and his resentment was
roused both against Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay, whose
opinions on this subject were openly avowed, in the debate
on the Seminole war. Toward Mi. Adams, by whom he
had been so ably defended, and tow:a~rd Mr. Calhoun, who
had publicly sustained him, notwithstanding his first impressions, he had, until lately, expressed the warmest feel




114               POLITICAL LANDMARIKS;
ings of gratitude   This'harmonious footing (with regard
to the latter,) which was first disturbed by the controversy
above mentioned, was now destined to be totally destroyed.
Toward the close of the first session of the twenty-first
congress, a letter from  Mr. Crawford to Mr. Forsyth was
placed in the hands of General Jackson, by the agency of
a particular friend of the secretary of state, then at WX ashington, accusing M1r, Calhoun of having proposed a censure
upon him for his conduct in the Seminole campaign. This
letter was transmitted to Mr. Calhoun by the president,
with an intimation, that it was so contrary to his impressions of the course he had supposed Mr. Calhoun to have
pursued, as to require some explanation.  Mr. Calhoun replied, and showed, by referring to the correspondence between General Jackson and the government, in 1818, that
hemust have known Mr. Calhoun's opinion to be that he
had transcended his orders, and that his vindication had
then been placed on other and distinct grounds.  Mr. Calhoun then proceeded to inquire into the motives which bad
led, at this late period, to a renewal of this discussion, and
avowed- his belief that it had originated in a desire to detract
from  his influence with the president and thus to destroy
his political standing with the friends of the administrationl
A long and protracted correspondence ensued, in which the
late secretary of the treasury, Mr. Crawford, and several of
his confidential friends took part, and although the secretary of state distinctly disclaimed all knowledge of the preliminary movements, and all m.otive to detract from the political standing of the vice-president, still, their respective
claiims upon the succession, his course in public and private,
after being appointed secretary of state, and the political relations of the agents who appeared as the prime movers in
this affair, produced a general impression that its sole object
-was to create a breach betwebn the president and vicepresident, with the view  of destroying the influence of a
fQomidn.le Qompetitor fors public favor.




OR HISTrORY OF PARTIES.              115
Having alluded to the subject of nullification, as evinced
by the acts of a portion of the people of the southern states,
at this period, it is proper that we should. notice in this
place, the origin and progress of that political doctrine, as
connected wvith controversies and events which occurred
during this administration.  It may be remarked, as a general proposition; that the southern states have, with the exception'of South-Carolina, been uniformly hostile to the exercise of power by the general government.  Thalt state, although voting with the adjacent states on all local and most
national questions, had on some occasions, as in 1790,'91,
and in 181.6, beel: foremost in asserting the right of congress.to legislate on certain disputed points.  Among those
were the subjects of nlternal improvement, the  JUnited
States bank, and the tariff;] A. change of opinion had now
taken place there, and it began to go beyond any of the
advocates of the state-rights, in its assertion of state sovereignty.  A vehement opposition to a protective tariff, both
in 1824 and on the subsequent modification in 1828, had
been led by the talented delegation in congress, and when
they were defeated in the halls of legislation, with characteristic energy they renewed their efforts to overturn the
system and to render it unpopular with the people.
At first it was contemplated,  on its passage, to resign
their seats in congress, and a meeting of the delegation
was held at Washington, with the view  of deciding upon
the steps which should be taken.
The delegation, however, did not concur in adopting
violent mneasures, and it was determined to endeavor, upon
their return home, to rouse their constituents to a more
effectual opposition to the protective system. No exertions
were spared to excite public feeling against the law. It was
denounced as a measure local in its character, partial and
oppressive in its operation, and unconstitutional in principle.
Having convinced themselves of this, they began to ques



116              POLTTICAL LANDMARKS;
tion the right of the federal government to require obedience,
and almost simultaneously with the legislature of Georgia,
which, December 24,  S27I, resolved to submit only to its
own construction of the federal compact, the senate of SouthCarolina instituted.  a committee to inquire into the powers
of the federal government, in reference'to certain subjects
then agitated.
The report of this committee, which received the sanction of both branches of the legislati.re, in December, 182'73
asserted that the federal constitution was a compact originally
formed, not between the people of the United States at
large, but between the people of the different states, as distinct and independent sovereignties; and that when any
violation of the letter or spirit of that compact took place,
it is not only the right of the people, but of the state legislatures, to remonstrate against it; that the federal government was responsible to the people whenever it abused or
injudiciously exercised powers intrusted to it, and that it
was responsible to the state legislatures whenever it assumed
powers not conferred.  Admitting that, under the constitution, a tribunal was appointed to decide controversies,
where the United States was a party, the report contended
that some questions maust occur between the United States
and- the states, which it would be unsafe to submit to any
judicial tribunal.  The supreme court has already manifested an undue leaning in favor of the federal government;
and when the constitution was violated in its spirit, and not
literally, there was peculiar propriety in a state legislature's
undertaking to decide for itself, inasmuch as the constitution had not provided any remedy.
The report then proceeded to declare all legislation for
the protection of domestic manufactures to be unconstitutional, as being in favor of a local interest, and that congress had no power to legislate, except upon subjects of
general interest. The power to construct roads and canals
within the limits of a state, or to appropriate money for that




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              117
purpose, was also denounced as unconstitutional,  as was
all legislation for the purpose of meliorating the condition
of the free colored or the slave population of the United
States.
On this last topic, it was intimated that no reasoning
could take place between the United States and SouthCarolina.  It was a question' of feeling too intimately connected with their tranquility and safety to be discussed.
In remonstrating against these violations of the constitution, the state should appear as a sovereign, and not as a
suppliant, before the national legislature; and resolutions,
expressive of the approbation of the state legislature of
these principles, having passed both houses, they were transmitted, with the report, to the delegation in congress, to
be laid before that body, then engaged in the consideration
of the tariff.
That law having passed, the legislature of the state, at
the next session, sanctioned a protest against it as unconstitutional, oppressive, and unjust, which was transmitted to
their senators, to be entered upon the journal of the senate.
This was done on the 10th of February, 1829.. The change
which took place in the federal government caused a belief
that some satisfactory inmodification would be made of the
tariff; and during the summer of 1829 the excitement appeared to be directed less against the administration, and
more concentrated against the law itself. The doctrine,
however, of the right of a state to nullify an act of Congress
was not relinquished, although it seemed to be conceded
that it would be best to attempt first to procure the repeal
of thesobnoxious law.  In these opinions the state government of Georgia fully concurred.  As a measure of policym
the tariff was equally unpopular; and the controversy respecting the Indians had been carried to that length, as to
bring the state in collision with a law of congress, and to
induce the legislature to declare that it should be disregarded and held void,




11.8            POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The legislature of Virginia also declared its assent to
the same principle of nullification, by a vote of 134 to 68;
and judging from the opinions expressed by the public functionaries of those states,'the time appeared to be near at
hand when the Union was about to be dissolved, by the determination of a large section not to submit to the laws of
the federal government, nor to any common tribunal appointed to decide upon their constitutionality.
A check was indeed given to this spirit by the state of
North-Carolina, which, although not then less averse to the
policy of the tariff, declared itself against all violentl measures in opposition to it.
The state of Alabama also, assumed nearly the same
ground with Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia; still
the qualified opposition first made to the law,. proved that
the south was not united in the unconstitutional stand taken
by some of the states on that subject, and that the injustice
and oppression which were so vehemently denounced, were
not so plainly and generally felt as to render resistance to
the tariff a popular step. Indeed, it was doubted whether
the feelings of the people in the three states which had de-:lared in favor of nullification, ~vere not misrepresented by
the local legislatures.
The federative principle of the constitution, and th e
whole authority of congress and of the federal judiciary,
were put in issue by the question nowv started, and however
unwilling the leaders might be to destroy the union, still
experience had too clearly shown the difficulty of restraining
an excited people, not to create apprehension as to the result of these efforts to throw off the general' government.
The question of internal improvements by the general
government was discussed during the first session of the
twenty-first congress, when it appeared that the friends of
the system retained a majority in both houses.  Among the
bills passed at this session was one authorizing subscription
to the stock of the Maysville and Lexington road company,




OR  HISORY OF PARTIES.                119
in Kentucky.  It passed the house by a vote of 102 to 85,
and the senate 24 to 18.  After retainirng the bill eight days,
the president returned it to the house on the 27th of May
1830, with his objections, as set forth in his message of that
date.
The reading of this message caused much excitement in
congress. Many of the friends of the president from Pennsylvania, and frosm the west, had relied upon his adhering to
his former opinions upon this question, and this message first
forced upon their minds a conviction as unwelcome as it
was unexpected. The question being taken upon the passage of the bill, notwithstanding the objections of the president, after a warm debate on the reconsideration, the vote
stood, yeas 96, nays 92., Two-thirds of the house not agreeing to pass the bill, it was rejected although a majority of
the house thus refused to sanction the objections of the president.
On the 29th of May, the house of representatives took up
several bills relating to internal improvement which originated in the senate, and, notwithstanding the presidential veto
of the Maysville road bill, passed by large majorities, three
acts, viz: l st, authorizing a subscription to the Washington turnpilke company; 2d, authorizing a subscription to
the Louisville and Portland canal company; 3d, appropriating money for lighthouses, improving harbors, directing sursurveys, &c. The first bill, being similar to the one already rejected by the president, was returned by him to the
senate, where it originated, with a reference to the message
on the Maysville bill for his reasons.
The other two bills were retained by the president for
further consideration, until the next session of Congress.This determination of the executive against the system  of
internal improvement, gave great offence to many of his
friends, and entirely alienated some from his party.  Even
in congress such an increasing want of confidence was manifested, that the decided majorities.which the administra



120             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
tion possessed in both houses at thQ commencement of the
session, had dwindled before its close into feeble and inefficient minorities.  Nor was this the only difficulty in which
the executive was involved by the course he had taken on
internal improvement. He had sanctioned a bill for continuing the Cumberland road, and making other appropriations for roads and surveys; and another for the improvement of harbors and rivers, both of which were branches in
the general system of internal improvement. The former
bill he approved of, with a qualification, by referring to a
message sent to the house, together with the bill, wherein
he declared, that as a section appropriating $8,000 for the
road from Detroit to Chicago, might be construed to authorize the application of the appropriation to continue the road
beyond the territory of Michigan, he desired to be understood as having approved the bill, with the understanding
that the road was not to be extended beyond the limits of
the said territory and that it should be regarded strictly as
a military thoroughfare.
The approval of the acts authorizing the appropriations
above mentioned, left it still doubtful how far the president
felt at liberty to assent to internal improvement bills, and of
the exact extent and limits of the principles by which he intended to be governed during the residue of his administration.
The most important of the foreign relations of the United
States left unsettled by President Adams, were those of the
commercial intercourse with Great Britain, and the boundaries between the American colonies of that power and the
United States: and the claims of the United States on France
for indemnity on account of depredations on our commerce
and navigation.  Efforts had been making, for more than
ten years, to obtain compensation for these losses, but the
subject had not been finally and satisfactorily settled. And
the restrictions imposed by the British government on the
trade between the British colonies and the United States
had not been removed,




OR HISTORY O0  PARTIES.            121
In 1829, President Jackson appointed Louis M'Lane, of
Delaware, envoy to Great Britain, William  C. Rives, of
Virginia, to France, and Cornelius P. Van Ness to Spain.
By an act of congress of May, 1830, provision was made
for reviving and opening the direct trade with the British
ports, in the West'India islands, which had long been prevented by the measures of the British government.
A negociation, which occupied much time to consummate,
was entered into, and upon the conclusion of which the president issued a proclamation, dated October 5th, 1830, opening the ports of the United.States to British vessels firom all
the British colonies on or near the North-American continent, and declaring the acts of congress of 1818, 1820, and
1823, absolutely repealed.  The trade in British vessels,
accordingly, at once commenced, and on the 5th of November following, the British government, by an order of council, opened'the colonial ports to vessels of the United States.
The controversy was thus terminated, and, although the
principle of reciprocity was so far given up as to concede
to Great Britain the circuitous voyage as well as the right
to encourage the indirect importation of American produce,
through the northern colonies, by augmenting the duties on
the direct imnportation, the United States, on their part,
gained a participation in the direct intercourse, upon terms
of reciprocity, and the additional privilege of exporting
goods from the British colonies to foreign countries.  The
controversy resulted, substantially, to the advantage of
Ameriban interests, although the principle contended for
by Great Britain prevailed.
The subject of internal improvement was again agitated
at this session of Congress.  The president returned the
two bills heretofore mentioned, which he had retained at the
last session, and he now gave his reasons for withholding
his assent to them.  He objected to the power of making
internal improvements by the general government, and recommended the distribution of the surplus funds nd  n the na




1POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
tional treasury among the states, in proportion to the number of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects
of internal improvement.
The proposition was generally regarded as evidence of
the hostility of the president to the whole policy; and that
part of his message being referred to the committee on internal improvement, a report was brought in by Mr. Harphill, an administration member of the house from Pennsylvania, strongly and pointedly condemning the views contained in the message, and concluding with a resolution that
it is expedient for the general government to continue to
prosecute internal improvements by direct appropriations of
money, or by subscriptions for stock in companies incorporated in the respective states.
This intimation on the part of the friends of internal improvement, of their determination to act on that question
in defiance of the opinions of the president, was followed
up by the introduction of several bills for the internal improvement of the country.  The first of these bills was one
making appropriations for the improvement of harbors, and
removing obstructions in rivers, It passed the house by a
vote of 136 yeas to 53 nays, and the senate by 28 to 6.
The decisive votes in both houses-, on this bill showed the
determination of congress to act on the subject of internal
improvement, without regard to the veto of the president,
and as the friends of the bill now formed more than twothirds of congress, the executive yields his scruples to the
force of public opinion, and signed the bill. The constitutional objection to the power of the federal government, was
no longer adhered to by the president, and he also gave his,
assent to a bill making large appropriations for carrying on
certain roads and works of internal improvement, including
improvements of rivers, and providing for surveys.  The
bill for building light-houses passed -by large majorities and
was atlso sanutioned by the president,




OR'HISTORY Or PARTIES.              1]23
The executive thus yielded to public opinion, expressed
in congress, and by the decisive votes given in both houses,
the policy of internal improvement was considered as firmly
established, although the action of the federal government
in relation to the system had been checked by the previous
vetoes of the president.
An act was passed at the second session, for the relief of
certain insolvent debtors of the United States, extending to
all debtors to the general government, except the principals
on official bonds, or such as had received the public moneys
and not paid the same over to the treasury.
The alienation of feeling between the president and a
large portion of his early and prominent supporters, in consequence of his dispute with the vice-president, had existed
some months before it was generally, suspected. From the
moment when the breach was produced between the president and vice-president, Mr. Van Buren was consulted by
the president on all occasions.
It had now become a desirable object to effect the reelection of President Jackson. The difficulty of uniting the
dominant party upon a succession, had induced him to relinquish his professed intention of serving but one term, and
now he was fobrmally announced as a candidate for re-election.  He was nominated by his friends in the legislature
of Pennsylvania, and at the caucus of the Jackson members
of the legislature of New-York, on the ]3th of February,
1.830, it was resolved that General Jaclkson ought again to
be nominated fbr the presidency.  This movement, (says
Mr. Hammond, in his political history of New-York) was
probably made at the suggestion of Mr. Van Buren, or some
of his confidential friends.  It was well known that Mr.
Van Buren expected to be the suceessor of General Jackson. This would afford evidence of the ardent personal attachment of Mr. Van Buren's immediate friends to General
Jackson, and aid in securing to that gentleman the continted confidence and support of the presider-t,




124              POLITICAL LANdBmARK0S
General Jackson had, before his election in 1828, expressed an opinion that the president ought- to hold his office but
one term, and had recommended an amendment of the constitution t6 render the president ineligible to two successive
elections. But in 1831 he —yielded to the importunity ot his
political friends, and consented to be a candidate Ior reelection.
It is more than probable that the friends of Mr. Calhoun
looked to him as the successor of General Jackson, and expected, from the repeated declarations of the president, that
he would not allow himself to be again a candidate.  They
could not, therefore, have learned with much complacency,
that the president had. changed his determination. Accordingly, it will have been perceived that the solicitations that
General Jackson would consent to a re-election, originated,
generally with the friends of Mr. Van Buren.
In this posture of affairs the country was astonished by
the information promulgated on the 20th of April, 1831,
through the official journal, at the seat of government,
that the cabinet ministers of the president had resigned,
and the most lively curiosity was manifested to learn the
causes of this unexpected movement. The letters of the
several members of the cabinet were published; but they
served to inflame rather than to gratify the public feeling.
The secretary of war, Mr. Eaton, first resigned, without
assigning any reason, on the 7th of April, and he was followed by the secretary of state, Mr. Van Buren, on the I th
of April, who assigned as a reason, that circumstances
beyond his control had presented him before the public as
a candidate for the succession.to the presidency, and that
the injurious effects necessarily resulting from a cabinet
minister's holding that relation to the country, had left him
only the alternative of retiring from the administration, or
of submitting to a self-disfranchisement, hardly reeoncilable with propriety or self-respect.




OR HISTORY OF- PARTIES               125
Mr. Ingham, secretary of the treasury, and Mr. Branch,
secretary of the navy, soon after resigned.  Their resignations were accepted by the president, in formal letters, expressing his satisfaction with their official conduct, and
stating his motive -for requiring their resignation.  This
was, to use his own words, that having concluded to accept
the resignation of the secretaries of state and of war, he
had come to the conviction that he must entirely renew his
cabinet.  "Its members had been invited by me," he said,' to the stations they occupied.  It had come together in
great harmony, and as a unit. Under the circumstances
in which I found myself, I could not but perceive the propriety of selecting a cabinet composed of entirely new materials, as being calculated, in this respect at least, to command public confidence and satisfy public opinion."
The attorney-general, Mr. Berrien, on his arrival, from
Georgia, also resigned on the-15th June.
The consequence of this explosion of the cabinet, and
the quarrel between the president and vice-president before
mentioned, was to place the latter, and his friends generally
in opposition to the administration, and to advance the political fortunes of Mr. Van Buren, in consequence of his
close connexion with General Jackson and those devoted to
his interest.
The new cabinet, which was not completely organized
until late in the summer of 1831, was constituted as follows:
Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state:
Louis M'Lane, of Delaware, secretary of the treasury;
Lewis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of war; Levi Woodbury, o
New-Hampshire, secretary.of the navy; Roger B. Taney,
of Maryland,' attorney-general.
This cabinet was not only superior to that which preceded
it, but might fairly compare, in point of talent and ability,
with most of those of previous administrations; and its
character furnished strong testimony of the tribute paid to




12t3             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
public opinion in the selection of his advisers, by a chief
magistrate of great personal popularity.
Before the organization of this cabinet, an opposition
was formed to the re-election of General Jackson on various
grounds. This party, in some portions of the Union called
6" national republicans," manifested a disposition to support
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, as its candidate forl the presidency.  He was accordingly nominated by the legislatures of
several states, and a national nominating convention was
recommended to be held at Baltimore, on the 12th of December, 1831.
The opposition party which rallied under the name of'' national republican," was composed principally of the
friends of the late administration, and those who had opposed Mr. Adams, but were now dissatisfied with the course
of General Jackson, excepting the friends of the vice-president, who formed a distinct section of the opposition.
Another party; at first merely local, had arisen previous
to these events, was fast gathereing strength, and had now
so far extended itself as to assume consequence as a national
party, and claimed the right of being consulted as to the
candidates to be nominated for president and vice-president.
This was called the anti-masonic party, and had its origin
in the abduction and supposed murder of William Morgan,
a citizen of western New-York, which affair took place in
1826, in consequence of an alleged violation of his, masonic
obligations, and a disclosure, real or pretended, of the secrets of free-masonry. This caused the organization of a
political party in the western part of the state of New-York,
which gradually extended into some of the adjoining states,
upon the simple ground of hostility to masonry.
Having met with partial success in elections in several of
the states, the anti-masons held a national convention at
Philadelphia, in September, 1830, which was attended by
delegates from eleven of the'northern and middle states.
After adopting various proceedings against masonry, they




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES             127
recommended a national convention to be held at Baltimore,
in September, 1831, for the purpose of nominating candidates for president and vice-president of the United States.
The effect of the political organization of the anti-masons
was to compel a more strict and intimate union among the
adhering members of the fraternity, and to induce them to
exercise a more direct influence in the politics of the country,
in the hope of crushing a party whose avowed object was the
annihilation of their order.'In some parts of the country,
where the leading national republicans showed a disposition
to unite with the anti-masons, many of the most zealous
masons forsook their political association with the former
party, and to oppose the anti-masonic party, with efficiency,
joined the ranks of the administration.
Thus the opposition to General Jackson seemed destined
to be as much thwarted by their own divisions as by the
discipline and concert prevailing in the party sustaining his
administration. It was, indeed, believed that it would be
practicable to concentrate the votes of the anti-masons and
national republicans on one candidate for the presidency.
Mr. Clay being a mason, his nomination by the anti-masons
was out of the question. When the anti-masonic convention
assembled at Baltimore, in September, 1831, it was expected
that Joh.n M'Lean, of Ohio, formerly post-master general,
and appointed by General Jackson a. judge of the supreme
court, would receive the nomination of that party for the
presidency, but he.declined, and William Wirt, of Maryland,
formerly attorney-general of the United States was nominated for president, and Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, for
vice-president.
The national republicans, on their part, professed great
confidence' in the integrity and qualifications of Mr. Wirt,
but insisted that they could not with honor, sacrifice Mr. Clay
to what they denominated an unreasonable prejudice, nor:
could they, consistently with their self-respeGt, give up thle




POLITiCAL LANDMARKS
candidate of the great majority of the opposition, to quiet
the scruples of the minority.
Shortly after his resignation as secretary of state Mr. Van
Buren received from the president the appointment of minister to England, and embarked for London in August, during
the recess of the senate.
The twenty-second congress commenced its first session
on the 5th of December, 1831, and continued the sa ne
until' the 16th of July, 1832. The elections had evinced a
large majority of the members chosen to the house of representatives in favor of the administration, but the vote for
speaker exhibited a considerable increase in the strength of
the opposition, although divided. The candidate of the administration, Andrew Stevenson, was elected by 98 votes,
against 97 for all other persons; thus receiving the exact
number necessary to constitute a choice.
The appointments made during the recess were nominated to the senate early in' December, and on the 10th of
January the committee on foreign relations reported in favor
of Martin Van Buren, minister to England, Aaron Vail, secretary of legation, and Louis M'Lane secretary of the treasury.  On the 13th of January the other nominations were
confirmed, but that of Mr. Van Buren was laid on the table,
by the casting vote of the vice-president, John C. Calhoun.
When this nomination came before the senate, it was warmly
opposed on two distinct grounds. Four of the senators, who
were friends of the vice-president, declared themselves opposed to its confirmation, on account of the agency of Mr. Van
Buren in breaking up the late cabinet, and in the domestic
politics of the country.
After a full discussion o.n this nomination, with closed
doors, the senate, finally, by the casting vote of the vicepresident, John C. Calhoun, resolved not to confirm the nomination, yeas 23, nays 23. Mr. Van Buren was accordingly rejected, and, soon after having presented his credentials, was compelled to return to the United States.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             129
This being the first time that a minister of the United
States had been compelled to return from his post, on account of the refusal of the senate to concur in his appointment, great cxcitement wasproduced by this decision, which
resulted finally in placing Mr. Van Buren in the presidential chair.
Among the most urgent subjects of consideration at the
present session of congress, was the apportionment of representation according to the census of 1830. By that census, the southern and eastern states had lost a portion of
their relativ.e weight, and the western states had acquired a
greater preponderance than before. With the view of giving each state the power intended by the constitution, at the
next presidential election, steps were taken to bring this
subject at an early day before the consideration of the house,
and on the fourth of January, Mr. Polk, from a select committee, reported a bill fixing the ratio of representation under the fifth census of the United States. By that report
the ratio was fixed at one representative for forty-eight
thousand inhabitants, according to the federal enumeration,
which would increase the number of members to 237. This
ratio was at first adopted by the house, after a long debate,
but afterward stricken out, and the number fixed at fortyseven thousand seven hundred, in which form the bill finally
passed, and became a law  in May, 18332. The senate
amended the bill, and sent it back to the house but the house
disagreed to the amendment, and the senate receded therefrom. By the census of 1790, the ratio fixed on was thirtythree thousand; by that of 1800 the same ratio was continued; in 1810 it was fixed at thirty-five thousand; in 1820,
forty thousand;.and by the census of 1830, forty-seven
thousand seven hundred.
Many subjects of great interest came under the consideration of congress at this session; and among them none
excited more of the public attention than that of the renewal
of the charter of the bank of the United States.  That in



130              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
stitution was incorporated, as we have stated, in 1816, during Mr. Madison's administration, by-a democratic congress, for the term of twenty years; of course, the charter
would expire in 1836. I.n the first message of General Jackson to congress, namely, in 1329, he expressed an opinion
against the constitutionality and expediency of the bank,
and an assertion that it had failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency.
The attack was renewed in the next annual message, in
1830; and congress. was recommended to inquire into the
expediency of renewing the charter of the existing bank,
with the view of substituting in its place a bank based on
the public deposites, but without the power of making loans,
or purchasing property. This recommendation met with
no better reception than that contained in the previous message. No steps were taken by either house upon the subject, at that session. The bank made no application to congress, and when Mr. Benton asked for leave to introduce a
resolution in the senate adverse to the renewal of the charter, that body refused permission by a vote of 23 nays to 20
ayes.  The stock maintained its price in market, and in
the message of the president at the opening of the twentysecond congress, in December, 1831, his objections to the
bank were ex]pressed for the third time.
*The directors and stockholders of the bank, nowr deemed
it proper to submit the claims of the institution for an extension of its charter to congress.  A memorial to this effect was therefore presented, on the part of the bank of the
United States, and no sooner was this determined upon,
than the friends of the president began to express their dissatisfaction at being forced to act upon the subject at this
time. It was too early, they said, notwithstanding the president had not deemed it too early for congress to act upon
the matter two years before. A memorial having been presented in the senate, on the 9th of January, by Mr. Dallas, an
administration senator - from Pennsylvania, it was referred




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              131
to a select committee for consideration.  On the 13th of
March this committee reported in favor of renewing the
charter for fifteen years, with certain modifications. A bill
accompanied this report, which was ordered to a second
reading, and then laid upon the table of the senate, until after the report of the committee appointed by the house of
representatives to inquire into the affairs of the bank.
It was in thati body that the main battle concerning the
bank was to be fought. The memorial of the bank waspresented by Mr. M'Duffie, of South Carolina, and referred to
the committee of ways and means, by whom, on the 10th
of February, a report was made in favor of the renewal of
the charter. A motion was then made by the opponents of
the bank for a committee of inquiry into the affairs of the
bank.' Two reports were made by this committee  one
from the majority, adverse to the bank, and another from
the minority, favorable to the institution.
On the 22d of May, the bill for a renewal of the charter
was taken up in the senate, and after a long discussion and
undergoing various amendments, the bill finally passed the
senate, bn the -l1th of June, by a vote of yeas 28, noes 20.
When it came into tlie house, strenuous exertions were
made to postpone its consideration, but it was made the
special order of the day for the 18th of June. The house
being then engaged on the tariff,.it was not taken up until
the 30th of June, and it finally passed that body on the 3d
of July, by 107 yeas, to 85 nays; and an amendment proposed by Mr. M'Duffie, being concurred in by the senate,
the bill was sent to the president for his decision. It was
by many apprehended that he would resort to the mode previously adopted by him, and that he would retain it until
after the adjournment of congress.  To prevent this, the
senate declined acting on the resolution of adjournment until the bill had been sent to him. for concurrence, and then
the 16th of July was inserted, so as to leave him full ten




132             POLITICA.T, LANDMARKS;
days, exclusive of Sundays, by which he was compelled to
return the bill to congress, or permit it to become a law.
On the 10th of July, the next day after the senate had
fixed the time of adjournment, the president sent a message
to that body, stating his reasons for refusing his signature
to the bill.
This veto-message having been read, Mr. Webster moved
that the senate should proceed to reconsider the bill the next
day. At the appointed hour, the bill being again brought
under the consideration of the senate, Mr. Webster reviewed the reason and arguments of the executive at length, to
which Mr. White of Tennessee, replied; and the discussion
was continued until the 13th of July, when the question
being taken on the passage of the bill, notwithstanding the
objections of the president, the senate divided-yeas 22,
nays 19; and the bill, not having received two thirds'of the
votes, was of course rejected.
The president's bank-veto messageswas circulated extensively throughout the Union, and proved a popular document in his favor in Its effects on the public mind, wherever the bank was but little known, or in ill favor.  Many
of the political fiiends of the president, however, as well
among the people, as in congress, differed in opinion from
him on the subject of the bank. In the state of Pennsylvania, where the bank was located, and where the institution
was popular, the president's course was severely censured,
and the strength of the'administration so much diminished,
as at one period to make its success doubtful. At a very
large meeting of citizens of Philadelphia, composed of his
former political friends, in July 1832, soon after the veto
of the president, resolutions were adopted disapproving of
his course with regard to the bank and other public measures, and deprecating his re-election to the presidency as
a national calamity, which they pledged themselves " to use
all lawful and honorable means to avert, by opposing the
re-election of Andrew Jackson."




OR HISTORY oF PARTIES.              133
The subject of internal improvement was discussed at
length during the session. The members from the south,
and the supporters of the administration from the eastern
states and New-York, were decidedly opposed to appropriations of this character; and a systematic effort was generally
made by them to defeat the bill introduced making appropriations for that object, including the improvement of certain rivers and harbors, the Cumberland and other roads,
surveys, &c.  The bill finally passed both houses, and
having received the sanction of the president, became a
law. By the act, as amended in its passage, various appropriations were imade for works not enumerated: it having
been extended by these amendments to an amount exceeding one million two hundred thousand dollars, and altogether
beyond its original scope-adding thus an additional sanction to the policy of internal improvement.
The other appropriations for internal improvement were
contained in a bill for the improvement of certain harbors
and rivers, which was not taken up in the house until the
25th of May. Certain amendments were then made; and
on the first of June, a motion by Mr. Polk of Tennessee, to
strike out the enacting clause, was lost-yeas 72, nays 101
-and the bill finally passed, 95 to 67. In the senate, it
was taken up on the 3d of July, and in the course of the
discussion which ensued, Mr. Clay, " expressed his extreme
surprise that the president, after putting his veto on the
appropriations for works of such public utility as the Maysville and Rockville roads, should have sanctioned the internal improvement bill in which appropriations were made
to a very large amount, and which differed in principle not
one particle from the one he had rejected? They first held
appropriations for certain objects of internal improvement
to be unconstitutional, and then sanctioned appropriations
for other objects depending entirely on the same principles
with those held to be unconstitutional; and the result has
been to open an entire new field of internal improvement.




134             POLITICAL LANDMAtIS;
Favorite objects. had been considered constitutional, while
objects instates not so much cherished, had been held to
be local." Mir. Miller, of South-Carolina, said: " We have
just heard that the president has signed the internal improvement bill, containing appropriations for the most limited
and local purposes. I hope we shall never again be referred
to the veto of the Maysville and Rockville roads, -as a security against this system. The senate and house of representatives, and the president, all concur in this power."
The harbor bill, as it was called,,passed the senate, and
was sent to the president for his'approbation,  on the 13th
of July, three days before the close of the session.  This
bill which did not differ in principle from  the internal improvement bill which he had signed, the president resolved
not to sanction, but retained the bill until after the adjournment of congress, and thus prevented it from becoming a
law.
The same course was adopted by the president, in relation to a bill providing for the repayment to the respective
states of all interest actually paid, for moneys borrowed by
them on account of the federal government, and expended
in the service of the United States.  This bill was passed
by both houses at this session, but when it came into the
hands of the president, it was doomed to the fate of the
harbor bill.
The president having in his annual message, recommended a modification of the tariff of duties on imports the subject was referred to the committee on manufactures, which
as well as the committee of ways and imeans, who had been
selected by the speaker (who was hostile to the protective
system) with a view to a reduction of the tariff. Mr. John
Quincy Adams was placed at the head of the committee on
manufactures, which, on the 23d of May, reported a new
tariff bill.  Mr. M'Duffie, chairman of the committee of
ways and means, had, at an earlier period of the session,
namely, on the 8th of February, reported,a bill intended to




OP. HISTORY or PARTIESo             135
meet the ultra opponents of the protective system, and the
report which accompanied it denounced the- tariff system
as imposing a tax upon the south for the benefit of the
north.  The secretary of the treasury, Mr. M'Lane, on the
27th of April also transmitted to congress, in compliance
with a resolution of the house, a bill for the reduction.of
the tariff, with a report giving his views on this topic.
Before the report of the secretary  was printed, Mr.
M'Duffiy brought on a discussion of the bill reported by
him.  On the first of June a motion was made to strike out
the first section, which was. carried-81 yeas to 41 nays.
Mr. Adams' bill was then taken up, and after a long and
animated discussion, it passed the house, with few amend-.
ments, by 132 yeas to 66 nays, many of the opponents of
protection voting in the affirmative. The bill finally passed
the senate on the 9th of July, yeas 32, nays 16, and receiving the sanction of the president became a law.
This act provided for a great reduction of the revenue,
and for no small diminution of the duties on the protected
articles of domestic manufacture,  but' it was a direct admission of the principle of protection, and it was so regarded by all parties.  It was, however, a great concession
on the part of the friends of the protective system, to the
advocates of'" free trade," and as such, a general expectatation prevailed that it would be received by the dominant
party in South-Carolina, and that a temporary calm at least
would succeed the agitation upon this exciting topic.
Different views, it appeared, were entertained by the
leaders of that party, and the very day after the passage of
this act, the representatives of South-Carolina, who thought
nullification the right remedy, met at Washington, and
published an address to the people of South-Carolina on
the subject of the tariff. In that address they assert, that
in the act just passed the duties upon the protected articles
were augmented, while the diminution was made only in
the duties upon the anuprotected articles  that in this man,




136              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
ner the burden of supporting the government was thrown
exclusively on the southern states, and the other states
gained more than they lost by the operations of the revenue
system.
The address concludes thus: " They will not pretend to
suggest the appropriate remedy, but after expressing their
solemn and deliberate conviction that the protecting system
must now be regarded as the settled policy of the country,
and that all hope of relief from congress is irrevocably gone,
they leave it with you, the sovereign power of. the state, to
determine whether the rights and liberties which you received as a precious inheritance from an illustrious ancestry,
shall be tamely surrendered without a struggle, or transmitted undiminished to your posterity."
Meetings were accordingly held in South-Carolina, denouncing the tariff, which had just received the sanction of
congress, and pledging the persons attending to support the
state government in any measures it might adopt to resist it.
Strong efforts were made to excite the people of the state
against'the general government, and notwithstanding the
exertions of a respectable portion of the community, who
remained faithful to the union, they succeeded in obtaining
a majority in both houses of the legislature.
As soon as this was ascertained, Governor Hamilton convened the legislature, which met at Columbia, bn the 22d
of October, 1882.  Immediately upon its assesmbling, the
tariff question was taken up, and a bill was reported authorizing a convention to meet at Columbia on the 19th of
next month.  This bill finally passed on the 25th of October, in the senate 31 to 13, and in the house 96 to 25.
The state-convention met at the time appointed, and the
governor was elected president of that body.  The annual
meeting of congress was at hand, and if any impression was
to be made upon that body, it could only be done by prompt
and decisive movements.  Upon the people of the United
States generally no impression could be made.. A general




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.            137
sentiment pervaded the union, that it was better to appeal
to the power of the government to enforce the laws, than
longer to encourage a spirit of insubordination by yielding
to demands which, originating in a feeling of arrogance,
were rendered more unreasonable by concession. Still,
however, all hasty movements were deprecated, and so long
as the nullifiers confined. themselves to discussions and resolves, any interference on the part of the general government would have been deemed improper. Nothing but
actual resistance to the laws of the United States could justify such interposition.  The time of forbearance, however,
was now rapidly passing away.
The committee of the convention, to whom was intrusted.
the duty of reporting what steps should be taken, recommended the passage of an ordinance, which declared all the
acts of congress imposing duties on imported goods, and
more especially the laws of May 19th, 1828, and July 14th,
1832, to be null and void within the state of South-Carolina.
It further, provided, that no appeal should be permitted to
the supreme court of the United States in any question concerning the validity of the ordinance, or of the laws passed
to give effect thereto.  It also prohibited the authorities of
the state, or of the United States, from enforcing the payment of duties within the state, from  and after the 1st of
February, 1833.  There were various other provisions in
this ordinance, which concluded with a declaration that any
attempt on the part of the general government to reduce the
state to obedience, or to enforce the revenue laws, otherwise
than through the civil tribunals, would be deemed inconsistentiwith the longer continuance of South-Carolina in the
union, and that the people of the state would forthwith proceed to organize a corporate and independent government.
By this ordinance, the rubicon was passed, and the state
government forthwith proceeded to takle the necessary steps
to carry it into effect.
The legislature, which met directly after the adjournment
of the convention, on the 27th of November?, 132, pa-ed4




