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— l C"I~




THE FUTURE OF ISLAM




I




THE FUTURE OF ISLAM
BY
WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT


"La taknatu addurru yontharu akduhu
Liauda ahsana fin nithami wa ajmala."'
"Fear not. Often pearls are unstrung
To be put in better order."
Published by permission of the Proprietors of the
"Fortnightly Review"
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO., i, PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1882




(The rzjhts of translation and of rejrtoduction are reserved.)




/t- s- 4be
/7.-,
PREFACE.
THESE essays, written for the Fortnightly Review
in the summer and autumn of I88I, were intended
as first sketches only of a maturer work which the
author hoped, before giving finally to the public, to
complete at leisure, and develop in a form worthy
of critical acceptance, and of the great subject he
had chosen. Events, however, have marched faster
than he at all anticipated, and it has become,a
matter of importance with him that the idea they
were designed to illustrate should be given immediate and full publicity. The French, by their
invasion of Tunis, have precipitated the Mohammedan movement in North Africa; Egypt has
roused herself for a great effort of national and
religious reform; and on all sides Islam is seen to
be convulsed by political portents of ever-growing




vi


PREFACE.


intensity. He believes that his countrymen will
in a very few months have to make their final
choice in India, whether they will lead or be led
by the wave of religious energy which is sweeping
eastwards, and he conceives it of consequence that
at least they should know the main issues of the
problem before them. To shut their eyes to the
great facts of contemporary history, because that
history has no immediate connection with their
daily life, is a course unworthy of a great nation;
and in England, where the opinion of the people
guides the conduct of affairs, can hardly fail to
bring disaster. It should be remembered that the
modern British Empire, an agglomeration of races
ruled by public opinion in a remote island, is an
experiment new in the history of the world, and
needs justification in exceptional enlightenment;
and it must be remembered, too, that no empire ever
yet was governed without a living policy. The
author, therefore, has resolved to publish his work,
crude as it is, without more delay, in the hope
that it may be instrumental in guiding the national
choice. He is, nevertheless, fully aware of its




PREFA CE.


vii


PRFAE                 vi_


defects both in accuracy and completeness, and he
can only hope that they may be pardoned him in
view of the general truth of the picture he has
drawn.
Since the last of these essays was written, their
author has returned to Egypt, and has there had
the satisfaction of finding the ideas, vaguely foreshadowed by him as the dream of some few liberal
Ulema of the Azhar, already a practical reality.
Cairo has now declared itself as the home of progressive thought in Islam, and its university as the
once more independent seat of Arabian theology.
Secured from Turkish interference by the national
movement of the Arabs, the Ulema of the Azhar
have joined heart and soul with the party of reform. The importance of this event can hardly be
overrated; and if, as now seems probable, a liberal
Mohammedan Government by a free Mohammedan people should establish itself firmly on the
Nile, it is beyond question that the basis of a
social and political Reformation for all Islam has
been laid. It is more than all a hopeful sign that
extreme moderation with regard to the Caliphate




*if
Vlll


PREFACE.


is observed by the Egyptian leaders.  Independence, not opposition, is the motto of the party;
and no rent has been made or is contemplated by
them in the orthodox coat of Islam. Abd el
Hamid Khan is still recognized as the actual Emir
el Mumenin, and the restoration of a more legitimate Caliphate is deferred for the day when its
fate shall have overtaken the Ottoman Empire.
This is as it should be. Schism would only weaken
the cause of religion, already threatened by a
thousand enemies; and the premature appearance
of an Anti-Caliph in Egypt or Arabia, however
legitimate a candidate he might be by birth for the
office, would divide the Mohammedan world into
two hostile camps, and so bring scandal and injury on the general cause. In the meantime, however, liberal thought will have a fair field for its
development, and can hardly fail to extend its
influence wherever the Arabic language is spoken,
and among all those races which look on the
Azhar as the centre of their intellectual life. This
is a notable achievement, and one which patience
may turn, perhaps in a very few years, to a more




PREFA CE.


ix


general triumph. There can be little doubt now
that the death of Abd el Hamid, or his fall from
Empire, will be the signal for the return of the
Caliphate to Cairo, and a formal renewal there by
the Arabian mind of its lost religious leadership.
To Mohammedans the author owes more than
a word of apology. A stranger and a sojourner
among them, he has ventured on an exposition of
their domestic griefs, and has occasionally touched
the ark of their religion with what will seem to
them a profane hand; but his motive has been
throughout a pure one, and he trusts that they will
pardon him in virtue of the sympathy with them
which must be apparent in every line that he has
written. He has predicted for them great political
misfortunes in the immediate future, because he
believes that these are a necessary step in the
process of their spiritual development; but he has
a supreme confidence in Islam, not only as a
spiritual, but as a temporal system the heritage and
gift of the Arabian race, and capable of satisfying
their most civilized wants; and he believes in the  /
hour of their political resurgence. In the mean



x


PREFA CE.


x    PEAE


time he is convinced that he serves their interests
best by speaking what he holds to be the truth
regarding their situation. Their day of empire
has all but passed away, but there remains to them
a day of social independence better than empire.
Enlightened, reformed and united in sympathy,
Mussulmans need not fear political destruction in
their original homes, Arabia, Egypt, and North
Africa; and these must suffice them as a Dar el
Islam till better days shall come. If the author
can do anything to help them to preserve that independence they may count upon him freely within
the limits of his strength, and he trusts to prove to
them yet his sincerity in some worthier way than
by the publication of these first essays.


CAIRO, 7anuary i5th, i882.




CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. THE HAJ
CHAPTER II.
THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE...


PAGE.  I
48


CHAPTER III.
THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA
CHAPTER IV.
A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION
CHAPTER V.
ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM


90..  32......   74




I
3j




THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.
CHAPTER I.
CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD.
THE HAJ.
IN the lull, which we hope is soon to break the
~ storm of party strife in England, it may not perhaps be impossible to direct public attention to
the rapid growth of questions which for the last
few years have been agitating the religious mind
of Asia, and which are certain before long to present themselves as a very serious perplexity to
British statesmen; questions, moreover, which if
not dealt with by them betimes, it will later be
found out of their power to deal with at all,
though a vigorous policy at the present moment
might yet solve them to this country's very great
advantage.
The revival which is taking place in the MohamB




2


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




medan world is indeed worthy of every Englishman's attention, and it is difficult to believe that
it has not received anxious consideration at the
hands of those whose official responsibility lies
chiefly in the direction of Asia; but I am not
aware that it has hitherto been placed in its true
light before the English public, or that a quite
definite policy regarding it may be counted on as
existing in the counsels of the present Cabinet.
Indeed, as regards the Cabinet, the reverse may
very well be the case. We know how suspicious
English politicians are of policies which may be
denounced by their enemies as speculative; and it
is quite possible that the very magnitude of the
problem to be solved in considering the future
of Islam may have caused it to be put aside there
as one "outside the sphere of practical politics."
The phrase is a convenient one, and is much used
by those in power amongst us who would evade
the labour or the responsibility of great decisions.
Yet that such a problem exists in a new and very
serious form I do not hesitate to affirm, nor will
my proposition, as I think, be doubted by any
who have mingled much in the last few years
with the Mussulman populations of Western Asia.
There it is easily discernible that great changes