138             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
the laws required by the ordinance.  Thees related principally to the nullification of the revenuelaws of the United
States, by prohibiting their enforcement within the state.
An additional act was passed authorizing the governor to
call tile militia into service to resist any attempt on the part
of the government of the United States to enforce the revenue
laws; and to render the resistance.of the state effectual, he
was empowered to call out the whole military force of the
state, and to accept of the services of volunteers for the same
purpose.  Ten thousand stand of small armns, and. the. requisite quantity of military munitions, were ordered to be
purchased, and any acts done in pursuance of that law, were
to be held lawful in the state courts.
These proceedings- by the party that had obtained possession of the state government, brought on an issue between
the state and the federal governments, that could no longer
be neglected.  The very existence of the government depended upon its decision.  South-Carolina had set at defiance the authority of the general government, and declared
that no umpire should be admitted to decide between the
contending parties.
It had, in its capacity as a sovereign state, decided the
question for itself, and its decision could be reversed only
by superior force. In taking this stand, the nullifiers apparently had not perceived, that, although their principles were
precisely those which Georgia had carried into effect into
her affairs with the Indians, the subject-matters more directly
affected the existence of the government. Five sixths of the
revenue were derived from the customs, and the abolition of
the duties in one state, would necessarily destroy the revenue
system, and of course suspend the operations of the federal
government. While the nullification of Georgia only tended
to bring the federal government into contempt, and weakened the bonds of the union, that of South-Carolina at
once severed those bonds, and arrested the action of the
ovoevnmens::




oR HISTORY OF PARTiES.               139
At such a crisis, the president felt that there was no room
for hesitation. The difficulty must be met, not only to save
the union from being broken up, but to protect those citizens of South-Carolina who still adhered to its standard,
from the horrors of.civil discord. The president determined
to come at once to an issue with the nullifiers: to place the
powers of the government upon the broad ground, that the
federal judiciary was the only proper tribunal to decide
upon the constitutionality of its laws; and to enforce the
revenue acts with an entire disregard to the pretended rights
of sovereignity which were assumed by the state of SouthCarolina.
With that view, all the disposable military force was
ordered to assemble at Charleston, and a sloop-of-war was
sent to that port to protect the federal officers, in case of
necessity, in the execution of their duty. On the 10th of
December, the eloquent and energetic proclamation of the
president was issued, plainly and forcibly stating the nature
of the American government and the supremacy of the federal authorities in all matters entrusted to their care, and
exhorting the citizens of South-Carolina not to persist in
a course which must bring upon their state the force of
the confederacy, and expose the union to the hazard of
dissolution.
A difficulty occured in 1832 with the Sack and Fox tribe
of Indians, who, with Black Hawk at their head, commenced
an attack upon the settlers of the upper Mississippi.  The.
war lasted but a few months.
About this same time arose the difficulty on the northeastern border of the United States, in relation to the Maine
boundary line, which however, was soon brought to a close
in a satisfactory manner to all parties.
Generally the foreign relations of the country were conducted with ability as well as energy, by the administration
of General Jackson.. In the course of the year 1831, treaties were concluded and ratified with the republic of Mex



140               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
ico-one relating to boundaries between the two countries,
and the other to commerce and navigation.  Mr. Rives, our
minister to France, also concluded a treaty between the
United States and the king of the French, which was signed at Paris in July, 1831, on the subject of claims for depredations committed on American commerce, under the
government of the directory, the first consul, and the emperor.  Negotiations for this purpose had been long continued, by various ministers from the United-States, but no
satisfactory terms had been definitely settled. The French
government had set up an opposing claim, on account of
the non-fulfillment of a treaty made in 1778 between the
United States and thle king of France for the assistance of
the former to defend the West India islands of the latter, if
attacked by the British. The American government contended that they were exonerated of all such demands by
the government of France, by subsequent events.  The
change in the French government, by the revolution of
1830, enabled Mr. Rives to bring the long-pending negotiations to a close. By this treaty the French government
agreed to pay to the United States, in complete satisfaction
of all claims of American citizens for depradations on their
commerce, twenty-five millions of francs, or nearly five mil.
lions of dollars, in six annual instalments.  One and a half
million of francs were to be allowed by the American government to France or French citizens, for ancient supplies,
accounts or other claims.  An additional article was inserted, by which the United States engaged to reduce the duties on French wines for ten years in consideration of which
stipulation Fran'ce agreed to reduce the duties on the long
staple cotton of the United States to the same rates as on
short staple cotton, and to abandon all claims for indemnity under the Louisiana treaty. The sum thus stipulated to
be paid by France, did not amount to more than one third
of the just claims of the citizens of the United States, but
their liquidation, even upon terms comparatively unfavorable, was so desirable, that the conolusion of this reaty waes




OR HISTORY oF PARTIES.               141
hailed with universal satisfaction by all parties.  After deliberate consideration, it was sanctioned by the senate; but
the French chamber of deputies refused to make the appropriation to carry the treaty into effect, and the delay furnished occasion for an unpleasant dispute between the two
countries, which was no t terminated until the final settlement of the affair in 1836.
Many amusing incidents occurlred during the existence
of the excitement upon this question, one of' which will be
related, as nearly as memory serves us.  The French Minister, stationed at Washington, about to return to France,
called ulpon the president and asked him what he should say
to the king, in relation to the difficulties existing between
the United States and France, to which the president promptly replied: "Tell the king, your master, that Andrew Jackson says, he must pay or fght!",
The administration of General Jackson had been eminently successful in the management of our foreign affairs,
and the negotiation of numerous treaties contributed largely to sustain the popularity of the president, tending also to
insure his re-election.
The tone of the government toward foreign nations during General Jackson's administration was moderate but
firm, and thehonor and interest of the country were maintained in a manner indicative both of spirit and ability
The first presidential term  of General Jackson was now
drawing to a close, and parties arrayed themselves for the
approaching election.  We have already mentioned the
meeting of the anti-masonic convention, in September 1831,
which nominated as a candidate for president, William
Wirt, and for vice-president, Amos Ellmaker.  The national republican convention met at 3Baltimore in December
1831, and nominated Henry Clay of Kentucky, for president, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, for vice-president.  In May, 1832, a numerous convention of delegates
of the administration party met also at Baltimore for the




142              POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
purpose of nominating a candidate for vice-president to be
placed on the ticket with General Jackson, to whose nomination for re-election no dissent was manifested in the administration ranks.  Martin Van Buren, of New-York was,
with great unanimity, nominated for vice-president.  The
friends of the president insisted that he was personally dishonored by the rejection of Mr. Van Buren as minister to
England; and that it was incumbent on his supporters to
convince the world that he had not lost the confidence of
his countrymen, by electing Mr. Van Buren to preside over
the body which had declared that he was unworthy to represent the country at the British court.
This mode of reasoning prevailed, and, notwithstanding
the objections of a few delegates from the states where Mr.
Van Buren was unpopular, he received the vote of the administration, party, for vice-president.
The friends of Mr. Calhoun were entirely alienated from
the administration by this nomination, and, although the
ultra state-rights and nullifying doctrines espoused by his
adherents prevented them  fronm joining the opposition in
their support of Mr. Clay, it was soon understood that the
president had 1lost their confidence, and would not receive
their suffrages.  The character of the contest, however,
effectually precluded them from openly leading their aid to
overthrow  the administration.  It was a contest in relation
to the powers of the federal government, although from the
cautious and ambiguous manner in which the opinions of
the executive were promulgated, the true nature of the
question at issue was not fully understood by the people in
certain portions of the union. Even where it was so understood, no deep universal conviction prevailed that the
result of this election would be decisive as to the power of
the federal government.- Many hoped, from the strong personal enmity manifested toward Mr. Calhoun, that the president would finally be brought to oppose doctrines, of
which that gentleman was now considered the chief advo



OR HISTORY OF PARTIESo            143
cate; and the experience of a few years had furnished
ample proof, that he would not be deterred from taking that
step by any apprehension of a charge of inconsistency.
The further development of the views of the dominant party,
in South-Carolina too, now began to' excite great fears of a
premeditated design to dissolve the union; and it was supposed, that while on one hand the inclination to anti-federal
doctrines i'eviously shown by the president, would prevent the dissaffection from  extending itself to the other
southern states; on the other, that the energitic manner in
which he executed his decisions would completely put down
the dangerous heresy of nullification, and in the end
strengthen the general government.
The apprehension that the re-election of General Jackson
would tend to unsettle the government, consequently did
not, operate upon the mass of the voters to the same extent
as upon the leaders of the opposition.
They were governed by the more obvious consideration
growing out of the pressing question of nullification on the
part of South-Carolna, and as he had declared himself opposed to the pretensions of that state, the distant dangers to
be apprehended firom the effect of the principles advocated
by the president in the Georgia controversy were by many
disregarded. Even among the mass of those who professed
to be governed by a desire to preserve the constitution from
destruction there was a want of that untiring energy and
self-devotion which flow from a deep conviction of the importance of a cause. An unwillingness to postpone plans
of personal advancement, or to sacrifice individual prejudices and private views to the good of the cause, too much
characterized the opposition to the administration.  Its
members, professing great independence of character, were
too apt to forget, that when combined effort is required,
individual will must give way, and the plans of the party
were constantly thwarted by the refusal of its members to
unite upon a single candidate.




144.            POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The anti-masons professed an equal dislike with the hational republicans to the principles and policy of the administration, and declared thenmselves ready to combine to
defeat the election of General Jackson. Neither, however,
were willing to yield to what they called the dictation of the
other.
Anti-miasonic electoral tickets were formed in the states
of Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, -ew-York,
New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The national republicans
adopted the anti-masonic tickets in New-York and Pennsylvania, but in the other states named, and the remaining
states of the union, with thh exception of three or four
southern states, tickets were nominated favorable to Mr.
Clay for the presidency.  In Ohio the anti-rnasonic ticket
for electors first nominated was withdrawn, and the contest
in that state was between Jackson and Clay.
While the two divisions of the opposition were prevented
from coalescing, by what they considered. insuperable obstacles, excepting the imperfect union in the three states
named, the friends of the administration united in its support with a zeal and earnestness which both deserved and
insured success. Local divisions were done away; personal
difficulties adjusted, and private quarrels forgotten in the
general desire to promote the triumph of the party. The
people at large, witnessing on one side so much party devotion, and on the other so much of the opposite quality,
were led to regard the cause of the administration with
more favor than it would have obtained upon a rmere view
of its principles and policy.
Although the elections Njor state officers in some of the
states, in the autumn of 1832, were either favorable to the
opposition, or, from the small majorities given in favor of
the administration, they indicated a close contest at the approaching presidential election; the result of the latter was
a complete triumph of the electoral licket pledged to Jackson and Van Buren.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES,             145
The great military services of General Jackson had
gained for him general popularity, and many who did not
altogether approve of his measures, attributed his errors
to mistaken views. His honesty of purpose was questioned
by comparatively few, and all admired the boldness and
firmness with which he pursued those measures that had
been adopted and avowed as the policy of his administration.
He was styled, too, the representative of the democratic
party, and the people were constantly assured that his sole
object was to deprive the federal government only of those
powers which it had usurped, and to bring it within the
limits prescribed by the constitution.
In the electoral colleges the votes for president and vicepresident stood as follows: Andrew Jackson 219, I.Lenry
Clay 49, John Floyd 11, William Wirt, 7. For vice-president-Martin Van Buren 189, John Sergeant 49, William
Wilkins 30, Henry Lee -11, Amos Ellmaker 7.  The votes
fbr John Floyd and Henry Lee were given by the state of:South-Carolina.  Pennsylvania refused to vote for Mr.'Van
Buren; therefore Mr. Wilkins, one of the U. S. senators
from that state, received the vote for vice-president.
Considering this election with that of 1828, it will be observed, that General Jackson gained the votes of Maine
(except one vote.) New-Hampshire, New-Jersey, and part
of New-York, which were then given to Mr. Adams, while
he now lost the vote of Kentucky and South-Carolina, which
he received in 1828.  The majority in the electoral coller
ges was not, however, a fair test of the measure of approbav
tion bestowed upon his administration.
The large majority received by General Jackson. in the
electoral colleges, however, wias by him, and his supporters
generally, construed rinto an i:'unqualified approval by his
countrymen of all his measures, Upon all points where his'0Ir t;se had been quest~ioned by his oppo:ents, his re4elec




146             POLITICAL -LANDMARKS;
tion was urged as a final decision of the people, from which
there was no appeal.
The second session of the twenty-second congress commenced on the 4th of December, 1832, and continued until the expiration of their term, on the 3d of March, 1833.
The president pro ten. of the senate, Mr. Tazewell, having
resigned, the Hon. Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, was elected in his place.  On thle 28th of December, the vice-president of the'United States, I-Ion. John C. Calhoun, resigned
that office, and was elected a senator from South-Carolina3
in place of Mr. Hayne who had been chosen governor of the
state.
The secretary of the treasurvy Mr. M'Lane, in his report
to congress, urged upon that body a reduction of duty to
the revenue standard, and declared that " there was not the
same necessity for high protecting duties as that which was
consulted in our past legislation."
It was now distinctly foreseen that the final contest rela"-.
ting to a protective tariff was about to be decided.'Upon
distributing the various subjects reconmmended to the consideration of congress, this was referred in the house to
the committee of ways and means, of which Mr. Verplanck,
of New-York, was chairman.
Notwithstanding a new tariff had been adopted at the
last session, after a lengthened discussion, and by large majorities, it was now  determined to remodel the whole, to
conciliate its opponents at the south, and on the 27th of
December, a bill was reported by the committee of ways
and means, which was understood to embody the views of
the administration.
In the senate, also, the subject was taken up at an early
period, and on the 13th of December, the chairman of the
committee of finance presented a resolution calling on the
secretary of the treasury for the plan and details of a bill in
conformity with his suggestions.  After some debate as to
the propriety of calling on a branch of the executive depart



OR HISTORY OF PARTIESo               147
ment for an opinion, instead of facts of information, the resolution was adopted.
The bill reported in the house by Mr. Verplanck, proposed a diimunition on all the protected articles, to take
effect immediately, and a second diminution on the 2d of
March, 18341. Biy this bill, a great and immediate reduction
was contemplated upon the chiefm anufactures of the country, and a further reduction to the revenue standard in 1834.
This would aftbrd to the domestic manufacturer a protecting
duty from 1.5 to 20 per cent., and with this advantage, the
opponents of high duties argued that he should be content.
On the other side, it wvas contended that the dimunition was
too great, and that by suddenly bringing the duties down
to the minimum point, the government would violate its faith
with those who had been induced to embark in manufacturing, by the adoption of what was declared to be the settled
policy of the country, and who would be ruined by a sudden
and unexpected withdrawal of the protection they enjoyed.
TI'he bill of last session which was framed with the view
of settling the question, had not been fairly tested, and it
was insisted that such a vacillating course on the part of the
government, was positive injustice to those who had vested
their capital under the existing laws.
While the discussion on the bill was going on new interest was imparted to the subject by a message from the president to congress, on the 16th of January, communicating
the South-Carolina ordinance and nlullifying laws, together
with his own views as to what should be done under the
existing state of' alatirs.  Upon the mlessage being read in
the senate, Mr. Calhoun repelled in the most earnest manner,
the imputation of a-ny hostile feelings or intentions against
the union on the part of South-Carolina. The state authorities, he asserted, had looked only to a judicial decision upon
the question, litil the concentration  of the UnJ'ited States
troops at Charleston and Augusta had compelled them  to
make provisions to defend themnselves




148               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The judiciary committee, to whom the message was referred, reported a bill to enforce the collection of the revenue
where any obstructions were offered to the officers employed
in that duty.  It vested full power in the land and naval
forces of the United States, if necessary to carry the revenue
laws into effect.
After the bill was reported to the senate, Mr. Calhoun
offered a series of resolutions embodying his views and those
who sustained the doctrines of nullification, with regard to
the powers of the general government and the rights of the
states. Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, offered other resolutions
as substitutes for Mr. Calhoun's and which set forth the
views of the administration.  The latter were not deemed,
by a portion of the senate, fully to set forth the character of
the government, inasmuch as while they declare the several
acts of' congress laying duties on imports to be constitutional, and deny the power of a single state to annul them
or any other constitutional law, tacitly yield the whole doctrine of nullification, by the implied admission that any unconstitutional law may be judged of' by the state in the last
resort, and annulled by the same authority. Witl the view
of having placed upon record his opinions upon that point,
Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, an. opposition senator proposed a
resolution, setting them forth, and declaring that "the senate will not fail, in the faithful discharge of its most solemn
duty, to support the executive in the just administration of
the government, and clothe it with all constitutional power
necessary to the faithful execution of the laws and the preservation of the Union."
The whole subject was now before congress; and the
state legislatures, being generally in session, passed resolutions expressing their opinions as to the course which that
body ought to adopt.
In the legislatures of Massachusetts,  Connecticutt NewYork. Delaware), Temntessee, Ildiana and Missoruri.he doc-e R of nXlif |i c a ti  x o It eautir ayl V d i hO~nd-,   il(~ X t re i: Ak 




OR HISTORY oF PARTIES.             149
to the constitution. Those of North-Carolina and Alabama
were no less explicit in condemning nullification, but they
also expressed an opinion that the tariff was unconstitutional
and inexpedient.
The state of Georgia also reprobated the doctrine of nullification, as unconstitutional by a vote of 102 to 51 in her
legislature; but it denounced. the tariff in decided terms
and proposed a convention of the states of Virginia, NorthCarolina, South-Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee,
and Mississippi, to devise measures to'obtain relief from
that system.
The legislature of Virginia assumed a more extraordinary
ground.  The subject was referred to a committee on federal relations, and a general discussion was had on the
powers of the government: and finally resolutions were
passed, earnestly requesting South-Carolina not to proceed
further under the ordinance of their convention to reduce
the import duties to a. revenue standard, and declaring that
the people of Virginia expect that the general government
and the government of South-Carolina will carefully abstain
from all acts calculated to disturb the tranquility of the
country.
After further resolving that they adhere to the principles
of the Virginia resolutions of 1798, but that they do not
consider them  as sanctioning the proceedings of SouthCarolina, or the president's proclamation, they proceeded to
appoint Benjamin W. Leigh, as a commissioner on the part
of the state, to proceed to South-Carolina, to communicate
the resolutions of Virginia, and to express their good will to
the people of that state, and their anxious solicitude for an
accommodation between them and the general government.
The state of New-Hampshire expressed no opinion as to
the doctrines of South-Carolina, but the legislature passed
resolutions in favor of reducing the tariff to the revenue
standard.
On the other hand, the legislatures of Massachusetts,
Vermont, Rhode-sland, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, den




150               POLITICALT LAnDMARKS;
clared themselves to be opposed to any mlodification of the
tariff
While the states were sutsaining their respective views
and interests, congress was slowly proceeding in the discussion of the questions belonging to the subject.  In the
lhouse the bill for reducing the tariff was subjected to an
ordeal that threatened to prove fatal to its passage through
that body.  The discussion upon its general principles occupied the house for two weeks after its introduction, and.
was resumed from -time to time, during the examination of
its details, for the purpose of amendllinet; and but little
prospect appeared of lbringing about any satisfactory termination of this long disputed question.
The authorities of South-Carolina, in the meantime, exerted themselves to increase the military force of the state.
Munitions were provided, (lepots formed, and the militia in
the nullifying districts were called upon to volunteer irn her
defence.  On the other lihand, the minolty of the people,
who called themselves the nnion party, were equally determined not to submit to the nullifying ordinance and laws,
and prepared themselves with equal firmness and zeal to
sustain the federal authorities.  A spark was sufficient to
kindle the flame of civil war, but fortunately no accident
occurred to bring' about a collision.  The revenue laws,
under the protection of the forces of the general governmlent,
were carried into eftlect without any opposition by violence.
No attempt was mafde tIo enforce the laws under the ordinance of the state convention, and on the 1. st of January, at
a meeting of the leading nullifiers at Charleston, after reiterating their determination to maintain their principles,
and expressing their opposition to modify the tariff, it was
resolved that during the session of congress, all collision be
avoided between the state'and federal authorities, in the
hope that the controversy might be satisfactorily adjusted.
During these proceedings in South-Carolina, the enforcing bill, providing for the collection of duties was pressed
forward to a vote. It was, however, delayed in the senate,




oR HSTORY oF PRSTIES.               151
by a lengthened discussion, until the 20th of February, when
it passed that body by a vote of 32 ayes; Mr. Tyler, only,
voting in the negative, the opponents of the bill generally
having withdrawn.  It also passed, the house on the 28th of
February, 150 to 35, and became a law.
The tariff bill reported by Mr. Verplanck, and supported
by the friends of the administration, in the house of representatives, was delayed. in that body until the 12th February;
when Mr. Clay,'of the senate, apprehending either the
passage of that bill, which he considered would be destructive to the manufacturinog interests, or that congress would
adjourn, leaving the rmatter unsettled, and the country in
danger of civil war, introduced, pursuant to notice, a measure of compromise in the senate.  This *was a. bill which
had been prepared, after mluch consultation, for the permanent adjustment of the tariflf. It provided, that where
the duties exceeded  b: per cent, there should be one tenth
part of the excess deducted after December 30, 1833, and
one tenth each alternatle year, until the 31st of December
1841L, when one half of the residue was to be deducted, and
aftelr the 30th of June, 1842, the duties on all goods were
to be reduced to 20 per cent, on a. home valuation, and
were to be paid in cash.
After Mr. Clay had. stated that his vi.ews for introducing
the bill were to preserve the protective tariff for a. length
of time, and to restore good feelings and tranquility among
the people, he explained the proposed measure and its probable operation..  Mr. Calhoun expressed his approbation
of the bill; and it was discussed by various senators until
the 23d of February, when it was ordered to a third reading.  On the 25th Mr. Clay stated that a bill identical in
its provisions to the one before the senate, had. just passed
the house, and would probably be presented to the senate
for approval.  The senate, on his motion, therefore ad
journed.
In.the house of representatives, Mr. Verplanck's bill
was taken up for discussion, when, on motionof Mr. Letch



I1 5s~:  ~     POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
er, of Kentucky, it was recommitted, with instructions
to report Mr. Clay's bill.  The bill being referred to the
committee, the substitute was agreed to, forthwith reported
to the house, and the following day passed, by a vote of
119 to 85.  In the senate, after some further discussion
it passed, yeas 29, nays 16, and received the signature of
the president on the 2d of March, 1833.
The passage of this bill was regarded by all as a concession to South-Carolina, and many considered it as sanction ing the ultimate triumph of principles advanced by that
state.
The supporters of the bill who were friendly to the system of protection insisted, on the contrary, that this was
the only mode of preventing an entire and immediate destruction of the manufacturing interests.  That the administration had a decided majority in the next congres; and
if the question was not settled.3 Low, the manufacturers would
be entirely at the mercy of their enemies.
Those who looked to the ultimate results of this compromise, preferred to test rather than to surrender the powers
of the government, and they strongly reprobated the idea
of abandoning the policy of the government upon the demand of a single state.
The leaders of the nullifying party, on their part, affected to to regard the compromise as an unqualified triumph.
The convention of South-Carolina assembled at Columbia,
at the call of the governor, on the 11th of March, and
deeming it expedient to consider the compromise tariff as
satisfactory, they repealed the ordinance nullifying the revenue laws, and nullified the enforcing law. After this the
tariff controversy in South-Carolina ended.
The bill providing for the distribution of the proceeds
of the sales of the public lands among the states was again
introduced by Mr. Clay, at an early period of this session.
After much discussion, it passed that body on the 25th of
January, yeas 24, nays 200  It was not taken up in the




OR HISTORY OP PARTIES.             153
house until the 1st of March, when, after being amended,
it was passed, yeas 96, nays 40, and sent back to the senate.
The amendment of the house was concurred in by the.
senate, 23 to 5. These votes indicated that two-thirds of
both houses were in favor of the policy proposed to be
established by.r. Clay's bill, and if the president had returned the bill with his objections, it was understood that
it would have become a law, notwithstanding the veto.
This opportunity, however, was not given to them, as the
president retained the bill until after the adjournment,
which took place at the termination of their constitutional
term on the 3d of March, and thus prevented congress
from expressing its opinion upon his objections. The bill
was thus defeated by the executive, who in this manner
assumed an absolute instead of a qualified veto upon the
acts of congress, which was confided to him by the constitution. The reason of the president for his course in this
matter, as given to the next congress, was want of time for
a due consideration of this important measure.
Among the subjects recommended by the president in
his annual message in December, 1832, was the propriety
of removing the public moneys from the United States bank.
The secretary of the treasury, who had hitherto advocated
the re-charter of the bank, followed up the president's recommendation by the expression of his doubts as to their
safety, if continued in its custody.  An agent appointed by
the treasury to investigate the actual condition of the bank,
shortly after made his report, and it appeared that this intitution had an excess of funds of more than seven millions of dollars over its liabilities, besides its capital of
$35,000,000.
The president also recommended a sale of' the stock of
the bank belonging to the United States. A proposition to
that effect, reported by Mr. Polk from the committee on
ways and means in the house, was rejected on the first reading, 102 to 91.




154              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The subject of the public deposites was referred to the
same committee, who, through Mr. Verplanck, made a report stating the situation of the bank.  They consequently
recommended a resolution that the government deposites
may, in the opinion of the house, be safely continued in
the bank of the United States.  This resolution, was adopted by the house —ayes 109, noes 46.
Appropriations were made at this session of congress, for
carrying on certain works before commenced, and the improvement of harbors and rivers, also for the Cumberland
road, and certain territorial roads. Acts Nwere also passed
for improving the navigation of certain rivers in Florida and
Michigan; making provision for publishing the documental
history of the American revolution; and sundry other laws
of less general interest.
At the close of the first term of president Jackson, the
foreign relations of the United States, with the exception of
France, were in a favorable position.  The first instalment
of the indemnity to be paid by the treaty with France, was
drawn for, in a bill of exchange by the Americanl government, but the French Chambers had not made any appropriation to meet it, and the bill was not expected.  This
neglect was warmly resented by the presidefit.  Instructions
were given to the American ministel to uroe upon the
French government a pirompt compliance with the treaty
With Russia a treaty of commerce was concluded in December, 1832, upon the principles of reciprocity.  A. similar treaty was made with Belgium. Some claims of American merchants against Portugal, for illegal captures, were
prosecuted to a successful result, and an effort was made
by the administration to procure satisfaction from Spain,
for illegal detentions and captures of American property
subsequent to the treaty of 1819, and an acknowledgement
of their justice was finally extorted from that.government.
A treaty of commerce was concluded with Chili.
The second presidential term of General Jackson com



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               155
menced on the'4th of March, 1833.  At twelve o'clock on
that day, the president and vice-president elect, attended by
the heads of departiment, foreigni ministers and their suites,
judges of supreme court, senators, and members of the house
of representatives, the mayor and citizens of Washington,
and strangers, entered the hall of representatives.  The
president took the seat of. the speaker of the house, with the
vice-president, Mr. Van Buren on his left, and his private
secretary, Mr. Donelson, on his right.  After a pause of a
few minutes, the president rose, and was greeted by the
cheers of the large assembly present.  -le then proceeded,
in an aubible and firm voice, to pronoiunce his inaugural
address, at the close of whichl he was again greeted with
cheers and applause.  The chief justice then administered
the usual oath to the president.  The oath wias also aclministered to Mr. Van Burenl, after which, the president and
vice-president retired, amid the pla udits of the assembly.
The excitement of the political contest was at an end;
nullification was virtually relinquished by South-Carolina;
and the modification of the t;ariff had tranquilized the public mind.  The angry feelirngs engendered by the election
had subsided; and in a tour which the president made
through the miiddle and eastelrn states, in the sumner of
1833, both parties united to do honior to tle chief irmagistrate
of the republic; his opponents heartily approving of his
course toward South-e.Carolina, and of the principles avowed
by him in- his proclamation and message, and his supporters
giving vent to those feelings which had originally enlisted
them, as a party, in his favor.
A political calm had succeeded the tempest, and it seemed as if the second terml of General Jackson's administration Was about to prove as quiet and tranquil, as the first
had been stormy and turbulent.  This expectation was not
destined to be realized. A new subject of excitement was
at this time introduced into our politics, which continued to
agitate the public mind for a large portion of the remaining




;156            POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
period of General Jackson's administration, affecting, as it
did, the interests of the community generally.  We allude
to the removal of the government deposites from the bank
of the United States, by order of the president.
By the law of 1816, creating the bank of the Uiiited
States, the public moneys were deposited in the vaults of
the bank and its branches, and, as an equivalent for that
deposite, the bank assumed the responsibitity of acting as
the fiscal agent of the government.
In the same act, however, it was provided that the public
deposites might be removed by the secretary of the treasury; but requiring him to lay his reasons for removing them
immediately before Congress.
After the veto of the bill to recharter the bank, the president soon determined that that institution should be deprived of the public deposites, although the charter did not
expire until 1836.  We have already seen that congress, in
1833, refused, by a decisive vote, to authorize the removal
of the deposites, as recommended by the president, and new
means were adopted to effect the contemplated end.
The secretary of State, Edward Livingston, being appointed minister to France, on account of the state of our relations with that power, Louis M'Lane, secretary of the treasury, who had declined to sanction the removal of the deposites firom the United States bank, was transferred to the
state. department, and William J. Duane, of Pennsylvania,
was appointed his successor. It was soon, however, found,
that Mr. Duane was not willing to act in the matter without,
sufficient reasons to sustain him before the world.
The president had urged Mr. Duane during his north-s
ern tour in the summer of 18833, to remove the public moneys from the obnoxious institution, without convincing
him of the propriety of the step. He finally obtained from
him his consent to appoint Amos Kendall, as an agent, to
inquire into the terms upon which the local banks,. incorporated by the several states, would take the public depositeds




OR HISTORY OF i PARTIES.             157?upon the basis of mutual guarantee.  This basis, however,,was found to be inadmissable. The banks refused to guar-.anty for each other, and the secretary was*soon made to un-.derstand that it was the president's determination to remove,the deposites at all hazards.
To this lie explicitly refilsed to lend himself, He even
refused to fix a day after the adjournment of congress, for
their removal, in case that body did not act upon the subject. The most he would agree to was, to remove them in
case congress ordered him to do so.
In this dilemma, the president convoked the cabinet on
the 10th of September, 1833 and laid before its members an
exposition of his views upon this important question. The
doctrines advanced in this document were, that the power.of the secretary to remove the deposites was unqualified, and
not limited to particular contingencies; that the speedy
termination of the charter of the bank rendered it incumbent on the secretary to introduce a plan for keeping and
disbursing the public revenue, before its dissolution, to
avoid any derangement consequent upon such a change at
that moment; that the conduct of the bank in relation to
the redemption of the three per cent stocks, and the bill on
the French government; and its interference with politics,
deserved punishment; and under those circumstances, the
president assumed the responsibility himself, of removing
the public deposites from the United States bank, and fixed
upon the Ist of October, 1833, as the day for their removal.
The secretary of the treasury deliberated upon the question thus authoritatively pressed upon-him; and on the 21st
of September he announced'to the president his determination not to carry his directions into effect.  Ile also resolved
not to resign, and as he was the only officer who could givea legal order for the removal of the public moneys, the president was compelled9 in order to carry his designs ilt;q
efl; bct; 0fo remove the recretavy.   hir was dottC oA the r.<d3.




158               POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
appointed in his place.  Benjamin F. Butler, of N. Y. was
appointed attorneysgeneral in place of Mr. Taney.
The new secre;ary was known to entertain similar opinions to those of the president, both as to the right and expediency of removing the deposites, and he immediately
issued the necessary orders  bor their removal to the loca;
banks selected by himn as agents ofL the government.
Allmost silnultaneously'with this step an attempt was matc
to destroy the credit of the bank, by suddenly presenting for
payment, at one of the distant branches, a large amnount of
their circulating notes, which had' been secretly accumulated.  This demand was promptly met; but, connected with
the withdrawal of the public deposites, it evinced a settled
hostility against thle bank, and compelled the directors to
adopt a general systemn of' retrenchlent, With a view to its
own safety.
Gre:  commercial- distres immediately  ensued.   The
amount of the loans of the bank, on the 1st of October,
1833, was over sixty millions of dollars; and the amount of
deposites of the U. S. government at that tire in the bank,
was 89,868,4 -3, all of which amount was removed during
a period of about nine months, and the greater part of the
same during the first four months.  At the moment of taking this step, the business of the country was unusually active.  The capitalist and the merchant, mnechlanics and
manufacturers, hac d u nlimited'confidence in each other,
and all the inoneyed institutions of the country, had extended their loans to thle utmost bounds of their *ability.
At such a juncture, great and rigid retrenchmenlt, attended with want of conflidence, was necessarily productive of
ruinous consequences.  Private credit was deeply aflected,
and the business of' the country wvas interruptedt to a degree
that-could be attributable only to the panic which followed
this violent attack upon the pecuniary concerns of tile cornmunity.
-he twenty-third congress held its first session fiom De



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                   159
cember 2, 1833, to June 30, 1834. There was a decided
administration majority  in the house of representatives.
Andrew  Stevenson was again elected  speaker, receiving'142 votes, against 66 for all others, and 9 blanks.  In the
senate the new  vice-president, Mr. Van  Buren, took his!set, as presiding officer, but in that body the administrawun were in the minority, in consequence of Mr. Calhoun
-4lnd other state-rights senators acting with the opposition.
The principal topic of discussion  at this session  of
congress was the removal of' the deposites, by order of the
president, from the bank of the U. States.  The subject was
brought before the two houses by the president's message
and the report from the secretary of the treasury.  On the
26th of December, 1833, Mr. Clay offered a resolution, in
the senate, which it will be recollected, was afterwards expunged, by drawing black lines around it.  The r.olution
which follows, gave rise to long and animated debates, and
was finally adopted on the 28th March, 1834, ayes 26, noes
20:
" Resolved, That the presedent, iisn the late executive proceedings in relation to the public'revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and power
not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in deroS'ation of both."
Against this resolution the president sent in his protest
to the senate, containing an elaborate argument on the subject, in which he denied the right of the senate to.censure
him  in this way, and demanded that this remonstrance
should be placed on their records.  This the senate refused.
The senate, on the 4th of June, also adopted twso joint
resolutions offeted by  1i. Clay, declaring, 1st, that the reasons of thl  secrietary of lthe treasury were unsatisfactory
and insufificient;  (I?,  requirinig the dep.site of the public
moneys to be made in the bank of the United States.  The
first of these resolutions was adopted, 29 to 16; the second
28 to 16.  In tlthie house of representatives they were laid
on the table, ayes I 14 noes T01




160               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The removal of the deposites or the action of the bank,
in connection with the withdrawal of the deposites from its
vaults, caused intense excitement and -much commercial
distress throughout the union.  Numerous committees,
appointed by merchants, mechanics, tradesmen, and others,
in the principal cities and towns, waited on the president,
asking that he would recommend some measure of relief.
To these he replied, in substance, "' that the government
could give no relief, and provide no remedy; that the banks
were the occasion of all the evils which existed, and that
those who suflered by their great enterprise, had none to
blame but themselves; that those who borrowed capital
ought to break."  Petitions for the restoration of the deposites, or some other measure of relief, were poured into
congress during the whole session; they were favorably
received in the senate, but as the house of representatives
sustained the president, petitions to conteract his views met
with but little favor in that body.
Resolutions reported by the committee of ways and
means in the house, were adopted on the 4th of April; 1st,
that the bank of the United States ought not to be rechartered, ayes 132, noes 82; 2d, that the public deposites ought
not to be restored to the bank of the United States, ayes
118, noes 103.
On the 2d of June, the speaker of the house, Mr. Stevenson, having been nominated by the president, minister to
Great Britain, resigned his situation as speaker; and the
house proceeded to ballot fuir a speaker in his place. John
Bell, of Tennessee, was elected, on the tenth ballot receiving 114 votes, to 78 for James K. Polk and 26 scattering
and blanks.  Mri. Polk vwas the administration candidate,
and Mr. Bell was elected by the votes of the opposition and
a portion of the administration party who were opposed to
Mr,, Van Buren as successor to Gen. Jackson.
Oa the'~23d osf Jurne the senate eeted the  onenate rejected te    naton
~..vl..fX,~t,;i  t JgtNt,~,,28,i) Xffit,8




OR HISTORY oF PARTIS.               161
on the 24th Andrew Steve-nson was iejected as minister to
England, 23 to 22.  The ground taken on the rejection of
Mr. Stevenson was, that he had received the offer of the
mission to Great Britain in a letter from the secretary of
state, by order of' the ptresident, in AMarch 1833, after which
he had been elected to congress and imade speaker of the
house, the committees of which he had appointed in conformity with the views of the president.  Being called on
by the senate for a copy of the letter to Mr. Stevenson offering him the mission, the president communicated the same;
although denying their right to ask for it, he informed the
senate that the contingency on which Mr. Stevenson was to
be appointed did not arise, but the nagotiation expected
was commenced at Washington instead of London.  The
mission to England continued vacant for several years after
the rejection of Mr. Van Buren in i.832, and the affairs of
the United States, with that kingdom were, during that
period, intrusted to Aaron Vail, who had been secretary of
legation under Mr. Van Buren.  The president declined
nominating any other person as minister, until Mr. Stevenson was namn ed, and. after he was rejected the place still
continued vacant until March 1836, when Mr. Stevenson
was again nominated, and then confirmed by the senate.
Strong objections were raised in the senate in 1834, against
the frequent appointment of members of congress to office
by General Jackson.  During the first five years of his administration he had appointed to office thirteen senators and
twenty-five representaltives.  In Jute, 1S34, Mr. M'Lane
having resigned, John Forsyth, of Georgia, was appointed
secretary of State, Mahlon Dickerson, of New-Jersey, secretary of the navy, in place of Levi Woodbury, appointed
secretary of the treasury.
An important act respecting the c@ilnage of the United
States was passed at this session.  By i-iis law the weight
of the gold eagle of the United States was reduced twelve
grains, being equal to 66- cents less in value than the old
coin of that denomination.  Two other acts were passed,
7>




62              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
regulating the value of certainwforeign gold and silver coins.
The objects of these several acts was to infuse a larger
proportion of gold and silver into the currency of the United
States than had been used; and this became a favorite project of the president and' his -supporters in the cabinet and
in congress. Increased activity was given to the mint, and
the display of the -new gold coin arnong the people hail an
important bearing on the elections in the different states,
and operated favorably to the administration.
Among the other acts passed at this long and arduous
session, those of most general interest were as follows;
maaking appropriations for certain harbors and rivers; for
completing a road from Memphis to Little Rock, in Arkansas; authorizing certain roads in Arkansas; aiding roads
in Michigan; continuing the Cumberland road; appropriations for light-houses; for improvement of the Hudson
river; authorizing the purchase of the papers and books
of General Washington.
The course of the president with regard to the bank of
the United States, although it was popular with the mass of
the people in some sections of the country, caused a considerable diminution of the strength of the administration
in the commercial states, as evinced by the elections in
1834.  Many of those' who had supported General Jackson;
now joined the opposition, the combined forces of the party
opposing the administration now assuming the name of
66 WiiG."' This title of Whig, as a substitute for Federalism,
Anti-masonnry, National Republicanism, &c., originated in
the city of New-York; and it has always been understood
that James Watson Webb, of the Courier & Enquirer, first
advanced the idea.  Mr. Webb in 1828, was a strong:advocate and supporter of General Jackson, but left him and
the democratic party upon the United States bank question.
Upon this question, Hammond's Political History of NewYork, says: " The opposition party in the city of NewYork, assumed the name of " whig " in the winter of 1834,
and this designation was soon after applied to their political




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             163
friends, as a body, throtughout the state. The institution
of Masonry, had almost ceased to exist, and the Anti-masons
generally united with the National Republicans, under this
new cognomen."  It soon became the party title throughout the United States.  The friends of the administration
adhered to the old party name of" DEMOCRATS."
In the summer of 1835 a party, which claimed to be op.
posed to all monopolies, to bank notes and paper money as
a circulating medium, and to legislative prerogatives, was
formed in the city of New-York, comprising some of the
prominent men, who called themselves the' Eual Rights
Party."  A majority of the equal rights men were democrats, and in consequence of their dissatisfaction at the
nomination of Gideon Lee for congress and others, of the
same stamp for assembly, they rallied in great force, at the
meeting. held in Tammany Hall, to receive the report of
the nominating committee.  The old Tammany men supported Isaac L. Varian, for chairman, and the Equal Rights
men presesented Joel Curtis. Each faction claimed that
its candidate was elected, and a scene of complete disorder
and confusion ensued, in the midst of which the gas lights
in the room were e.etinguished.  The Equal Rights men had
provided themselves, in. anticipation of this result, with
locofoco matches and candles, and the room was almost instantly re-lighted. Soon after this disturbance, the Equal
Rights men, or anti-monopolists received the name of
"Locoroco," and this appellation was'subsequently bestowed by the whig presses and politicians, upon the whole
democratic party.
The twenty-third congress held its second session from
December 1, 1834, to March 3, 1835. George Poindexter,
of Mississippi, had been chosen president pro. temrn. f the
senate, at the close of the last session, but as the vice-president, Mr. Van Buren, was constantly in his seat as presiding officer, president Jackson was saved from the mortification of seing at the head of the senate, one to whom he




1 4               POLITICAL LANDMARK9S;
was personnally inimical; a quarrel having occurred between the president, and the senator from Mississippi.
But few acts of general interest were passed at this short
session.  Appropriations were made for roads and surveys,
also for certain harbors and rivers; and,i as usual, for the
Cumberland road.  Branches of the mint were established
at the gold mines in North-Carolina and Georgia; also at
New-Orleans.  In colnformity with the recomlmendation of
the president, an act was passed regulating the government
deposites in the state banlks.  At the close of the session,
John Tyler,' of Virginina, was elected president pro, tern. of
the senate.  He had generally  acted with the opposition
after the:emoval of the deposiltes friom tihe United States
bank, by president.Tackson.
There was an impression at this time, that General Jackson contemplated retiring from the presidency, leaving the
reins of government in the hands of Mr. Van Buren for the
remainder of his term; but if lie had such an intention it
was abandoned.  He was, howeve:, anxious that Mr. Van
Buren should be his successor in the presidency, and. in
February, 1835, he came out with a letter to a friend, in
which he expresses himself in favor of a national democratic
convention, to nominate a president and vice-president.
The convention was a favorite prqject ot Mr. Van Buren,
and it soon appeared that all the supporters of the administration who were in favor of Mr. Van Beu.ren as successor
to General Jackson., advocated a nomination by a. convention, while the opponents of 1Mr. Van Buren, in the same
ranks, denounced that mode of nomination.  A large section.of the Jackson party gave early indications of an intention to support Hugh L. White,  one of the Tennessee senators, for president, and in January, 1835, he was nominated by the legislature of Alabama, and, about the same
time, by the people of Tennessee; and by the Tennessee
delegation in the house of representatives, all of whom
signed a letter in his favor, except James K. Polk and




Oi HIIS'o0Y OF PARTIES.             165
Cave Johnson.  IMr. Van Buren was already nominated for
the presidency by a state convention in Mississippi.  Three
candidates had been named by the whig opposition, namely,
Gen. William HT. Harrison, of Ohio, by a meeting at Harrisburg; John M'Lean, of Ohio, by a legislative caucus in
that state'; and Daniel Webstler, by the whigs in the legislature of M:assachusetts.
The national democratic convention forLthe nonlination
of president and vice-president of the United States, met at
Jaaltimore on the 20th of' May,  1.835  More than six hundred delegates were in. attendance, and twenty-tiwo states
were represented. Upon the first ballot, Martin Van Bluren
received the unanimol:s vote Of the convention for president.
This was expected, as none but the friends of 11.r. Van
Buren took part in the convention.  Colonel R1ichard M.
Johnson, of Kentucly, received the nomination for vicepresident, by 178 votes to ST for William C.;Rives, of Virginia.  The delegates from rVirginia protested against the
nomination of Colonel Johnson, declaring that he could not
receive the vote of that state.
William  T. Barry being appointed minister to Spain,
Amos Kendall was appointed postmaster-general in his place
in May 1835.
The paymenlt of the first instalment of the French indemnity being still refused by the French chambers, the president instructed Mr. Livingston, minister to that court, to
return to the United States. Ie accordingly asked for hispassports, and arrived home in June, 1835.  The affairs
between the United States and iFrance now wore a threatening aspect, but the matter in dispute was finally settled,
through the intervention of the British government in 1836.
The twenty-fourth congress assembled on the'7th of December, 1835, and the first session continued until the 4th
of July, 1836. James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was elected
speaker of the house of representives, having received 132
votes, against 84 for John Bell, the late speaker, and 9




$166             POLITICAL LANDMIARKS;
scattering votes.  Mr. Polk was the administration candidate, and Mr. Bell was supported by the opposition, including the friends of Judge White for the presidency.
Tile message of the president at the opening of this session indicated a high state of public prosperity, so far as the
national treasuTy was concerned. The public debt had then
been extinguished and there was a large surplus remaining
in the treasury.  The country had at this time somewhat
recovered from the panic and shock affecting public and
private credit, occasioned by the removal of the deposites,
and concominant circumstances.
Mr. Clay again introduced a bill to provide for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the
states, which passed the senate by a vote of 25 to 20, but
was not acted upon by the house of representatives.
The most important act of the session was the distribution act or a bill to regulate the deposites of the public
money, which was passed in June, 1836; it provided that
the money which should be in the treasury on the 1st day
of January, 1737, reserving the sum of five million of dollars, should be deposited with the several states, in proportion to their respective representation in congress, which
should by law authorize their treasurer or other competent
authorities to receive the same. The deposites to be made
with the states in quarterly amounts comnmencing on the 1st
of January, 1837.
The bill to distribute the proceeds of the public lands, as
proposed by Mr. Clay having failed, and there being a large
surplus in the treasury, the bill just mentioned, for the distribution of the surplus revenue, was devised, to effect temporarily the same purpose; and to obviate the scruples of
the president, the law provided for a deposite, with the
states without interest, instead of a positive transfer or quitclaim from the general government to the states. The law,
however, received the support of more, than two-thirds of
each house. The amount thus divided among the states




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              167
with no expectation of being recalled (and that can not be
done till directed by congress,) was over twenty-eight millions of dollars.  The balance of the public debt was paid
off in 1835, and the amount of revenue, from customs and
sales of the public lands, in that and the succeeding year,
had swollen the surplus in the treasury, in 1836, to more
than forty millions of dollars. Owing to the subsequent
pecuniary difficulties of the government, in 1837, congress
suspended the fourth instalment to be deposited with the
states.
A new law respecting patents was also enacted at this
session, and all former general laws on that subject were
repealed. The State of Michigan was admitted into the
union, onl certain conditions; but those conditions were not
complied with until the following year, when the state was
formally admitted. The state of Aarkansas was also admitted into the union. Among other important acts of the
session those of most general interest were those making
appropriations for the improvement of certain harbors and
rivers, and for continuing the Cumberland road. At the
close of the session, William R. King, of Alabama, an administration senator, was elected president p2ro tern. of the
senate. At the commencement of the session there was an
opposition majority in the senate; but several changes had
taken place, and the administration now claimed a majority
in both branches of congress.
A bill was passed by congress fixing the day of meeting
and adjournment, which was vetoed by the president.
After the adjournment of congress, the public mind was
much agitated by the promulgation of an executive order
from the treasury department, called " the specie circular."
During the session, Mr. Benton, of Missouri, had offered a
resolution in the senate, on the 22d of April, declaring that
nothing ought to be received but gold and silver in payment
hor the public lands, and that the committee on the public
nds be instructed to report a bill accordingly.  This reution was not acted upon in the senate; but soon after




POLITICAL  A.NDilARKS 
congress had adjourned, a circular was issued by Mr.
Woodbury, secretary of the treasury, dated the 11th of
July, 1835, (by order of the president) directing the receivers of the public moneys to receive in payment of the
public lands, nothing but gold and silver (and Virginia lhind
scrip in certain cases.)  As the sales of the public lands
had been very large for two or three years, and many of the
purchases had been made on speculation, through the facilities afforded by the state banks, the operation of this specie
circular fiom the treasury department, proved very disastrous in its.effects upon the business commilunity.
When it was ascertaiiied that the banlk of the United
States would not be re-chartered as a national institution,
numerous banks were incorporated by the several state legislatures, to supply the supposed Awant of banking capital.
The bank of the United States wvas chartered by the legislature of Perthsylvania, in 183.6, with the same amount of
capital as the national institution (the charter of which
expired the same year,) viz., thirty-five millions of dollars.
The panic occasioned by the removal of the deposites having subsided, and the state banks being without the check
of a national regulator to prevent excessive issues of paper
circulation, the facilities of bank accomodations occasioned
a scene of speculation which extended far and wide, over
the whole union, and all classes of citizens were more or
less entangled in the operations which ensued.  Extensive
purchases of public lands, by individuals and companies,
were among the schemes of the day, for the employment of
the abundance of bank paper.
The immediate effect of the treasury circular, requiring
specie to be paid for purchases of-the public lands, was to
divert the flow of specie from  the legitimate channels of.commerce, and otherwise to derange the currency, thus
embarrassing the operations of the business community. So
far as the circular tended to check the tide of speculation,
particularly in the public lands, its operation was deemed
salutary.




OR HISTORY OF PARTXIES.               169
In March, 1836, the senate confirmed the nomination of
Roger B. Taney as chief justice of the supreme court, in
place of John Marshall, deceased; Phillip P. Barbour, to
fill a vacancy on the same bench; Amos Kendall, postmastergeneral; and John H. Eaton, minister to Spain. Mr. Kendall succeeded Willianm  T. Barry, inl May, 1835, but was
not confirmed until 1836. In June, 1834, the senate passed
a vote of censure unanimously (yeas 41,) on Mr. Barry, for
borrowing money illegally of banks, on account of the postoffice department.  When he resigned the'office of postmaster-general, president Jackson appointed him  minister
to Spain, 1835; his health at the time was precarious, and
he died at Liverpool, in England, on the 30th of August, the
same year. Mr. Eaton formerly secretary of war, was appointed to succeed him.
The presidential election, which took place in the fall of
51836, was warmly contested. The different sections of the
opposition, although they were unable to concentrate their
forces upon a single candidate for president, had strong hopes
of defeating the election of -Mr. Van Buren by throwing the
final choice into the house of representatives, and it was
not believed that Mr. Van Buren could obtain a majority of
the electoral votes, over all his opponents. The result was
contrary to all reasonable calculations, and proved the potency of party discipline, even in electing the chief magistrate of the American republic.  The great portion of the
opposition supported William Ho Harrison- of Ohio, for president, but Judge White, of Tennessee, was preferred in
sorme of the southern and south-western states, and in several
states the friends of Harrison and White united on the same
electoral tickets, in no instance did they run in opposition
to each other in_ the &-lame state. The  friends of General
Harrison, generally nominated for v ce epresident, Frani
Granger, of New-Yorkl while the supporters of Judge White
nominarted John Tyler, of Virgimia, who also reeeived the
-.vo!tes of the 1-ri. ialr n rcen in Mariyland and the states-ringht




170              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
men in South-Carolina.  Massachusetts supported Daniel
Webster for president, and the vote of South-Carolina was.
given to Willie P. Mangum, of North-Carolina.
Upon the meeting of the electoral college Mr. Van Buren
was declared president as will be hereafter stated.,The second session of the twenty-fourth congress comrmenced on the 5th of December, 1836, and terminated on
the 3d of March, 1837.  But few  acts of general interest,
were passed; among them were an act to admit the state of
Michigan into the union; and acts making appropriations;
for harbors, rivers, roads, and lighthouses.  Mr. King was
continued as president of the senate pro tern.  The most
exciting subje6t of the session was the passage, by the senate, after a warm  debate, of a resolution, on the 16th of
January, offered by Mr. Benton, to expunge fiom the records
(by drawing black lines around it) the resolution offered by
Mr. Clay, and adopted on the 28th' of March,:1834, viz:
" Resolved, That the president, in the late executive proceedings in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and poawer
not conferred by the constitution and taws, but in derogation of both."
The expunging resolution which was now adopted by a
vote of 24 to 19, and immediately carried into effect, by the
secretary of the senate, was offered by Mr. Benton at a previous session, but was not pressed to a decision until an
administration majority was secured in the senate.
In consequence of the dissatisfaction felt in the country
with the operation of the specie circular of the treasury department, before mentioned, a bill passed both houses at.
this session, designating and limiting the funds receivables
for the revenues of the United States.  This bill, which,
provided for the reception of the notes of specie-paying.
banks, in certain cases, was warmly debated, andl particularly
opposed by Mr. Benton.  The president prevented it from
becoming a law, by retaining it in his hands after the ad-.
journment of congress, and this informal veto formed the
last act of his administration.  His reasons for so doing




OR HESTORY OF PARTIES.             171
were set forth in a letter published in the Globe, after he
retired from the executive chair.
Having issued to his countrymen the farewell address
which is to be considered as imbodying his political views
and prjinciples, General Jackson remained at Washington, to
witness the inauguration of his chosen friend and successor,
into whose hands ihe cheerfully collmmitted the reins of
government, and immediately went into retirement, at the
hermitage, in Tennessee.
Thus terminated the administration of Andrew Jackson;
of which it may be remarked, that the space it occupies in
our history is one which must always be considered an
eventful era, characterized by scenes of continued agitation
and excitement of the public mind. At no period since the
formation of our government, have the principles of free
institutions and particularly our constitution, as well as important measures bearing on the interests of the people,
been discussed with more ardor and ability,
The seven presidents of the United States whose lives
and administrations we have noticed in the preceding pages,
it will have been observed, were all descended from emigrants from the Brittish Isles; their official terms occupy a
space of forty-eight years, or nearly half a century from the
adoption of the constitution; and each of them had witnessed the period when the nation acpuired her independence.
The ancestors of Mr. Van Buren, both paternal and maternal, were among the early emigrants from Holland to the
colony of New Netherlands, now the state of New-York.
The family have always resided in the ancient town of Kinderhook, Columbia county, on the east bank of the Hudson
river. The father of the president, Abraham Van Buren,
was a fanrmwer of moderate circumstances, who is represented to have been an upright and intelligent man, of strong
common sense, and pacific disposition. The maiden name
of the mother of the president was Hoes, also of Dutch
descent  The namlrer  was originally Goes, and was one of




172              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
some distinction in the history of the Netherlands.  She
was twice married; first Mr. Van Alen, by whoml she had
two sons and a daughter, all of whom have been mnany years
deceased.  James I. Van Alen was a respectable lawyer of
Columbia county, who was honored with several important
offices, and with whom his younger half-brother, was connected in business at his entrance to the bar.
Martin Van Buren is the eldest son of these parents.  He
was born at Kinderhook, December 5, 1782. At an early
age, he exhibited indications of a superior understanding.
His opportunities of instruction were limited, probably on
account of the moderate property of his father, who had two
other sons, and two daughters.
After acquiring the rudiments of an English education,
he became a student in his native village.  I-le there made
considerable progress in the various branches of English
literature, and gained some knowledge of Latin.  It may
be inferred, however, that all these acquisitions were not
great in amount, as he left the academy when abouf 14 years
of age, to begin the study of his profession.
At that age he evinced a strong passion for extempore
speaking, and literary composition.  Even at that early age,
too, he is represented, by those who knew him, to have had
a spirit of observation, with regard to public events, and
the personal disposition and characters of those around him,
which gave an earnest of his future proficiency in the science of politics and of the human heart.
In the years 1796, at the age of fourteen, Mr. Van Buren
commenced the study of the law,. in the office of Francis
Sylvester, Esq., a respectable lawyer of Kinderhook. His
father was a firm whig in the revolution, and a democrat in
the days of John Adams; and the son was educated in the
same principles, and of course formed his most intimate connection with persons of the same political faith.  The democratic party was then a small minority in the town and
oou9.Tty of hi:d ma8tivityy  ihl political opinfoi~s, a.s,!!.l};t ~iti,




OR HISTORY Or PARTIES.              17
talents, led to his employment by the members of his own
party, in their controversies with regard to personal rights
and rights of property.
In 1S36 Martin Van Buren was nominated as the Democratic candidate for president, and William Henry Harrison
as the whig candidate.
The result of the vote of the electoral college in 1837,
was as follows:
D      c   C  aq
Maine,    -    -   -    -    - 10
New-Hampshire,  -                 7
~Vermont,.    7
Massachusetts,    -    -    -           14
Rhode-Island,        -    -    -  4
Connecticut,                      8
New-York,       -    -    -      42
New-Jersey, -          -    - 
Pennsylvania,. -                30
Delaware,                             3
Maryland, --         -               10
Virginia,.-    -              23
North-Carolina, -15
South-C arolina,                                11
Georgia,... -            11
Alabama,    -                     7-  -  7
Mississippi,    -    -    -    -   4
Louisiana,.   -                  5
Tennessee,      -    -                      15
Kentucky,.             15.
Ohio,  -..        -    2t
Indiana,     -    -    -    - 
Illinois,   -                     5-.  -    -  5
Missouri,    -    -    -    -     4
Arkansas,                         3
Michigan,    -        -    -   -  3
170 73 14 26  11




174              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
The inauguration of Mr. Van Buren, the eighth president of the United States, took place at the capitol, in the
city of Washington, on Saturday, the fourth of March,
1837.  At twelve o'clock on that day, the weather being
remarkably pleasant, the president elect took his seat with
his venerable predecessor, General Jackson, in a beautifhl
phaeton made from the wood of the frigate Constitution,
and presented to General Jackson by the democracy of the
city of New-York.  They were escorted from the president's house to the capitol, through Pennsylvania avenue, by
a body of cavalry and infantry, and were also accompanied
by an immense concourse of citizens.  After reaching the
senate chamber the procession was formed, and Mr. Van
Buren, attended by *the ex-president, the members of the
senate, of the cabinet, and the diplomatic corps, led the
way to the rostrum erected on the ascent to the eastern portico.  He then delivered his inaugural address, in clear and
impressive tones, and in an easy and eloquent manner.  At
the close of the address, the oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice Taney.
The language of the inaugural address, the assurances of
the government official journal, published at the seat of government, and other declarations, satisfied the people that
the measures of Mr. Van Buren's administration would be
a continuation of those adopted by General Jackson, and
consequently no change might be expected. The new president selected for his cabinet, John Forsyth, of Georgia, for
secretary of state; Levi'Woodbury, of New-Hiamnpshire,
secretary of the treasury; Joel R. Poinsett,'of South-Carolina, Secretary of war; Mahlon Dickerson, of New-Jersey, secretary of the navy; Amos Kendall, of Kentucky,
pdst-master-general; and Benjamin F. Butler, of NewYork, attorney-general. All of these gentlemen, except Mr.
Poinsett, had been appointed by General Jackson to the respective offices named, and they were continued by Mr. Van
Buren. Mr. Poinsett succeeded General Cass, who, in 1.836,
was appointed by General Jackson minister to France.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              175
Early in the year 1837, indications were perceived of a
money pressure of unexampled severity, not produced as
that of 1S34 had been, by the contest with the bank of the
United States (for that institution was not only a state bank,
and so much embarrassed as to be powerless,) but other and
more formidable causes.  it was some time before those unacquainted with banking operations could be induced to believe the alarm of the bankers in New-York and othe cities
to be so well founded as experience proved it really was.
It was not until the failure of several great commercial and
banking houses in New-York, New-Orleans, and other Atlantic cities, that the panic became general among the people,
The specie circular issued by General Jackson in the summer of 1836, which we have noticed in our account of his
administration, had been powerful in its operation on the
banks and currency.  This circular or order, requiring all
payments for the public lands to be made in gold or silver,
produced frequent and sometimes large drafts for specie on
the banks.  This course riot only prevented the banks from
extending their line of discount but compelled them to
commence calling in their circulating notes.
The distribution of the surplus funds among the several
states also seriously embarrassed the operations of the banks,
and for the mode in which it was managed, contributed to
derange the currency. The banks with whom the accumulated surplus had been deposited, were not prepared for the
distribution, inasmuch as they had presumed these funds
would generally remain in deposite with them until the exi.gencies of the government should require its expenditure,
and had, therefore, treated the funds of the United States
as so much capital on which they could make loans to their
customers. They had, therefore; undoubtedly, made large
loans, relying on these government fiunds as an addition to
their ordinary means, not likely soon to be called for.
Tlhe order issued from the treasury department in pursuance of the law for the distribution of these fuinds among




~176            PO1TICAL' LANDMARKS;
the several states, were to the banks extremely embarrassing,
and compelled them to call in their loans. They complaind:that the mode of distribution adopted by the secretary,
Mr. Woodbury. was unwise and unnecessarily oppressive.
Another cause of pecuniary embarrassment and pressure
was the excessive importation of merchandise friom Europe,
beyond the abilities and wants of the country, payments for
which falling due, and American credit being impaired in
London, occasioned a demand on the banks for specie to be
shipped to Europe.
The reaction in speculation had now commenced, and
this accumulation of difficulties could not be withstood by
the banks. On the 30th of AMay, 183'7, all the banks in the
city of New-York, without exception, by common consent,
suspended payments in specie.  The banks of Boston, Providence Hartford, Albany, Philadelphia and Baltimore; and.
others in every quarter, on learning that the banks in NewYork had suspended specie payments did the same. On
the 16th of May, the legislature of New-York passed an act
authorizing the suspension of specie payments by the banks
of that state for one year.
During the preceding two months, unprecedented embarrassments and difficulties were experienced among the
mercantile classes, and were felt in all commercial towns
in the United States; especially in New-York and NewOrleans, The number of large failures which took place
in New-York in a short time, was about three hundred,
their liabilities amounting to many millions. In two days,
houses in New-Orleans stopped payment, owing an aggregate of twenty-seven millions of dollars. In Boston one
hundred and sixty-eight failures took place in six months.
A committee was appointed by a numerous meeting of
the citizens of Ne'wYork, to proceed to Washington and
request the president of the United States to rescind the
specie circular, to defer commencing suits upon unpaid
bonds, and to call an extra meeting of Congress. In their




OR HISTORY oF PARTIESo              1 77
interview with the president they presented an address
stating, that "under a deep impression of the propriety of
confining their declarations within moderate limits, they
affirmed, that the value of their real estate had, within the
last six months, depreciated more than forty millions of dollars; that within the preceding two months there had been
more than two hundred and fifty failures of houses engaged
in extensive business; that within the samne period a decline of twenty millions had occurred in their local stocks,
including those railroad' and canal incorporations which,
though chartered in other states, depended chiefly upon
New-York, for their sale; that the imlmense amount of
merchandise in their warehouses had, within the same period, fallen in value, at least thirty per cent.; that within a
few weeks not less than twenty thousand individuals, depending upon their daily labor for their daily bread, had
been discharged by their employers, because the means of
retaining them were exhausted; and that a complete blight
had fallen upon a community.heretofore so active, enterprising and prosperous: " the errors of our rulers," they declared, "had produced a wider desolation than the pestilence which depopulated our streets, or the conflagration
which had laid themi in ashes."
Several petitions from other commercial cities and towns,
had been presented to the president, requesting that he
would summon a meeting of' Congress at an early day.
The president for some time declined to act on the petitions,
but the suspension of specie payments by the banks, and
the consequent exigency in which the financial affairs of
the government was placed, finally induced him to issue
his proclamation, on the 15th of May, for the convening of
Congress on the first Monday in September, on account of
" great and weighty matters, claiming their consideration,"
Previous to the suspension of specie payments by the
banks, some of the friends of the president entertained a
hope that he would afford some relief to the business comrn



178               POLITICAL LANDMARKS9t
munity, by revoking the " specie circular " of the treasury
department, which had been issued by order of General
Jackson in 1836, requiring gold and silver in payment for
the public lands; but in this hope they were disappointed,
and it was soon evident that it was the intention of president Van Buren to carry out the designs of his predecessor
in establishing a specie currency, especially in all concerns
relating to the'finances of the general government.  According to the report of the secretary of the treasury, in
December 1836, the condition of the currency of the U-nited States was estimated as follows at that period; bank
paper in active circulation, one hundred and twenty millions of dollars'; specie in active circulation, twenty-eight
millions; specie in banks, forty-five millions.
The extra session, being the first, of the twenty-fifth
Congress, commenced on the 4th of September, 1837, and
continued forty-three days, namely, until the 16th of October.  The state of parties in the house of representatives
was exhibited in the choice of speaker.  James K. Polk,
the administration candidate, was for the third time elected
to that station, receiving 116 votes, against 103 for John
Bell, (whig,) and 5 scattering.  It became evident, however, that there was in the administration ranks a small section,
whose views respecting the currency did not coincide with
those of the president, but were favorable to banking institions and the preservation of the credit system, as applied
to'the transactions of the business community.  Hence
arose a third party, which exercised considerable i.nfluence
in many parts of the union, and adopting the name of
"conservatives," eventually became an ally of the whigs,
in their opposition to the administration.  In. consequence
of the course of these conservatives, some of the measures
recommended by the president were defeated in the house
of representatives at this and the following session.
The recommendations of the president in his message to
congress at the extra session, promised no relief to the peo



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             179
ple. Indeed, the opinion that document distinctly expressed
was, that the national legislature could do nothing to mitigate the evils which existed, and which, it stated, were occasioned by the unwise conduct of the business community;
that it was not the duty or design of the general government to interfere in such cases. The doctrine was advanced
in the message, that all the government could do or was
designed to do, was to take care of itself, and could not be
expected to legislate with reference to the monetary concerns of the people.  The actual condition of the government, in relation to its financial concerns, was stated with
great clearness and precision, and the reasons were given
which rendered the call of the extra session absolutely
necessary.
The most important recommendation of the message, was
the measure which received from its opponents the name of
the sub-treasury scheme.  By the friends of the administration it was called the independent treasury.  As the funds
of the government were in the possession of banks, all of
which refused to pay specie, and the use of their circulating
notes was a violation of the act, or resolution of congress,
passed in 1816; and the president having been elected under a pledge against a national bank, he recommended that
the treasury of the United. States, should be kept by public
officers, and that there should be an entire and total separation of the business and fiunds of the government from
those of the banks.
The announcement of this scheme by the administration,
caused great excitement in copgress and among the people.
It was very unfavorably received by the political friends of
the president, in the different states, who were interested in
banks.  It was represented by the opposition as a direct
attack upon the banks and what was called the credit system.
They insisted, that if the president's views were carried
out, the prostration and destruction of all banks would be
inevitable, and that finally a metalic currency would alone




Ij80            POLITITAL LANDMtARKS' 
constitute the circulating medium, which would be wholly
inadequate to the exigencies of the commercial community.
Another consequence which they predicted, assuming that
the banks were to be destroyed, was a reduction of prices,
fatal and ruinous to the debtor.
The official paper at the seat of government, the Globe,
having been zealous and active in support of the new treasury scheme and in opposition to the banking system, the
conservatives in the house of representatives opposed the
election of the publishers of that paper (Messrs. Blair and
Rives) as printers to the house. After several ballotings,
the whigs joined the conservatives, and elected Thomas
Allen, editor of the Madisonian, a conservative newspaper,
printer to the house.
A bill to establish the proposed independent treasury was
reported by Mr. Wright, chairman of the committee on
finance, in the senate, and, after considerable discussion,
passed that body by a vote of 26 ayes, to 20 noes.- In. opposing the measure, Mr. Clay, said that, " the project was
neither desirable nor practicable, nor within tile constitutional power of the general government, nor just; and that
it was contrary to the habits of the people of the United
States and dangerous to their liberties.  IHe declared, that
after the most deliberate and anxious consideration of which
hbe was capable, he could conceive of no adequate remedy
for the disorders which unhappily prevailed, which did not
comprehend' a national bank as an essential part.  The
great want of the country was a general and uniform currency, and a point of union, a sentinel, a regulator of the
issues of the local banks; and that would be supplied by
such an institution."  No effort, however, was made at this
time to introduce the question of a national bank, in congress, in consequence of the well known feelings of the'preside'nt and his party against it.
The sub-treasury bill from  the senate was teken up in
the house of representatives but after an excited debate it




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                181
was laid on the table, by the combined vote of whigs and
conservatives, ayes 1!0,  noes 107.  It was thus evident
that the administration were in the rinority on their favorite
measure, in the popular branch of congress. IHaving passed
a bill postponing until January 1, 1839, the deposite with
the states, of' the fouLrth instalment of the surplus funds
directed to be made with them; acts authorizing the issue
of tell millions of dollars in treasury notes, for the immediate
wants of government: appropriating $1,600,000 for the
suppression of Indian hostilities in Floridac; extending the
time of bonds for duties on imports; and providing for adjusting claims upon the late deposite banks, with a few acts
of minor importance.
The second session of the twenty-fifth congress commencnd on the 4th of December, 1837, and continued until
the 9th of July, 1838.
The independent, or sub-treasury scheme was again
pressed upon the consideration of congress, by the president, and a bill fobr that purpose, similar to that proposed at
the extra session, being reported in the senate, the subject
underwent anl elaborate discussion in that body.  The bill
was ably sustained by senators Wright and Benton, and opposed also with ability by Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, and other
whig senators. Mr. Clay's speech was of great length, and
he endeavored to establish the following proposition: "First,
that it was the deliberate purpose and fixed design of the
administration of General Jackson to establish a government bank —a treasury bankt —o be administered and controlled by the executive department.  Secondly, that, with
that view, and to that end, it was its airs and intention to
overthrow  the whole banlking system, as existing in the
United States when that administration came into power,
beginning with the bank of the United States, and ending
with the state baniks  Thirdlly, that the attack was first
co. nfined, fiom  consi-derations of policy, to the ear  o l-' the.IgC    ateos l.>-t ha8tat, Kt  at;:t.e.     ovyer:t,-)row'w-z a:ilished.




182               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
it was then directed, and has since been continued, against
the state banks. Fourthly, that the present administration,
by its acknowledg'ment, emanating firom  the highest and
most authentic source, has succeeded to the principles,
plans, and policy of the preceeding administration, and
stands solemnly pledged to coinplete and perftect them.
And fifthly, that the bill under consideration (the subtreasury plan) was intended to execute the pledge, by
establishing, upon the ruins of the late bankl of the United
States, and the state banks, a government bank, to be managed and controlled by the treasury department, acting
under the commands of the president of the U. S."
Among those who supported the sub-treasury bill in the
senate, was Mr. Calhoun, of South-Carolina, who, with the
South-Carolina members in the house of representatives,
now sustained the administration.  Mr. Preston, the senatorial colleague of Mr. Calhoun, acted with the opposition.
The sub-treasury bill passed the senate, but was rejected
in the house of representatives on the 25th of June, 1S38,
by 125 to 111 votes.  This plan of finance was proposed
originally in congress in 1834, by Mr. Gordon, of Virginia,
but was then opposed by the friends of the administration
and rejected.  A bill was passed at this session granting
pre-emption rights to settlers on the public lands.  Other
important acts passed, were the following: to establish the
territory of Iowa; granting land for opening a canal in the
*territory of' Wisconsin; to encourage-the introduction and
promote the cultivation of tropical firuits in the United States;
making appropriations for lightboats and beacons, and
making surveys; authorizing the printing of the Madison
papers; to provide for certain harbors, and the improvement
of navigation of' certain rivers in Florida; making an appropriation for the Cumberland road; appropriating money
also for suppressing Indian hostilities and for fortifications.
Mr. Preston, whig senator from  South-Carolina, introduced, in the senate% resolutions in favor of tlte annex ationr




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             183
of Texas to the United States, but they did not receive
favorable action at this time.  The independence of that
republic had been recognised by the United States in the
last year of General Jackson's administration.
In June, 1838, Mr. Dickerson resigned the office of secretary of the navy, and James K. Paulding, of' New-York.,
was appointed in his place.
During this year serious disturbances against the colonial
government occurred in Canada, and many of the citizens
of the United States, on the' northern firontiers prepared to
join them.  President Van Buren, therefore, issued a proclamation, calling upon all the persons engaged in the
scheme of invasion of Canada, to abandon the design, and
warning all those who had engaged in these criminal
enterprises, if persisted in, " to whatever condition they
may be reduced, they must not expect the interference of
the United States government, in any form, on their behalf,
but would be left, reproached by every virtuous fellowcitizen, to be dealt with according to the policy and justice
of i"that government whose dominions they have, in defiance
of the known wishes and efforts of their own government,
and without the shadow of justification, or excuse, nefariously invaded."
AlthoUgh there were many individuals largely interested
in banks, who continued in good faith to support the democratic party, and the administration of Mr.'Van Buren, yet
it was generally believed that the great mass of the banking
interest was brought to bear against,the administration.
The state banks, in many.instances, had sustained, with all
their influence, General Jackson, in his veto of the United
States bank bill, and in the transfer which he made of the
deposites from  the national to the state banks; but when
president Van Buren recommended the removal of the deposites from the state banks, and the establishment of the
independent treasury, it was quite another matter.
The agitation of the currency question, and a combination of causes adverse to the administration, resulted in a




184              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;y
great political change at the elections in the important state
of New-York, in 1837 and 1838.  The influence of these
elections in the native. state of the president, which had
previously -sustained him by large majorities, could not fail
to act upon other states; and it was soon evident, nothwithstanding partial successes of the democratic party in
some of the states, that the administration was gradually declining in popularity.
The twenty-fifth congress held its third session from
December 1838, to the expiration of its term, on the 3d of
March, 1839. But few acts of general interest were passed.  Among themn may be named an act for preventing
and suppressing Indian hostilities; this law related particularly to the difficulties with the Seminole tribe in Florida.
The war with these Indians was continued during several
years, and large sums were expended in maintaining it.
In 1836, one million and a half of dollars were appropriated
to prosecute that unfortunate contest.  In January, 1837,
tvo millions more were voted by congress for the same purpose.  These appropriations were made before the retirement of General Jackson.  At the extra session, in October, in 1837, and in the two succeeding sessions, large
amounts were again' appropriated.  When the difficulty
arose with the Seminoles, president Jackson supposed that
it would soon be terminated; and no oue, at that time, had
any reason to suppose that it would continue for years and
have cost the government eight millions.
Another act was passed at this session, locating and providing for the Semiinole Indians, who had been removed
from Florida; another abolishing imprisonment for debt in
certain cases. The aspect of our relations with Great
Britain was at this time threatening, in consequence of the
difficulty respecting the northeast boundary.  Congress,
-therefore, passed an act giving tp the president additional
powers for the defence of the United States,:Thripngx the stm-rmePr Of  839, president Vran Boirer visited




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.               185
the state of New-York, for the first time since his. election.
He traveled through the state, stopping at the principal
cities and villages.  He was received with public honors,
and followed by processions, of citizens, civil and military.
In an address made to him  by Mr. Edmonds, formerly a
state senator, upon his arrival at New-York, he made some
remarks which rendered it necessary for Mr. Van Buren
to speak of political parties and his political friends, and of
course to express his strong attachment to those friends.
This gave occasion to the opposition to represent, that instead of coming on a visit to the whole people, as a president
of the United States ought to do, he was on an electioneering tour, for the sole purpose of stimulating his friends to'
more active exertions, and of recruiting their dilapidated
ranks by proselytes whom he was to gain from his political opponents.  Hence everything he did, and every word
he uttered, was the subject of the most critical and jealous
scrutiny.
In the election' of members of the twenty.sixth congress,
there had been a considerable gain for the whigs and' ionservatives, and, until the fall of 1839, it appeared probable
that there would be an opposition majority in the house of
representatives.  But the friends of the administration made
a desperate rally in a few of the last states which chose representatives to the twenty-sixth congress, and succeeded
in returning a small majority of the members elect, leaving
out of view five of the six representatives from the state of
New-Jersy, whose seats were contested.  The full returns
of members elected to the house of representatives were
reported to stand thus: administration 119,.opposition 118,
and five members' from New-Jersey claimed by both parties,
the certificates of election being given to the whig candidates and their seats contested by4the administration candidates. In this situation of affairs, intense interest was
felt throughout the country, with regard to the meeting of
congress.
8*




186            PiOLr'[CAL LANDMARKS S
The twenty-sixth congress met on the 2d of December,
1839. Every member elect of the house of representatives
was present except Mr. Kempshall (whig) from  Monroe
county, New- York, who -was detained by sickness in his
family.  On the assembling of the house, the clerk of the
last house, Mr, Garland, a friend of the administration,
agreeably to the usual custom, commenced calling the roll;
and having called the members fiom the several New-England states an'd the state of New-York, and one of the six
members from New-Jersey, who all brought the reguilar certificates, proposed to pass by the other five (whose rights
to seats would be contested) till the members from the rest
of the states should be called.  This brought on a long,
animated and disorderly debate. Scenes of excitement and
confusion continued until the 5th, when Mr. John Quincy
Adams, of Massachusetts, addressed the members, and.
called upon them to organize, by choosing a chairman
wo tem.  Thereupon Mr. Rhett, of South-Carolina, nominated Lewis Williams, of North-Carolina, as chairman:
he declined; when Mr. Rhett nominated John Quincy
Adams, who was immediately chosen chairman pro tem.,
and entered upon the duties of the same.  The debate respecting the contested seats firom New-Jersey was continued
from day to day, till, on the 6th of December, Robert M. T.
Hunter, of Virginia, an opposition member (but in favor of
the sub-treasury,) was elected speaker on the 11th ballot.
He received 119 votes, to 113 for all others. On the 17th,
the members of the house of, representatives were sworn,
with the exception of the five disputed members from NewJersey.  The wJhigs having the certificates of election, under the broad seal of the governor, now dame forward and
demanded, as their right, to be sworn, which gave rise to
a new and animated debate, and on the 20th the following
resolution was decided in the negative, by a vote of 112 to
1;16::" Resolved, That the representatives of the twentysixth  songress, now  present, do advise and request the