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD.    3


are impending, changes perhaps analogous to those
which Christendom underwent four hundred years
ago, and that a new departure is urgently demanded of England if she would maintain even
for a few years. her position as the guide and
arbiter of Asiatic progress.
It was not altogether without the design of
gaining more accurate knowledge than I could
find elsewhere on the subject of this Mohammedan
revival that I visited Jeddah in the early part of
the past winter, and that I subsequently spent
some months in Egypt and Syria in the almost
exclusive society of Mussulmans. Jeddah, I argued,
the seaport of Mecca and only forty miles distant
from that famous centre of the Moslem universe,
would be the most convenient spot from which I
could obtain such a bird's-eye view of Islam as
I was in search of; and I imagined rightly that I
should there find myself in an atmosphere less
provincial than that of Cairo, or Bagdad, or Constantinople.
Jeddah is indeed in the pilgrim season the
suburb of a great metropolis, and even a European
stranger there feels that he is no longer in a world
of little thoughts and local aspirations. On every
side the politics he hears discussed are those of the




4


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




great world, and the religion professed is that of a
wider Islam than he has been accustomed to in
Turkey or in India. There every race and language are represented, and every sect. Indians,
Persians, Moors, are there,-negroes from the
Niger, Malays from Java, Tartars from the Khanates, Arabs from the French Sahara, from Oman
and Zanzibar, even, in Chinese dress and undistinguishable from other natives of the Celestial
Empire, Mussulmans from the interior of China.
As one meets these walking in the streets, one's
view of Islam becomes suddenly enlarged, and one
finds oneself exclaiming with Sir Thomas Browne,
" Truly the (Mussulman) world is greater than that
part of it geographers have described." The permanent population, too, of Jeddah is a microcosm
of Islam. It is made up of individuals from every
nation under heaven.  Besides the indigenous
Arab, who has given his language and his tone
of thought to the rest, there is a mixed resident
multitude descended from the countless pilgrims
who have remained to live and die in the holy
cities. These preserve, to a certain extent, their
individuality, at least for a generation or two, and
maintain a connection with the lands to which they
owe their origin and the people who were their




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD.    5


countrymen.  Thus there is constantly found at
Jeddah a free mart of intelligence for all that is
happening in the world; and the common gossip
of the bazaar retails news from every corner of the
Mussulman earth. It is hardly too much to say
that one can learn more of modern Islam in a
week at Jeddah than in a year elsewhere, for there
the very shopkeepers discourse of things divine,
and even the Frank Vice-Consuls prophesy. The
Hejazi is less shy, too, of discussing religious
matters than his fellow Mussulmans are in other
places. Religion is, as it were, part of his stockin-trade, and he is accustomed to parade it before
strangers. With a European he may do this a
little disdainfully, but still he will do it, and with
less disguise or desire to please than is in most
places the case. Moreover-and this is important
-it is almost always the practical side of questions
that the commercial Jeddan will put forward. He
sees things from a political and economical point
of view, rather than a doctrinal, and if fanatical,
he is so from the same motives, and no others,
which once moved the citizens of Ephesus to
defend the worship of their shrines.
In other cities, Cairo and Constantinople excepted, the Ulema, or learned men, of whom a




6


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


_~ _"  _   I.l  l - '


stranger might seek instruction, would be found
busying themselves mainly with doctrinal matters
not always interesting at the present day, oldworld arguments of Koranic interpretation which
have from time immemorial occupied the schools.
But here even these are treated practically, and
as they bear on the political aspect of the hour.
For myself, I became speedily impressed with
the advantage thus afforded me, and neglected
no opportunity which offered itself for listening
and asking questions, so that without pretending
to the possession of more special skill than any
intelligent inquirer might command, I obtained a
mass of information I cannot but think to be of
great value-while this in its turn served me later
as an introduction to such Mussulman divines as I
afterwards met in the North. Jeddah then realized
all my hopes and gratified nearly all my curiosities.
I will own, too, to having come away with more
than a gratified curiosity, and to having found new
worlds of thought and life in an atmosphere I had
fancied to be only of decay. I was astonished at
the vigorous life of Islam, at its practical hopes
and fears in this modern nineteenth century, and
above all at its reality as a moral force; so that if
I had not exactly come to scoff, I certainly re



CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD.    7


mained, in a certain sense, to pray. At least I left
it interested, as I had never thought to be, in the
great struggle which seemed to me impending between the parties of reaction in Islam and reform,
and not a little hopeful as to its favourable issue.
What this is likely to be I now intend to discuss.
First, however, it will I think be as well to
survey briefly the actual composition of the Mohammedan world. It is only by a knowledge of
the elements of which Islam is made up that we
can guess its future, and these are less generally
known than they should be.   A stranger from
Europe visiting the Hejaz is, as I have said,
irresistibly struck with the vastness of the religious
world in whose centre he stands. Mohammedanism
to our Western eyes seems almost bounded by the
limits of the Ottoman Empire. The Turk stands
in our foreground, and has stood there from the
days of Bajazet, and in our vulgar tongue his
name is still synonymous with Moslem, so that
we are apt to look upon him as, if not the only, at
least the chief figure of Islam.  But from Arabia
we see things in a truer perspective, and become
aware that beyond and without the Ottoman
dominions there are races and nations, no less
truly followers 'of the Prophet, beside whom the




8


THeE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


Turk shrinks into numerical insignificance. We
catch sight, it may be for the first time in their real
proportions, of the old Persian and Mogul monarchies, of the forty million Mussulmans of India,
of the thirty million Malays, of the fifteen million
Chinese, and the vast and yet uncounted Mohammedan populations of Central Africa. We see,
too, how important is still the Arabian element,
and how necessary it is to count with it, in any
estimate we may form of Islam's possible future.
Turkey, meanwhile, and Constantinople, retire to
a rather remote horizon, and the Mussulman centre
of gravity is as it were shifted from the north
and west towards the south and east.
I was at some pains while at Jeddah to gain
accurate statistics of the Haj according to the
various races and sects composing it, and with
them of the populations they in some measure
represent, The pilgrimage is of course no certain
guide as to the composition of the Mussulman
world, for many accidents of distance and political
circumstance interfere with calculations based on
it. Still to a certain extent a proportion is preserved between it and the populations which
supply it; and in default of better, statistics of
the Haj afford us an index not without value of




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD.    9


the degree of religious vitality existing in the
various Mussulman countries. My figures, which
for convenience I have arranged in tabular form,
are taken principally from an official record, kept
for some years past at Jeddah, of the pilgrims
landed at that port, and checked as far as European subjects are concerned by reference to the
consular agents residing there. They may therefore be relied upon as fairly accurate; while for
the land pilgrimage I trust in part my own observations, made three years ago, in part statistics
obtained at Cairo and Damascus. For the table
of population in the various lands of Islam I am
obliged to go more directly to European sources
of information. As may be supposed, no statistics
on this point of any value were obtainable at
Jeddah; but by taking the figures commonly
given in our handbooks, and supplementing and
correcting these by reference to such persons as I
could find who knew the countries, I have, I hope,
arrived at an approximation to the truth, near
enough to give a tolerable idea to general readers
of the numerical proportions of Islam. Strict accuracy, however, I do not here pretend to, nor
would it if obtainable materially help my present
argument.




IO


THE FUTURE OF ISLA4M.


-.... —


The following is my table:TABLE OF THE MECCA PILGRIMAGE OF 1880.


Total of
Nationality of Pilgrims.rrivi              Arriving  Mussulman
by Sea.  by Land.    population
represented.


Ottoman subjects including pilgrims from
Syria and Irak, but not from Egypt or
Arabia proper...
Egyptians
Mogrebbins ("people of the West"),
that is to say Arabic-speaking Mussulmans from the Barbary States, Tripoli,
Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco. These
are always classed together and are not
easily distinguishable from each other
Arabs from Yemen,,,,  Oman and Hadramaut,,,,  Nejd, Assir, and Hasa, most
of them Wahhabites,,,,  Hejaz, of these    perhaps
10,000 Meccans
Negroes from Soudan.,,,, Zanzibar.
Malabari from the Cape of Good Hope.
Persians
Indians (British subjects)
Malays, chiefly from Java and Dutch
subjects
Chinese
Mongols from the Khanates, included in
the Ottoman Haj.
Lazis, Circassians, Tartars, etc. (Russian
subjects), included in the Ottoman
Haj
Independent Afghans and Beluchis, included in the Indian and Persian Hajs
Total of Pilgrims present at Arafat
Toi


8,500
5,000
6,ooo
3,000
3,000
2,000
I,000
150
6,ooo
15,000
12,000
I00


1,000
1,000...
5,000
22,000
2,500...


22,000,000
5,000,000
18,ooo,ooo
2,500,000
3,000,000
4,000,000
2,000,000
0,000ooo,ooo(?)
1,500,000
8,00o,0oo
40,000,000
30,000,000
I5,000,000
6,000ooo,o000...


5,000,000


3,000,000
93,250
tal Census of Islam I75,000,000




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. I I.


The figures thus roundly given require explanation in order to be of their full value as a bird's-eye
view of Islam. I will take them as nearly as
possible in the order in which they stand, grouping
them, however, for further convenience sake under
their various sectarian heads, for it must be remembered that Islam, which in its institution
was intended to be one community, political and
religious, is now divided not only into many
nations, but into many sects. All, however, hold
certain fundamental beliefs, and all perform the
pilgrimage to Mecca, where they meet on common ground, and it is to this latter fact that
the importance attached to the Haj is mainly
owing.
The main beliefs common to all Mussulmans
areI. A belief in one true God, the creator and
ordainer of all things.
2. A belief in a future life of reward or punishment.
3. A belief in a divine revelation imparted first
to Adam and renewed at intervals to Noah, to
Abraham, to Moses, and to Jesus Christ, and last
of all in its perfect form to Mohammed. This
revelation is not only one of dogma, but of practice.




I2


THIE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


It claims to have taught an universal rule of life
for all mankind in politics and legislation as well
as in doctrine and in morals. This is called Islam.
4. A belief in the Koran as the literal word of
God, and of its inspired interpretation by the
Prophet and his companions, preserved through
tradition (Hadith).l
These summed up in the well-known " Kelemat"
or act of faith, "There is no God but God, and
Mohammed is the apostle of God," form a common
doctrinal basis for every sect of Islam-and also
common to all are the four religious acts, prayer,
fasting, almsgiving and pilgrimage, ordained by
the Koran itself. On other points, however, both
of belief and practice, they differ widely; so widely
that the sects must be considered as not only
distinct from, but hostile to, each other. They are
nevertheless, it must be admitted, less absolutely
irreconcileable than are the corresponding sects of
Christianity, for all allow the rest to be distinctly
1 The following is a formula of the faith:I. That thou believest in God, the one God and none other with
Him, and that thou believest that Mohammed is His servant and
His Apostle.
2. That thou believest in the Holy Angels and the Holy Books,
the Pentateuch, the Psalms, the Gospels and the Koran.
3. That thou believest in the Last Day, and in the Providence of
God both for good and for evil.




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 13


within the pale of Islam, and they pray on occasion
in each other's mosques and kneel at the same
shrines on pilgrimage. Neither do they condemn
each other's errors as altogether damnable-except,
I believe, in the case of the Wahhabites, who accuse
other Moslems of polytheism and idolatry. The
census of the four great sects may be thus roughly
givenI. The Sunites or Orthodox Mohammedans.  145,000,000
2. The Shiites or Sect of Ali.....  15,000,000
3. The Abadites (Abadhiyeh)....  7,000,000
4. The Wahhabites..........        8,ooo,ooo
The Sunites, or People of the Path, are of course
by far the most important of these. They stand
in that relation to the other sects in which the
Catholic Church stands to the various Christian
heresies, and claim alone to represent that continuous body of tradition political and religious,
which is the sign of a living church. In addition
to the dogmas already mentioned, they hold that,
after the Prophet and his companions, other authorised channels of tradition exist of hardly less
authority with these.  The sayings of the four
first Caliphs, as collected in the first century of
the Mohammedan era, they hold to be inspired
and unimpeachable, as are to a certain extent the




I4


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


-~ -h _


theological treatises of the four great doctors of
Islam, the Imams Abu Hanifeh, Malek, Esh Shafy,
and Hanbal, and after them, though with less and
less authority, the "fetwas," or decisions of distinguished Ulema, down to the present day. The
collected body of teaching acquired from these
sources is called the Sheriat (in Turkey the
Sheriati Sherifeh) and is the canon law of Islam.
Nor is it lawful that this should be gainsaid; while
the Imams themselves may not inaptly be compared to the fathers of our Christian Church. It
is a dogma, too, with the Sunites that they are
not only an ecclesiastical but a political body, and
that among them is the living representative of
the temporal power of the Prophet, in the person
of his Khalifeh or successor, though there is much
division of opinion as to the precise line of succession in the past and the legitimate ownership
of the title in the present. But this is too intricate
and important a matter to be entered on at present.
The Sunites are then the body of authority
and tradition, and being more numerous than the
other three sects put together in a proportion of
four and a half to one, have a good right to treat
these as heretics. It must not, however, be supposed that even the Sunites profess absolutely