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES              I187
speaker to administer the oath required by the law, to the
five gentlemen fiom the state of New-Jersey who have presented credentials to the speaker and demand to be sworn."
On the 21st the house completed its organization, by the
election of a clerk; and on the 24th the president's message
was delivered, just three weeks after the regular time.
A national convention of the whig party was held at
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 4th of December, 1839,
for the purpose of noninating candidates for president and
vice-president of the United States.  Great difference of
opinion prevailed among the whigs, with respect to a suit —
able candidate for president, regard being especially had
to the importance of nominating one upon whom the different elements of which the opposition to the administration
was composed, could unite with the cordiality and zeal required to be effectual.
It was the expectation of a large proportion of the whig
party, especially of those who had been originally opposed
to the administration of General Jackson, that Henry Clay
of Kentucky, would receive the nomination of the national
convention at Harrisburg, as the oppostion candidate for
president. Some time before the assembling of that convention, it had been proclaimed that a clear majority of the
whole number of delegates had been chosen as friendly to
the nomination of Mr. Clay. Yet during the autumn of the
year 1839, notwithstanding the unpopularity of the administration, the whig party met with defeats in the elections
in Tennessee, Georgia, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, MassachusettS, Pennsylvania and Maine. In New-Jersey they
held the legislatu4re, with a strong majority against them in
the popular vote. In New-York the whig majority in the
state was obout 4,000 on the vote for senators, against 10,00) in 1838, and 15,000 in 1837. In North-Carolina the
whig triumph was not of a decisive character. These results
showed that the opposition were losing in 1839 the advantages they had gained in 1837 and 1828, and this cast a
shadow over the spirits of the reflecting friends of Mr. Clay,




188             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
Under these circumstances, many of those friends began to
doubt the expediency of placing him in nomination in opposition to Mr. Van Buren, porticulariy when it was known
that the friends of the administration were desirous that
Mr. Clavy should be the opposition candidate. In that case,
inasmuch as they believed that gentleman could not concentrate the opposition vote in his favor, they anticipated an
easy victory for the democratic party at the approaching
election.
Mr. Clay himself seemed to acquiesce in the doubts expressed by some of his friends, as to his own comparative
strength with the whig party. In the summer of 1839, he
made a visit for health and recreation, to the country on the
lakes, Canada and the state of New-York.  At the city of
Buffalo, he yielded to the request of his friends, to address
the people on the state of' public affairs.  Alluding to the
approaching nomination and election of president, he said:;6 To correct past evils and avert impending dangers, we
see no effectual remedy, but in a change of our rulers. The
opposition constitutes the majority-unquestionably the majority-of the nation.  A  great responsibility, therefore,
attaches to it. If defeated, it will be by its own divisions,
and not by the merits of the principles of its opponents.
These divisions are at the same time our weakness and their
strength.
"Are we not, then, called upon, by the highest duties to
our country, to its free institutions, to posterity, and to the
world, to rise above all local prejudices, and personal partialities,. to discard all collateral questions, to disregard
every subordinate point, and in a genuine spirit of compromise and concession, uniting heart and hand, to preserve
for ourselves the blessings of a free government, wisely,
honestly, and faithfully administered, and as we received
them from our fathers, to transmit to our children? Should
we not justly subject ourselves to eternal reproach if we
permit our differences about mere men to bring defeat and




oR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             189
disaster upon our cause? Our principles are imperishable,
but men have but a fleeting existence, and are themselves
liable to change and corruption during its brief continuance.
"If my name creates any obstacle to union and harmony,
away with it, and concentrate upon some inaividual more
acceptable to all branches of the opposition.  What is a
public man worth, who is not ready to sacrifice himself for
the good of his country? I have unaffectedly desired retirement, I yet desire it, when, consistently with the duties and
obligations chich I owe,; I can honorably retire."
In the ranks of the opposition to the administration were
many who had formerly supported the election of General
Jackson, and still retained a prejudice against Mr. Clay;
there were also in the same ranks, large numbers of antimasons who were unrwilling to support a mason for the presidency, and Mr. Clay had been a member of the lodge,
then came the anti-tariff whigs in the southern states, and
the squatters on the public lands, at the west; with both of
which classes Mr. Clay was unpopular, from the measures
advocated by him in congress, being adverse to their views
and feelings. In view of these circumstances and believing
that to command success the whig candidate for the presidency must receive the united support of the different
branches of the opposition, many of the leading whigs exerted themselves to prevent the nomination of Mr. Clay. It
was even charged by those firiends who were anxious. for his
nomination, that intriguers were busy, before the meeting
of the convention, by correspondence and otherwise, in
circulating false reports with regard to Mr. Clay's unpopularity, and thus influencing the election of delegates and
their action in convention.
On the meeting of the convention at Harrisburg, three
names were presented as candidates for the nomination of a
president of the United States, namely, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Gen. William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, and General
Winfield Scott of the United States Army; all three of whom




1900             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
were natives of Virginia.  Twenty-two states were represented in the convention, and on an informal ballot _per capita, it was found that Mr. Clay had a decided plurality, but
neither of the candidates had a clear majority of the delegates.  It was then determined to vote by states, each state
to be entitled to as many votes as it had electoral votes.  On
the first ballot, 103 votes were given to Clay, 94 to Harrison,
and 57 to Scott; after which each delegation compared views,
and endeavored to ascertain which of the three candidates
had the best prospects of success, if nominatefl.  The result of their inquiries was a decided preponderance of
chances in favor of General Harrison, and after being in
session three days, the convention took a final ballot, when,
Harrison received 148 votes, Clay 90, and Scott; 16. William Henry Hhrrison was therefore declared duly nominated
as the whig candidate for president.  John Tyler of Virginia, was unanimously nominated for vice-president. Mr. Tyler had been a candidate for the sale office in 1836; was
now a member of the convention, and had been anxious for
the nomination of Mr. Clay.
Those friends of Mr. Clay in the convention who adhered to him as the best candidate, expressed their cordial concurrence in the decision in favor of General Harrison. A
letter from iMr. Clay to one of the delegates was read, in
which he remariked, that'" if the deliberation of the convention should lead them to the choice of another, as the candidate of the opposition, far from feeling any discontent, the
nomination would have his best wishes and receive his cordial support."
The example of Mr. Clay was followed throughout the
Union, notwithstanding the first feelings of disappointment,
with which the decision of the convention was received by
many. The nomination of Harrison and Tyler was everywhere popular, and united in its support the entire force of
the opposition.
The national demoeratic convention, consisting of about




OR HISTORY. OF PARTIES.              19
250 members, from twenty-one states, met at Baltimore on
the 5th of May, 1840.  Mr. Van. Buren was unanimously
nominated for presideht, and the convention resolved to
make no nomination for vice-president, leaving each state to
make its own nomination of a candidate for that office.
The principal candidates nominated in the different states
for vice-president, were the present incumbent, R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky, and Jamnes K. Polk of Tennessee.
The early part of the first session of congress was taken
up, in the house, in discussiona respecting the contested
seats of the New-Jersey members.  That matter being settled, by admitting the democratic claimants to the seats, the
house proceeded to the consideration of subjects submitted to
them by the president. Long and able debates took place
on the bill for establishing an "independent treasury," which
had been twice rejected by the last congress.  It was now
passed, toward the close of the session, and was signed by
the president on the 4th of July, 1840, when itf became a
law.  A bankrupt law being much called for by the trading
community, a bill was introduced at this session, and passed the senate, but was laid on the table in the house of representatives, 101 to 89.
But few laws of general interest were passed at this session. Appropriations for fortifications, and for the usua
expenditures of government were made.  An act was passed to refund to Matthew Lyon the amount with interest,
paid by him as a fine for violating the sedition law.
Some changes took place in the cabinet, in addition to
those already mentioned.  In 1838, Benjamin F. Butler resigned as attorney-general, and Felix Grundy of Tennessee,
was appointed, in his place, in 1839, Mr. Grundy resigned,
and Henry D. Gilpin, of Pennsylvania received the appointment in his place; Amos Kendall resigned the office of postmaster-general, and John M. Niles, of Connecticut, was appointed in his place, on the 25th of May, 1840.
The elections for state officers in the several states, during




192               POLITICAL LANDMARYKS;
the summer and autumn of 1840, indicated the success of
the whigs at the approaching presidential election. The
contest of the two great parties at the latter was the most
exciting and arduous ever witnessed in the United States.
Electoral tickets in favor of the re-election of Mr. Van Buren were formed in every state in the Union, and the whigs
also nominated electors in every state except South-Carolina.
A third party, in favor of the abolition of slavery, had
also been for some timle organized, and now nominated as a
candidate for president, James'G. Birney of Michigan.
The result of the election was the success of the whig
candidates, Harrison and Tyler, by a large majority in the
electoral colleges, and on the popular vote.
The second session of the 26th congress was held from
the 7th of December, 1840, to the 3d of March, 1841,
when their term expired.  Very few acts of public interest
or importance passed at this session.  Appropriations were
made for certain fortifications, and for Indian affairs; and
an act was passed authorizing another issue of treasury
notes.  A bankrupt law was again discussed, but was not
definitely acted upon.
The public expenditures during this administration greatly exceeded those of any preceding four years, since the
war with Great Britain, exclusive of the public debt and the
Florida Indian war. Public agents were multiplied, and
increased compensation, in many coses, allowed them  for
their services.  Large sums were. lost to the national treasury by the defalcation of public officers, and the failure of
the deposite banks.
In the fall of 1840, General William Henry Harrison was
elected president of the United States, upon the whig ticket, over Martin Van Buren, who had been re-nominated by
the democrats.
The following is the electoral vote upon the election of
General Harrison, in 1840:




oR HISOR  OP )VR VDCL                t93
2ITarrisonz  Kai Burow
Maine,                                 10
New-lHampshire,                  - 
Vermont,                                7!Massachusetts                         14
lRhode-Island        -                  4
Connecticut,                            8
New-York,                              42
New-Jersey,                             8
Pennsylvania,       -                  30
Delaware,                               3
Maryland,                              -10'Virginia,                       -             23
Northl-Carolina,    15
South-Carolina,           -                    11
Georgia,     -                      - a
Alabama,                                        7
Mississippi,   -                        4
Louisiana,              -
Tennessee,  -                       -
Kentucky,                              15$
Ohio,               -
Indiana,:                            9
Illinois,           -
Missouri,                                       4
Arkansas, 
Michigan,         c  
234      60
The manner i  which this contest was carried on   r was
entirely new, and somewhat singular in'many respect,.
The caandidate of the whigs having never been placed -be
fore the people of the nation for an elective office, and
therefore unlcormiit;ted upon the prominent measrures thenagitated by the people, he avowed no distinct principles by
which he would be governed, in the event of his election,
which hact annoyed the democracy of the ~ourntry sor ely




194               POLITICAL LAIDMARKS;
The views of Mr. Van Buren were familiar to the people of all
the states, in consequence, particularly, of his having been
so long in political life, and then an occupant of the presidential chair.  His opponents always accused Mr. Van Buren of non-conirmittalism, which was doubtless true to some
extent, but his position rendered  it impossible that his
views should be concealed from public view.  There were
those in the democratic ranks, who differed with him on the
subject of a tariff-there were others who diffiered with him
upon the subject of internal improvement-and there were
still others who differed with hlim upon the currency ques_
tion; upon the line of'policy pursued by him in carrying out
the,sub-treasury scheme.  The latter subject turned the
state banking interest against hirm.  Upon all those questions Mr Van Buren stood conmlitted before the country,.
while General Harrison's were not made public, but those
engaged in carrying on this singular warfare were careful'
to commit General Harrison, in their speeches in favor of'
this or that measure, according to the beatings of the public pulse in the latitude of their labors.  The contest was
one probably more exciting than any one which has ever bebefore or since transpired.  The feeling of enmity between
neighbors, even found its way to the social circles.  In faclt,
it was an excitement which, we believe, all would deprecate
to see re-enacted in this country.
Mr. Van Buren had rather leaned in favor of southerin
measures and southern institutions, which created a vasti;
feeling against him  at the north.  He was denominated
by the opposition in the northern and western states, as being the "' northern mcan with southe2rn plizclples."  This
position before the public operated very materially against
him, as upon other subjects, the views of his opponent
were not laid before the public.  Mr. Van Buren received
~but twelve electoral votes from northern states, (New-Hampshire 7, and Illinois 5,) while he received forty-eight electoral votes friom southern slaveholding states, (Virginia 23




OR HrISTORY OF PARTXES.                195
South-Carolina 11-Alabama 7 —Missouri 4-and Arkansas 3,) such was the feeling at that time upon the subject
of southern institutions.
The inauguration of' General Hltarrisoni as president of' the
United States, took p)lace on the 4th of March, 1341.  The
city of sVWashingtol wvas thronged with people, mlany of'whoml
were fi'om the most distant part of the lUnion.  A procession was formed, civiOc and -military, froml the quarters of
the president elect to lthe capitol.  General ]artisson was
mounted on a whitel;  charger, accormpanied by several personal friends, and hlis immnediate esc6rt were the officers and
soldiers who had fought under hii.  The scene, as described in  the National Iintelligencer, was  highly imposing.
The ladies everywhere, fiomn the windows on each side of
the avenue waved their handhlerchiet's in token of their
kind feelings, and General Harrison returned their smiles
and greetings with repeated bows.  The enthusiastic cheers
of the citizens who mloved in the processioin were, with
equal enthusiasm, responded to by thousands of citizen spectators who lined Pennsylvania avenue or appeared at the
side windows, in the nmtuerous balconies, onl the tops of
houses, or on other elevated stands.
At the capitol, the senate having been convened, by the
late president, in extra session, assemnbled at the appointed
hour, and was orglanized by the appointment of' Mr. King,
of Alabanma, president p2ro tcm.; after which Mr. Tyler, the
vice-president elect, toolk the oath of office, and on taking
his seat as presiding officer, delivered a brief annd appropriate address to the senate.  The judges of thle supreme
court, the diplomatic  corps, and. several distinguishedc
officers of the army and navy, were present in the senoate
chamber.
At twenty minutes past twelve o'clock, General Harrison
entered and took the seat prepared for him, in front of the
secretary's table., Ie looked cheerlful b)utcomosed; his
bodily health was manilfstly good; there was ain alertn!ess ina




196             POLITICAL LAirMARKS;
his movement which was quite astonishing, considering his
advanced age, the multiplied hardships through which his
frame had passed, and the fatigues he had lately undergone.
After he had retained his seat for a few minutes, preparations were made for forming the line of procession to the
platform  prepared for the ceremony of the inauguration,
erected over the  frout steps of the portico of the east front
of the capitol.
On the platform, seats had been provided for the president
elect and the chief-justice, who were placed immediately in
front. Ofn their right, seats were assigned to the diplolmatic
corps.  Behind sat members of both houses of congress,
officers of the army and navy, and many distinguished
characters from  different parts of the union, intermingled
with a great company of ladies who occupied, not only the
steps in the rear of the platform, bhut both the broad abuts
ments' of stone which support the steps on either side.
But the sight which attracted and arrested and filled tile
eye of the observer, was the people.  They stood for hours
in a solid dense mass, variously estimated to contain in the
space before the capitol from thirty to sixty thousand.
While patiently waiting for the arrival of the president,
thie mass of heads resembled some placid lake; but the
instant he was seen advancing from the capitol, it suddenly:resembled the same lake when a blast from the mrountains
has descended upon it, thrown it into tumultuous agitation,
and" lifted up its hands on high." A deafening shout went
up from the hearts and voices of the people.  It sung welcome to the man whom the people delighted to honor, and
must have met with overwhelming power, the throbbings of
his own bosom.
When the uproar had subsided, it was succeeded by the
deep stillness of expectation, and the new president forthwith proceeded to read, in accents loud and clear, his
address to the nation. In its delivery, the voice of General
Harrison never flagged, but to the end retained its full and




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.                197
commanding tone.  As he touched on successive topics
lying near the hearts of the people, their sympathy with his
sentiments was manifested by shouts which broke forth
involuntarily from time to time; and when the reading of the
address was concluded, they were renewed and prolonged.
without restraint.
Previous to delivering the closing sentences of the address, the oath of office, tendered by chief-justice Taney,
was taken by the president, in tones loud, distinct, and
solemn, manifesting a due and deep impression of the act;
after which the president pronounced the remaining passage
of his address.
The cannon then announced to the country that it had a
new chief magistrate.  The procession was a.gain formedl;
and setting out from the capitol, proceeded along Pennsylvania avenue, to the mansion of the president, cheered
throughout the whole route as General Harrison passed, by
the immense crowds on foot, which lined the avenue and
filled the doors and windows of the buildings.
Nearly the whole throng of visitors accompanied the president to his new abode, and. as many as possible entered,
and paid their personal respects to him.  The close of the
day was marked by the repetition of salutes from the artillery, the whole city being yet alive with a. population of
strangers and residents, whom  the mildness of the season
invited into the open air.
In the evening, the several ball-rooms and places of
amusement were  crowded  with  gentlemen  and. ladies
attracted to,Washlington city by the novelty and interest of
the occasion. In the course  of the evening the president
paid. a short visit to each of the assemblies held in honor of
the inaugurat;ion, and was received with the warTnest demonstrations of attachment; and respect.
The president imltmediately nomiinated tQ the senate the
members of his cabinet, as follows: Daniel Webster, of
Massachusetts, secretary of state; Thomas Ewing, of.Ohbio,




198               POLITICAL LANDMARKS 
secretary of the treasury; John Bell, of Tennessee, secretary
of war; George E. Badger, of North-Carolina, secretary of
the navy; Francis Granger, of New-York, postmaster-general; John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-general.
These nominations were all confirmed by the senate. That
body also confirmed a number of other nominations by the
president, chiefly to fill vacancies; and after electing a
sergeant-at-arms, and dismissing Messrs. Blair and Rives
as printers to thie senate, also having elected Samuel L.
Southard, of New-Jersey, president 2pro tern., the senate
adjourned on the 15th of March.
The members of the diplomatic body, or foreign nilnisters
in Washington accredited to the government of the United
States, waited on the president on the 9th of March, and
through Mr. Fox, the British minister, being presented by
the secretary of state, made to him an appropriate address,
congratulating him upon his accession to the presidency.
To this address the president of the United States, made
the following reply:" SIRE: I receive with great pleasure the congratulations
you have been pleased to offer me, in the name of the distinguished diplomatic body now present, the representatives
of the most; powerfull and poli.shed nations with whom the
republic which has honored nme with the office of its chief
magistrate, has the most intimate relations-relations which
I trust no sinister event, will, for ages, interrupt.
" The sentiments contained inla   y late address to xmy
fellow-citizens, and to which you  have bee~n pleased to
advert, are those which w.ill continue to governl my conduct
through the whole of my a(lnministration. Lately one of the
people, the undisputed sovereign of thecountry, and coming
immediately fi:om  amongr them, I am  enabled, with confidence -to say, that in thus acting, I shall be sustained by
their undivided approbation.
"I beog leave to add, sir, that both from duty and inclination, I shall omit nothing in my power to contribute to




o  aHISTORY oF PARTIESo               199
your own personal happiness and that of the friends, whom,
on this occasion, you represent, as long as you may continue among us."
The other ministers,  with their secretaries, and the
persons attached to their respective missions, were then
successively presented to the president. The Russian minister was prevented from  being present by indisposition;
but on the 12th of March he was presented to the president,
by the secretary of state, and to his address on the occasion,
the president replied as follows:
" I receive, sir, the congratulations which you offer me
in your capacity of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the emperor of all the RPussias, upon my election to the presidency of the United States with great
pleasure.
"' From the epoch which introduced the United States to
the world as an independent nation, the most amicable relations have existed between them  and the powerful and
distinguished monarchs who have successively swayed the
sceptre of Russia.  The presidents, my predecessors, acting
in behalf and under the authority of the people, their constituents, have never failed. to use every proper occasion to
confirm and strengthen the friendship so auspiciously commenced, and which a mnutulAity of interests, render so desirable to be continued.  I assure you, sir, that none of them
felt; the obligations of this duty more powerfillly than I do;
and you cannot; in language too strong communicate to your
august monarch my sentiments on this subject.  And permnit me to add, that no more acceptable medium of communieating them could have been offered thlan. that of a personage
who has rendered hlimself so acceptable, as well to tlie
people as to the government of the ITnited States."
From  the molnment General Harrison was elected president, his heart was filled with gratitude to the people, to
whom  indeed he had always been devoted.  Anxious to
fulfil the wishes of his political friend s, he re eived with




200                POLITOA~L XLANDMARIlS;
kindness and attention the numerous applicants for office
who thronged the seat of government; and although he
would doubtless have been better pleased to have deferred
many appointments for a time, yet a considerable number
of removals were made by him, and appointments made, in
compliance with the views of the cabinet, during the month
of March.  In the generosity of his heart, he invariably
opened the doors of the president's mansion wide to the reception of his friends, and that house was the abode of hospitality and kindness.  fHe indulged his friends to his own
destruction. From  sunrise till midnight, he indulgently
devoted himselif to his fellow-citizens who visited him, with
the exception of an hour each day spent in cabinet councilo
It was his habit, after rising, first to peruse his bible, and
then to toalke a walk before breakfast.  And afterward, the
whole day would be spent in receiving company and transacting business.
On Saturday, March 27, president Harrison, after several
day's previous indisposition from  the effects of a cold, was
seized with a chill and other symptoms of fever.  These
were followed by pneumonia, or bilious pleurisy, which ultimatelybaffled all medical skill, and terminated his virtuous,
nasefl, and illustrious life, on Sunday morning, the 4th of
April, after an illness of eight days, being a little over 68
years of age,
The last time the president spoke, was at nine o'clock
on Saturday night, a little more than three hours before he
expired.  While Doctor Worthington and one or two other
attendants were standing over him, having just administered
something to his comfort, he cleared his throat, as if desiring to speak audibly, and, as though he fancied himself addressing his successor, or some official associate in the governmeat, said:-" SiR, I WISH YOU TO UNDERSTAND THE PRINCIPLES OF T I GOVERIxTMENT. I WISH THEM CA RR.IED   OPT.
l s   o'T':rr4 t^R p 




OR HISTORY  P PARTIES.              201
He expired a little after midnight, surrounded by those
members of his family who were in the city, the mlembers
of his cabinet and many personal friends, among whom were
Colonels Chambers and Todd, who were the aids of General
Harrison at the battle of the Thames, in 1813.  The connexions of the president; who vere presen!t in the executive
mansion at the time of his decease, were the following:Mrs.William Harrison (son's widow); Mrs. Taylor, of Richmond (niece); Mr. D. O. Coupeland (nephew); Henry
Harrison, of Virginia (grand nephew), and Findlay Harrison, of Ohio (grandson).
General Harrison left one son and three daughters, all
living at or near North-.Bend, Ohio.  Four sons and a
daughter died before their father.  All of the sons left
children.
In person, General Harrison was tall and slender.  A.1though he never had the appearance of'possessing a robust
constitution, yet such had been the effects of habitual activity and temperance, that few  men at his age enljoyed so
much bodily vigor~ HI-e had a fine dark eye, remarkable
for its keenless, fire, and intelligence, and his face was
strongly expressive of the vivacity of his mind, and the benevolence of his character.
The most; remarkable tr;aits of General Harrison's character, and those by which he was distinguished throughout
his whole career, were his disinterestedness, his regard for
the rights and comforts of others, his generous disposition,
his mild and forbearing temper, and his plain, easy, and
unostentatious mnanner.
After the death of General H-larrison, the cabinet, consisting of Daniel Webster, Thomas Ewing, John Bell, John
J. Crittenden,  andj rancis Granger addressed a letter to
John Tyler, informing him of the fact, when the latter left'immediately for Waashington, where ihe arrived on the
morning of the 6th April, on which day he took the lusual




202              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
oath of office as the acting president, and on the next day
attended the funeral of the deceased president elect.
The cabinet appointed by General Harrison was retained
by John Tyler.
In entering upon the duties of the office of president,
Mr. Tyler did not feel (to use his own words, in his message
to congress) that. it would be becoming in him to disturb
what had been ordered by his lamented predecessor. He
therefore concurred-in the measure which had been adopted
by president Harrison, of convening congress in extra session on the 31st of May.  " EHis own first wish," he statedl,'s in the circumstances in which he was so unexpectedly
placed, would have been, to have called to his aid, in the
administration of public affairs, the combined wisdom of
the two houses of congress, in order to take their counsel
and advise as to the best mode of extricating the government and the country from the embarrassments weighing
heavily on both."
After the call of the extra session, and previous to the
meeting, members of congress were elected in the states
of Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Miaryland, Virginia, NorthCarolina, Alabama, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois
and Missouri.  The state of Mississippi was not represented
at the extra. session, as no special election was ordered, and
the annua.l election in that state took place in the month
of November following.  The members firom  Illinois were
elected at the annual election in August, and took their
seats in the house during the session.
The result of the elections at this time were equally
favorable to the whig party with those which tookl place in
1840, immediately preceding the presidential election. The
majority in favor of the new administiAon in the 27th. congress, according to the returns of members elect, was seven
in the senate, and one vacancy; and about fifty in the
house of represe'nltativesm




O R HISTORY 01 PARTIES.              203
The hopes of the democratic incumbents in office which
were awakened on the accession of Mr. Tyler to the presidency, were soon dissipated by the course he felt bound
to pursue with regard to removals and appointments.  The
applications and importunities of office-seekers, which had
colnmenced immediately after the inauguration of president
I-Iarrison, and which were temporarily suspended by his
death, were renewed with increased vigor after his successor was invested with the power and patronage of the executive.  A few days only had transpired after his accession,
wlhen the removal of the friends of the late administration
from office was commenced by the new president; and
their places were filled by whigs and conservatives.  The
removals and appointments continued to follow each other
in rapid succession, and a similar course was pursued by
the postmaster-general, with the sanction of the president,
with respect to the numerous postmasters throughout the
Union.  President Tyler. thus showed a disposition to gratify the desires and expectations of his political friends;
with regard to office, even before the senate had an opportunity to act on the subject.
I A brief review and notice of political parties in the United
States, at this period, is deemed appropriate in this place,
for the purpose of showing the position of the  )president and
the new administration,  withl regard to measlles of public
policy and. the course, of events.
We have seen, iin the sketches already given of various
administrations, that the federal party which was thrown
into the minority onl the accession of Jeflferson, and contin-nted in opposilion to the administration of thatl president,,
and that of his successor-, Mr. Madison, became extinct, as
a national party, soon after the termination of the war with
Great Britain in 1.815 P In some of the states the name
was kept up for a. short period, but after a few feeble struggles the name of federalist became so unpoptiiar that it was
abandoned during the administration of president Monroe,




204              POLITICAL LANDMARKS5;
whose management of the affairs of the nation was so satisfactory to all parties, that opposition for a time ceased.The parties which were subsequently formed for the support of Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay, for the presidency; were more of a personal character than marked by
distinct political principles; those who had been called
federalists as well as democrats being found among the alherents of each of those candidates for the presidency.
When General Jackson was elected president, his.supporters claimed the name of democrats, and his opponents
at first called themselves national replublicans, but when
joined by seceders from the administration rankl.s, in 1833
and 1834:, they tookl tlhe name of whigs.  Thus the two
great national parties which divided the country at the accession of Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, in 1837, were
respectively known by the name of democrats and whigs.
With the latter, several minor parties of more limited exh
tent, or local in character, generallyacied, and the greater
portion of these parties gradually became amalgamated with,
and formed partl; of the whig party.  Such were the antimasons of the middle and eastern states; the state-righl;ts
men of the south who disapproved of the removal of the
public deposites from  the United States banlI, and other
acts of General Jackson; and those supporters of Genei'al
Jackson in Tennessee, Georgia, and other states, who were
opposed to Mr. Van Buren as his successor.
The party called democratic, which supported the administration of General Jackson, and Mr. Van Buren as his
successor, became themselves divided, particularly in the
northern and middle states, even previous to the election of
the latter to the presidency.'In 1835, there arose in the
city of New-York, in the ranks of the d(emocratic party, a
combi.ation in opposition to banks and other moneyed institutions, which afterward took the name of locofocos, or
equal-rights party.  The working-mlen', party, which arose
il the cities of New-.iork and. Philadelphia, in 1.829  and.




oR  HOToRY o FB PARTIES.             206
dissolved in about two years afterwards, was the progenitor,
to some extent, of the locofoco or equal-rights party. Certain it is; that most of the measures advocated by the former,
some of which were introduced into the United States
from Great Britain, by Mr. Robert Dale Owen and Miss
Francess Wright, who for some time published a newspaper
in New-York, called "' The Free Enquirer," were decidedly popular with the latter, and both were equally hostile to
banks, and other moneyed institutions, which they considered monopolies.  Nevertheless, it was Andrew Jackson,
in his contest with the bank of the United States, who en-!kindled the highest opposition in that direction, and the
enthusiasim which he excited against the national bank soon
extended itself to the state banks.  The New-York election
of 1834, with the strong pledge against monopolies which
the candidates for members of congress and the legislature,
of the democratic party in that city, were requirqd to sign,
together with speeches and resolutions of the same character, at political meetings, as well as the circumstances previously mentioned, all combined to plant deeply in the
minds of that party the seeds of hostility to monopolies.
Consequently, the democratic party became divided within
itself. On the one side (in favor of banks and other corporations) were the great majority of the leading men of
the party, and nearly all the office-holders under the general state, and city administrations; on the other, comprising
then but a small section, composed principally of mechanics
and, other working-men, were those calling themselves freetrade, anti-monopoly, hard-money men.
The equal-rights party at first deemed it advisable to
exercise great caution and secrecy in their movements.  It
required both moral and physical courage to attack the
usages and organization of the democratic party, which
were then controlled by those favorable to banking instit utions, But at the election in the city of New-York, for a
member of congress and memabers of the legislature, in the




206               POLITICAL LANDlARKS; 
aututmn of 1835, it was determined to oppose the nomination of certain persons who were brought forward by the
friends of banks, which meeting we have previously described, at which originated the title of   locofoco."
The recommenldation of a separation of the financial
concerns of the United States government tfroll the state
banks, brought forward by president V'alll Buren, in his res-~
sage to the extra session. of congres in.837, created a division in the ranlks of the supporters of' his administration,
which was first exhibited in.congress, but soon extended
among the people.  Those democrats who were opposed to
an exclusive specie currency, and the sub-treasury scheme
recommended by Mr. Van1 Buren, and those in favor of
banks as depositories of the public mnoneys, became a distinct section of' the party were called "'conservatives'!"
Those who adlhered to these views eventually joined the
whigs in opposition to  Mr. Van Buren's administration, and
in 1.840, aided. in the election of' Harrison and Tyler.
With regard to the state rights men, or those originally
attached to the demlocratic party, who had disapproved of
the removal of the deposites firom  the United States bank,
and some other acts of' General Jackson  nost of them
opposed to the election. of Mr. Van Buren, and eventually
amalgamated with the whig party, A considerable portion
of the state-rights men, however, among  whong   was Mr.
John C. Calhoun, and a majority of the people of SouthCarolina, left the whigs soon after the accession of Mr. Van
Buren to the presidency, and became supporters of his administration, particularly  sustaining his views respecting
the sub-treasury  and other currency  measures.  Consequently, the vote of South-Carolina was given to Mr. Van
Buren,.when  he was a candidate for the ie-election to the
presidency in 1840.
The election of 1840, which elevated Gen. Harrison and
Mr. Tyler, was effected by the joint efforts of the whigs and
conservatives, the latter for all political purposes, becoming




oR HISTORY OV PARTiES.               207
merged in the whig party. The party which supported the
election of Mr. Van Buren in 1840, calling themselves democrats, while their opponents gave them the name of locofocos, were then united throughout the country in advocating the measures of Mr. Van Buren's administration, particularly his recomnlendation of' a sub-treasury, or the separation of the national funds from the state banks and the
collection of the public revenues in gold and silver.
After his nomination for vice-president in 1840, and previous to the election, Mr. Tyler avowed himself a firm and
decided whig, stating that on the subject of lMr. Clay's conpromise tariff law then in operation, wvhich hie considered a
protective tariff and the clistribution of the ploceeds of.the
public lands anmong the states, he concurred with Mr. Clay
and Gen. Harrison, on the subject of' a national bank, lhe
said, in a letter replying to one from the democratic citizens
of Steubenville, in Oct. 1840: " My opinion of the power
of congress to charter a bank of the'United States, remnains
unchanged.  There is not in the constitution any express
grant of a power for such a purpose, and it never could be
constitutional to, exercise that power, save in the event that
the powers granted to congress could not be carried out witlh
out resorting to such an institution."
In another letter to several citizens of f-enrico county,Va.,
dated in October, 1840, he reimarked: "My votes alre repeatedly recorded on the journals of congress, against the pow.er of congress over the subject of internal improvement, in
all its phases and aspects, as well in regard to roads and canals, as to harbors and rivers. The first, viz: appropriations to roads and canals, have well nigh entirely ceased,
while annual appropriations, to a lalrge amount, have been
made to harbors and rivers, with the sanction and approval
of the president of the United States."
The 27th congress met in extra session, on the 31st day of
May, 1.841.  The session closed on the 13th of September
following.  John White, a whig mnember friom  Kentucky,




208             POLITICAL LANDMAS
elected speaker of the house of representatives, having received on the first vote, viva voce, 121 votes against 84 for
John Wo Jones, of Virginia, (democrat,) and 16 scattering.
In the senate, as already stated, there was also a decided man
jority in favor of the administration.
A committee of the house being proposed to join one ifron
the senate, as usual, to wait on the president of the United
States, alnd infornr him  that a quorum  of the two houses
had assembled, and that congress was ready to proceed to
business, &c.   Mr. M McKeon of New-York, moved to amend
the resolution appointing a committee, by striking out the
words'" president," and inserting the words " vice-president, now occupying the office of president of the United
Staites."  This motion, Mr. McKeon supported in a constitutional argument, which was replied to by Mr. Wise of Virginia, and  the amendment was rejected, and;the original
adopted, by which the house recognised John Tyler as president of the United States.
The message of the president, was generally well received by the friends of the administration.  Though cautious.
ly worded on the subject of a national bank, and somewhat
ambiguous as to his own views with regard to such an institution,it was believed he woulld sanction any bill that might receive the support of a majority of both houses of congress for
the incorporation of a bank or fiscal agent for the regulation
of the currency,and for managing the funds of the government.
At the opening of the session, the president's message was
accompanied by the report of the secretary of the treasury.
F'his paper earnestly recommended the establishmlnent of a
bank.  It added: "' If such an institution can be so conl
ceived in principle, and guarded in its details as to remove
all scruples touching the question of constitutional power,
and thus avoid the objections which have been urged against
those heretofore created by congress, it will, in the opinion
of the undersigned, produce the happiest results, and confer
lasting and important benefits on the countryr)




OR HISTORY OP PARTIES,               O09
The bank was thus brought distinctly to the consideration
of congress, both by the president and the secretary.
The president was desirous that congress should call on
the secretary to report a plan for a bank.  HI-e expressed this
wish to more than one member, immediately on the opening
of the session; in fact, invited the call.  Mr. Wise, his confidential friend, introduced a resolution to this end, into the
house on the third of June.  Mr. Clay'did the same thing
in the senate on the seventh of June.
On the 12th of June the secretary, Mr. Ewing, made his
report, and with it a bill for the incorporation of" the Fiscal
Bank of the United States."
The bill was represented by the secretary as creating an
institution, in the general plan and frame of which, he had
endeavored to free it from  the constitutional -objections
which have been urged against those heretofore created by
congress.
The plan accordingly cliffered. from the former bank of
the United States, in t;wo essential characteristics-both of
which, it was understood, were introduced upon Mr. Tyler's
suggestion, and in deference to his peculiar views of' the
constitution.
FxIRtsr-It proposed a bank to be incorporated in the
District of Columbia.
SECOND-lt was to la.ve power to establish branches,
only with the assent; of the States.
Many provisions were made to guard against the abuses
which were known, or alleged to have crept into the old
bank.
The amount of capital named was thirty mrillions of
dollars; in other respects-in privileges of discount and
exchange, &c., the institution proposed, was similar to the
two former banks incorporated by congress.
The plan of a national bank proposed by the secretary of
the Treasury, received the approbation of every member of
the cabinet as the only plan which would be ikely to mc,




X0o POLITICAL LANDMARKS g
oeed, considering the opinion of the acting President. Mr.
Webster afterwards remarked that "'it was the part of
wisdom, not to see how much of a case they could make
out against the president; but how they could get on as
well as they might with the president."'Mr. Wise, a. cofidential friend of the president, in a letter written after the
extra session, observed, that'" the secretary of the treasury,
Mr. Ewing himself, proposed a plan which he recommended
to congress as one which would conduct our finances and
commerce, equalize exchanges, regulate currency, and avoid
all constitutional difficulties.  This was the very desideratum, if it was what he desired it to be, and this was
emphatically, by a whig administration, recommended from
the proper department, said to be acquiesced in by the pre-'ident, and it was called for by both houses of congress. It
was justly regarded as the whig measure of the first moment,
and would, as such, have been met and treated doubtless,
by the opposition, or Van Buren party.'
Mr. Ewing's report and bill were referred in the senate?
to the select committee on the currency, of which Mr. Clay
was chairmano~ The committee reported on the 0l"st of
June, a bill, in all essential features, the sanme as that proposed by the secretary of the treasury, and supposed to
have been approved by the president, with one exception.
That exception regarded the establishment of branches.
The bank, on this plan, as well as in the other, was to be
situated in the district of Columbia, (Washingtoni city;) it
was to have the same capital of thirty millions-with a provision for future increase, if congress shall think advisable,
to fifty millions.
It provided for a governmraent subscription of ten millions,
instead of the secretary's six, and it dispensed with the
fourth instalment of surplus revenue, amounting to over
nine millionso  It allowed dividends as high as seven per
cento  It forbade the appointment of members of congress,
as directors  te ocontained other provisions varying in many




OR HISTORY or PARTIES.              21 1
instances fromn the bill recommended by the secretary of
state.  The two propositions were not very materially
different.
The president maintained in vindication of the principle
inserted in his bill, that although he couldl find power in
the constitution to establish a bank, he could find none to
establish a lbranch without the consent of the different states.
Mr. Clay, on the other hand, held that if the constitution
did not give the power to establish a branch, no assent of a
state could give it, and therefore that it was unconstitutional
to attempt to derive power fi'on the assent of a state.
U'pon this questiorn much discussion was elicited, but
most generally the whigs in'congress sided with Mr. Clay,
the democratic members all tal4ing strong ground against
such an inst;itution in wha.tever shape or:form it might be
brought forward.
The difficulty was at last thought to be settled by a conmpromise, to which it was reported the president had assented,
The compromise proposed to allow the directors to establish
branches with the assent of the states. When. agreed upon,
the whigs hasl;ened to pass the bill embracing this provision.
The bill was finally passed on thle 6th11 AngustL.   i the
senate, the bill passed, 26 to'3-.  inJ the house, 12$ to 97.
When presented to the president, great excitement prevailed; delegation after delegation waited, upon him  to
express to himn the disastrous effect it would have upon the
whig party, and upon the finances of the country, if the bill
should not become a law.
President Tyler fisallay returned the bill to the senate,
with a veto imessage.
The veto message completely bewildered the whig members of congress, and was received with dismay and anxiety
by the friends of the administration thro-ghout the country.
On the receipt of the veto message accompanying the
bank bill, immediate efforts were made by the leading whigs
in congrems, and by the members of the cabinet, to repair,