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 15


homogeneous opinions. The path of Orthodox
Islam is no macadamised road such as the Catholic
Church of Christendom has become, but like one
of its own Haj routes goes winding on, a labyrinth
of separate tracks, some near, some far apart, some
clean out of sight of the rest. All lead, it is true,
in the same main direction, and here and there in
difficult ground where there is a mountain range
to cross or where some defile narrows they are
brought together, but otherwise they follow their
own ways as the idiosyncrasy of race and disposition may dictate. There is no common authority
in the world acknowledged as superior to the rest,
neither is there any office corresponding even remotely with the infallible Papacy.
The Mohammedan nations have for the most
part each its separate school, composed of its own
Ulema and presided over by its own Grand Mufti
or Sheykh el Islam, and these are independent of
all external influence. If they meet at all it is at
Mecca, but even at Mecca there is no college of
cardinals, no central authority; and though occasionally cases are referred thither or to Constantinople or Cairo, the fetwas given are not of absolute
binding power over the faithful in other lands.
Moreover, besides these national distinctions, there




I6


6THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




are three recognized schools of theology which
divide between them the allegiance of the orthodox, and which, while not in theory opposed, do
in fact represent as many distinct lines of religious
thought.  These it has been the fashion with
European writers to describe as sects, but the
name sect is certainly inaccurate, for the distinctions recognisable in their respective teachings are
not more clearly marked than in those of our own
Church parties, the high, the low, and the broad.
Indeed a rather striking analogy may be traced
between these three phases of English church
teaching and the three so-called "orthodox sects "
of Islam. The three Mohammedan schools are the
Hanefite, the Malekite, and the Shafite, while a
fourth, the Hanbalite, is usually added, but it
numbers at the present day so few followers that
we need not notice it.* A few words will describe
each of these.
The Hanefite school of theology may be described as the school of the upper classes. It is
the high and dry party of Church and State, if
such expressions can be used about Islam. To
it belongs the Osmanli race, I believe without


* The Hanbali ritual is now almost entirely confined to Medina
and Kasim in Central Arabia.




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 17


exception, the ruling race of the north, and their
kinsmen who founded Empires in Central and
Southern Asia. The official classes, too, in most
parts of the world are Hanefite, including the Viceregal courts of Egypt, Tripoli, and Tunis, and it
would seem the courts of most of the Indian
princes. It is probably rather as a consequence
of this than as its reason that it is the most conservative of schools, conservative in the true sense
of leaving things exactly as they are. The Turkish
Ulema have always insisted strongly on the dogma
that the zjtahad, that is to say the elaboration of
new doctrine, is absolutely closed; that nothing
can be added to or taken away from the already
existing body of religious law, and that no new
nujtahed, or doctor of Islam, can be expected who
shall adapt that law to the life of the modern
world.  At the same time, while obstinate in
matters of opinion, Hanefism has become extremely lax as to practice. Its moral teaching is
held, and I believe justly, to be adapted only too
closely to the taste of its chief supporters. It is
accused by its enemies of having given the sanction
of its toleration to the moral disorders common
among the Turks, their use of fermented drinks,
their immoderate concubinage and other worse
c




18


THE FUTURE OF ISZAM..




vices. It is, in fact, the official school of Ottoman
orthodoxy. It embraces most of those who at the
present day support the revived spiritual pretensions
of Constantinople.
The pilgrimage then described in our table as
Ottoman is mostly made up of men of this theological school. It must not, however, be supposed
that anything like the whole number either of the
8500 pilgrims, or of the 22,000,000 population they
represent, is composed of Turks. The true Ottoman Turk is probably now among the rarest of
visitors to Mecca, and it is doubtful whether the
whole Turkish census in Europe and in Asia
amounts to more than four millions. With regard
to the pilgrimage there is good reason why this
should be the case. In Turkey, all the able-bodied
young men, who are the first material of the Haj,
are taken from other duties for military service,
and hardly any now make their tour of the Kaaba
except in the Sultan's uniform. Rich merchants,
the second material of the Haj in other lands,
are almost unknown among the Turks; and the
officials, the only well-to-do class in the empire,
have neither leisure nor inclination to absent themselves from their worldly business of intrigue.
Besides, the official Turk is already too civilized




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 19
to put up readily with the real hardships of the
Haj. In spite of the alleviations effected by the
steam navigation of the Red Sea, pilgrimage is
still no small matter, and once landed at Jeddah,
all things are much as they were a hundred years
ago, while the Turk has changed.    With his
modern notion of dress and comfort he may
indeed be excused for shrinking from the quaint
nakedness of the pilgrim garb and the bare-headed
march to Arafat under a tropical sun. Besides,
there is the land journey still of three hundred
miles to make before he can reach Medina, and
what to some would be worse hardship, a wearisome waiting afterwards in the unhealthy ports of
Hejaz. The Turkish official, too, has learned to
dispense with so many of the forms of his religion that he finds no difficulty in making himself
excuses here. In fact, he seldom or never now
performs the pilgrimage.
The mass of the Ottoman Haj is made up of
Kurds, Syrians, Albanians, Circassians, Lazis, and
Tartars from Russia and the Khanates, of everything rather than real Turks. Nor are those that
come distinguished greatly for their piety or learning. The school of St. Sophia at Constantinople
has lost its old reputation as a seat of religious




20


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


knowledge; and its Ulema are known to be more
occupied with the pursuit of Court patronage than
with any other science. So much indeed is this the
case that serious students often prefer a residence
at Bokhara, or even in the heretical schools of
Persia, as a more real road to learning. Turkey
proper boasts at the present day few theologians
of note, and still fewer independent thinkers.
The Egyptian Haj is far more flourishing.
Speaking the language of Arabia, the citizen of
Cairo is more at home in the holy places than
any inhabitant of the northern towns can be. The
customs of Hejaz are very nearly his own customs,
and its climate not much more severe than his.
Cairo, too, can boast a far more ancient political
connection with Mecca than Constantinople can,
for as early as the twelfth century the Sultans of
Egypt were protectors of the holy places, while
even since the Ottoman conquest, the Caliph's
authority in Arabia has been almost uninterruptedly interpreted by his representative at Cairo.
So lately as I840 this was the position of things
at Mecca, and it is only since the opening of the
Suez Canal that direct administration from Constantinople has been seriously attempted. To the
present day the Viceroy of Egypt shares with the




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 21


Sultan the privilege of sending a mahmal, or camel
litter, to Mecca every year with a covering for the
Kaaba. Moreover the Azhar mosque of Cairo is
the great university of Arabic-speaking races, and
its Ulema have the highest reputation of any in
Islam.  Egyptian influence, therefore, must be
reckoned as an important element in the forces
which make up Mohammedan opinion. The late
Khedive, it is true, did much to impair this by
his infidelity and his coquetteries with Europe, and
under his reign the Egyptian Haj fell to a low
level; but Mohammed Towfik, who is a sincere,
though liberal Mussulman, has already restored
much of his country's prestige at Mecca, and it is
not unlikely that in time to come Egypt, grown
materially prosperous, may once more take a leading part in the politics of Islam.1 But of this
later.
All three schools of theology are taught in the
Azhar mosque, and Egyptians are divided, according to their class, between them. The Viceroy and
the ruling clique, men of Ottoman origin, are
Hanefites, and so too are the descendants of the
1 This was written before the events of last September, which have
given a new impulse to liberalism in Egypt, though it has taken the
direction of Mohammedan thought there out of the hands of the
Khedive.




22


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


-..


Circassian Beys, but the leading merchants of
Cairo and the common people of that city are
Shafites, while the fellahin of the Delta are
almost entirely Malekite. Malekite, too, are the
tribes west of the Nile, following the general rule
of the population of Africa.'
The Malekite school of religious thought differs
widely from the Hanefite. If the latter has been
described as the high Church party of Islam, this
must be described as the low. It is puritanical,
fierce in its dogma, severe in its morals, and those
who profess it are undoubtedly the most fervent,
the most fanatical of believers.       They represent
more nearly than any other Mussulmans the
ancient earnestness of the Prophet's companions,
and the sword in their hand is ever the sword of
God.    Piety   too, ostensible and sincere, is found
everywhere among the Malekites. Abd el Kader,
1 The exact composition of the Azhar university is as follows. Of
the five hundred and odd sheykhs or professors, two hundred are
Shafite, two hundred Malekite, one hundred Hanefite, and five
Hanbalite. Each of these sections has a supreme sheykh, chosen
by itself, whose fetwa on questions concerning the school is decisive.
There is, moreover, a Sheykh el Islam, also elected, who decides
religious questions of general importance, and a Grand Mufti
appointed by the Government who gives fetwas on matters of law.
The latter is Hanefite, the former at the present moment Shafite, as
are the bulk of the students. These number about fifteen hundred.




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 23.


the soldier saint, is their type; and holy men by
hereditary profession abound among them.
The Malekites believe with earnest faith in
things supernatural, dreaming prophetic dreams,
and seeing miracles performed as every-day occurrences. With the Arabs of Africa, unlike their
kinsmen in Arabia itself, to pray and fast is still
a severe duty, and no class of Mussulmans are
more devout on pilgrimage.    In Algiers and
Morocco it is as common for a young man of
fortune to build a mosque as it is for him to keep
a large stud of horses. To do so poses him in the
world, and a life of prayer is strictly a life of
fashion. With regard to morals he is severe where
the Koran is severe, indulgent where it indulges.
Wine with him is an abomination, and asceticism
with regard to meat and tobacco is often practised
by him.   On the whole he is respectable and
respected; but the reforms he would impose on
Islam are too purely reactive to be altogether
acceptable to the mass of Mohammedans or suited
to the urgent necessities of the age.  It is conceivable, however, that should the revival of Islam
take the form of a religious war, the races of Africa
may be found taking the leading part in it.
Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco contain hardy




24


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


races of fighting men who may yet trouble Europe;
and fifty years of rule have not yet assimilated
the French Sahara.
It is difficult to gain accurate statistics as to the
proportion of pilgrims sent to Mecca by these
various States, but it would seem the Algerian
pilgrimage is the smallest. This is due mainly to
hindrances raised by the French Government,
whose policy it is to isolate their province from
the rest of the Mussulman world. An Algerian
pilgrim is called upon to produce the sum of 0ooo
francs before he is permitted to embark for Jeddah,
and he is subjected to various other needless formalities. Still the number sent is large and their
fervour undoubted, though the upper classes, from
a fear of losing credit with the French authorities,
rather hold aloof.
The mainstay of the Mogrebbin Haj are the
Moors.  These have an immense name for zeal
and religious courage at Mecca, and for the great
scrupulosity with which they perform their religious
duties. There is too among the Moors a far wider
level of theological education than among most
Mussulmans. I made acquaintance while at Jeddah with a young Arab from Shinghiat in Senegal
who, Bedouin as he was, was an Alem, and one




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 25


sufficiently well versed in the Sheriat to be referred
to more than once in my presence on points of
religious law and literature. 1 expressed my surprise at finding a Bedouin thus learned, for he was
evidently an Arab of the Arabs, but he told me
his was no exceptional position, and that most
Bedouins in Southern Morocco could read the
Koran. The Moors would have a still higher position in Islam than that already given them were
it not that they are on one point at variance
with the mass of Sunites. They do not acknowledge the modern Caliphate. Those therefore of the
Sunites who have acknowledged the Ottoman claim
are at issue with the Moors. On all other points,
however, the Moors are Sunites of the Sunites.
From the Moor to the negro is but a step,
though it is a step of race, perhaps of species.
The political and religious connection of Morocco
with the Soudan is a very close one, and, whatever
may be the future of the Mediterranean provinces
fronting the Spanish coast, it cannot be doubted
that the Moorish form of Mohammedanism will be
perpetuated in Central Africa. It is there, indeed,
that Islam has the best certainty of expansion and
the fairest field for a propagation of its creed.
Statistics, if they could be obtained, would, I am




26


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


I. -


convinced, show an immense Mohammedan progress within the last hundred years among the
negro races, nor is this to be wondered at. Islam
has so much to offer to the children of Ham that it
cannot fail to win them-so much more than any
form of Christianity or European progress can
give.
The Christian missionary makes his way slowly
in Africa. He has no true brotherhood to offer
the negro except in another life. He makes no
appeal to a present sense of dignity in the man he
would convert. What Christian missionary takes
a negress to wife or sits with the negro wholly as
an equal at meat? Their relations remain at best
those of teacher with taught, master with servant,
grown man with child. The Mohammedan missionary from Morocco meanwhile stands on a
different footing. He says to the negro, "Come
up and sit beside me. Give me your daughter and
take mine. All who pronounce the formula of
Islam are equal in this world and in the next."
In becoming a Mussulman even a slave acquires
immediate dignity and the right to despise all
men, whatever their colour, who are not as himself. This is a bribe in the hand of the preacher
of the Koran, and one which has never appealed in




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 27


vain to the enslaved races of the world.' Central
Africa then may be counted on as the inheritance
of Islam at no very distant day. It is already said
to count ten millions of Moslems.
The Shafite school, the third of the four "orthodox sects," is the most flourishing of all in point
of numbers, and it has characteristics which mark
it out as the one best adapted to survive in the
struggle which is impending between the schools
of religious thought in Islam. The Shafites may
be compared to our broad Church, though without
its immediate tendency to infidelity. With the
Shafites there is a disposition to widen rather than
to narrow the area of theology. The Hanefites
and Malekites proclaim loudly that inquiry has
been closed and change is impossible, but the
Shafites are inclined to seek a new mujtahed who
shall reconcile Islam with the modern conditions
of the world. They feel that there is something
wrong in things as they are, for Islam is no longer
politically prosperous, and they would see it united
once more and reorganized even at the expense of
some dogmatic concessions.    I know that many
It is the secret of the rapid conversions in ancient days among
the poor of the Roman and Persian Empires, and it is the secret of
those now taking place among the low-caste Indians.