$215              PB,~$POLITICAL LANDMARKlS;
if possible, the evil effects which threatened the party with
distraction and dissolution.
The president had shadowed forth in his veto message
that which the whigs construed into a plan for a fiscal agent.
Upon this they dared to hope for something in the shape of
a bank, and Senator Berrien and Mr. Sargeant of the house
were d(eputed by the whigs to ascertain from the president
what kind of a bill he would feel himself.authorized to apapprove.  They had an interview and understood from the
president that he was in favor of a fiscal agent, divested of
discounting power, and limited to dealing in bills of exchange, other than those drawn by a citizen of one state
upon another citizen of the same state. A bill was proposed in conformity with theseuggestions. It was submitted to
Mr. Webster, secretary of state, and by him to the president.
It was understood that the president assented to their bill. It;
was submitted to the president on the 19th of August, and
on the 20th it was introduced by Mr. Sargeant as all amendment to the bill then pending in committee of the whol~e.
On the 23d of August it was taken out of the committee
of the whole, and passed without the alteration of a word
from the original report, by a vote of.25 to 94.  It: was
passed in the senate, 27T to 22, withou1t amendmenl;, on the
3d of September.  In the mean time,  several important
measures proposed by the whigs in congress, had been adopted in both branches, and received the approbation of the
president, among the rest a bill to repeal the independent
treasury, as also the bankrupt law.  The votes of the democratic members in both branches of congress, with very
few exceptions, were recorded  against the former and in
favor of the latter.
While the bill to establish thlle " fiscal corporation" was
pending, the Hlon. John M. Botts committed a great nlistake
in the superscription of a. letter, which found its way to a
coffee house in. Richmiond., and from thence into the public
papers, ianl whicth he, said, unlder date of August 1.6




OR 1XSTORY OF PARTXIESo                21
" DEAR SIR:-The president has finally resolved to veto
the bank bill.  He has turned, and twisted, and changed his
ground so often in his conversations, that it is difficult to
tell which of the absurdities he will rest his veto upon.
"Our Captain Tyler is making a desperate effort to set
himself up with the locofocos, but he will be headed yet.":x::' " The veto will be received without a word, laid on
the table, and ordered printed?  To-night we meet and will
settle matters as quietly as possible, but they must be settled.
Yours, &c.,
JOHN M. BOTTS."
"You'll get a bank bill, but one that will serve only to
fasten him, and to which no stock will be subscribed; and
when he finds out that he is not wiser than all the rest of the
world, in banking, we may get a better.  The excitement
here is tremendous, but; it will be smothered for the present."
On the 9th of September, the president returned the fiscal corporation 1;o the house of representatives, where it
originated, with his objections.
The secretary of the treasury, Mr. Ewing, in his letter
of resignation, says, he is sat;isfied thllat the president's veto
of the last bill was brought about by lthe ufortunate mistake
of Mr. Botts.  Mr. Webster, the secretary of state, in letl
ters to the two senators from Massachusetts, under date of
the 1.6th August, intimated the sanme thing.
Mr. Clay, in his speech in the senate *on the first veto,
said: "It is incontestible that it (the bank) was the great,
absorbing, and controlling question, in all our recent divisions and exertions,"
Mr. Botts, in the house, in a speech upon the second veto,
said:
"It is certain that when we came here no doubt was entertained by either party tl;hat he (the president) would sign
a bank bill; our firiends thought so, or it would not have
been discussed, as it was, for ten or twelve weeks; the other




214               POLITICAL LANDMARI K
party "(democratic) thought so, or they would not have
gotten up the cry of repeal! repeal i which resounded not
only through the walls of this capitol, but became the watchword of the party throughout the country."
The lasit veto message was sent to the house on the 9th
September, and on the.lt;h all of the melmbers of the cabinet resigned with the exception of Mr. Webster.
On the closing of the session, a manifesto was drawn up
and signed by sixty or seventy whig members, declaring
that'" fom that day forth all political connexion between
them and John Tyler was at end; that from that day, those
wbho brought; the president into power could no longer, in
any manner or degree, be justly held responsible or blamed
for the administration of the executive branch of the government."
It was expected, by many, that the president would select
the members of his new'cabinet from  the ranks of the
democratic party, but he prolmptly made his appointments
of the following distinguished whigs and conservatives, viz:
Waltelr Forward, secretary of the navy; John McLean,
secretary of war; Abel PO UTpshut, secretary of:the navy;
Charles A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general; and Hugh S.
Legare, attorney-general.  Subsequently, John C. Spencer
was appointed' ecrel;ary of war, iln consequence of the nonacceptance of Judge iMcL.lea n.
Among the important acts passed at the session. of 184 I2, was an act for the apportionment of representatives, according to the census of 1840, by which the ratio was fixed
at 70,680 for each representative,  with one additional
member for each state having a fraction greater than one
moiety of said ratio.  By the same act, representatives were
directed to be chosen by single districts.
In July, 1843, president Tyler re-organized his cabinet
as follows; Abel P. Upshur, secretary of state; John C.
Spencer, secretary of the treasury; James M. Porter, secretary of war; LDavid Henushaw, secretary of the navy.;. Charles




OR HISTORY OP PARTIES.             215
A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general; and John Nelson, attorney-general.
Messrs. Porter and Henshaw were democrats, but the
others had been known as whigs or conservatives.  At the
next session Porter an(d ienshaw were rejected in the
senate.  The president; then nominated William Wilkins as
secretary of war, andl Thomas XV. Gilman as secretary of
the navy, which nominatior)ns were confirmed.
By the bursting of a gun on board the steamship-of-war
Princeton, on the Potomac, Messrs. Upshur and Gilmnan
were killed.  Subsequently t~he president nominated John
C. Calhoun secretary of state, and John Y. Mason as secre.
tary of the navy, which nominations were confirmed. Mro
Spencer resigned, and George M. Bibb was appointed secretary of the treasury, in May 1844.
A treaty of annexation was concluded between the United
States and the republic of Texas, at Washington, April
12th, 1844, by Mr. Calhoun, se'cretary of state on the part of
the United States, and Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson,
on the part of Texas.  On being submitted to the senate
by the president it was rejected, on the 8th of June, by a
vote of ayes 1t6, noes. 35.  Of those who voted in the negative, seven were democ rats, viz - Messrs. Fairfield, of
IMaine, Atherton, of New-Hampshire, Niles, of Connecticut,
Silas Wright, of New-York, Allen. and Tappan, of Ohio,
and Thomas H. Benton, of'Missouri.  Immediately after
the rejection of the treaty, Mr. Benton introduced a bill for
the annexation of T'exas, the consent of Mexico to be first
obtained.
The president sent a message to the house of representatives, announcing the rejection of the treaty with Texas,
vith a view of inducing that body to originate some measure
)y which to accomplish the object which the treaty conemplated.  The House referred the message to their comfittee on foreign relations, but the subject was not definitely
rted upomn until the next session, In the senate on the




216             POLITIeAL LANDMARKS;
10th of June, Mr. Benton, in a speech of two hours,
characterized the Texas project as a fraud upon the people
of the country-a base, wicked, presidential intrigue,
originating in the most vicious purpose, and so far, prosecuted for the most knavish conclusions, regardless alilke
of the character of the country, its treaty obligations, or
its place. 1Ie moved to suspend all previous orders for thlle
purpose of taking up the bill which he had submitted for
the annexation of Texas, when Mexico should sanction tle
measure. The message of president Tyler, appealing from
the decision of the senate, in a case in which the constitution
makes that body expressly his advisers, and the controllers
of his course, Mr. Benton, considered an insult to that
body, which merited impeachment. He alluded to his own
far back prophecies and writings, concerning Texas, and
ma(le some allusions to Messrs. Walker and Woodbuiry,
"Texas Neophites," who had been so anxious to make
great demonstrations of love for Texas.  For himself he
entertained no such anxiety, because his sentiments had
always been known.  It was not with him a question of
CC now or never," but Texas then, now and always.
An effort was madle b)y the most; zealous office-holders
under the general government, and other persons interested
in the success of Mr. Tyler, to create a popularity for the
president- out of the question of the annexation of T'exas;
but the attempt to enlist the feelings of' the advocates of that
measure in favor of the re-election of Mr. Tyler to the presidency, proved a total failure.'It was evident, however, that the Texas question was
becoming one of great importance, and'that the annexation
of that territory to the'United States was daily growing in
favor with the people of the southern and western states.
The democratic party, therefore, in the southern sections
of the union, resolved. to present the Texas question to the
people at the then approaching presidential election.  As
a large proportion of the party i  thle northern states were




OR  ISTORY. OF PARTBI$               217
opposed to the annexation of Texas, there was, a prospect
of disunion in the dernocratic. rankso
The national conventions of both whig and democratic
parties were to be held in May, 1844, for the purpose of
niominating candidates for president  and vice-president.
Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, was the whig candidate named for
the presidency, by a general consent of that party.  Mr.
Van Buren appeared to be preferred to any other candidate,
by the largest proportion of the democratic party.
In answer to letters and inquiries addressed to them on
the Trexas question, both Mr. Clay and Van Buren came
out, in the month of April, A 844, with their views on the
subject.  They were both understood to be unfavorable to
the immediate annexation of Texas, particularly without
the consent of Mexico.  Mr. Clay's letter was satisfactory
to his political friends; but the course of Mr. Van Buren
determined the democrats of the south to prevent his nomination for the presidency, by the convention of that party,
if possible, and to seek some other candidate who was
favorable to southern views and feelings on the Texas,question,
The whig national convention; for the nomination of
president and vice-president, met at Baltimore, on the 1st
of May, 1844. Every state in the union was represented
by delegates; and the Hon. Ambrose Spencer, of New-York,
was chosen president of the convention, assisted by a number of vice-presidents and secretaries.  Henry Clay, of
Kentucky, was nominated by acclamation, as the candidate
to be supported by the whigs for president of the United
States, at the ensuiDg election_  and on the third vote,
*rheodore Frelingh-aysen, fobrmerly of New-Jersey, but tbhe
a resident of i'Sew-iYork, was nominated as the candidate
for vice-president.  Great.unanimity prevailed in the convention after the nominations were announced, and an enthusiastic demonstration to support the candidates named.
TV he  moea' -;..!:io   convfntion of deleat  for the




218            POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
nomination of candidates for president and vice-president,
met at Baltimore, on the 27th of May, 1844. The states
were all represented, except South-Carolina.  The Hlon.
Hendrick B. Wright, of Pennsylvania, was chosen president
of the convention, assisted by numerous vice-presidents
and secretaries. Most of the delegations from the different
states had been instructed to vote for Mr. Van Buren for
president, but the Texas question had been taken up by the
party since those instructions were given, and Mr. Van
Buren's letter on the subject had tendered the policy of his
nomination doubtful with many who had been anxious for
his re-election to the presidency.
On the first ballot by the convention for a candidate for
president, Mr. Van Buren received 146 votes, General Cass
83, Colonel Johnson, of Kentucky, 24, Mr. Calhoun 6, and
there were 7 for other persons; thus showing a decided
majority in favor of Mr. Vanl Buren.  But the convention
having adopted the rule which had governed on former similar occasions, requiring two-thirds of the votes for a nomination, no choice was made. Seven subsequent ballots
took place, on the last of which Mr. Van Buren received
104 votes, General Cass 114, and-44 fbr James K. Polk of
Tennessee.  The Virginia and lNew-York delegations then
each separately retired for consultation, and on their return
to the convention it was announced by Mr. Roane, of Vir —
ginia, that the delegation from that state would give their
vote for James K. Polk. Mr. Butler, of New-York, rest.
pqnded to Mr. Roane, antl having the authority of Mr. Van
Buren withdrew his name, and stated that the delegation:
from New-York would cast thirty-five votes in favor of Mr.
Polk, the remaining member voting blank.  The call of
the states being made for a ninth ballot, a unanimous vote
from all the. delegation was given for James K. Polk, as the
democratic candidate for president of the United States.
Silas Wright, of New-York,   was nominated for vice-president, being then in the United States senate at Washing



OR HISTORY OF PARTIESo            219
ton. The nomination was declined by Mr. Wright, and
on the following morning the convention nominated George
M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, for that'station.
The candidates nominated  both for president and vicepresident, were understood to be in favor of the annexation
of Texas to the United States.  Resolutions were adopted
by the convention, one of which declared, " that our title
to the whole of the territory in Oregon is clear and unquestionable; that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to
England or any other power; and that the re-occupation of
Oregon and the annexation of Texas, at the earliest practicableperiod, are great American measures, which this
convention recommends to the cordial support of the democracy of the Union."  Another resolution declared, " that
the convention hold in the highest estimation and regard
their illustrious fellow-citizen, Martin Van Buren, of NewYork, &c.," and that they " tender to him, in his honorable
retirement, the assurance of the deeply-seated confidence,
affection, and respect of the American democracy."
The nomination of Messrs. Polk and Dallas had the effect
of completely uniting the democratic party throughout the
country, and the Texas and Oregon questions had a tendency to infuse renewed vigor among the masses attached
to the party, enabling them to enter into the election with
excited hopes and prospects of success.
At the same time when the democratic convention met
at Baltimore, a convention of the friends of' president Tyler,
composed of delegates from various parts of the Union,
principally office-holders and political adventurers, assembled at that city- and placed the name of Mr. Tyler in nomination as a candidate for election to the presidency. The
president accepted the nomination, but his case as candidate being hopeless, he yielded, in August, to the solicitations of the friends of Polk and Dallas, who were desirous
to have the aid and patronage' of the general government
in favor of the democratic candidates, and withdrew his.




220              POLITICAL LARDMAR(sS;
name from the presidential canvass.  On that occasion Mr.
Tyler published an address in the Madisonian, the official
paper at Washington, to his friends throughout the union,
announcing his intention and desire to withdraw fromn the
position in which his friends had placed him, He concluded
his address by saying: " I appeal from the vituperation of
the present day to the pen of impartial history, in the full
confidence that neither nmy nmotives nor my acts will bear
the interpretation which has, for sinister piurposes, been
placed upon thiem."
After a most animated and exciting canvass the presidential election took place, in the fall of 1844, and resulted in
the election of the democratic candidates, James K. Polk
as president, and George M. Dallas as vice-president of the
United States, over the whig candidates, Clay and. Freling-.huysen. The votes of the electoral colleges were, for Polk
and Dallas -170; for Clay and Frelinghuysen 1.05. T'he
popular vote was, for  Polk 1,335,834; for Clay 1,297,033;
for Birney, the abolition candidate, 64,653; exclusive of
South-Carolina, whicih state gave its electoral vote through
the legislature, that body choosing the presidential electors.
In the states of New-York and Michigan, the democratic
electoral ticket received a plurality over the whig vote, less
than the amount of abolition votes in those states.  In addition to the states which voted for. Mr. Vail Buren il 1840,
giving 60 electoral votes, Mr. Polk received the votes of
Maine 9, New-York 36, Pennsylvania 26, Georgia 10,.l,[ississippi 6, Louisiana 6, Tndian:a 12, and Michigan 5; which
states gave their electoral votes to General Harrison in.1840,
The second session of the twenty-eighth congress commenced on the 2d of December, 1844, and closed on the
expiration of their term, the third of' March, 1845.  Phe
most important and exciting subject of the session was that
of the annexation of Texas.  Joint resollutions for ann.exing
that repnhlic to th khe Unlted tSates, a;s o' ie;3..t..s of
g     oUnion, ptssed t he houase of rep-.esE;otati;;es' C(   e c9; t




OR HISTORY 0P PARTIES.             22 1
of January, 1845, by a vote of 120 to 98;  and on the 1st
of March the same passed the senate by a vote of 27 to 25;
and the same day the resolutions were approved by the
president.
Among the public acts of interest passed at this session
were the following: to establish a uniform time for holding
elections for electors of president and vice-president, in all
the states of the Union; to provide for the establishment of
the mail between the United States and foreign countries;
granting lands to the state of Indiana, to enable the state
to extend and complete the Wabash and Erie canal; to reduce the rates of postage, and to limit the use, and correct
the abuse of the franki-ng privilege; allowing drawback upon
foreign rmerchandize exported by. the interior to Mexico,
and the British North American provinces; for the construction and improvement of roads in Wisconsin; making
appropriations for fortifications; and an act for the admission of the states of Iowa and Florida into the Union.
Florida complied with the terms of the last act, and was
consequently admitted into the Union; but the people of
Iowa rejected the terms, principally on account of the boundary defined by congress, and therefore Iowa remained a
territory.
A bill forbidding the president to build revenue cutters at
his own discretion, which had been vetoed by president
Tyler, was again passed by the senate and house by more
than a two-third vote, (in the latter by 126 to 31,) and
thus became a law nothwithstanding the veto. A bill
making appropriations for certain harbors and rivers, pa.ssed
both houses, near the close of the session, but was retained
by the president, and thus failed to become a law, in consequence of what was called a " pocket veto," which was
the last act of Mr. Tyler's administration.
Mr. Tyler retired without any particular regret on the
part of either of thetwo political parties.  le had lost the
confidence of the party by which he was elected, and had




222             POLIrICAL LANPDMARKS;
gained but little confidence with those of the democratic
party.
There is no question but the democracy are indebted to
John Tyler for thwarting the deep seated plan of Henry
Clay and others to fasten upon us a National Bank; but
we have been always under the impression that the last bill,
the " fiscal corporation," which was presented to Mr. Tyler
for his signature would have been signed had it not been
for the letter of John M. Botts, in which the president was
threatened with being "headed."
We deem it not inappropriate, in this connection, to allude to the early history of Mr. Polk, as when he was nominated for the presidency.he was comparatively a new
man for such a position, or was so regarded to be by many
of his own political party throughout the country.
JANES KNox POLK was the eleventh president of the
United States, and was the eldest of ten children, and was
born on the second of November, 1795, in Mecklenburg
Co., North-Carolina.  His ancestors, whose original name,
Pollock, has, by obvious transition, assumed its present
form, emigrated in the early part of the eighteenth century
from Ireland. The family trace their descent from Robert
Polk, who was born and married in Ireland; his wife, Magadalen Tusker, was the heiress of Mowning hill. They
had six sons and two daughters; Robert Polk, the progenitor of James Knox Polk; was the fifth son; he married a
Miss Gallett and removed to America. Ezekiel Polk, the
grandfather of James K. Polk, was one of his.sons.
In August, 1826, being then in'his thirtieth year, Mr.
Polk was elected to congress. From  his early youth he
was a democrat, and ever regarded the constitution of the
United States as an instrument of specific and limited
powers; and he was found in opposition to every measure
that aimed to consolidate federal power, or to detract from
the dignity and legitimate functions Of the state governments. He signalized his hostility to the doctrines of those




oR HISTORY OF PARTIESo              2
who held to a more liberal construction of the constitutiqn,
in all their modes,  He always refused his assent to the
appropriation of money by the federal government for what
he deemed the unconstitutional purpose of constructing
works of internal improvements within the states. IHee
took ground early against the constitutionality as well as
expediency of a national bank; and, in August, 1820,
consequently several months before the appearance of Gen.
Jackson's first messwge, announced then his opinions in a
published letter to his constituents.  He has ever been opposed to a taiff of protection, and was at all times the
strenuous advocate of a reduction of the revenue to the
economical wants of the government.  Entertaining these
opinions, and entering congress as he did, at the first session after the election of John Quincy Adams to the presidency, he promptly took his'station against the doctrines
developed in the message of that chief magistrate, and was,
during the continuance of his administration, resolutely opposed to its leading measures.
When Mr. Polk entered congress, he was, with one or
two exceptions, the junior member of that body. His first
speech was in favor of a proposition to amend the constitution in such manner as to prevent the choice of president
from devolving upon congress in any event.  This speech
at once attracted public attention by the force of its reasoning, the copiousness of its research, and the spirit of indignation with reference to the then recent election by
congress of John Quincy Adams, by which it was animated.
From this time, Mr. Polk's history became inseparably interwoven with that of the house.  lHe was prominently
connected with every important question, and upon each
took the boldest democratic ground.  During General.Jackson's terms he was one of the leading supporters of the administration, and at times, and on certain questions of
paramount importance, its chief reliance. In December,
1827, Mr. Polk was placed on the commwittee of foreign




224              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
affairs, and some time after, as chairman of a select committee, he made a report on the surplus revenue, denying
the constitutional power of congress to collect from the
people, for distribution, a surplus beyond the wants of the
government, and maintaining that the revenue should be
reduced to the exigencies of the public service. In 1830,
he defended the act of General Jackson in placing his veto
on the Maysville road bill, and thus checking the system of
internal improvement by the generca. government, which
had been entered upon by congress.
In December, 1832, Mr. Polk was transferred to the committee of ways and means, and - at that session presented
the report of the minority of that committee with regard
to certain charges against the United States Bank; this
minority report presenting conclusions directly adverse to
that institution, which had been the subject of inquiry.
Mr. Polk's course arrayed against him the friends of the
bank, but after a severe contest he was re-elected to congress by a majority of over three thousand. In 1833, Gen.
Jackson determined upon the removal of the government
deposites from the Bank of the United States.  At the next
session of congress this question elicited much discussion.
Mr. Polk, in the house, vindicated the president's measure,
and by his coolness, promptitude -and skill carried through
the resolutions of the committee relating to the bank and
the deposites, and sustaining the administration, after which
the cause of the bank was abandoned in congress.
In December, 1835, Mr. Polk was elected speaker of the
house of representatives, and was again chosen to that
station in 1837, at the extra session held in the first year
of Van Buren's administration.  The duties of speaker,
during five sessions, were discharged by him with ability,
at a time when party feeling ran high in the house, and in
the beginning, unusual difficulties were thrown in his way
by the animosities of his political opponents; yet such were
his peculiarities in his associations with mankind, that,




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.            225
notwithstanding his firmness upon all questions which arose
for decision, that in his actions he carried conviction to
the heart of his most bitter political opponents, that if not
right Mr. Polk believed he was right. He was highly complimented by resolutions which were unanimously passed
in the closing of his labors, which resolutions were introduced by his political opponents.
In 1839, Mr. Polk was elected governor of the state of
Tennessee, being the candidate of the democratic party,
by. a majority of over 2,500.
The state passed into the hands of his political opponents,
and Mr. Polk complied with the requirements of the democrats of his own state to become their candidate for governor twice afterwards, and canvassed the state each time,
and of course was defeated, although the strongest man the
democracy had in that state.
From  October, 1841, until his election to the highest
office in the union, Mr. Polk remained in private life, not,
however, an inert spectator of the wild and troubled drama
of politics. He did not conceal his opinions on political
subjects, when called upon by his fellow citizens to express
them. Those who differed from him had no difficulty in
ascertaining the fact of the difference. A proof of this
was found in the circumstance which developed his opinions
on the subject of the annexation of Texas.  The citizens
of Cincinnati had, early in 1844, expressed their " settled
opposition" to the annexation of that republic to the United
States, and invited him to announce his concurrence in their
judgment.  In his reply, he said:
"Let Texas be annexed, and. the authority and laws of
the United States be established and maintained within her
limits, as also in the Oregon territory, and let the fixed policy of our government be not to permit Great Britain to
plant a colony, or hold dominion over any portion of the
people or territory of either. These are my opinions: and
without deeming it necessary to extend this letter, by assigning the many reasons which influence me in the con



226              POLITICAL LANDMARKS s
clusions to which I. come, I regret to be compelled to differ
so widely from the views expressed by' yourselves, and the
meeting of citizens of Cincinnati, whom you represent."
On the 29th of May, 1844, Mr. Polk received the nomination of the democratic National convention, for a candidate for president of the United States. The contest was
carried on with much spirit, between the democrats and
those who supported Henry Clay, the candidate of the
whigs; but there was a marked difference between that
contest and the one of 1840, when General Harrison was
put in nomination, in opposition to Martin Van Buren.
Polk.    Clay.
Maine,                          -     9
New-Hampshire,          -             6
Vermont,                   -                 6
Massachusetts,                               12
Rhode-Island,                                4
Connecticut,                                 6
New-York,  -                         36
New-Jersey,                                  7
Pennsylvania,                     -26
Delaware,                                     3
Maryland,   -          -          -          8
Virginia,                      -    17
North-Carolina,    -             -          1
South-Carolina,.                    9
Georgia,           -      -       - 10
Alabama,                        -     9
Mississippi,  -                   -  6
Louisiana,                      -     6
Tennessee,'. -                               13
Kentucky,                       -           12
Ohio,                                       23
Indiana,                -       -    12
Illinois,                  -      -  9
Missouri,                -7
Arkansas,  -       -             -   3
Michigan, -                           5
170    105




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES,            227
Mr. Polk received 170 electoral votes, and Mr. Clay 105.
On the 4th of March, 1845, we had the pleasure of listening to president Polk's inaugural address delivered in person from the steps of the east front of the capitol of the
union, to the largest assemblage of people we ever witnessed
in one body.
In person, Mr. Polk was of the middle stature, and a
quick penetrating eye. The expression of his countenance
was grave, but its serious cast was often relieved by a peculiarly pleasant smile, indicative of the amenity of his disposition.
Mr.' Polk in his inaugural address, in referring to the
Texas question, said that " the republic of Texas had made
known her desire to come into our union, to form a part of
our confederacy, and enjoy with us the blessings of liberty,
secured and guaranteed by our constitution.  Texas was
once a part of our country-was unwisely ceded away to
a foreign power-is now independent, and possesses an
undoubted right to dispose of a part or the whole of her
territory, and to merge her sovereignty, as a separate and
independent state, in ours. I congratulate my country,
that, by an act of the late congress of the United States,
the assent of this government has been given to the reunion; and it only remains for the two countries to agree
upon the terms, to consumate an object so important to
both."
In continuing the subject, Mr. Polk says: "I regard the
question of annexation as belonging exclusively to the
United States and Texas.  They are independent powers,
competent to contract; and foreign nations have no right
to interfere With them, or to take exceptions to their reunion, Foreign powers do not seem to appreciate the true
character of our government. Our union is a confederation
of independent states, whose policy is peace with each
other and all the-world. To enlarge its limits, is to extend
the dominions -of peace over additional territories and increasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from




228            - POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
military ambition in our government. While the chief
magistrate and the popular branch of congress are elected
for short terms by the suffrages of those millions who must,
in their own persons, bear all the burdens and miseries ofl
war, our government can not be otherwise than pacific.
Foreign powers should therefore look on the annexation of
Texas to the United States, not as the conquest of a nation
seeking to extend her dominions by arms and violence, but
as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by
adding. another member to her confederation, with the consent of that member; thereby diminishing the chances of
war, and opening to them new and ever-increasing markets
for their products.
"To Texas the re-union is important, because the strong
protecting arm of our government would be extended over
her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil and genial
climate would be speedily developed; while the safety of
New-Orleans and of our whole south-western frontier against
hostile agression, as well as the interests of the whole union,
would be promoted by it."' In the early stages of our national existence the opinion
prevailed with some that our system of confederated States
could not operate successfully over an extended territory;
and serious objections have, at different times, been made
to the enlargement of our boundaries.  These objections
were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana. Experience has sfiown that they were not well founded. The
title of numerous Indian tribes to vast tracts of countries
has been extinguished. New territories have been created,
and our jurisdiction and laws extended over them. As our
population has expanded, the Union has been cemented and
strengthened. As our boundaries have been enlarged, and
our agricultural population has been spread over a large
surface, our federative system has acquired additional
strength and security. It may well be doubted whether it
would not be in greater danger of overthrow, if our present




oR HISTOitY O' PARTIES.           229
population were confined to the comparatively narrow limits
of the original thirteen states, than it is now that they are
sparsely settled over a more extended territory. It is confidently believed that our system may be safely extended to
the utmost bounds of our territorial limits; and that as it shall
be extended to the utmost bounds of our union, so far from
being weakened, will become stronger."
We have given these quotations in order to show the
position of Mr. Polk upon the Texas question.  He also
took ground in his inaugural, in favor of maintaining "' by
all constitutional means, the right of the United States to
that portion of country lying beyond the Rocky Mountains."
He said " our title to the country of the Oregon is clea.r
and indisputable, and already are our people preparing to
perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and children. But eighty years ago, our population was confined
on the west'by the ridge of the Alleganies.  Within that
period, our people, increasing to many millions, have filled
the eastern valley of the Mississippi; adventurously ascended the Missouri to its head springs; and are already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in
valleys, of which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world
beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of our emigrants.  To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately whenever they may be upon our soil.  The jurisdiction of our laws, and the benefits of our republican institutions, should be. extended over them  in the distant
regions which they have selected for their homes."
In his first annual. message to congress, under date of
the 2d December, 1845, Mr. Polk alluded again to the
Texas question, and announced the fact that the terms of
annexation which were offered by the United States had
been accepted by Texas, and therefore the public faith of
1both parties was solemnly pledged to the compact of their
1. uoe~n




230              POLITICAL LANDiARKS;
On the 6th of May, 1844, the Mexican envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States
made a formal protest, in the name of his government,
against the joint resolution passed by congress "for the
annexation of Texas to the United States, which he chose
to regard as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and in consequence of it he demanded his passports. He was officially
informed that the government of the United States did not
consider the Jointresolution referred to as a violation of
any of the rights of Mexico, or that it afforded any just
cause of offence to his government; that the republic of
Texas was an independent power, owing no allegiance to
Mexico, and constituting no part of her territory or rightful sovereignty or jurisdiction. He was also assured that
it was the sincere desire of this government to maintain
with that of Mexico relations of peace and good understanding.  That functionary, however, notwithstanding
these representations and assurances, abrubtly terminated
his mission, and shortly afterward left the country. Our
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico
was refused all official intercourse with that government,
and after remaining several months, by the permission of
his own government, he returned to the United States. Thus,
by the acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between
the two countries was suspended.
Soon after this, Mexico occupied an attitude of hostility
towards the United States; commenced marshalling and
organizing armies, issuing proclamations, and avowing the
intention to make war on the United States, either by an
open declaration, or by invading Texas. Both the congress
and convention of the people of Texas earnestly invited this
government to send an army into that territory to protect
and defend them against the menaced attack. When the
terms of annexation submitted by this government to Texas
were accepted by the latter, we were bound to protect her
territory and people from foreign invasion and agression,




o. HISTCoRY OP PARTrIES.           231
The president, as a precautionary measure, ordered a strong
squadron to the coasts of Mexico, and also ordered the concentration of a sufficient military force upon the western
frontier of Texas. This latter force was under the imnmediate command of General Zachary Taylor.
Mr. Polk, in his special message of April 20, 1846, in
referring to this force sent to the western frontier of Texas,
says, it 1" was concentrated at Corpus Christi and remaine'd
there until I had received such information from Mexico as
rendered it probable, if not certain, that the. Mexican government would refuse to receive our envoy."
"Meantime, Texas, by the final action of our congress,
had become an integral part of our union. The congress
of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared
the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that republic. Its
jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the
Nueces.
"The country between that river and the Del Norte had
been represented in the congress and in the convention of
Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself,
and is now included within one of our congressional districts. Our own congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act of December 31, 1845, recognized the
country beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory by including it within our own revenue system; and a revenue
officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed by
and with the advice and consent of the senate.
"It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide
for the defence of that portion of our country.  Accordingly, on the thirteenth of January last, instructions were
issued to the General in command of these troops to occur
py the left bank of the Del Norte.  This river, which is
the South-western boundary of the state of Texas-is an
exposed frontier. From this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it and its immediate vicinity, in the judgment of




232              POLITICAL LANDmaRKSS;
high military experience, are the proper stations for the
protecting forces of the government.
"In addition to this important consideration, several
others occurred to induce this movement. Among these
are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos Santiago
and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception of supplies by sea, the stronger and more healthful military positions, the convenience for obtaining a ready and more
abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage, and
the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the
interior and upon the Indian frontier.
"The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was
made by the commanding General, under positive instructions to abstain from  all aggressive acts toward Mexico, or
Mexican citizens, and to regard the relation between that
republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should
declare war, or commit acts of hostility, indicative of a
state of war. He was specially directed to protect private
property and respect personal rights.
"' The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11th of
March, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left
bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it
encamped on a commanding position, which has since been
strengthened by the erection of field-works.  A depot has
also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment.  The selection of his position was necessarily confided to the judgment of the General in command."
Mr. Polk, in continuing his war message, of May 11,
1846, said:
"The Mexican forc6s at IMatamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on the 12ith of April, General Ampudia,
then in command, notified General Taylor to break up his
camp, within. twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond the
Nte"e  rivPyer, aid1 in the event; of his faip ares to ~omhpiy




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             233
with'these demands, announced that arms, and arms ione,
must decide the question. But no open act of hostility was
committed until the 24th of April. On that day, General
Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican
forces, communicated to General Taylor that I he considern
ed hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them."  A
party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers were on
the same day despatched from the American camp up the
Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the
Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross the
river,'became engaged with a large body of these troops,
and after a short affair, in which some sixteen were killed
and wounded, appear to have'been surrounded and compelled to surrender.,
6" The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our
citizens throughout a long period of years, remain unredressed; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for
this redress, have been disregarded.  A government either
unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties,
fails to perform one of its plainest duties.' Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; bu
our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by
the systemn of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them, while their appeals
through their own government for indemnity have been
made in' vain.  Our obrbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mristaken in its character. Had we acted
with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should
doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are
now involved.
"Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our
best efforts to propitiate her good will. Upon the pretext
that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought
proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affeoted
10*




234             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
to believe that we -have severed her rightful territory, and,
in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly
threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas.  In the meantime we have tried every effort
at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted, even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte.  But now, after reiterated menaces,
Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has
invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the
American soil.  She has proclaimed that hostilities have
commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.
"As war exists, and, notwithsanding all our efforts to
avoid it, exists by the act of: Mexico herself, we are called
upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests
of our country.
"Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which
has arrived, instructions were given in August last,'as a
precautionary measure,' against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from
the states of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississiepi, Tennessee,
and Kentucky, and corresponding letters were addressed
to the respective governors of those states.
"' These instructions were repeated; and in January last,
soon after the incorporation of'Texas into our union of
states,' General Taylor was further'authorized by the president to -make a requisition upon the executive of that state
for such of its militia force as may be needed to repel invasion, or to secure the country against apprehended invasion.' On the 2d day of March, he was again reminded,' in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican
force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with
which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as
he might need.''War actually existing, and our territory having been




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              235
invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in
him by my direction has called on the governor of Texas
for four regiments of state troops, two to be mounted, and
two to serve on foot, and on the governor of Louisiana for
four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.
"In further vindication of our rights and defence of our
territory, I invoke the prompt action of congress to recognize the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the executive the means of prosecuting the war with
vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace.  To this
end I recommend that authority should be given to call into
the public service a large body. of volunteers, to serve for
not less than six br twelve months, unless sooner discharged."
The war was prosecuted with vigor, and the results are
familiar to the American people; therefore it is deemed of
little importance to treat upon the subject particularly in
this connection.  Suffice it to say, that the brilliancy of the
military achievements acquired by the American army during the various struggles incident to the Mexican war, are
not, asyet, duly appreciated.  There has not, perhaps, previously been an instance in the known world where an
army has been so generally raised by volunteers. No drafting seemed to'be necessary, but on the contrary, the greatest
trouble on the part of the government seemed to be to keep
our men back. They were ready at the call of the government to repair at once to the battle-field to defend their
country and their country's honor.  The fact that our contest with Mexico was thus carried on by the people of the
different states, who voluntarily rushed to the field of battle,
has created more surprise and wonderment in foreign countries, than all else which has transpired since the formation
of our government. The people of other countries have
learned the true cause of the existence of this extraordinary
degree of patriotism which prevails in our own. They have




236              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
learned to attribute it to the cause of education. It is doubtless true that ouir struggles with Mexico, and the results inn
cident thereto, have had much to do with the struggles for
liberty which have transpired in foreign countries within
the past eighteen months. There is a spirit of republicanism
abroad, which, sooner or later, will cause thrones to totter
and empires to be crushed.
In the contest with Mexico General Taylor signalized
himself, and his noble and daring exploits will never be forgotten by the American people.
Whatever difference of opinion may have existed in the
minds of men relative to the policy of the Mexican war,
aside from the duty of protecting our national honor, all
must agree that the position acquired by gaining California
upon the great pacific ocean, in a commercial point of view,
is second in importance to no other enterprise since the
formation of our national government; Its importance
cannot be known in a day or a year, but time will show that
the current of the commerce of the Pacific will be turned,
and made tributary to the United States. The minerals of
this vast region are attracting the attention of the world,
and from the best information we are enabled to gather, the
most sanguine anticipations in this regard will be fully
realized.  Thousands upon thousands of our most enterprising citizens are flocking to the shores of the Pacifica class of men, or such as those who have heretofore repaired to wilderness homes, and in pursuance of their indomitable perseverance and industry, have caus6d forests
to recede before the woodman's axe, and villages and cities
to arise as if by magic.
These are days of progression, and men of enlarged
views must see that it is useless to contend against this
current, however much they might feel disposed. It is a
spirit which the enterprising of all classes, of whatever profession, trade or occupation, are participating in. Old
nations, like old garments, are cast off, to make room for




oR HlSTORY OF PARTIfES.,i37
the improvements of the age.  Many of these improvements
are of the most astonishing nature; and not the least of
which is the transmission of intelligence from point to point,
In olden times, a man would occupy the space of three or
four weeks in communicating with his fellow man, a distance of a thousand miles, while at the present day he can
converse with his fellow the same distance, as he would
with his neighbor by the fire-side, But there are other and
important improvements, a recital of which would occupy
much space, all going to show the rapid strides of the spirit
of progression of the present age.
These remarks are made to show that the resiflts of the
Mexican war, the purchase of California particularly, will
prove beneficial beyond a doubt to this country, as it will
open the door to our men of enterprise to pursue their various occupations, whereas their energies in this older portion of the union did not seem to meet with adequate reward
The course pursued by Mr. Polk upon this whole question, the most important of his administration, all must
acknowledge, was dictated by the purest motives.  Even
in his final negociation for California, he treated it as irnportant only as a commercial position, but lived to learn
that the minerals discovered have rendered it equally as
important. VWhen time shall have rolled on for a term of
years, Mr. Polk's administration will be looked upon as
one of unusual brillancy.
Mr. LANaGDON, the Mayor of the city of Mobile, (Alabama,) and editor of the leading whig paper of that state, in
an address to Mr. Polk, on his homeward tour, after concluding his presidential labors at Washington, made these
remarks -
"Your acts are on the record.  Time will test their
wisdom, and the pen of the impartial historian will do you
justice. That you have done your duty faithfully and conscientiously with a view to the advancement of your country's best interest, we are free to admit, and for this we honor




238             POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
you. That you have carried out with fidelity, the principles and adhered to the policy which you proposed
previous to your election, and to the support of which your
life has been devoted, none who know the history of your
political life w.ill pretend to deny. For this evidence of
your honesty and independence, you have the respect and
admiration of those who differ from you in opinion."
During the two last sessions of Mr. Polk's administration,
the excitement run high, at Washington and elsewhere, relative to the successor of Mr. Polk. It was thought by
many that Mr. Clay would receive the nomination at the
hands of the whigs, and that Gen. Cass would be nominated
by the democrats.
The Democratic National Convention was holden at
Baltimore, on the 23d of May, 1848, and Gen. Cass was
nominated. The last ballot, before he was declared unanimously nominated stood as follows.: Cass, 1 79-Woodbury,
38-Buchanan, 33. New-York not voting.
The Whig National Convention assembled at Philadelphia, on the 7th June, 1848, and Gen. Taylor was nolinated. The last ballot before he was declared unanimously
nominated, stood, Geh. Taylor, 171-Clay, 33- Webster,
14-Scott, 62.
The campaign was conducted with much energy on
both sides, but with less bitterness of feeling between the
friends of the opposing candidates.
A Convention was called at Buffalo, called a Free Soil
Convention, at which Martin Van Buren was nominated for
the presidency. This created much feeling in the regular
democratic ranks. They had ever looked upon him as the
leader and head of their political organization, and who
himself owed his political greatness and preferment to the
caucus systems- Mr. Van Buren having been a democrat,
and claiming still, at the time, to belong to that party, and
a nomination having been made, his lending himself to defeat that nomination gave rise to much acrimonious feeling.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              239
The result of the vote in the electoral college was as
follows:
Cass.      Taylor.
Maine,    -                     9
New-Hampshire,         -        6
Vermont,                                      6
MIassachusetts,   -                          12
lRhode-Island,   -           -                4
Connecticut,      -                          6
New-York,                                   36
New-Jersey,   -                               7
Pennsylvania,         s                     26
Dela ware, -    -                            3
Maryland.      -      -    -
Virginia,        -           - 17
North-Carolina,  -    -                      11
South-Carolina,                 9
Georgia,                                    10
Alabama,           -    -      -9
Mississippi,         -          6
Louuisiana,    -.                           6
Tennessee,      -                           13
Kentucky,  -    -                           12
Ohio,    -    -    -           23
Indiana.    -    -        -   12
Illinois,   -   -    -    -   9
Missouri,     -    -            7
Arkansas,    -    -             3
Michigan,    -   -              5
Florida,    -   -3
Texas,       -  4
Wisconsin,      -         -     4
Iowa,        -    -             4
127          163
General Zachary Taylor was inaugurated on the 5th day
of March, 1849, at 12 o'clock M.