28


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


even of the Shafites themselves will deny this,
for no Mussulman will willingly acknowledge that
he is an advocate of change; but it is unquestionable that among members of their school such ideas
are more frequently found than with the others.
Among the Shafites, too, ideas of a moral reformation find a footing, and they speak more
openly than the rest their suspicion that the, house
of Othman, with its fornications and its bestialities
and contempt of justice, has been the ruin of Islam.
Arabian custom is the basis of its ideas upon this
head, for most Arabs out of Africa if anything are
Shafites; and it is the school of the virtuous poor
rather than of the licentious rich.  It is more
humane in its bearing towards Jews and Christians,
finding a common ground with them in the worship
of the one true God, the moral law propounded at
various times to man, and the natural distinction
between right and wrong. I may exaggerate this,
perhaps, but something of it certainly exists, and
it is a feeling that is growing.
Shafism has its stronghold at Cairo, where the
Sheykh el Islam has always belonged to this rite,
but it is also the prevailing school in Asia wherever Mohammedanism has been introduced through
the instrumentality of Arabian missionaries. In




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 29


India the mass of the Mussulman population is
Shafite, especially in Hyderabad and the Bombay
Presidency, where the Arab element is strongest,
while Hanefism is the school of the great people
who derive their origin from the Mogul conquests,
and of many of the Ulema who are in the habit
of making their religious education complete in
the Hanefite schools of Bokhara. Wahhabism, too,
in the present century has taken great hold of the
poorer classes, and within the last few years a
Turkish propaganda has been at work among
them with some success. But of this again later.
The Indian Haj is the most numerous, and
represents the largest population of all on our list,
and it is besides the most wealthy. The Indian
Mussulman has less to fear from the climate of
Arabia than the native of more northern lands, and
few who can afford it fail to perform this religious
duty at least once in their lives.  The English
Government neither checks nor encourages the
Haj, and indeed of late years has shown a rather
culpable negligence as to the interests of British
subjects on pilgrimage.  Such at least is the
opinion I heard constantly given at Jeddah, and
several recent incidents seem to prove that a
little closer attention to this matter would be




30


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




advisable.  That ugly story which was told in
our newspapers more than a year ago of the
abandonment of a pilgrim ship in the Red Sea
by her British captain is, I am sorry to say, a
true one, and I heard it confirmed with every
circumstance which could aggravate the charges
made. The captain in a fit of panic left the ship
without any substantial excuse, and if it had not
been for the good conduct of a young man, his
nephew, who, though ordered to leave too, refused
out of humanity, there is little doubt that the
vessel would have been lost. A very painful impression was produced on the Jeddans while I was
there by the news that this English captain had
been sentenced for all punishment by an English
court to two years' suspension of his certificate.
Indian pilgrims have besides been very roughly
treated in Hejaz by the authorities during-the last
year because they were British subjects, and this
without obtaining any redress. Such at least is
the gossip of the town. However this may be, it
seems to me astonishing that so important a matter
as the Indian Haj should be left, as it now is,
entirely in the hands of chance.
The Dutch do not so leave the management of
their pilgrimage from Java, which, it will be re



CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 31


marked, stands second only to India on my list
in respect of numbers. Their policy is a very
definite one and seems justified by results. There
is no disillusion, they argue, for a Mussulman
greater than to have visited Mecca, and they say
that a returned hajji is seldom heard to complain
in Java of his lot as the subject of a Christian
power. Besides the disappointment which all pilgrims are wont to feel who come with exalted
hopes and find their holy lands undistinguishable
from the other lands of the world, the pilgrim to
Mecca certainly has to encounter a series of dangers
and annoyances which he cannot but recognize to
be the result of Mussulman misgovernment. From
the moment of his landing on the holy shore he
finds himself beset with dangers. He is fleeced
by the Turkish officials, befooled by the religious
touts of the towns, and sometimes robbed openly
by actual highway robbers. The religious government of the land has no redress to offer him, and
the Turkish guardians of the peace who affect to
rule are only potent in demanding fees. At every
step he is waylaid and tricked and ill-treated. He
finds the Hejazi, the keepers of the holy places
and privileged ciceroni of the shrines, shrewder as
men of business than devout as believers, and he




32


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


returns to his home a sadder and, the Dutch say,
a wiser man. I do not affirm that the Dutch are
right; but this is the principle they act on, and
they boast of its success.
We in India, as I have said, in our grand careless
way, leave all these things to chance. India, nevertheless, still holds the first rank in the Haj, and,
all things considered, is now the most important
land where the Mohammedan faith is found. In
the day of its greatness the Mogul Empire was
second to no State in Islam, and though its political power is in abeyance, the religion itself is
by no means in decay. India has probably a
closer connection at the present moment with
Mecca than any other country, and it is looked
upon by many there as the Mussulman land of the
future. Indeed, it may safely be affirmed that the
course of events in India will determine more
than anything else the destiny of Mohammedanism in the immediate future of this and the next
generation.
The Malays, though holding no very high
position in the commonwealth of Islam, are important from their numbers, their commercial
prosperity, and, more than all to an European
observer, from the fact that so many of them are




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 33


Dutch subjects. Holland, if any lesson for the
future can be learned in history, must in a few
years find her fate linked with that of Germany,
and so too her colonies. I will not now enlarge
upon the prospect thus opened, but it is a suggestive one, and worthy of all possible attention.
For the moment the Malays stand rather apart
from other pilgrims at the shrines. They boast
no great school of theology or particular religious
complexion; and as pilgrims they are held in
rather low esteem from their penurious ways. But
they are a dark element in the future, which it
is equally easy to under as to over rate. Originally
converted by, and to a certain degree descended
from, Arabs, they are, as far as I could learn,
followers of the Shafite teaching, and inclined to
the broad rather than the narrow ways of Islam.
They number, according to the Dutch consular
agent at Jeddah, thirty million souls, and are
increasing rapidly both in Java and in the other
islands of the Malay archipelago.
Another enigma are the Chinese. I saw a few
of them in the streets, and made inquiries as to
them. But I could gain no certain information.
I have heard them estimated as high as twenty
millions and as low as five, but it is certain that
D




34


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


- 1


they are very numerous-1 They established themselves in China, it is said, about the second century
of Islam, and their missionaries were men of Arab
race. They are found scattered in groups all over
China, but principally inland, and have full enjoyment of their religion, being a united body which
is respectable and makes itself respected-so much
so that the " Houi-tse," or people of the resurrection, as they are called, are employed in the highest
offices of the Chinese State.2  It is plain, however,
that they are hardly at all connected with the
modern life of Islam, for it is only within the last
few years that any of them have performed the
pilgrimage; and if I include them    in my lists as
Sunites and Shafites it is in default of other classification. They probably hold to the Mussulman
world a position analogous in its isolation to that
of the Abyssinian Church in Christendom. They
too, however, may one day make their existence
felt; for China is no dead nation, only asleep.
And with them our survey of orthodox Islam ends.
The heretical sects remain to us. Of these the
The Mohammedan revolts in Yunan and Kashgar, repressed
with great ferocity by the Chinese, have in late years temporarily
diminished the Mohammedan census; but there seems good reason
to believe that they are making steady progress in the Empire.
2 Compare M. Huc's account of their origin.




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 35


most notable without contestation is the Shiite, or
Sect of Ali, which traces its origin to the very day
of the Prophet's death, when Abu Bekr was elected
Caliph to Ali's exclusion. I will not here renew
the arguments urged in this old dispute more than
to say that the dispute still exists, though it has
long ceased to be the only cause of difference
between Shiah and Suni.
Beginning merely as a political schism, the Shiite
sect is now distinctly a heresy, and one which has
wandered far from the orthodox road.   Their
principal features of quarrel with the Sunites arefirst, a repudiation of the Caliphate and of all
hierarchical authority whatsoever; secondly, the
admission of a right of free judgment in individual
doctors on matters of religion; and thirdly, a
general tendency to superstitious beliefs unauthorized by the Koran or by the written testimony
of the Prophet's companions. They also-and
this is their great doctrinal quarrel with the unitarian Sunites-believe in a series of incarnations
of the twelve qualities of God in the persons of
the "twelve Imams," and in the advent of the
last of them as a Messiah, or "M6hdy," doctrines
which are especially advanced by the Sheykhi
school of Shiism and minimized by the Mutesharreh




36


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


or orthodox.  These last matters, however, are
rather excrescences than necessary parts of Shiism.
They owe their prevalence, without doubt, to the
Persian mind, which is equally prone to scepticism
and credulity, and where Shiism has always had
its stronghold.
The religious constitution of the sect of Ali has
been described to me by a member of it who
knows Europe well as resembling in its organization the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. That
is to say, it acknowledges no head, temporal or
spiritual, and each congregation represents a
separate unit of authority in itself. There is no
such functionary in Persia as Sheykh el Islam,
or Grand Mufti, and the Shah claims to be
neither Imam  nor Caliph.  Each Shiite doctor
who has taken his degree at Kerbela or Ispahan
may deliver his fetwa or opinion on points of
doctrine, and the only test of his authority to
preach or lead the prayer in mosque is his power
of attracting a congregation.  It is strange that
in a sect which had its origin in an assertion
of hereditary right to the Caliphate everything
hereditary should be now rigidly excluded.
In theory, I believe the Shias still hold that there
is an Imam and Caliph, but they will not tolerate




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 37


the pretension of any one now in authority to
the title, and leave it in abeyance until the advent
of the M6hdy, or guide, who is to reunite Islam
and restore its fortunes.  So much is this the
case that, sovereign though he be and absolute
master in Persia, the Shah is to the present day
looked upon by the Persians as a usurper, and
he himself acknowledges the fact in a rather
curious ceremony. It is a maxim with Mussulmans of all sects that prayer is not valid if made
in another man's house without his permission,
and this being so, and the Shah admitting that
his palaces of right belong not to himself but to
the M6hdy, he is obliged to lease them according
to legal form from an alem or mujtahed, acting
for the supposed M6hdy, before he can pray in
them to his spiritual profit.
It will be readily understood that, with such
an organization and with such tendencies to deductive reasoning, a wide basis is given for divergence of opinion among the Shiites, and that while
the more highly educated of their mollahs occasionally preach absolute pantheism, others consult
the grosser inclinations of the vulgar, and indulge
their hearers with the most extravagant tales of
miracle and superstition. These are a donstant




38


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




source of mockery to the Sunites.  Among the
more respectable Shiite beliefs, however, there
seems to be a general conviction in Persia that
a reform of Islam is at hand, and that a new
leader may be expected at any moment and from
any quarter, so that enthusiasts are constantly
found simulating the gifts of inspiration and affecting a divine mission. The history of the Babites,
so well described by M. de Gobineau in his
Religions of Asia, is a case in point, and similar
occurrences are by no means rare in Persia.
I met at Jeddah a highly educated Persian
gentleman, who informed me that he had himself
been witness when a boy to a religious prodigy,
notorious, if I remember rightly, at Tabriz. On
that occasion, one of these prophets being condemned to death by the supreme government, was
bound to a cross with two of his companions, and
after remaining suspended thus for several hours,
was fired at by the royal troops. It then happened that, while the companions were dispatched
at the first volley, the prophet himself remained
unhurt, and, incredible to relate, the cords which
bound him were cut by the bullets, and he fell
to the ground on his feet. "You Christians," said
another Persian gentleman once to me, "talk of




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 39. 39


your Christ as the Son of God and think it strange,
but with us the occurrence is a common one.
Believe me we have 'sons of God' in nearly all
our villages."
Thus, with the Shiites, extremes meet.  No
Moslems more readily adapt themselves to the
superficial atheisms of Europe than do the Persians,
and none are more ardently devout, as all who
have witnessed the miracle play of the two Imams
will be obliged to admit.   Extremes, too, of
morality are seen, fierce asceticisms and gross
licentiousnesses. By no sect 'of Islam is the duty
of pilgrimage more religiously observed, or the
prayers and ablutions required by their rule performed with a stricter ritual. But the very pilgrims
who go on foot to Mecca scruple not to drink wine
there, and Persian morality is everywhere a byword.
In all these circumstances there is much to fear
as well as to hope on the side of the Shiite sect;
but their future only indirectly involves that of
Islam proper. Their whole census does not probably exceed fifteen millions, and it shows no
tendency to increase.  Outside Persia we find
about one million Irtki Arabs, a few in Syria and
Afghanistan, and at most five millions in India.