240             POLITICAL LANDIARKS;
Millard Fillmore, of New-York; was elected vice-president upon the whig ticket over Gen. William 0. Butler, of
Kentucky, who was supported by the democracy,  by the
same electoral vote.
The city of Washington was crowded to overflowing, by
our people from all quarters of the Uhion. The ceremony
of inauguration was similar to those-heretofore described.
Gen. Taylor in the afternoon and evening received visitors
at the presidential mansion. The house was thronged until
a late hour, by people eager to see the hero of the Mexican
War, and president of the United States.
The ancestors of General Taylor emigrated fronm England
nearly two centuries ago, and settled in the eastern part of
Virginia.  His father, Richard Taylor, was born in that
state, where he resided until about 1790. Zachary was his
second son, and was born in November, 1784, in Orange
county, Virginia; he is therefore a native of the same state
which  gave birth. to Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Harrison, and many other illustrious Americans. Besides
Zachary, his father had four sons, Hancock, George,
William, and Joseph, and three daughters, Elizabeth, Sarah,
and Emily.
Richard Taylor seems to have possessed a full share of
the restless spirit of active adventure which distinguished
the first settlers of America. Accordingly, in a little while
after Boon had explored Kentucky, we find him journeying
to that wilderness. Here he was not only unappalled by
the horrors of a country called by the natives the dark and
bloody ground, and by his hair-breadth escapes from the
Indians, but he actually formed the design of penetrating
to New-Orleans on foot.. This he accomplished alone
through' the forests and wilderness stretching along the
Mississippi, and returned by ship to Virginia. When the
revolution broke out, the courage and zeal which he had
manifested in resisting the encroachments of the mother
country, caused him to receive an appointment as colonel




OR Xs-TORY o  PART1S,              24t
in the Continental army, the duties of which offce he performed in a manner that fhlfilled the high hopes which had
been entertained of him. He fought in several of the most
important battles of the north, and among others with
Washington at Trenton.  At the close of the war he re~
tired to his farm in Virginia, where he remained until about
the year 1790, when he emigrated with his family to Kentucky.  In this journey he was accompanied by Colonels
Croghan and Bullitt,both of which names became famous in
the anhals of their state. They settled upon a spot noted
for the long and peculiarly bloody wars of the Indians, and
these brave men soon found an ample field in which to display their courage and hardihood. In the burnings and
scalpings which happened almost weekly, Colonel Taylor
so distinguished himself, that he was soon looked upon as
the champion of the white settlers', and the bulwark of their
village. After a long time the attacks of the savages became less frequent, and the population had shaken off their
fear of the Indian name, and began to assume the appearance of a regular community.  Still the usefulness of Col
Taylor did not cease with the causes which had drawn it
forth. He became as distinguished a citizen as he had formerly been a soldier, and was entrusted with the duties of
several important and responsible stations.  He was one of
the framers of the constitution of Kentucky; represented
Jefferson county and Louisville city fo~ many years in both
branches of the state Legislature, and was a member of the
electoral colleges which voted for Jefferson, Madison, Monxoe, and Clay.
Such are a few points in the history of a man whose.name will ever be dear to  the American people, as:the father of the conqueror of Mexico.  All allow him  to
have been of unflinching perseverance, indomitable courage
and zeal and ability'to perform the duties of the varions ov f
fees anmd stations wShich he was called to fill.
Under the parentage of sulch a man; it is nothing singst




I242            PPOLTICtAL LANDMARKS;
lar that young Zachary should early have imbibed a taste
for military life. We are told that such was the case; and
the common occurrences which daily surrounded him tended to foster this feeling. His nursery tales were stories of
Indian butchery which had but recently been perpetrated
upon the neighbors of his parents; and as he grew larger,
he often heard the shriek of the maiden and innocent, the
sharp crack of the rifle that announced their death, and
then the fierce conflict between the father and his savage
foe. He learned to barricade his own door, and spend the
night in watchful intensity, while looking out upon nothing
but gloomy forests, and some burning cottage far in the
distance.
At the age of six years Zachary was placed at school under the direction of a Mr. Ayers.  Ev'en here' he was in continual danger of the tomahawk, and many of the larger
scholars were obliged to go armed.  While here, young
Zachary became distinguished among his companions for
his activity, decision and bluntness of character, modesty
of demeanor, and general intelligence. These are shining
qualities in a school-boy, and he soon became the acknowledged and general favorite of a large portion of his comrades.
From a child, his mind possessed a keen relish for military
narratives, and in youth he began to long for an opportunity to display himself in the field. There still remain of
him many anecdotes, all tending to illustrate his fondness
for activity and adventure.
The schoolmaster of General Taylor is still living in the
town of Preston, near Norwich, Connecticut, where he was
born. Though more than seventy years of age, he takes
great pleasure in listening to the achievements of his pupil,
and in recounting anecdotes of him when a school-boy. He
represents him to have been an excellent scholar, possessing
an active and inquisitive mind, studious in his habits, though
of sanguine temperament, quick of apprehension, and promising fair for a career of usefulness in life. He had mental




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.            243.qualities of thoughtfulness, judgment, shrewdness, and stability, not often found united in youth. But a peculiar trait
of his character, and one not often, connected with a sanguine temperament, was firmness. -.This, united with the
above named qualities, is an important characteristic in a
soldier. Upon many occasions, sudden and warm impulses,
when properly directed by judgment and firmness, have produced grand achievements;'and though a man may be
brave-to an eminent degree, yet a phlegmatic temperament
is calculated to restrain the exercise of his bravery at a time
when it might lead to glbrious results.
Upon leaving school, young Taylor continued the exercise of those sports and labors which suited the ardor of
his temperament.  He often performed feats of strength and
difficulty which would excite the wonder and applause of
fiiends, and rivalry of others. His fondness for military;
life has been mentioned, and it is related that even before
he commenced a course of rigid tactical instruction, he
might often be seen with his comrades practising the different evolutions of a company drill, with as much gravity and
emulation as though under orders before an enemy.
An opportunity was not long wanting for the exercise of
the talent thus gradually developing. The difficulties between the United States and England, relative to interruptions of our commerce and the impressment of seamen,
now presented so alarming an aspect, that an early rupture
was confidently anticipated.  This was an excellent opportunity for many of the wild young spirits of the west to
wreak their-vengeance against an enemy, who, though respected in time of peace, was the object of bitter animosity
in war. Volunteer companies were organized. in every
part of the union, and the " citizen soldiery" became- an
object of great national importance.
While these events were in progress, the whole country
was electrified by the intelligence that a British armed ves0el, the Leopard) had fired into the American frigate Cheseas




244              POLITICAL LANDMAISKS;
peake, killing three of her men, wounding eighteen, and
subsequently carrying away four others of her crew. This
increased the popular irtignation against Great Britain, as
well as the spirit of determined resistance to her attacks.
Upon the reception of the news of this affair, young Taylor applied for a commission in the army, and was appointed
by President Jefferson a first lieutenant in the 7th regiment
of infantry.  This step was highly pleasing to his father,
who had been instrumental in its accomplishment.
General Taylor, on being sworn into office, as president
of the United States, and after he had delivered his inaugural address, appointed his Cabinet as follows: John M. Clayton, Secretary of state; William M. Meredith, of Pa., secretary of the navy; George W. Crawford of Georgia, secretary of war; Thomas Ewing, of' Ohio, secretary of the
home department; Jacob Collamer of Vermont, post-master-general; and Reverdy Johnson of Maryland, attorneygeneral.
The first session of the thirty-first congress, which commenced Nov 3, 1849, and closed Sept. 30, 1850, was one
of the longest and most exciting ever held.  Its ten months'
duration was in good part devoted to speech-making —nearly the first month having been consumed by the house in ineffectual ballots for a speaker. The democrats had a small
plurality in the house, with a decided majority in the senate;
but a number of "free-soil democrats," who could not vote for
a speaker so thoroughly adverse as Mr. Cobb to their views
of slavery extension,.rendered the result doubtful, and would
have secured the re-election of Mr. Winthrop, but for the
objection of Messrs. A. H. Stephens, Toomnbs, and Owen,
of Ga., Morton of Va., and Cabell of Fla., who refused to
vote with their party on speaker without a distinct committal against the Wilmot proviso.  This could not be conceded, so Mr. Winthrop was steadily voted against by several
pro-slavery whigs, on one side, and anti-slavery men elected by whig votes on the other, while Mr. Cobb lost votes on




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.              245
one side only.  Several other candidates were, tried on either side with like success, though one (Mr. W. J. Brown
of la.) came very near an election, having succeeded in
uniting both wings of the democracy upon himself, by satisfactory private assurances on the slavery question. The fact
that such cross-eyed assurances had been given became pubic barely in time to prevent his election. Finally, the
house decided to try a plurality vote, agreeing that tiie
highest candidate at the next ballot should be thereupon
elected; and on this vote Howell Cobb of Georgia had 102
votes, Robert C. Winthrop of Massachusetts 100, and there
were some fifteen scattering.  I-Howell Cobb was thereupon
declared speaker by a resolution moved by Edward Stanley
(whig) of North-Carolina.  Thomas J. Campbell (whig)
of Tennessee was, after a tedious struggle, re-elected clerk,
but he soon died, and Richard M. Young of Ill. (once U. S.
senator) was chosen in his stead.
Congress being fully organized, a protracted, vehement
struggle commenced with regard to the organization of
new territories,admission of Californlia, &c.  General Taylor at an early day transmitted a special message, recommending in substance that California should be promptly
admitted with the constitution her people had framed,
and the boundaries they had designated, and that the territories should be left under the military government which
had bieen established upon their conquest, until such time
as they should be entitled to and desirous of admission into
the Union as states, when they should be received with
whatever republican institutions they might present. This
plan made no provision for the settlement of' the boundary
of -Texas, which state claimed to include most of the people of New-Mexico and her entire territory east of the Rio
Grande, within the former's limits and rightful jurisdiction.
To this assumption the people of New-Mexico manifested
the most determined and active hostility.  Mr. Clay at an
early day made a speech to the senate, concurring in Gen.




246               POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
eral Taylor's preference that each subject should be considered and decided by itself, but insisting that the territories
should be promptly organized under regular territorial governments, and the Texas boundary settled. In the progress
of the discussion, Mr. Clay waived his own preference of
separate action, and assented to the combination of the admission of California, the organization of the territories,
and the adjustment of the Texas boundary, all in one
bill, which thence obtained the nickname of'the Omnibus.' A committee of thirteen was raised, with Mr. Clay
at its head, from which committee the project known as
the Oniibus,' lwas in due season reported, and thenceforward contested with desperate resolution by all the strength
of the senate.  When the struggle was the fiercest, General Taylor died, and it was supposed that his decease and
the succession of Mr. Fillmore, who was esteemed moderately favorable to'the omnibus,' would secure its passage,
but that expectation was not realized.
General Taylor died on the 9th day of July, 1850, at 10
o'clock P. M.  His last words were-" I aim prepared, —I
have endeavored to do my duty."  The members of the
Cabinet and their families were all present at the death-bed
and the executive departments were all closed. It has been
described as one of the most solemn scenes on record. He
was looked upon as a great man for the- valiant deeds he
had accomplished upon the battle-field; and was then the
chosen of the people to administer the affairs of the government.  Certain it is, that upon no occasion, within our recollection, has there been regret manifested so generally. by
all of the people, as upon th6 death of General Taylor.
Millard Fillmore, the vice-president, was sworn into office as president of the United States, on the day following
the death of the president, in pursuance of a provision in
the constitution.  The cabinet officers appointed by General Taylor, resigned, and after the lapse of a few days, president Fillmore appointed his cabinet, as follows: Daniel




OR HISTOnY OF PARTIESo                47
Webster, of Massachusetts, secretary  of state; Thomas
Corwin of Ohio, secretary of the treasury.; Alexander H-f
H. Stuart ofVirginia, secretary of the interior; William
A. Graham, of North-Carolina, secretary of war; Charles
M. Conrad, of Louisiana, secretary of the navy; Nathan
K. Hall, of New-York, post-master-general; and John J.
Crittenden of Kentucky, attorney-general.
When business was resumed in congress, and the' onnibus' being under discussion, after various amendments had
been proposed, and mainly rejected, though some of considerahi1e importance were adopted, a motion to strike out all
that part relating to the boundary of Texas was carried,
and the bill thus crippled, was dismembered limb by limb,
until nothing remained but the sections organizing Utah
(the " Mormon Deseret") as a separate territory, which
was p)assed andl sent to the house.
However, the California admission, the New-Mexico territorial, and the Texas boundary bills, all subsequently passed as independent propositions-the Texas boundary bill
giving the same amount ($10,000,000) to Texas for relinquishing her clai-n to New-Mexico that "the. Omnibus" did,
while it secured to'Texas a larger and more desirable area
than she would have had by that bill. The other bills were
substantially the same as when included in the omnibus. The
Texas boundary bill encountered a formidable resistance in
the house-the most determined opponents and the most
zealous champions of slavery extension uniting in that resistance —but it was carried throughh by a small majority, after
two failures, by uniting  with it the bill to organize New-Mexico as a territory.  This union was concurred in by the senate, and all the bills became laws. Two additional bills, ret
ported separately from the senate's compromise committee
were likewise passed.  One of them  abolishes the slave
trade in the District of Columbia, while the other (known
as the fugitive slave bill) provides more summarily and rigorously for the recapture and return to their masters of all




248             POLITICAL LANDMARK9S;
runaways from. slavery who shall have taken refuge in the
free states.  They are the principal results of the session
of 1850, and will cause it long to be remembered.
Toward the close of the session, a strenuous effort was
made for a revision of the existing tariff, with a view to afford additional protection to the depressed branclhes of our
National industry, especially the production of iron and of
cotton and woolen fabrics.  The revision was defeated in
the house by very close votes.  No attempt for it was made
in the senate.  Cheap postage, mileage reform, and several
other desirable changes, were attempted, but failed for want
of time and want of favor. But a strenuous attempt to
break up the system of executing the printing of Congress
by contract, was resisted and defeated in the house, much
to the relief of the treasury;.and a proviso was fastened to
the naval appropriation bill prescribing that flogging in the
navy should henceforth be abolished.  This proviso is now
the law of the Iand, and likely to remain so. Attempts to
engraft the principle of. free grants of public lands to actual
settlers on our land system were made, but strongly voted
down. The session, which had been unusually excited and
stormy, closed calmly and quietly.
Mr. Fillmore, the president, has taken a very strong stand
as a national statesman.  Thus far it seems that no faction
can intimidate or influence him from a path he has marked
out for his guidance as the chief executive.  It is impossible to do justice, we are aware, to an administration in
power, as no one, unless he be a member of congress, can
possibly have an opportunity of knowing exactly its good or
its evil workings.
From  Greely's annual almanac we learn that Mr. Fillmore was born at Summer Hill, Cayuga Co., N. Y., Janu
ary 7th, 1800, and is accordingly now about 50 years old
His father was a farmer in very limited circumstances.
The family removed to Aurora, Erie county, in 1819, where
the father still carries on a farm of moderate dimensions;




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.            249
the writer hereof has often passed the modest house where
reside the family of the President, in a style not more pretending than is common to thriving farmers of that prosperous district. The narrow means of the father did not permit the bestowal on the son of any other than a most limited common-school education.  When  i5 years old, he was
set to learn the trade of a clothier, at which he worked for
four years, improving all his spare time in reading books
from a little library in the village where he lived. At the
age of 19 he made the acquaintance of Judge Wood of
Cayuga county, who detected the latent talents of the young
man, and induced him to study law, for which he generously furnished the means.  Mr. Fillmore remained in Judge
Wood's office above two years, studying with that industry
and perseverance which have distinguished him through
life: during this time he also taught school in the winter
months in order himself to provide for his expenses as far
as possible. In 18'22 he entered a law office at Buffalo and
passed a year studying and teaching, when he was admitted
to the bar and removed to Aurora to commence the practice
of his profession.  In 1826 he married Abigail, the daughter of Rev. Lemuel Powers: she now presides at the White
House.  Several years were now mainly employed by Mr.
Fillmore in diligent judicial studies, and in the limited legal
practice of a country town. In 1829 he was elected to the
Assembly of New-York and for three years (during which
time he removed his residence to Buffalo) held a seat in
that body. Here he was remarkable for constant devotion
to and unwearied industry in' his duties. He took a prominent and influential part in the enactment of the law abolishing imprisonment for debt. In 1832 he was elected to
the XXIIId Congress and served creditably. In the Fall of
1836 he was again returned to the same office and acted as
a member of the Committee of Elections in the famous New
Jersey "Broad Seal" case, and in that capacity established
his reputation in the House.  He was re-elected to the next




MO0              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
Congress, and now assumed the responsible position of
Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. In the
duties of this post at a trying crisis, he manifested the industry, dignity of bearing, efficient practical talent, and
ability to secure the confidence of his colleagues, which had
before distinguishes him.  tHis public reputation perhaps
rests more upon the manner in which he filled this post in
the XXVI1th Congress than on any other portion of his
career.
After this, resisting the importunities of his friends and
the Whig Convention of his District, Mr. Fillmnore returned
at Buffalo, to the practice of his profession.  In 1844 he
was run by the Whigs of New-York for Governor, and
was beaten by Silas Wright.  In 1.847 he was elected
Controller of the State, and removed to Albany to discharge the duties of that office, which lie held till February, 1849, when lie resigned it, prior to his induction into the Vice-Presidency, to which post  he had been
elevated by the Presidential election of 1848.  On the death
of Gen. Taylor in July last, Mir. Fillmore became President.
He appointed a new Cabinet with- Daniel W-ebster at its
head, and varied so far from  the course pursued by Gen.
Taylor.as to throw the influence of the Administration iHn
favor of the Compromise measures before CCongress. At the
same time he rebuked with firmness and decision the threats
made by Texas against New-Mexico.  His course has been
governed by an earnest desire to conciliate the warring
secticns and restore harmony to the Union.
The second session of the 31st Congress, commenced on
the second day of December 1l50. During this session
we are unable to record any measure of- particular interest, save the act to reduce and modify the rates of postage
in the United States, which will be published in full, when
the history of the administrations will be closed.




OR HISTORY OF PARTIES.             251
MODIFICATION  OF  POSTAGE.
An Act to reduce and modify the'rates of postage in the
United States, cand for other purposes.
Be it enacted by tle Senate and HIouse qf Repreesentatives of thle United Stctets of America iln Congress assembled,  That, fiom the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and fifty-one, in lieu of the rates of postage now established by law, there shall be charged the following rates,
to wit' For every single letter in manuscript, or paper of
any kind upon which information shall be asked for, or
communicated in writing, or by marks or signs, conreyed
in the mail, for any distance between places within the United States not exceeding three-thousand miles, whenl the
postage upon such letter shall have been prepaid, three
cents, and five cents when the postage thereon shall not have
been prepaid, and for any distance exceeding three thousand miles, double these rates; for every such single letter or
paper, when conveyed wholly or in part by sea, and to or
from a from a foreign country, for any distance over twenty-five hundred miles, twenty cents, and for any distance
under twenty-five hundred miles, ten cents, (excepting, however, all cases where such postage has been or shall be adjusted at different rates by postal treaty or convention, already concluded or hereafterto be made;) and for a double
letter, there shall be charged double the rates above specified; and for a treble letter, treble those rates; and for a
quadruple letter, quadruple those'rates; and every letter or
parcel not exceeding half an ounce in weight, shall be
deemed a single letter; and every additional weight of half
an ounce, or additional weight of less than half an ounce,
shall be charged with an additional single postage. And
all drop-letters, or letters placed in any post-office, not for
transmission, but for delivery only, shall be charged with
postage at the rate of one cent each; and all letters shall
hereafter be advertised as remaining over or uncalled for in




252~            POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
any post office, shall be charged one cent in addition to the
regular postage, both to be accounted for as other postages
now are.
SEc. 2. And be it further enacted, That all newspapers
not exceeding three ounces in weight, sent from *the office
of publication to actual and bonajfide subscribers, shall be
be charged as follows, to wit: All newspapers published
weekly only, shall circulate in the mail free of postage within the c6unty where published, and that the postage on the
regular number of a newspaper published weekly, for any
distance not exceeding fifty miles out of the county where
published, shall be five cents per quarter; for any distance
exceeding fifty miles, and nqt exceeding three hundred miles,
ten cents per quarter; for any distance exceeding three
hundred miles and not exceeding one thousand miles, fifteen
cents per quarter; for any distance exceeding one thousand
miles and not exceeding two thousand miles, twenty cents
per quarter; and for any distance exceeding two thousand
miles and -not exceeding four thousand milestwenty-five
cents per quarter; and for any distance exceeding four
thousand miles, thirty cents per quarter; and all newspapers published monthly, and sent to actual and bona fide
suberibers, shall be charged with one-fourth the foregoing
rates; and on all such newspapers published semi-monthly
shall be charged with one-half the foregoing rates; and papers published semi-weekly shall be *charged double those
rates; tri-weekly, treble those rates; and oftener than triweekly, five times those rates. And there shall be charged
upon every other newspaper, and each circular not sealed,
handbill, engraving, pamphlet, periodical, magazine, book,
and every other description of printed matter which shall
be unconnected with any manuscript or written matter, and
which it may be lawful to transmit through the mail, of no
greater weight than one ounce, for any distance not exceeding five hundred miles, one cent; and for each additional
ounce, or fraction of an ounce, one cent; for any distance




OR HIS'~ORY OF  ARTtIES.           253
exceeding five hundred miles and not exceeding one thousand five hundred miles, double those rates; for any distance exceeding one thousand five hundred miles and not
exceeding two thousand five hundred miles, treble those
rate-P for any distance exceeding two thousand five hundred miles and not exceeding three thousand five hundred
miles, four times those rates; for any distance exceeding
three thousand five hundred miles, five times those rates.
Subscribers to all periodicals shall be required to pay one
quarter's postage in'advance; in all such cases the postage
shall be one-half the foregoing rates. Bound books, and
parcels of printed matter not weighing over thirty-two ounces,, shall be deemed mailable matter under the provisions
of this section. And the postage on all printed matter other
than newspapers and periodicals published at intervals not
exceeding three months, and sent from the office of publication to actual and bona fde subscribers, to be prepaid;
and in ascertaining the weight of newspapers for the purpose of determining the amount of postage chargeable
thereon, they shall be weighed when in a dry state. And
whenever any printed matter on which the postage is required by this section to be prepaid shall, through the inattention of the postmasters, or. otherwise, be sent without prepayment, the same shall be charged with double the amount
of postage which would have been chargeable thereon if
the postage had been prepaid: but nothing in this act contained shall subject to postage any matter which is exempted from the payment of postage by any existing law. And
the Postmaster General, by and with the advice and consent
of the President of the United States, shall be and he is
hereby authorized to reduce or enlarge, from time to time,
the rates of postage upon all letters and other mailable matter conveyed between the United States and any foreign
country, for the purpose of making better postal arrangemernts with other governments, or counteracting any adverse
measures affecting our postal intercourse withl fOTeign coun



254.       P'OLITICAL LANDMARKS;
tries; and postmasters at the office of delivery are hereby
authorisedl, and it shall be their duty, to remove wrappers
and envelopes from all printed matter and pamphlets not
charged with letter postage, for the purpose of ascertaining
whether there is upon or connected with any such prifted
matter or in such package any matter or thing which would
authorize or require the charge of a higher rate of postage
thereon.  And  all publishers of pamplpets, periodicals,
magazines, and newspapers which shall not excedd sixteen
ounces in weight shall be allowed to interchange their pub-.lications reciprocally free of postage: Provided, That such
interchange shall be confined to a single copy of each publication: And provided, also, That said publishers may
enclose in their publications the bills for subscriptions
thereto without any additional charge for postage: And
provided, further, That in all cases where-newspapers shall
not contain over three hundred square inches they may be
transmitted through the mails by the publishers to bona ide
subscribers at one-fourth the rates fixed by this act.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the
duty of the Postmaster General to provide and furnish to all
deputy postmasters, and to all other persons applying and
paying therefor, suitable postage stamps of the denomination of three cents, and of such other denominations as he
may think expedient to facilitate the prepayment of the
postages provided for in this act; and any person who shall
forge or counterfeit any postage stamp provided or furnished under the provisions of this or any former act, whether
the same are impressed or printed on or attached to envelopes or not, or any die, plate or engraving therefor, or shall
make or print, or knowingly use or sell, or have in his possession with intent'to use or sell, any such false, forged, or
counterfeited die, plate, engraving, or postage stamp, or who
shall make or print, or authorize or procure to be made or
printed, any postage stamps-of the kind- provided and furnished by the Postmaster General as aforesaid, without the




OR HISTORY Of PARTIES.              255
especial authority and direction of the Post Office Depart-:nent, or who, after such postage stamps have been printed,
shall, with the intent to defraud the revenues of the Post
Office Department, deliver any postage stamps to any person or persons other than such as shall be authorized to receive the same by an instrument of' writing duly executed
under the hand of the Postmaster General, and the seal of
the Post Office Department, shall, on conviction thereof, be
deemed. guilty of felony, and be punished by a fine not exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment not exceeding five years, or by both such fine and imprisonment;
and the expenses of procuring and providing all such postage stamps and letter envelopes, as are provided for or authorized by this act, shall be paid, after being adjusted by
the auditor of the Post Office Department, or the certificate
of the Postmaster General, out of any money in the Treasury arising from the Post Office Department.
S3Ec. 4. And be itJfirther enacted, That it shall be the
duty of every postmaster to cause to be defaced, in such
manner as the Postmaster General shall direct, all postage
stamps attached to letters deposited in his office for delivery,
or to be sent by mail;'and if any postmaster,. sending letters in the mail with postage stamps attached, shall omit to
deface the same, it shall be the duty of the postmaster to
whose office such letters shall be sent for delivery to deface
the stamps and report the delinquent postmaster to the Postmaster General.  And if any person shall use, or attempt
to use, in prepayment of postage, any postage stamp which
shall have been before used for like purposes, such persons.
shall be subject to a penalty of fifty dollars for every such
offence, to be recovered in the name of the United States,
in any court. of competent jurisdiction.
SEC. 5. And be itfurther enacted, That lists of letters
ters remaining uncalled for in any post office in any city,
town, or village, where a newspaper shall be printed, shall
hereafter be published once only in the newspaper which,




'256              POLITICAL LANDMARKS;
being issued weekly or oftener, shall have the largest circulation within the range of delive)y of said office, to be
decided by the Postmaster General, under such regulations
as shall be prescribed by him, at a charge not exceeding
one [three] at such office, at such time, and under such regulations as the Postmaster General shall prescribe; and at
a charge of one cent for each letter advertised.  And the
postmaster at such office is hereby directed to post in a conspicuous place in his office a copy of such list, on the day
or day after the publication thereof; and if the publisher of
any such paper shall refuse to publish the list of letters as
provided in this section, the postmaster may designate some
other paper for such purpose.  Such lists of letters shall
be published once in six weeks, and as much oftener, not
exceedihg.once a week, as the Postmaster General may
specially direct;: Provide~o That the Postmaster General
may, in his discretion, direct the publication of German' and
other foreign letters in any newspaper printed in the German
or any other foreign language, which publication shall be in
liue of or in addition to the publication of the list of such letters in the manner first in this section provided, as the Postmaster General shall direct.
SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That to any postmaster whose commissions may be reduced before the amount
allowed at his oflice for the year ending the thirtieth day of
June, eighteen hundred and fifty-one, and whose labors
may be increased, the Postmaster General shall be authorized, in his discretion, -to allow such additional commissions
as he may deem  just and proper:.Provided, That the
whole amount of commissions allowed such postmaster during the fiscal year shall not exceed by more than twenty
p., cent. the amount of commissions at such office for the
year ending the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hnndred and
fifty-one.
SEC. 7. Aznd be it further enacted, That no post office
now in existence shall be discontinued, nor shall the mail




OlR HISTORY OF PARTIESo 5.'
service on any mail route in any of the states or territories
be discontinued or diminished, in consequence of any dimni
inution of the revenues that may result fronm this act; and
it shall be the duty of the Postmaster General to establish
new post offices, and. place the mail service on any new
mail routes established, or that may hereafter be established, in the same imanner as thouigh this act had not passed 
Anld  i'ovidcd fjuI thre, [Thlat tthe compensation of no
postmaster shall be diminished in consequence of the passage of this act.]
SEc. S. S. d blz e it./i/ler' ezacted, That there shall be
paid to the post oflice department, in fuarther payment and
compernsation for the mail service performed for thle two
houses of Congress and -then departments and offices of the.
governmlent in; the transportation of fiee matter, the sum of
five hundred thousand dollars per year, which shall be paid
quarterly, out of any money in the treasury not otler.wise
appropriated; and  the moneys appropriated to the post.
office d(epartmeint by the twelfth section of the act " to establish certain post; routes and for other purposes," approved
March thirl,  eighteen hundred and forty-seven, and  remaining undcrawn in the treasury, shall continue asubjecet to
the requisition of the Postmaster General, for the service of
the post office departmlentl, notwithstanding the same may
have so remained so unldra.vn for more than two yealrs after
it became subject to such requisition~
SEC. 9. And be  it fiuther enacteld, That them.e  is hereby'
appropriated, 1out of any moneys in the trea ilry not otherwise appropriated, the sumn of five hundred thousand dollars
to,supply any deficiency that may arise in the post officedepartment
SEC. 10. A'd be.( it fu'rtlIer enacted,  T'hat it shal ibe in
the power of the Postmaster G    eneral at all post offices
where the postmasters are appointed by the President of
the United States, to establish post routes within the cities
or towns, to provide for conveying letters to the pat office
TUJ41




2s5              POET~tVOLITITfCAL LANDSARKS 
by establishing suitable and convenient places of deposit,
and by employing carriers to receive and deposit them  in
the post office; and at all such offices it shall be in his
power to cause letters to be delivered by suitable carriers,
to be appointed by him. for that purpose, for which not exceeding one or two. cents shall he charged, to be paid by
the person receiving or sending the same; and all sums so
received shall be paid into the post office department: Provided, The amounti; of compensation allowed by the Postmaster General to carriers shall in no case exceed the
amount paid into the treasury, by each town or city, under
the provisions of this section.
SEco 11. And be it ftur t/er  enacted, That from and after
the passage of this act it shall be lawful to coin, at the mint
of the United States and its branches, a piece of the denomination and legal value of three cents, or three hundredths of a dollar, to be composed of tlhree-fourths silver
and one-fourth copper, and to weigh twelve grains and
three-eighths of a grain, that the said coin shall bear such
devices as shall be conspicuously different from those of the
other silver coins and of the gold dollar, but having the inscription United States of America, -and its denomination
and date; and that it shall be a legal tender in payment of
debts for all sum*of thirty cents and under; and that no
ingot shall be used fo t~he coinage of the three cent pieces
herein authorized, of which the quality differs more than
five thousandths from the legal standard, and that, in adjusting the weight of the said coin, the following deviations
from the. standard weight shall not be exceeded, na-melyone-half of a grain in the single piece, and one pennyweight
in a thousand pieces.
Adproved March, 185 l




OR HISTORY OF PARTIEBS                 259
ABSTRACT.
Of the Laws oyf the United States in relation to the Naturcalization of Aliens.
SECTION 1. Any alien, being a free white person, may be
admitted to become a citizen of the Unitedl States, or any
of them, on the following conditions, and not otherwise:
SEC. 2. First: That he shall have declared, on oath or
affirmation.before the supreme, superior, district or circuit;
court of some one of the states, or of the territorial districts
of the United States, or a circuit or district court of the
UJnited States, or before the clerk of either of such courts,
two years at least before his admission, that it was, bona
fide, his intention to become a citizen of the United States,
and to renounce forever, all allegiance and fidelity to any
foreign prince, potentate, state or soverignty, whereof such
alien may, at the time, be a or citizen subject.
SEc. 3. From  this condition are exempted, any alien,
being a free white person, who was residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States at any
time between the eighteenth day of June, 1798, and the
fourteenth day of April, 1802, and who has continued to
reside within the same.
SEc. 4. An alien, being a free white persorn and a minor,
under the age of twenltyonp years, who shall lhave resided
-in the United States three years next proceeding his arrival
at the age of twenty-one years, and who shall have continu,
ed to reside therein to the time he may make application to
be admitted a citizen thereof,  may, after he arrives at the
age of twenty-one years, and after he shall have resided five
years within the United States, without having made the
declaration, required in the second section, three years previous to his admission: but, such alien shall mnake the dec~
laration required therin, at the time of his or her admission;
and shall further declare, on oath, and prove to the satisfaction of the court, that for three year. lext preceedping  it




POLITICAL LANDM-ARKS;
has been the bona fide intention of such  alien to become a
citizen of the United States; and shall, in all other respects;
comply with the laws in regard to naturalization.
SEC. 5. When any alien, who shall have complied with
the condition specified in section second and who shall
have  lursued the directions prescribed in the second sece
tion of the act of April, 14, 8S02, may die, before he is
actually naturalized, the widow and the children of such
alien shall be considered as citizens of the United States,
and shall be entitled to all rights and privileges as such,
upon taling the oaths prescribed by law.
SEC. 6. An alien shall at the time of his applications to
be admitted, declare, on oathI or affirmation, before some
one of the courts aforesaid, that he will support the constitution of the United States, and that he doth absolutely and
entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to
every foreign prince, potentate, state or soverignty whatever,
and particularly, by name, the prince, potentate, state or
sovereignty, wlereof he was]before a citizen or subject;
which proceedings shall be recorded by tlle clerk of the
court.
SEC. i. The court admlitting such alien shall be satisfied
that he has resided within the United States five years,
at least, and within the state or territory where such court,
is at the time held, one year at least; and it shall further
appear to their satisfhaction that, during that time, he has
behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the
prixuciples of the constitution of the United States, and well
disposed to the good order and happiness of the same, The
oath of the applicant shall, in no case, be allowed to prove
his residence.
Sec. 8. In case the alien applying to be admitted to citizenship, shall have borne any hereditary title, or been of
any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom  or state from
which he came, he shall, in addition to the above requisites mankre an express renunciatica  of his title or nobility,




OR HIsTORY OF PARTIES.              261
in the court to which his application shall be made, which
renunciation shall be recorded in the said court; provided,
that no alien, who shall be a native citizen, denizen or subject of any country, state or sovereign with whom the Un'i
ted States shall be at war, at the time of his application,
shall be then admitted to be a citizen of the United States.
SEC. 9. But persons resident within the United States or
the territories thereof, on the eighteenth day of June, in
the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve, who had
before that day, made a declaration according to law, of
their intention to become citizens of the United States; or
who, by the existing laws of the United States, were, on that
day, entitled to become citizens, without making such (leclaration, may be admitted to become citizens thereof, notb
withstanding they shall be alien enemies, at the times, and
in the manner prescribed by the laws heretofore passed on
that subject; provided, that herein nothing contained, shall
be taken or construed to interfere with, or prevent the apprehension and renaoval, agreeably to law, of any alien enemy, at any time previous to the actual naturalization of such
alien.
SEC. 10. Any alien, being a fiee white person, who was
residing within thle limits, and under the jurisdiction of the
United States between the fourteenth day of April, one
thousand eight hundred and twelve, and the eigh!teentlh day
of June, one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and who
has continued to reside withiin the same, may be admitted
to become a citizen of the United States, withou.t having
made any previous declaration of his intention to become a
citizen; provided, that whenever any person, without a certificate of such declaration of intention, shall make applica.
tion to be admitted a citizen of the JUnited States, it shall be
proved to the satisfaction of the court, that the applicant
was residing within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of
the United States, before the eighteenth day of-June, one,
thousand eight hundred and twelve, and has cu —tiuned to




~682             POLITICAL LANDMARKS X
reside within the same or he shall not be so admitted;  and
the residence of the applicant within the limits, and under
the jurisdiction of the UTnited States, for at least five years
immediately preceding the time of such application, shall be
proved -by the oath or affirmation of citizens of the United
States which citizens shall be named in the record as witnesses; and such continued residence within the limits,
and under the jurisdiction of the United States, when satisfactorialy proved, and the place or places where the applicant has resided, for at least five years, as aforesaid, shall
be stated and set forth, together with the names of such
citizens, in the record of the court admitting the applicant;
otherwise the samen shall not entitle him to be considered
and deemed a citizen of the United States.
SEC. 1. 1.  Nothing in the foregoing section ten contained
shall be construed to exclude from  admission to citizenship,
any free white person who was residing within the limits
and under the jurisdiction of the United States at any time
between the eighteenth day of June, one thousand seven
hundred and ninety-eight, and the fourteenth day of April,
one thousand eight hundred and two, and who, having continued to reside therein without having made any declaration
of intention before a court of record as aforesaid, may be
entitled to become a citizen of the United States, according
to section three.  Whenever any person, without a certificate of such declaration of intention, as aforesaid, shall make
application to be admitted a citizen of the United States, it
shall be proved to the satisfaction of the court, that the Applicaint was residing within the limits and under the jurdis
diction of the United States, before the fourteenth day of
April, one thousand eight hundred and tw- o, and has continued to reside within the same, or he shall not be so admits
ted.  And the residence of the applicant within the limits
and under the jurisdiction of the United Sfates for at least
five years immilediately preceding the time of such application, shall be proved by the oath or affirmation of citizens
pf the United Jd tate,;  which citizens shall be named in th




011 IISTO1RY OF PARTIES.             263
record as witnesses.  And such continued residence within
the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States,
when satisfactorily proved, and the place or places where
the.applicant has resided for at least five years as aforesaid,
shall be stated and set fort;h, together with the names of
such citizens, ill the record of the court admitting the applicant: otherwise the same shall not entitle him to be corlsidered and deemed a citizen of United States.
SEC. 12. The children of persons duly naturalized under
any of the laws of the United States, or who, previous to
the passing of any law on that subject, by the government
of the United States, may have become citizens of any one
of the states, under the laws thereof, being under the age
of twenty-one years, at the time of their parents' being so
naturalized or admitted to the rights of citizenship, shall if
dwelling in the United States, be considered as citizens of
the United States; and the children of persons who now
are, or -have been citizens of the United States, shall, though
born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States;
be considered as citizens of the United States.  The right
of citizenship shall not descend to persons whose fathers
have never resided within the United States.  And no person hertofore proscribed by any state, or who has been legally convicted of having joined the army of Great Britian
during the war of the revolution, shall be admitted a citizen without the consent of the legislature of the state in
which such person was proscribed.  Children of persons
naturalized before the fourteenth of April, 1'$02, under age
at the time of their parents' naturalization, were, if dwelling in the United( States on the fourteenth day of April,
1802, to be considered as citizens of the United States.
$Sc. 13. Any alien who was residing within the limits,
and under the jurisdiction of the United States before the
twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand seven hundred
and ninety-five may be admitted to become a citizen, on
due proof -made to Aoe one of the Courts aforeaid, that




264              POLITICAL LANDMARKIS;
he has resided two years at least, within and tunder the
jurisdiction of the United States, and one year at least imin
mediately preceding his application, within the state or territory where such court is at the time held; and on his
declaring on oath or affirmation, that he will support the
constitution of the United States, and that he doth abCsolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state or soverignty
whatever, and particularly, by name, the prince, potentate,
state or soverignty whereof he was before a citizen or subject; and moreover, on its appearing to the satisfaction of
the court that, during the said. term  of two years, he ]has
behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the
constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the
good order and happiness of the same; and where the alien
appl,ying for admission to citizenship, shall have borne any
hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in
the kingdom or state from which he came, on his moreover
making, in the court, an express renunciation of his title
or order of nobility, before he shall be entitled to such admission; all of whlich proceedings, required in this proviso
to be performed in t;he court, shall be recorded by the clerk
thereof.
SEc. 14. Every court of record, inlany individual s.tate,
havinog common law jurisdiction, and a seal or clerk or pro)thonotary, shall be considered as a district court, within the
meaning of the naturalizatiolj act; and every alien, who
lmay have been naturalized in any such court, slhall erjn;
the same rights and privileges, as if he had been naturalized
in a district or circuit court of the United States.
SEc. 115. No person who shall arrive in the United States,
after February the seventeenth, 181.5, shall be admitted to
become a citizen of the United States, who shall not, for
the continued term  of five next preceding his admission,
hare resided within the JUnited States, without being at any
time during the said five years, out of the territory of the
United States,



Olt Y1.WB!ORVr 0: PARTIR'Q-,             965
ELECTION LAW OF._M'ICHIG AN.
SECTION I. In  all elections, every white male citizens
every white mnale inhabitant residing in the State on the
twenty-fburth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and
thirty-five; every white  male inhabitant residing in this
state on the first (lday of January, one thousand eight hundred and fifty, wvho has declared hiis intention to become a
citizen of the Uited.States,'  plrsa nt to the laws thereof,
six nmounths preceding  an election, or who has resided ia
this state twyo years and six moinths, and declared his intention as aforesaid, and every civilized  male inhabitant of
Indian descent, a native of the United  States, and not a
-member of anmy tribe, shall be an elector and entitled to
vote;'b lut no  itizen or inhsbltant shall be an elector or
entitled to vote,  nless  he.shall be above the age of twventyone years, and has esided in this state three -ronths, and
in the township or wsard inr wvhich he off-rs to rote, te
days next preceding such election;
Sic. 2, All votes shall be given by ballot, except for
such township officers as uay be aut-horized by llaw to be
otherwise chosen.
Set". 3. Every elector, in all cases except t eason, f'elony
or breach of the peace, shall be privileged frnom  arrest du-ring his attendance. at election, and in going to and retarning from the saime.
$fec. 4. No elector shall be obliged to do militia duty ori
the day of election, except in time of war or public dangers
-or attend court as a suitor or witness.
$ c. 5. No elector shall be deemed to ha-ve gained or
lost a residence by reason of his being employed in the
service of the United Sta-tes or of this state  nor while engaged in the.avigation of the waters of this state cf or  f the
Unit.d Staes, c' )_ }_Lg- hiigh seas;  -- or vhile a stduent — Of
any semitrary on F 1C,[,,r:n''nor r:.rs e i i:o: a any:im ti.-oits
oir oIet asylft at p',ny  a  t  i,is-,  ni o, t iot bt...rit. _.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~omu~t dil'-'....




1 OLITICAL LANDMAfL*C5;'SC, 6. Laws may be passed to preserve the purity of
elections, and guard against abuses of the elective franchise.
SEc. 7. No soldier, seamlan, nor marine in the armry or
navy of the United States, shall be deemned a resident of
this state in consequence of being stationed in any military
or naval place withirn the same.
SEC. S. Any inhabitant who may hereafter be engaged
in a duel, either as principal or accessory before the fact,
shall be disqualified from holding any office under the constitution and laws of this state, and shall not be permitted
to vote at any electiosn.
U-NIDED  iS  ATES GOVERNfMEN'T
SALARIEiQ
President of the U-nited States,         c         25,000
Secretary of State,                                 6(,)00.,'  Gof hle Treasury,                        63000'    "g LG SInterior,              6,000
Wa,...            6,000:    65of the Navy,                            6,000
Postmaster-General,           -    -    -    -    6,000.Attorney-general,    -                     "      4,000




O  HItSTORY 0  PA'TIE.               2 67
STATE GOVERN MENTS.-151.o
Statesrnor. Toverm e:p7ires.                     Salary..IAINE,.      Jolm Hubbard,  -   an.!1S1J 1';,500
N. HAMl-p IslltRE,   Sa-iuel Dinsnoor, June,'5 1  1,000'VERPMIo'1'r,        S /t.. T4Z7iiaims,) Oct.''5 750
MiAlss ACl:UsE  T:S,  George S. Boutwell, Jan.'52i  2,:050
Rr OD E-TSLAtNI),   Phillip Allen,  -   May  O'rt 400
CONI'UCTOU'TI,  Thos.  H. Seymnour, MIay'-2:,00
NE w-YorXi,   ='    ashui,.gton H-:nt,2i Jan.'53   4,000
NEw-JERIsE,,      George F. Fort,'   Jan.'55   1,a900
PEINNSYILVANIA,   /V. _F. Johnston,  Jan.'52  3,000
DELAWARE,   W- illiam t-i. Ross,  Jan.'55  1, 333~
MARYLAND,   ~  Enoch L. Lowe,   J.an.'54   3,600
VIRaGINIA,        John B. Floyd,     all.'5n   3,3o3,
N ORT II-C(:AR (LI iNA,   David S. Reid,    Jman.'53   2,000
SOUTH-CA:ROInNA, John H. Means,  - Jan.   52   3,500
GEor, -IA,      -  eo V. Wo Towns,  Nov.   a    3,000
FLORIDA,           T.o- aho s S. Browt, Oct.'53   1,500
ALAB3AnMAil,  -  -   I Henry W. Collier, Dec.'51',500
MAIssissPri, -  - John A. Quitman, Jan.'52   3,000
LOIJs~IANA,  -   Joseph Walker,    Jan.'54 t: 6,000
OrIo, -   -       Reuben Wood,    Dec.'5o2  1.,200
INDIANA',      -  Joseph A. Wright, Dec.'52  1,300
ILLINOIs,   -     Augustus C.. French Jan.'53   1,500
MIC- IGAN,   -   John S. Barry,  Jan.'52   1,000
WVscoNsIN,   - - Nelson Dewey, -  Dec.'51   1,250
IowA,   - -       Steph. Hempstead, Dec.'54   1,000
KENTUCKY,   -;. L.  HelT, (acti'g) Alug.'51  2,n00
TrENNEssEE,  - - William Trousdale, Oct.'51,000
ARANSAS,    - -  John S. Roane, -  Nov.'52   1,,800
TExs,....- Peter H. Bell,         Dec.'5    2,000
MrssouRI,   -     Austin A. Ring,    Dec.'52   2,00 0
CALIFORNIA, -   Peter H-. Burnett,  Dec.'51  10,000'The nam-nes of Governors in itclics are whigs,




,.ECTORAL VOTES FOR PRESIDENTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS FROM'  9 18                                                                      849
0'  0   is  CD  CD  ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~CD~~~~~~~O   is
092
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CDC                                    C
(George   iCashington, Va.         4                        6''  3[  66
rko m'cr'                                1o4
C  I Thomasn Aonn, Ma.                  1                            1         1 4 2 
C~~~~~cJ~~~~~~~er~~~~~~~ng~~8. {4~71 C~
6s noIt   ne Y i. I            41 1             3            l    1'                  K
E$0t  John Adams, M91ass.1611                                        1            [1
Gerg  Clinon Bn, N. Y.                                       I                                         8I SC   412
]0,Cha's C.  Pinekney, S. C.           6               91      74  51                                             8 _____
o.h'es I~hoimas Jefferson, Ta. 69                           19 8                                               5 8                                                 r
C C    n,   
AGeorge Clinton                               4 N9.j.                               0 6                 10   i   1    II 
losa' CA~iims MCninn~~sV  C   1s~  1.   4    S   [  I               13
10.gScattercn,                                                5              5        1  8                       
oes     re Is CJifinrton, NY.        i  i                                          4i    4      11                 
IJhn  Adamesr, Mass.              6 14 11  1'           1     05           1 I   J                                     1
Chas._C.___________ S.-20 6   4  161 C1 9 10'91  811 23  5511    1    i   I'0"   Thomas Jeffersol,  Va.           47 6, 820 39 4
-P, if e S   h Ch-aas C.]Pinc 7ney, S.                                      I'1                                                                              6
(Georue Clinton~kT., N.Y.              1B          7 9   8-21       924' 4110 7  6                                           I  I 91 41             6S
V  S RU f r'  Z, N5,   2  BI                                                                           I It
6619hJams Maiso,    a,                                          2,         j 4sII  1     1          1      514
a aara~~~~ Burr, N, P. ~~~~~61 4/li/          C i"  l   /3   55 1j 8   "    [0:4                                                              a3    t
~~SU5  Thomas fe~f~icknev, Sa.       1 j6  191 41 9/ -s 2        1    93   8        116/5/s   3 
If Ies  Chaa's C. Phnkny,   S C                   I                           %                         I~
~-,~   g George Cl-iton, tN. YT.                            8            91 -249  D   5  C/8   28/ 41 II  0S 6
91s13  31                                                                                 471  3
BRufus King3, N.  Y.              7!c    9   4                         5 
us 13 j4arne- M,'idi on, V6a.                                                6    5  1    1!8                                              2
De Witt C B'Unt onu,   N.Y.                                   ) 51     5 Sjs   3                                                                      89 
JF-lbrid ge Gerry  -M                          251      6 i 251 15  11; 81   /             1 3j  21   71   1                          1  Ij    is
~Jare d Ingersoll, P              I' 8  221  41  91 2                  5          i. 41. 




1817 jianiesMolnroe, Va.                8   8f       4      29 9     25       8  25  a Z'I   8             3   9  12   81 31
t817 tJames ~im}~oe,'Va.                        2       9                                                                                                    4
Pres    Rufus King, N.Y.                        fI f1
V. P. D. Topkin, N..                    8 psc 9                   25,      8  25            8            3   8                                           183
-1821 P res. James  Monroe, Va    91 7s1  8  151  4   9 29   8             II    51151              3313    812   833    
V.. D. D. Thompkins, N. Y    91 71    81 7s1  H1 999                5s      10   5       Ii         3          8  12   83    3                             18
Teimj                             71  981 81 3  7          lf l          9     3 l
('Andrew Jacksonu                                                               15e~Tn. 
~~~~i   3                       j   51 4t 8] 2611                      i ii         iI:1~  I,9
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
P1825n5i Joln   uincy  Adams, _," s  8448
WmA, W i.  Crawford E. G'         I5!                           19          41           9                 1         I 1 4  94.4!    1                                                   I   16                                    37~
LHenryClay,'Ky.                                                                                            114
Jobn G. Galhounni     C.      9                         982       11'  811 5I111/
V.P   Nathan SantfordN,      Y           l   1      I        7 oC  SC 7l;_     aol                   I __I      17   11    r        o0 I   I
4    1e.~                                 7 1IG
13    C)
7   6   3                                         I I T'  8  11  1        I 5   8                1
Vote:n tie Hose11' 1        21 99  a  7f 17
ntatives1  ]r  nl
V.   Richard Rush, P,                                                                              I                                                        3  8   71 I      8s s CD    
YiPe am    Smen ilthe., IS.                                            61                             I                                                7 7
193  Andrew Ja9ck son, Tenn.                                                                       7 4   5
~Pres  ~ohnQ. Aame                                          4ass                                       4 SS  7          21'                                219
r ens y Clay"'nr ~ y.          1          4'   41  8                i            I        1   I              ml                                       4 1 
-V. p  Martin VanBurenl   N Y1. 1011 71'l  8    1   131 91 20j1151se  jIl  7 4   5  15                                1    9   5   4                       189
i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~7                                                                           0 j   5  j 3 5s1jer  s;33 l~'?'.  IT~ichiard ~ Ru~~shn, Pa.    h,7 ~t               ~2       0   ieIS   s                                  5  2    I          I3
41  842 j       171-3           1             7   4  5                  95   4          13             147
8! - ~ I  4  1                                                   31              4
I 8 4 I;Wm- Hf ~-. Harrison, Ohio,j210!  71 7j ill  -11 814~2  83,  3  10! 315              11       4   51j    I~i 1-1 21   9           3               2964
PTes I     otin.Van BuenN.                                                         I 41 i1594   3                                                          73
V.P F  John Tyler s, Va.s.IISC 1 1 22      lo                      __.             __    _ _ _             4
It. M.Joihnson,  Xy.    Ih             o Ky I             8',5                              4m4
T45  WOarzes  K. Polkh Ten~n.     9   6                                                 9al iij3  i2i3    /  7   I 8  101  9   6   6/310, ij.9 7   3    4170
Pies    e  n ry C'Iay, ky.                     4_) t453
Geoa.r-Ie    DalBuas, F    I      1,  12        53          cS   jt       I l 9I15C,1                                        In3I
7. F   _TO_         ysen, __ _                                         I    I I -21,49   1001   71 6                             7i 4131511170
Theo  F9reingh'y17sen14N                                                                             6 4 C,6    7    1 2                             105
1845  in. ~~~~~  19ichiano      l~TI                         i       1s           I4  Si       1          13         1 19   9   7:l  4  94'44  107
gene                                                      199              51 17            63'lien S~~~wirnntooiya ~~~I   n                                                     9 19  9  1~4o      7      4 10 94  9   ~ 13/ 19/ 937/94I   7
1849~ I~e ~via Cts  Sdiiichian     91 6i ~I (i  Ii'j'ja,         j 8    j       l~ 1i  ~I r   9j  e Cl       II      93/;3  191  "'l "1 j13/    I  4i 4r1 1l'2
PTes IZacharsy  Tasyor   La.                6   1 21i  41    1 n6 71 26   48          ~       il I I6131                                               _ 
1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~05
Ieilhiana  O Butler, Nkyk     91 6/  9i 12/  94  94 1s    9  R1/  31   41   4   8  51 9c  Ci  94,9  191 23  19  9I  7/  9   Sf 3/ 3 I 4),/ -4   197
_                   __Millard Fillmre, N_                                          __.                     _ _        _    _ ~63 




~270                 POLITICAL LANDMARIS;
RECAPITULATION.
Ist Term, 1789. Electors 69, and 69 votes for George WashingtoW
John Adams had 34.  John Jay had New-Jersey, 5, Delaware, 3, Virginia 1 —9 in all. R. H. Harrison had Maryland, 6. J. Rutledge had South
C(arolina, 6. John Hancock had Pennsylvania, 2, Virginia, 1, South Carolina, 1 —4 in all. G. Clinton had Virginia, 3. S. Huntington had Connecticut, 2.   J. Milton had Georgia. 2. 3. Armstrong had Georgia, 1,.Edwv Telfair had Georgia, 1. B. Lincoln had Georgia, 1 —Total 69.
Rhode-Island, New-York, and North-Carolina did not assent to the constitution in season to vote for President in 1'789.
o2nd Term, )1793. Electors, 135. 132 votes for George Washington,
and 3 vacancies, NMaryland,, and Soutsh-Carolins,  1): John Adams receiyed 77 Aotes; George Clinton, 50.  Thomas Jefferson had Kentucky,
4 votes. Aaron Burr had South-Carolina, 1 vote —Total 13)2.
3d Teirm, 1 797.  Electors, 138.  John Adams received 71 votes''.lihomas Jeffersosn had 68 votes. Tlhornas Pincklney hlad9 votes. Aaron
Burr 1had 30 votes.  S. Adams ha  Virgiiia, 15o votes.  O. L. Elsworth
had N{ew I-Ipslhire, 6, Massachusetts, 1, Rhodle-Island. —11  in all.
George Clinton had Virginia, 3, Georgia 4 —7 in all. Jolhn Jay had (,onnecticut, 5.  James Iredell lhad North-Carolina, 3. G:eorge ~Washington
h3ad Virginia, 1., Nortlh-Carolia, 1 —2 in all. J. Flenry had Marylasnd, 2.
C. C. Pinckney had Nosrtli-Carolina, 1.  S. Johnson had 25 from Massacl; use tts.
4lth Term, 1801. Electors, 138. Thos. Jeff'erson received 73 votes;
Aaron Burr received 73 votes; J. Adams had 65 votes; Cihas. C. Pinclkney had 64 votes. Jolhn Jay had Rhode-Island, 1. Tlhe election was
carried to the House of Representatives, and Mir. Jefferson was, on the
36th ballot, cliosdn President by the votes of' New-York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Marylaiad, Virginia, -North-Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee
and Kentucly.  Ir. Burr wvas also chosen Vice President. After this
tLe Constitution was altered so as to require the President; and VicePresident to be voted for separately.
5tl0 Term, 180.5. See table.
6th Telrm, 1809. For President, J. Madison, 12? votes; C'lhas., C Pinckney, 47; G. Clinton, 6 votes frosn the State of ANew-York.  Vacancy in
Kentucky. Total, 176. For Vice-President, G. C:lintons,  13; Rufius
King, 47; J. Langdon, 9, (6 firom  Vermont and 3 from Olsio); J. TMadison,
3, (fi'om 1N. Y,); J. Monroe, 3, (firon N. V.) 1 vacancy in Kentucky.'rotal, 176.
7th Term, 1813, See table. One vacancy in Ohio.
8th Term   1817. F'or President, J. Monroe, 183 votes; Ruffus King, 34.
Foursvacancies, (Del. 1, M d., 3). Total, 221. For Vice -President, Dan'l
D. Tompkilis, 183 votes; John E. Howard, 20 votes froin Mass.;  James
Ross, 5, isoam (Conn.; J. Marshall, 5, fions Conn.;  R. G. Harper, 3 from
Delaware. Four vacancies as before. Total 221.
9th Term. 1821,  For Presidest, J. Monroe, 231; J. Q. Adamns,, from




OR  HISTORY  OF PARTIES.                     271
Mass. Total, 232. For Vice President, D. D. Tompkins, 218; R. Stockton, 8, from Mass.; D. Rodney, 4, from  Delaware; R. Rush, 1, from N.
H.; R. G. HEarper, 1, from Maryland. Total, 232.
10th Term, 1825: For President, Andrew  Jackson, 99 votes; J. Q.
Adams, 84; Wim. H. Crawford, 413; Henry Clay, 3Z. Total, 261. Mr.
Adams was chosen by the House of Representatives.  See table. For
Vice Presidelt, J. C. Calhoun, 182; N. Sandford, 30; iN. Macon, 24,
from Va.; A. Jackson, 13, (1 fiom N. H., 8 from Conn., 1 from Md., and
3 from Mo.;) M. Van Buren, 9, from Georgia; -Henry Clay, 2, from Del,
One vacancy in Rhode lsland! Total, 261.
111th Ter m, 1829. Sec Table.
12tlh'cerm 18033. For President, Andrew Jackson, 219 votes; Henry
Clay, 49; J. I Floyd,  1. from S. C.; Wln. Wirt, 7, from  Vt, Two vacancies from Maryland, 1otal; 286.  For Vice President, M. Van Buren,
189; John Sergeant, 4.9; Wil. WVilkins, 30? fiom Pa.; Henry Lee,, 11frol, 
S[ C.; Amnos EllIn-aker 7% firomVt. Total, 286.
13th  ern, 1837. F'o;  President, Martin VTan Buren, 170; Win. H
aH lanison, 7'; Ituglh L Whllite, 6; Daniel Webster, 14; W. P. Mangum,
it. Total, i94. t'For Vice President, Richard M. Johnson, 144; Francis
11- GCanger, i 7; ( John Tyller, 4i, W'in Smith, 23. Totsal, 294.
14th'i'erm, 1841.  For Pr'esident Wrne. E. HHaiirison, 234 votes; M, Va
Buren, 60, Total 294. For Vice President, John Tyler, 234; R.M.
Johnson, 48; L. w. razeiwell, 11; J. K. Polk, 1. Total, 294,
15:h Term,,1245. (See Table.)
16th Terml, 1849. (See Table.)
SINGULAR COINCIDENCE.
The presidents left the chair of state at periods of life as
follows
G eorge W;aslington,                 in the 66th year of his age,
John  A.dams,                     -'    6th 6h
Thlomas Jefferso   nl,.             66th 
James Madison,                  -           66th          "
Jamles Monroe,               -              66th 
Johbn Quincy A dams,            -      "     6'd 2c
Andrew  JIacIson,'"'70th
Mart;ii   Tan Buren,'   59 th 
Wailliam  I I. 1larison,               "    GSth
James K,  olk".,                             54th'C
Zacl.hary Taylor,  66 th 6
Had the younger Adams been elece'ed a second term, he
would have retired in his 66th year.




272                    POLITICAL  LANDMI)IARKS
FIRST CENSUS OF THE U. S. FOR 1790.
Whites, and all others not slaves,.... *,,9..S,........... 3,231,930
Slaves,..e....e...........d.ve eo eo. 697,897
Tdtal population,...............3,929,827
APPORTIONeENT.-The apportionment, under the first census, ill 1790
of Representatives among the several States, ag reeable to the act of
April 14, 1792, was 1 Representative to every 33:000 souls, after March,
3, 1793.
SECOND CENSUS OF THE U. S. FOR 1800.
WVhites, &c. O O        O  O O..   O   e......o.. o 4 C    O.  O  6.4,412,900:lavlres  b46 e..................................... 893,04,1
Total,    eo...........o..........  o oo O9 O...Of  5,305,941
Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of Jan, 14, 1802,
was I Representative to every 33,000 souls, after MRarch 3, 1803,
THIRD CENSUS OF'THE U. S., FO.R 1810.
Whites, &c.,.............................           6.... 6,048,430
Slaves,'       e  e        e;19136
Total,...eeoeCoe.ea.eeeea^o..ee^eoe^ree            o re.a.... 7,29814
Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of Dec. 21, 1811,
was 1 Representative to every 35,000 souls, after March 3, 1813.
FOURTH CENSUS OF THE U. S., FOR 1820.
Whites, &Ce       AeOd  9e                     o8,18f00,163
Slaves,' e                           1,538/)28
Total,  e e    ee.......    eC...eee.....9638,!1
Apportionment of Reprasentatives, according to act of March 7, 1822,
was 1 Representative to every 40,000 souls, after M darch 3, 1823.
FIFTH CENSUS OF'THE U,., FOR.8300
Whites, &c................. *eeee                           1 eee    *  e  0,856,977
Slaves eae..e...........      e............. 2,009,043
Total, e.  e e o. e e e e  a r e. e e e e e  a e...... a  e e r   -  r     128660j20
Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of May 22, 1832,
was 1 Representative to every 47,700 souls, after March 3, 1833.
SIXTH CENSUS OF THE U. S., FORI 840,
Whites, &c.,...............................14,382,098
Slaves,.........    ee. e    o..... Ae A I.. I.O...* 2,487,355
Totale,   a o  e  e  e   e     e  e   e  n   e      e  e  l  -f e e  e  e  t'^ e  t ^e re     e     e *     e  ^  f ) * e I'! e  e  o e  a e V    ae17 069    453




OL  tISTTORY  OF PARTIES.                     273
Apportionment of' Representatives, according to act of Jiane 25, 1842,
was 1 Representative to every 70,680 souls, after March 3,1843.
Under each apportionment, two-fifths of the slave population was de.
ducted.
SIXTH  CEN-SIS   OF1  THE  U. S., FOR, 1.840.
White population,  
and all others nol  Slaves.     Total.
slaves.
Mlnaine,                    1           501,793                 501,793.T'ew  Hampshire,l                      2841,574                284,574
Massachusetts,                          737.6;9'737,699
Rhode Island,                           108,825          5      108,830
Connecticut,                            309,061         17      309,978
Vermont,                    I           291,948                 291,948.New York,                            2428,91.7         4     2;,428.921
]New  Jersey,                           372.659 6     647       373,306
Pennsylvania,                         1723,969         64      1,724,033
Delaware,                                75,480      2,60'78,805
IiMaryla.nd,                            380,282    89,737       470,019
Virginia,                               790.810   448,987      1,239,797
North Carolina,                         507,602,  245,817'73,419
South Carolina,                         267,360   327.038       594,398
Georgia,                                410,450   280,942       691,392
Alabama,                                337,224   253M532       590,756
Mlisslssippi,                          162,440   195,21 1      3'75,651
Louisiana,                              183,957   168,454       352,411
Tennessee,                              646,151    183,059      829,210
Kentucky,                               587,570    192 258      779,828
Ohio,                       I         1,519,464         3      1,519,467
Indiana,                                685,863         3       685,866
Illinois,                               475,852       331       476,183
Missouri,                              335,462    58,240        383,702
Michigan,                              212,267 |                212,267
Arkansas,                               77 637     19,937        97,574
Florida,                                28,760     25,717        54,477
Wisconsin,                              30,934         11        30,945
Iowa,                                   431096         16        43,112
District of Columbia,                   39,0.18 -    4,694 4- 3,712
17,063,353
Total number of persons on board vessels of war in the U. S,
service, June 1, 1840;,..rfl *. e......r.............+...  6.6,100
Total of the United States,-...-.   e,,.e..,,.......,.,,  17;065,439
SIT'XTiH CENSUS OF T.HE TS S. FOR 1850.
The Superintendent of the Census furnished the Washington Republic,
at Washington, in May last, the following statement of the census ot
1850, which is the only list now before the public.  It is supposed to.be
nearly correct, although there may be some slight inaccuracies. It also
gives the ratio of representation and number of Representatives to each
state, which that amount of population will give, the fractions being given in a, eparate column, as left to each state.




7~T.                    POLITICALT LIANlDMARKS 9
Represc.ta-      No. of RepreStates.     Free Popu-      rlaves.    tive popula-         sentatives
latlo-,.                    l tion.        and fractions.
M aine,              583,232                                         6  21t,020
New-Hlampshire,   317,831                                            3  36,725
Massachusetts,        994,721                                       10  57,25t
Vermont,              313,4665                                       3  3273G60
Rllode island7        147,555                                        1  533153
Connecticut,          3i0, 604i                                      3  89,498.Aew-York,          3.090,022                                       32  91,5l 
New-J ersey,          488,i32          119                           3  20,113
IPennsylvania,   2,311,681                                          24  62,53)3
Ohio,               1.977,031                                       21   9,89)
Indiana,             908,734                                        10  51,7/14
WVisconsin,           30 1,22G6                                      3  23  113
Micd ign,             39)5,703                                        1  20, W20
Illinois,             538,298 0                                      9  20,()I0
iowa.         1) 192122'2  4,718
Ca lifornia,         200,00(0                                        2  10,9 iMaryland,             492,70(;      8 800           51.;,586' 7,086'
V'g jinia,          9) 1,8,055    4'73,020       1.,8 08i     1    3  13,7411
North-Caroiina.,    -583,54411     288,412          7'1.'l            8   3,889
South-Caro'illn       289,00(      3W4,92>          dl AL9)          5  4,1,)89
Georgia,              515,'669     51,669          73o3s48              77534
Florida,               18,0146        319 1          i7 17i0 
Alabana, 4.'8,'65                 3o 8941          631 (, 501; 
Mississippi,',9',4.341    3oi00,419  472,68,                6  20,895
Louisianra             6),5 30, 0 81 i              40),44           4  33.63.
Texas1,o 3057                        )3,3 1 6       166,01.          1  K7,3i>3(
Arkansas,             16'2,658      4 9            190,8 489.   3,41
Mlvis souri,           94,84        89 89 8,28     -i-8.161          6  86,  2
Tennessee%'733599 29      519,19. 9,3100         9  8 9 9q99
Kentuckis             72 q7972     22168 P,           12,7881        9  I754?0
elkeIware              89,239      - 6)89            90.6121         I
ENTT E E  POPULATION.
Free.       1      Slaves.
F'ee States,              -    -        13,3)3,3 8                     1
Slave States,                            (.,393,933           3,067,234
District 1and'erritories,  1  -           13)5  01
20,)08 7,90)          3, 7  0,7 4
1t11ie entire 1epresentasiive population  is about 2I,83 62,5,  Trhe ratio
ofrypresentlati.on wiltl be about 93,702.
As the la.w of'2.l May: 1850, deterri ines the nuimber of iepresentativesf
at 233, and a.s bhtltt!)3 of these are provided for in the foregoing table
without.taking k tilelm.firo   fractions, it will be necessaly to select foom
the thlirteen states 1ehaving the largest firactions, to each o' wvlhich are to
be assigned a represenltative, to make ilp the entire number.
The states entitled to representatives for such  fractions wil  mnost
probably be A1,hamta, Georgia: Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky, Massachuoi
setts, Marylanrd, Missouri,  New York, Pennsylvania, Rhoder Island, Tennessee, Irexas.
The states which gain, irrespective of tilhe fraction, will be Pennsylvania 1, Illinois 2, Mississippi 1, Mic'higan 1, Missouri 1 —6.




OR  HISTORY  OF PARTIES.                          275
The states which gain, in all, are as follows, viz: Arkansas 1, Indiana
1, Illinois 2, Massachusetts 1, Mississippi 2, Michigan 1, Missouri 2,
Pennsylvania 1 —10.
The following states lose, viz: Maine 1, New-Hampshire 1, NewYork 1, North-Carolina 2, South-Carolina 2, Vermont 1, Virginia 2-11,
The free states gain six members and lose four; h;le slave states gain
four and lose six.
MNDLI3TEDNESS OF TI-E SEVERAL STATES.
United States~,       $64,2 2,203'     Mississippi,             7,o'741 7o'07
Maine,                     979,000       Louisiana,              1;."38,131
Massachusetts,           8,091,017      Tesas,                   1 i,050,201
INew -York,             23,937,2149    Arkanls, s               3,86 2.17
-New-Jersey,                6296         Te'cnnessee,             3,3?37,806
Pennsylvania            40,424,737       Kentucky,                4 531,913
M1Jaryland,             135,900,000      Olhio,                   9,173, 23
Virginia,               11,4,00,507     Micllhigan,              2,849,939
North-C arolinla,          97i,000      Indiana,                 6,61329
Sousth-Carolina,.(;22.t39     1llinois,               16,612,79
Georgia,                 1 903,347           Missou ri,             95G,26 i.Alabamai,              10)313538.        owa,                       55,000
Total in  1.05 O,.                                2-' 5,480,676
Total in 184.3,                                          198,818,735
Increase in seven y)ea+rs,              -                     G7l671,910
INDEIBTEDNESS OF B1AN KlS, RAILROAtS, CT'IES & COUNTIES
Bonded debts of cities and counties, 1851,                  $'7,000,000,0.0
Bonded debts of railroad and canal companies, 1851,           80,000,000,00
Loans and discounts of banks in the United States, 1851,  450,000,000,00
Total,               -                              $ -  60.5,000000,00




576                    POLITICAL LANDMATIKS
CENSUS OF MICHIGAN BY TOWNS.
ALLEGAN COUNTY.
TOWNSHIPS.  1840   1845   1850    TOWNSHIPS.  18O40   1845   1850
Allega,         G634    8431  752   Monterey,                        238
Dorn,                          124   Newark,           121    2 L1   246
Fillmoi,                      527  Otsego,            480    507    819
Ganges,                        246  Pine Plains,'             34
Gunplain,               47'6   587  Plainfield,        397
Leighton,                      112   Trowbridge,              2171   313
~Mlanlius,        35     84     82  WVatson,                  205    313
Miialtin.IG|116   235-   329  Wayland,               133   406
1 831 2,941  5,127
BAtiRY  COUINT Y.
Assyria,                312    336 1 Johnstownl        2271  285    45l1
Barry,           343    216    478  Maple Grove,                     153
Baltimore-,                     90   Orangeville,                    364
Ca'stletorn,            200    324  Prairievill e,            437    555
Carlton,                218    272  Rutland,                         177
Hope,           |7              99  Thornapple,         991   177    336
Hastinigs,       279   23      554   Woodland,                205   377
Irving,               1 39    214  Yankee Springs, 1301   177    292
1,9781 2,6 ()2,072
BERRIEN  COUNT'V.
Bainbridge,      251    613          Niles,          11,420  1,884.Bertrand,     1,298  1,395          Oronoko,         335    664
Benton.                2307         Pipestone,               274
Berrien,         593    566          Royalton,         146    283
Buchanan,        264    630          St. Joseph,      489    622
Galien,                 141          Weesaw,           142    1551
New Buffalo,    123    401                                   -
5,011  7,865 11,412
BRANCH COUNTY.
Algansee,       4214    776     09   Gilead,          2141   4201 - 503
Batavia,        400    636    724   Kinderhookl  282    353
Bethel,         335    449    679   Mattison,          170    333    475
Bronson,        622    561.   713   Noble,                    434    451
Butler,         234    469   61l 1 Ovid,               3(;9   393    710
California,                    473   Quincy,          4981   8411 1,111
Cold Water,  1,123  1,467  2,166   Sh-erwood,         367    613    686
Girard,         4521   675    934   Union,            507    7151 1,271
5,7151 9,0641 1.2,474
CASS COUNTY.
Ca  lvin,       2Q09    359    624   Ontwa,           o4o3  626    781
Howard,         370    6220   766   Penn,             415   536[  698
Jefferson,      4'71    684    887   Porter,          556    948  1,259
La Grange,      769  1,030' 1,327 1 Pokagon,          516   6i81   994
Masoin,         318    398    570   Silver Creek,   1831   3351   491
Marcellus,              1871   222   Volinia,         4111   531    607
Milton,          4391  478    610  i Wayne,           3351  4741. 682
INew brgh,       1751   252    388                  - I -.
5,7101 8,078 10,906




OR  HSot:ORY  oF PhARTI1S,                    277
CALHOUN COUNTY.
TOWNSHIPS.  1840   1845   1850   TrOWNsHIts. | 1840   1845   1850
Albion,          932  1,3581 1.666   tiomer,            824    830    929
Athepas,         134    375    532   Lee,                59    208    381
Battle Creek,  993  1,652  1!897   Leroy,               326    582    878
Bedford,         220    4551   740   Marshall;        1!763  2,250  2,823
Burlington,      411    659    811   Marengo,           872  1;080  1,013
Clarence,               326    485   Nelton,            235    387    569
Clarendon,       506    692    669   Pennfield'        377    517    598
Convis,          292    539    621   Pinckney,         201
Eckford,         555    711   7515   Sheridan,          53541   7911  978
Emmet,           647  1,122  1,582   Tekonha,          3751  530    651
Fredonia         343    536    65'I3
10,599 1 5,59I l,169
CHIIPPEWA COUANTY.
Sault Ste Marie 534.1,017 j  898
CLINTONJ  COUNTY.
Bathl                   151    222   Greenibush,          1   0       318
Bengal,                  49    143   Lebanon                   1'14    192
&ingham,                 7T2   185   Olive,                    1 9    228
Dallas,                 108    185   Ovid.                     102    172
De Witt,                418/  706    Riley,                    1341  191
Duplain,                2131  419   Victor,                    /29. 277
Eagle,                  3641   521  b   Watertown,             198J   315
Esex,                   1931  410'Westphalia,              4011  618
1,614  3,010  5l102
EATON COUNTY,
Bellevue,        b29    653 1   769 1 9Kalallo,         1391   2 i) 46129
Benton,                  186    34t,  Oeinda,           2651   2601   492
Brookfield,              1,47   2,55   Poxadcl,:66|  358
Carmel,           85    288    567   Sunlleld,                 112    122
Chester,         195    20:1   380   Tyler,                |6801
Delta,                   110    241,2  Vermontville 1E 21  272{  324'
Eatoen           868    397;   539   Walton.            116    2861   464k
Eaton Rapids,       4|571 1,525  IWindsol',                   212' 253
4,3'791  4,813  7,058
GENESEE  COUNTY.
Argentine,       177    38 41   436   Genesee          425)1  443
Atlas, -                 80  1 207   Grand Blanci'782  1 029  1 S65
Clayton,                        i18  H1earsley.         11
Cavison,..203    367   Montrose3,                       56
LEast Genese,                   844  MIudy,.          4 O0   632    7 6
Fecntoon,  G0    6       953    873   Richfield,               47    482
Forest,                  126    1'79  Thetford                 172    303
1Flint,          9841 2,0081 3304   Vienna,.J21    342    389
FlIushing,       4731 1,'111   708   West Gneoocc,                    232
~in e8s5G   R'!56k.86                          4 i        o   205
-,4.268!  9:.661 v'ij?03:




9~,'a'78             POLITICAL  LANDMARlKS;
HILLSDALE COUNTY.
TOWNSHIPS. |1840| 1845. 1 1850.   TOWNSHIPS.   113840.  1850. 11860.
Adams,         b34    794  1,129  Litchfield          691    929  1,362
Allen.          466'704  1,033  Moscov,            fi8    8831   942
Amboy,                         232  Pittsfod,         641    833  1,223
(amdeii,        174   345   5394  Ransom,                           549
(Cambria,               421   716  Readtillng,       331    620    93G
(anaan,         164                  Rowlad,          83    32-1
1Fayette,       807  17'20    893  SGipio,           634    644,   864
Florida,        297'499           Somerset,       71G6   776   913'Hillsdale,                  1,067  Wheatland'18{ 1,1231 1,358
Jefferson,          ]          763  iVoodbridge      226    217'  404J
Jonesville village.            565  YWright,                 2771  574
7)240 11,11I1 16,159
HOUGHTON COU-NTY 
Eagle Harbor        I          126 1 LTAnce,                        126
Houghton,                      34 
798
HURON COUIJTY.
Total,                                                        207
INGHAM COUNTY.
Alsidon,       -221   296    377   Locke,                   -212'  321
Aurelius,       148    318   501   Merinda,                  169   367
Brutus.          97                  Onondaga,       2,W    559    819
Bunker Hill,    93'26   374l  Phelpstown,'121 1191    393
Delhi,                  2143   402   Stockbridge,   3(35  3b2    657
Ingham,         273   534   754   Vevay,    -         223   604    783
Lansing,                8s8  1,229   Wheatfield,             180   231
LeRoy,,        110   1641  251   OVhite Oak,. 70   42    508
Leslie,,281    509   673                    29 i          8
2,4981  5,2671 8,597
IONIA  COUNTY.
Berlin,                348   391   North Plains,             264    292
Bostobn,         83   2411   424   Odessa,                           81
(CaiJpbell,                     40  Orange,                  348    378
Cass,           202                  Orleans,                       491
Danby,                  150   362   Otiseo,           212   607  1,018
Easton,                 278   397   Portland,         441   654    763
Ionia,          48G    654l  774  Ronald,                   201    4532
Keene,                 390   737   Sebewa,                   100'  247
Lyons,          497    705   850
Montcalm,              1611                         1,9231 5,101! 7,597
JACKSON COUNTY,
Columbia,       952! 1,089  1,1412   Parma,          525    769  1,081
Concord,        8141  901    984   Pulaski,          394    653    760
East Portage,  5321   922            Rives,          400    550    518
Grass, Lak1e,  1127  1,342  1,281   Sandstone,       654    7891   823
Hanover,        7141  931    931   Spring Arbor,  7751.  935  1,075
Herrietta,      277    422    830   Springport,      294I   4761  759
Jaclksoni     2,773  3,427  4,147 1 Tompkins         209    3,11   623
Leoni,        1,C37  1,331  1,290 I Waterloo,                     1,098
L.?.berty,     3b26    692!   891,               1
Napoleon,    1,098! 123351 1,208                  13,1301 16,835 19,433




OR 1iISTO1RY  OF PARTIES.                     279
KALMAZOO COUNTY.
TOWNSHIIPS' 1840.  1845.  1850.   TOWNSHIPS. 1840,  1846.  1850.
Alamo,           194   305    4,20   Pavillior-       283    407   495
Brady,         1,175   581    578   Portage,         l446   547   726.
Cooper,          376    482    733   Prairie Roende, 623   7620    690
Comstock,        624    9458  1,202   Richland,        j18   638   -795
Climax.,-       310   M581    504   Ross,            38G    419    680
Charleston,      605   890    846   Sch ooleraft,           1,089  1,101
Kal. vi.          I          2,507   eas,              19   352    410
Kal. town,    1,12901 1,924:  777  Wakeshma                          128
Oshtemo,    310! 4001 587.....
7,380 10,163 13,179
KEKNT COUNTY,
Ada,                    497    593  Grattan,                         648
Aigoma,.                       233  Lowell,                          234
Alpine,                        618   Muskegon,                104
Bowne,                         220  Oakfield,                        464
Byron,                  493    309  Paris,                    484.521
Cannon,           4            696 I Plainfield,             65.5   GS9
Cascade,                       3 358   Sparta,                       309
Courtland,              400    406  Vergennes,                880    876
Caledonia,              127!    99  Walker,                 1,122    823
Gaines,!  319  Wyoming,                          543
Grand Rapids, city, I 2646                               - 
Grand Rapids, town, | 1,5L40!'503                  2,5871 6,1531 12,017
LAPEER COUNTY.
Almont,                4109] 1,452   Metaliora,        380    266    8321
Attica,'                900). 46"   Mayfield,
Dryden,          805    219  1,31   Oregon,                          204
Elba,           101    607    255   Atlas,            6t0  1,258
-Hadley,        365            8/16   Bristol,         884[
realay,          71  8581  183  Daison,                 69
Lapeer,          7,16.  ~2301 1,467  Richfield,        193
Marathois         92   5671  208 05
4,265i 5,3141 i7,0:2
LENAWEE COUNTY.
Adrian,        2,496  2,821  3,008  Palmyra,           828  118  1,098
Blissfleld,      778     G 0    924  Raisin,         1,117  1,21(  1,267
Cambridge,       644    817    974  Ridgewa7,                 861   634
I)over,          841  1,116  1,223  Riga,                     139|  208
Fairfield,       037  1,1G3  1,327  Rollin,            581   952  1,080
Franklin,      1,0231 1,204  1,231  Rome,            1.1.28  1, 60! 1,528
Hudson,          599'  9856  1,544, Seneca,            581:8491} 1,092
Mnadison,      1,067  1,780  2,320  Tecumseh,    2,503 0 2Gl   2,678
lMledina.,       760  1.,176  1,685  Woodstock,    G674i   7661   949
M'aecon,       1,146   925  1,030                   -          I      -
Ogden,           28G6   420    579                  178891 22.9931 6,380
LIVINGSTON COUNTYo
Brighton,        7861   922  1,015  losco.            a395     5-2   645
Conway,             1  269I      O 460  i Jen, Ja2141
Deerfield         40    697    882   Maron,            34     601    873
Genoa,  8041   610    73 1 O.ceola,  5231  7061  960




280-                   POLITICAL -LAN:DIXAIES'
TOWNSHiPs   1840.  1846. 1850.   TOWNSiJPSs. 1840.  1 846.  1 850.
Green Oak,       764    884.1.941    Putnam,           5971   887    797
Hartland,        b70    8311   996    Tuscola           2471  418    454
Howell,           321    708  1,155 I Tyrone,           3941   676    867
EHamburg,        602    7801   895   Unadilla,          6431  945  1,027
Handy,            158   301    484, I1                             1,7
7-,4301 107871 13,475
M ACOMB COUNTY.
Armada,         6621 1,069  1,146    Richmond,          602  -4135  1,000
Bruce,,1281 1 375  1,555    Ray,              805  1,166  1,232
Chesterfield,           845  1,002    Shelby,         1,762  12909  1,482
Clinton,       1116  1,7541  2,130    Sterling,        677    831    876
Erin,                   721    974    Washington, 1.314  1,518  1,541
H-Iarriso n,    395    528   4,83    Warren,           337. 21-   7C0
Lenox,          281    313'  664    Orange,             193
Macomb,         952    661   757..
9,716 13, 491 15,532
M-ACKINAC CO U1NT,Y.
HIolnmie,'1 1151b1 I        St. ignace,         I  2341 3,5978
Moran.I  281                        1
9231 351669
MARQUETTEZ COUNTY.
Total,                                                          136
MTASON  COUNI\TYi
Total,                                                           93
MIDLATND COUNT Yl,
Total,                                                           65
MlOlNTCALIMN COUi\NT Y,
Eureka,                        461    Bushnell1   66
Montcalm,                      133
Fairplain,                     229 Ii                                 891
MONROE COUN'TY.
Ash,            94-91 1,382  1,229   London,           425    594    626
Bedford,        4991   81-91   889   Milan,'363    433    642
Dundee,  ".    7731 1, 004  1,239  Ii Monroe, (town) 693    856    837
Erie,           852  1016 16   1 4 1 Monroe, (city,)!.'i03  2,o65  2809
EIxeter,        2331- 376    458 IRaisivville,        683    860    967
Frenchtown,   8331   979  1422  1 Summerfoid,   3956   474    470
ida,           251    422    345   Wh itford           3      564    696.Las~alle, 5~  1,00%   (140(!363                              6      6!00
9.922J 13,287J tt 6,0
NEWAYGO COU NTY,
(>>Xa}                                         e>.o~~~~~~~&%




OR  HIISTORY  OF PARTIES,                      2 L
OAKLAND COUNTY.
ToSTips. |18140  1845| 185  TOWNSIHIPS. 1840:  184| 5   1850,
diso n,         5371  728_ I I!
Add(ltihs~on,  oI,)0'7    728'924   Oakland.    918    914    978
Avon,          1,630  1,831  1,456   Orion,           769  1,036  1,119
Bloomfieldl,   1,50 3 1,1'35  1,603   Oxford,          574    874  1,019
lll oo  4,41    691    ~93   Pontilac,  1,904  2,861.19
onlllerce       93!9   / 65  1,4128   R-ose,           415    750    886
1'01 in0l.o 0l  l,(1)81~  1 Tit3- 1,  8 1,4b  Roya.l OCak,  860    957  1,092
(9o8elt  10    983   Southfield,    1,061  1,240  1,658
ihrolanda'.-9'   98801
liglhlada       566    99-4    841   Springfield,      573    873    9566
Holly,          49 19  6'5'    941   Troy,           1,482  1,5831 1,426
Independence, 8' 30 L'281  1 279   Waterford,         946  1,0171  1,085
LJyon,         1'2,90G   1,951 134,   WhiteLake,    549    726    905
Mil  olrd,      a809  1,3632  1,470 IWest Bloomfi'Id,938  1,21   1,085
Novi,          1 351  1       11,5629  1.4 28''23,646 30,241 31226[
OCEANA COU[.J.NTY.
Totai,                                                          300
o L[,Tit'A OoN. CQOUA TY.
Total.,                                                        389
OTITAWA COUNTY.
Alle-idale,                     168   Ottawa           398    321    4.30
Chestei,                        216   Oceana,           31      45
Crockery,                       247   Polkton,                  98    268
eoiretown-,       38      33   196   Ravenna,
iollad                       I 1,829    Spring Lake,                  645
Jamneston,                  j   72   Tallad,            139    351 
Muskergon,              1191  4841  Wright                 I' 5
Norton,           981   350
7041 1,4171 7,587'
SAGINAW COUNTY.o
Bridgeport,                    374  f Taymouth,            1    11    58
1Buena Vista,,      2 651   Tittabawassee,          2641   341
Hampton,                194    546    Tuscola           551   104
Northampton              4'7I  122        l
S.Lagina.wr,    837    6981   91,'7'                  892| 1,2181 2o609
SANILAC COUNTY.
Lexington,                   j 1176  Worth,                           600
Sanilac,                       339
I,  {    2,112 5
SCHOOLCRIAFT COUNTl       F
Grand islandl,                                                          16
SIIIAIMWASSBEr COUNT YAntrim,          117    167      82 I Perry                           313
Benningtonll      03     59        601   Sia                      8    91
Burns,         2.57    488    717 / Shiawassee         326    649    810
Caledonia,       114       331      500   Venice,               97,   186
Hazleton,        1      373    5061  674
Midlebury,       301    59    132 j Woodhull,          1471   1711   259
New Hav' & RoUBh    1031   150 )                     -     -I
oQwosnso,         34    4131    921 11l 2j921  b233
Zf o x~




~282~ POLITICAL  LANDMARKS
ST. CLAIR COU'NTY.
OWNSHfi~PS. |1840  1845.  1850. TIOWIS.sIPS. 1840. 1845. 1850.
Yerlin,                396   533   Lexington,               695
Brocklway                      252    do  in Sanilac        173
Burchville             353   472   Lyn,';5
Casco,                        134  Port Huron, vii         1,1841  584
China           610,  870  1,037         do    town,               71
Clay,           3871  569   821  Polkl, in Huron0'72
Colunmbus,       155   315   377  x1iley,                   219   311
Cottrelville,    6021   726   913  St. Clair,        413  1,004  1;728
Clyde,                 482   691  Wales,                    113    189
Ira,            204    391    5977,371  7.562  10,4. l
5anilac has been cut off from St., Clair since the census of 1845,
ST. JOSSE.PH COUNTY
Bucks,          7871                 Lockport,'         873  1,143
Burr Oak.2861   421    s58   Mod O,                   603   860
Colon,          420    683    847   Mottville,       465    5811 -oe
Constantine,    751, 1,042  1,494  Nottawa,        1.226    964, 1,165
Fawn River,   220    461    473   Park,              331    567    823
Fabius,                370    504   ShermaRn,         6831   252   3541
Florence,       528    7391  732  RSturgis,                  6Sl   839
F'lowerfield,    28t1  4291   563   White Pigeon,  680k   787,  794
Leonidas,       410   668    858                          10       1717
TUSCOLA COUNITY.
Total,                                                       291
JVA  BUREN COUNTYe
Almena            3O50   420  Reeler.          J26  21 80'  486
Antwerp,        316    546    614  Lawrence,         243    317    510
Arlington,              123   240  La Fayette.    327'752  1,145
Bloomingdaie,          122    160  Pine G(rove,                     62
Columbia,              104    265  Porter,                  314    444
Clinch,         250,                     South H avenr,    99   142,   220
Decatir,        3281   115    386  Waverly,                  95
Hamilton,        145   2791  370. 
Hartford,         76,  204   296                    1,9101 3,7431 5,618
WASHTETNAW COUN. TY,
Ann 1Arbor,          44,143  4,870   Saline,        1,390  1.636) 1,638
Augusta,        646   695    808   Salem,           i.364  1,242.  1,343
Bridgrewater,         1,073  1,148 I Scio,,/737  1 195
Dext'r, t'n & vil,     7'75  1,435   Sharon,                800i   869
Freedom,        956  1,222  1,214   Superior,      1,398  1,269  1,127
Lyndon,                763    901'Sylvan,                 865   9241
Lodi,          1,077  1:154' 1,234   Webster,               950    924
Lima                   966    912  York,            1,146  1,312  1,360
Manchester,           1,279| 1.274  Ypsilanti,    2,419!,651  3,052
~orthfiehld           1 070  1,116  Residue of co, 190241 
Norittsheld,      1- 1;I1                                     I,Pittsfield          a -1 |, 971  lt7; |', Z      e?   Ie^  e^o
P S571P 26 9791 2a N6 




ob1 HSTOR1Y OF PARTImS,                           283
WAY.NE COUNTY.
TOWNSHIPS,  1840.  184La.  1830.   TOiWTNSHsIPS   1840-.  1845.  1850..Brownstown,    793    811   1.047   Nankin,              1,109   1,4201 1,617
Canton,          1,081  1,225  1,333   Plymouth,          2,163  2,602  2,431
1Detroit City,  9,102  12,642 21,028   Rensselaer,          464:Dearborn,      1,248  1,3001 1 385   Redford,            1,108  1.467  1.,645
Ecorse,           738    835    6353   Sprilgweils,         916  1,548   1,263J
Greenfield,       738   1,203  1,671   Sumpter,             1.93    81 
Grosse Point,                   1,392   Taylor,
Huron,            307o   3771   482   Romulus,                            2828
Hamtramck,   1,797  2,2191  1,628   Van Buren,              9401,26 21
Livonia,         1.169  13533  1 375   Wayne,                       605.
Monguagon,         307    333    984i                    e
R:ECAPITUIJATION.
Comparative T'able showiing the population of the State of'Alchigan. by
Conlties, for the years 1840, 1845 and 1850t,,U'N111.         I       1840.     1      1485.       I     1580..Allegan,: 1,783          2)941             5,027
"Barry                                 1,078             2,602             5,072
Bnerrie ~n,,5,011                             7,865           11,417.Branch,                               5,715             9,064            12,472
Calhoun,                              10,599            15,594            19,169
Cass,                                  5,710             8,078            10.906
Chippe wa.                               534            11017               898
Clinton,                               1,614             3,010             5;102
Eaton,                                 2,379             4,613             7,058
Genese e,                              4.268             9,266            12,031
Hillsdale,             - |             7, 40            11,11             16159
Hloughton i708
Hulron,                                                                     907.In ghal,                              9,498             5,96'7            8,597
Ionia,                                 1.923            5,101             7,597
Jackson,                              13,130            16,825            1.9,433
Kalamazoo,                             7,381)           10,163            133179
Kent,                                 52!;587            6,153            12,017
Lapeer,                                4.65             5,31.4            7,026
Lenawee,                              17,889            22,9213           26,380
Livingston,                            7,430            10,787            13,475
Macomb,                                9,716            13,49 [          15,532
Mack inac,                              923              1,166             3'597
Marquette,                                                                  136
LMason,                                                                      93
Midland,                                                                     65
MIo n tcalIn,                                                               891
NIonroe,                               9,912            13,287            14,695
Newaygo                                                                     510
Oakland,                             33,646.241            31,267
Oceana,                                6,                 300
Ontonagon,                                                                  389
Ottawa,                                 740             1,417             5,587
Saginaw,                                892'             1.218            2,609
Sanilac,                                                                  2,115
Schoolcraft,                                                                 16
Shiawasse,                             2,103            3,921             5'233
St. Clair,                             2,371            7,562             10,411
St. Joseph,                            7 068           10,097            12,717
Tuscola,                                 391
Van Buren,                             1,910             3,743            5,681
WVashetenaw                         23,571             26,979           28,569
j7V~yse?|                   24,173            3147              42765
-       i'0I0'.e'247 31 -i31,71i?47.       9,765
")'___~ —_~' ~l  no....           ri aao,'-am,~,.,




284                  POLITICAL LANDMIARKS;
UNITED STA.TES SENATE.~-62 MEMBERS.
OF THE CONGRESS COwuISI  CING IN DECEMBE r, 185s,
Whigs inl italics; Democrats in Romanj Free Soilers in SMALLT CAPS~
T['he figures before each Senator's name denote the year when his term
closes.
ATABAMA.                          Mt1ISSISIPPI.,
1853  Jeremiah Clemens,             18.57  Jeflerson Davis,
11855  William Rufuts King.        1833  Henry Stuart Foote,
ARKANSAS.                           MiISSOURI.
1853  FWilliam K. Sebastian.,      1.857.Henry S. Geyer,
1855  Solon Borland.               1855  David R. Atchison.
CALIFORNIA.                      NEW  HAMIPSHIR E,
1851  JNo election,                1.853  JOHN P. HALE,
18.55  William M. Gwin,            1855  Moses INorris, Jr.
CONNECTICUT.                         NEW YORK.
1851.  No election,                1857  Hamilton'ish,
1855  lrumansn  Smith.             1855  William H-lenry Seward.
DELAWARE,                          NEW  JERSEY.
1857  James A. Bayard,             1857  Robert F. Stockton,
1853  Presley Spruance.            1853  Jacob W. lffiller.
FLORIDA.                       NORTH CAROLINA.
1851  NO election,                  1853  l'Villie.P. Matlla1mn,
1855  Jackson MJIorton.:1855  George E..Badger.
GEORGIA.                             O5IO.
1853  John l acpheCrsonl Berrien,    1857  BENJAAILN F. NVAPE,
1855  JViilliaml C..Das.son.      1855  SALMION P. CIIASE.
INDIANA,                         PENNSYLVANIA,
1857  Jesse D. Bright,             1857  Richard Brodhead,
1855  Jamres Whitcomb.             1855.?enes Cooper.
ILLINOIS                        RIlODE ISLANDt,
1853  Stephen A. Douglass,        1i857  Charles.''. James,
855  James Shields.               1853  John H-Z. Clarke.
Io)WVA.                       SOU'rEI CA ROLINA.
1853  Geo. WV. Jones,              11853  R. Barnwell Rhett,
1855  Augustus C. Dodge.           1855  Andrew P. Butler,
I(ENTUCKY.                        TENNESSE:E.
1.853  Josepoh -R. lUIdervoodZ,    1851  No electiono
1855  fenry Clay.                 1853  Joihn Bell.
LOUISIANA.                           TEXA S.
1853  Solomon U. DownS,            18,57  Thomas J.,usk,
1855  Pierre Soul1.                1853  Sanmel Houston,
IMAINE.                           VERMIONT.
185'7  Hannibal Hamlin,            1857  SolmonS Foot.
1853, James W. tBradbury.          1855 Il/illiaSs Uphaml?
MASSACHUSETTS,                         VIRGINIA,
1857  CHARLr ES SUMNER,            1857  James M. Mason,
13853,Jolz Davis.                1853  Robert M. T  Hunter,
MIARYLAND.                          WISCONSLN,
1857  Thomas G. Pratt,             1857  Henry Dodge,
1855  james A. Pearce,            1855  isaac P. Walker.
5IICHIG AN,
1857 L~ ewis Cass,
I853  Alpheus Felchb




I ND)E X
A.
Adams John, Elected Vice Presidenlt,
(do    do    do       do          second term.                            5
do    do     do    rresidlent                                           12
Alien and sedition laws,
Adams, Jolin, dismissed two of his Cabinet,                                 17
do    do  a friend of Jeffersonl's administration,                       19
aI.     o:ltes against imllpressmllent,                             19
Adams John Qtuincy, inauguration of,                                        98
(do    do         apppoints his Cabinet,                                 99
Anti-masonic party,                                                        196
Attorney General appointed,                                                158
Anti-masohnry a component of the Whig party;                               163
Appropriations for Roads, Rivers and Harborso                              164
Arkansas admitted into the Union,                                          167
Appropriation for Rivers and Harbors,                                      167
do      do Cumberland [Road,                                         167
Bank, National, incorporated,                                                3
Bankrupt law repealed,                   -2
Berlin Decree,                                                              33
Banlk, United States, attempt t( re-chlarter,                               4
do        do.O    Democrats against it, 1861,                            42
do        do       considered uniconstitional,                            43
do        do       Bill to re-charter defeated,                        43 44
Bankrups law, bill rejected,                                                94
Benton, Thomas HI., proposes amendment to the Constitution,                100
do      do       Report,                                                101
do      do       expunging resolution adopted,                          107
Bolivar, General,                                                          101
Bank, United States, President's views,                                    108
Benton, T. H., resolutions adverse to,                                     130
Bank, U. States, Treasurer's report upon                                   20 8
L'   "'       bill for " Fiscal"                                         209
sc:' Fiscal " passed                                          211
~'';     vetoed                                                     O11
("   "'       veto No. 9                                                 913
Batts, John iM,, makes mistalke in letter                                  o13
"          "  tries to "  head 1" Capt. Tyler                            213
3Begton, Thomas A., agaimlst annexation of Texas                           Rio




286                                INDEX.
Bank, United States, memorial for re-charter,                               130
"(         "       chartered,                                         129 130
"5         "r      Jackson's opposition,                                  130
"    proposes substitute,                          130:~         " a     miiemorial of presented,                               131'          "       B13ill for renewal charter passed,                     131'~  "   vetoed by Jackson,                                     132
fc        (Cc      meeting in Philadelphia,                               132
disapproved by pulblic,                                132
"e         (6'      ischartered by state of Pennsylvania in 1836;         1-68
Black Hawk war.                                                             139
Boundary line of Maine,                                                     139
Bankl, United States, money reccommended by President to be removed
from                                                153
s   c   President's views upon. sust ained by Secretary of
Treasury,                                           153'~         6(      proposition to sell stockl of rejected,                153
Belgium, treaty of commerce with,                                           154
Bank, Ulnited States, attempt to dostroy oin  1-0cic)                       _156
cc         cc      loans of,                                               158
Baltimore, Ist conven tion,                                                  16i
Continental Cong-ress,:t
Conventions to frame first constitutions.                                     1
Cabinet, Washingtons's first,                                                 3
Caucus, Congressional,                                                     6 12
Constitution, amendment to,                                               31 32
Conspiracy, Burr's                                                           33
Clinton, George, elected Vice President.,                                    42
Crawford, William H., voted for U. S.' Bank,'44
Clay, Henry, voted against U. S. Bankl,                                      44
Convention, HI-artford, secret his tory,                                47 to 63
C( 6c    report of,                                                 63 to 89
Clay, Henry, compromise onl Missouri question                                93
Croswell, Edwin, suppolts Crawford                                           96
Croswell, Edwin, attacks Jackson.                                            96
Crawford, William H., votes with federalists on embargo and bank question  99
Columbia, treaty with the republic of                                         99
Clay, Henlry, charge of bargain                                             100
Calhoun, John C., Vice President, 1824                                      100
c        6        6C4        1828,                                      106
"   difficulty with administration                            112
Crawford, William H., censures Genm. Jackson                                113
4 4        C C     letter to Forsyth                                     114
Clay, a mason                                                               127
6  speech at BuffIalo                                                      189
Cumberland road bill passed                                                 132
Calhounl's support of administration withdrawn                              142
Coalition of Antimason 3 and National Reptiblicans                          144
Congress, twenty-eecond                                                     146
Chili, treaty withl conclude454
nng1res,. fw ntw7thid m




INDEX.                                  287
Callloun opposes Jackson's administration                                      i[59
Coin, U. S., value thereof reduced                                              161'~     ("   iG      "c   regulated                                            162
Cumberiland road continued                                                      163
Congress, twenty-third                                                          163
Cunmberlansd road, appropriatioilSj io                                          164
Candidates for President                                                   164, 165
Convention at Baltimore                                                         165
Congress, tweslty-fousrth                                                       165
Cumberland road                                                                167
Congress, extra sessionl of                                                    202
Clay, IHenry,nominated by whigs for President                                 217
Cass, Lewis, nominated as democratic candlidate for President                  233
Cobb,' Howell, elected speaker                                                 242
California, admission of                                                        245
Clay, Henry, Osmnibus bill                                                     946
Census from 1700 to 1840                                                        2752
6   by states for 1840                                                     273
E6        5  R ro10                                                    273, 274
D
Democrats use Ham'ilton's letter
-Detroit and Chicago, appropriation for                                         120
Distribution of proceeds of public lands, bill providilg for passed             153
66  bill etained by President and reasons for 153
t;  (6  Clay's bill passed. senat                            166
Deposits recommenlded to be removed by Presirlent                               153'6    President urges removal-  f                                      15, 157
6    Secretary of Treasury refuses to remove                               157
6C   amount of government, removed                                         158'     removal of, discussed in Congress                                    159
"    of public money regulated                                             166
C;9  C 4among tlse states                                     166
CC,6,C   a'.lto111nt of                                             167
Debt, public, paid                                                              167
Electiosn, first presidential
54   second  do.'C   in rouEs  of Representatilve                                           98
Excise act 
Embargo laida                                                                    3
v" k-ote UP(os3                                                        34
"        s d ivision of parties on                                          34
Electoral College, 1825,
o     vote 1828                                                             1'~      "                                                                   105
183245
ct 6         s c tompaed with 1828                                  145
"'~ 1836 873.
6' 16;840                                                            19.73.
193
6S    -"  1844




INDEX.
Electoral vote of all tlhe states on each presidential election           6i8, 269'      "  recapitulation of same                                      270, 271.
Federalists, removal of                                                          23
in power and democrats trying to ovelrthrow-sa thllell                      24'~ c    Jefrerson's designation of                                          39
France. refuses to Iay ind(lelmnity                                             165
Free Soil Convention at Bufflalo                                                238
Fillmorne, Millard, elected Vice President                                      P40
C        ~.  nassumeles duities of' President                              246
o';'   appoints caibinet                                             9147
"s       6,,  slBscetch of life of                                         249
Government, seatl of, at Washingtonll 
Gun boat systeml                                                                 36
Gerry, Elbridge, elected Vice President                                          46
Goverlnors of the difflrent -tat:.sn, 1.;1, J                                    67
Hamilton against president Adams                                                 17
Henry, Patrickl
Harrison, William Henry, nominated by whigs                                     190
"-            ("      elected President                                     193'i      iliauguration of                                      195
0'c       his cabinet                                      197, 19
~E          Ic        last words and deathi                                 200
I-surrection,, whiskey                                                          3
Internal improvements, Jaclkson's'iostility to                                  112,4         cc        determination of Congress to pass                      112
96 4                 Jackson yields and signs bill                          112
56'              a bill for,'passed                                     133
Indemnity to be paid by France, neglectod                                       154
Peresidlent's instrl ction to minister in reelrence to, urging prompt
compliance                                                       154
6    from Portugal                                                       154
"    France refused to pay                                               105
Inauguration of President Jacklso                                               165n
Tndebtedness of the several States                                              75
Jefferson, Thomas, resignqs his seat
Jay's Treaty, excitement relative to                                              S
~'cc   resolution passed relative to                                       10
July, celebration on 4th of, I796                                                14
Jefferson, Thomas, sketch of life of, 21
0s;C   election of to the presidency                             25 to 97
-c       sc   his cabinet,        "!S is renmovtls fronm oqffice 




INDBX.                                289
Jefferson, Thomas, author of Proviso inhibiting slavery in North west tetritory                                                   20.;    "C   his test of official competency                               94,$       "    the contest with Burr                                5, 26, 57
"c, "'   second election of                                         33
"c       "    views of political parties                             ~ 37, 38
Jackson, Andrew, relative to                                                 104''     "      elected                                                    105:         *:    speech to revolutionary soldiers
"' *~    inauguration                                                    106'"     "      appoints cabinet                                           107..'     veto of Maysville road bill                            118, 119'      N     cabinet resign                                              124;'     "      new cabinet-                                               125
"'';    reply to French minister                                      141'.'    "   ~ visits eastern cities                                      151,C    4'    assumes the responsibility of removing deposlUt              157
"   "'     protest                                                    159
in favor of National Convention                                  164
"'     "     farewell address                                            171
L
Legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky, action relative to medition law        16
Loco feco, origin of the name as applied to party                          13
Madison, James, election of to presidency                                     41
"4'    his cabinet                                                   41
cc     "    re-election of                                            45, 46
Monroe, James, election of to presidency                                  89, 90
C      "   visit to Lake Erie and Detroit.                               90
"'re-elected in 1820                                             91
Missouri, question of admission of
Minister to France appointed                                                 156
" Great Britain appointed                                          160
-F   c"    "   rejected by senate.                                       16';    t   It  "6   appointed                                             161
"'';;Spain                                                            0G'$   "- France, call from                                               165
Miahigan admitted into Union                                                 167
Manifesto, drawn iup by whig members of Congress dissolving any connec-.
tion with John Tyler politically                                        214
Michigan, election law of
c" ensus of, by towns                                                   276
National Republican party                                                   126
Nullification, South Carolina                                      115  116, 
It                                                           115, 1161 1t7
"      report of com. of State Convention of'. C.                    137
"      laws of S, C.                                              137, 138
President's views of                                           139
"          "       proclamation                                       1
13




290:                              INwDEX.
Nullification, President's message in reference to                         147'c     discussed ia Congress                                         148
"      disapproved by the legislatures of different- tate       148, 149
"      Calhoun's views of                                            148
"      Virginia resolutions in reference to                          149;
"      difference of opinion in reference to in S. C;                1D
"      meeting at Charleston of friends to.                          ]80
New Jersey, contested seats                                                128."    "    excitement relative to same -,86
Naturalization laws, abstract of                                           259
Panama, convention at                                                      101
"    congress                                                          102
Presidential candidatese.                                                   94C     campaign of 1832                                               141
"     candidates nominated                                      140-142
Ports. of the U'. S. opened to British vessels                             121
Panic in pecuniary matters  1-8
"   subsided                                                             168
Protest of President                                                       159
Post Master general appointed                                              li$
Proceeds of public land, Clay's bill,                                      ]fi
Patents, law respecting enacted                                            167
Patriot war                                                                18.
"c   "  Van Buren's proclamation relative e                             183
Polk, James K. elected speaker                                             1
"c           nominated for President                                     218
a6   Of      election of                                                 220
c; c:      sketch of life of                                           222
4!   "       elected by Electoral College                                226
"5 SC        his inaugural address s22.
fC'         on annexation of Texas                                      227
Postage,,modification of                                                   221
Ritchie, Thomas                                                             44
"'     "    advocates Crawford'
"C    s"  attacks Jackson                                                96
Representatives, apportionment                                             129
Revenue bill for the enforcement of collection passed                      15River and harbor improvement bill passed                                   134
"d'          c       " s  retained by the Presidea               134
" mu bill passed                                                        152
" "   for Florida and Michigan                                154,c, (",appropriations                                              162;: c      do                                                    164
"t,'"        do                                                    167'
"  Hudson improved                                                       162
Russia treaty of commerce with                                             154
Resolutions, Clay's, censuring Presi dent                                  159'e     of House of Representativos agatnit U. S. baaa  and suetaSing
President                                                                100




INDEX.'291
Roads, appropriations for in. Michigan and Arkansas                       162
r  Cu.mberland acontinued                                               162
Ilesolutions of Thomlas H. Benton                                         167
Review of parties                                                    203-20d
Sedition law, attempt to repeal                                            16
Slave trade, appropriation to suppress                                    109
Boultb Carolina, nullification                                            110
ct"    "     laws authorizing the Governor to call out militia          138
"      "      "      "            "      to order the purchase  of ar-m
and militaly munitions                                        138
"t     "   military force ordered to                                    138
Secretary of State appointed                                              156
i"    of Treasury appointed                                           156
i"         "     removed                                              157
cc    appointed                                           157
rejected by Se.nate                                  160,s: — r,b,~t. appointed:                                          161
o' of Treasury appointed                                              161
"    of Navy        cc                                                161
Specie Circular                                                      167, 168
-. -'"   effects of                                                 168
Specie payments, suspension of                                            176
Seminole war                                                             184
Singular coincidence                                                     271
Senate, members of                                                        W84
Treaty with Great Britain                                                  7
"   made public
Tompkins, Daniel D. elected Vice President                                90
Tariff, bill introduced                                                   103
"    Jackson's views on the                                            108
"'   became a law                                                       109
6"   di.scussed                                                        13
6'   J. Q. Adams' bill passed                                          135
"    denounced in South Carolina                                        135
6"    Villiam  llcLane's views of                                      145
"6   discussion in Congress                                        196-147'    New Hampshire, resolutions in favor of reduction of,               149:;  Othcr Ptates in favor of                                       149, 150
C   discussed in Congress
6    Clay's compromise bill passed                                     152
tC              i      (" " 4   approved by South Carolinat            152
Treaties with Mexico ratified                                        139, 110
"     "  France                                                       140
S     "          teiafsal of Fereth Chamers  to car7 out              141,Treaty of commerce withlRussia                                          154
6C        it      with Belgium                                         154
c'         ".  with Chili                                            154
Treasury, amount of money in                                              167
Texas, annexation of                                                 182, 1l




29Z~~~                  ~ INDEX.
Tylor, John, notified of Harrison's deatlh                              20
s": retains Harrisons cabinet                                    202
"  appoin's a new cabinet                                      214
Texas, treaty of annexation withs                                        15
Taylor, General Zachary, his contest in lM1exino                        215
"c        c"       nominated as whig candidate tor pyosie>nat       238
his inauguration
"r "s    Fketch of life of                               ~39
";:       cG        his cabinet                                      144
"C 6c    his death                                       2?4
"c tc    his last words                                   o46
U
Inited States government, salary of office Grs
V
Van Breas, Martin, gets the confidence of Jackson                       123
-c,,       appointed minister to fngtana,c,;      rejected by casting vote of J, C. Calhom              128
",     t'   sketch of life of                                 171, 172
-.  Electoral vote of states                              173;. ~:    Inauguration of                                          174''    "      his cabinet                                          174., "c        calls Congress together                                7,e,,       recommends removal of deposits                       183';;     s nominated for President                            191
a southerll man                                     193,c.,    nomination of, by Flee Soil Conventiona              238'Veto of United States Bank                                             132,,,,      reviewed by Webster                           132,", "                 "     by White                            132
"- of adjourn ment bill                                               167
W
WashMngton's administration, 1796                                         7
War, declaration of, June 1812                                           48
Webster, Daniel, speech on S, Carolina nullification                    110
War, Black Hawk                                                         139
Washington's papers purchased                                           IN
Whig substituted for federalist                                         163
"  by whom the name applied to preaen; paty                           187
187,' National (onvention