40


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


One small group still maintains itself in the neighbourhood of Medina, where it is tolerated rather
than acknowledged, and a few Shiites are to be
found in most of the large cities of the west, but
everywhere the sect of Ali stands apart from and
almost in a hostile attitude to the rest of Islam.
It is noticeable, however, that within the last fifty
years the religious bitterness of Shiite and Sunite
is sensibly in decline.
The next most important of the heretical sects
is the Abadiyeh. These, according to some, are
the religious descendants of the Khawarij, a sect
which separated itself from the Califate in the
time of the Seyid Ali, and, after a severe persecution in Irak, took refuge at last in Oman.
Whatever their present doctrines, they seem at
first to have been like the Shiites, political schismatics. They maintained that any Mussulman,
so long as he was not affected with heresy, might
be chosen Imam, and that he might be deposed
for heresy or ill-conduct, and indeed that there
was no absolute necessity for any Imam at all.
They are at present only found in Oman and
Zanzibar, where they number, it is said, about four
millions. Till as late as the last century the
Imamate was an elective office among them, but




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 41


with the accession of the Abu Said dynasty it
became hereditary in that family.1 They reject
all communion with the Sunites, but I have not
been able to discover that they hold any doctrines
especially offensive to the mass of Moslems. Their
differences are mainly negative, and consist in the
rejection of Califal history and authority later
than the reign of Omar, and of a vast number of
traditions now incorporated in the Sunite faith.
Allied to them but, as I understood, separate,
are the ZeYdites of Yemen, who are possibly also
descended from the Khawarij. But, as the Zeidites
are accustomed to conceal the fact of their heresy
and to pass themselves when on pilgrimage as
Sunites, I could learn little about them. They
were, till ten years ago, independent under the
Imams of Sana, and it is certain that they repudiate the Califate. In former times, before the
first conquest of Arabia by the Turks, these Imams
were all powerful in Hejaz, and on the destruction
of the Bagdad Califate assumed the title of Hami
el Harameyn, protector of the holy places. The
Turks, however, now occupy Sana, and the office
of Imam is in abeyance. The Zefdites can hardly
number more than two millions, and their only
Compare Dr. Badger's History of Oman and Sale's Koran.




42


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


-


importance in the future lies in the fact of their
geographical proximity to Mecca, and in the fact
that their sympathies lie on the side of liberality
in opinion and reform in morals. Neither Ze'dites
nor Abadites have any adherents out of their own
countries.
Of the Wahhabites a more detailed account is
needed, as although their numbers arc small and
their political importance less than it formerly was,
the spirit of their reform movement still lives and
exercises a potent influence on modern Mohammedan ideas. I have described elsewhere1 the
historical vicissitudes of the sect in Arabia, and
the decline of its fortunes in Nejd, but a brief
recapitulation of these may be allowed me.
The early half of the last century was a period
of religious stagnation in Islam, almost as much
as it was in Christendom. Faith, morals, and
religious practice were at the lowest ebb among
Mussulmans, and it seemed to Europeans who
looked on as though the faith of Mecca had attained its dotage, and was giving place to a noncurantist infidelity. Politically and religiously the
Mussulman world was asleep, when suddenly it
awoke, and like a young giant refreshed stood once
Lady Anne Blunt's Pilgrimage to Nejd. Appendix.




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 43. 43


more erect in Arabia. The reform preached by
Abd el Wahhab was radical. He began by breaking with the maxim held by the mass of the
orthodox that inquiry on matters of faith was
closed. He constituted himself a new mujtahed
and founded a new school, neither Hanafite, Malekite, nor Shafite, and called it the school of the
Unitarians, Muwaheddin, a name still cherished by
the Wahhabites. He rejected positively all traditions but those of the companions of the Prophet,
and he denied the claims of any but the first four
Caliphs to have been legitimately elected. The
Koran was to be the only written law, and Islam
was to be again what it had been in the first
decade of its existence. He established it politically in Nejd on precisely its old basis at Medina,
and sought to extend it over the whole of Arabia,
perhaps of the world. I believe it is hardly now
recognised by Mohammedans how near Abd el
Wahhab was to complete success.
Before the close of the eighteenth century the
chiefs of the Ibn Saouds, champions of Unitarian
Islam, had established their authority over all
Northern Arabia as far as the Euphrates, and in
I808 they took Mecca and Medina. In the meanwhile the Wahhabite doctrines were gaining ground




44


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


still further afield. India was at one time very
near conversion, and in Egypt, and North Africa,
and even in Turkey many secretly subscribed to
the new doctrines. Two things, however, marred
the plan of general reform and prevented its full
accomplishment.
In the first place the reform was too completely
reactive. It took no account whatever of the
progress of modern thought, and directly it attempted to leave Arabia it found itself face to face
with difficulties which only political as well as
religious success could overcome. It was impossible, except by force of arms, to Arabianise the
world again, and nothing less than this was in
contemplation. Its second mistake, and that was
one that a little of the Prophet's prudence which
always went hand in hand with his zeal might
have avoided, was a too rigid insistance upon
trifles. Abd el Wahhab condemned minarets and
tombstones because neither were in use during the
first years of Islam. The minarets therefore were
everywhere thrown down, and when the holy places
of Hejaz fell into the hands of his followers the
tombs of saints which had for centuries been
revered as objects of pilgrimage were levelled to
the ground. Even the Prophet's tomb at Medina




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 45


was laid waste and the treasures it contained distributed among the soldiers of Ibn Saoud. This
roused the indignation of all Islam, and turned
the tide of the Wahhabite fortunes. Respectable
feeling which had hitherto been on their side now
declared itself against them, and they never after
regained their position as moral and social reformers.
Politically, too, it was the cause of their ruin.
The outside Mussulman world, looking upon them
as sacrilegious barbarians, was afraid to visit
Mecca, and the pilgrimage declined so rapidly that
the Hejazi became alarmed. The source of their
revenue they found cut off, and it seemed on the
point of ceasing altogether. Then they appealed
to Constantinople, urging the Sultan to vindicate
his claim to be protector of the holy places. What
followed is well known. After the peace of Paris
Sultan Mahmud commissioned Mehemet Ali to
deliver Mecca and Medina from the Wahhabite
heretics, and this he in time effected. The war
was carried into Nejd; Deriyeh, their capital, was
sacked, and Ibn Saoud himself taken prisoner and
decapitated in front of St. Sophia's at Constantinople. The movement of reform in Islam was
thus put back for, perhaps, another hundred years.




46


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM..


Still the seed cast by Abd el Wahhab has not
been entirely without fruit.  Wahhabism, as a
political regeneration of the world, has failed, but
the spirit of reform has remained.  Indeed, the
present unquiet attitude of expectation in Islam
has been its indirect result. Just as the Lutheran
reformation in Europe, though it failed to convert
the Christian Church, caused its real reform, so
Wahhabism has produced a real desire for reform
if not yet reform itself in Mussulmans. Islam is
no longer asleep, and were another and a wiser
Abd el Wahhab to appear, not as a heretic, but in
the body of the Orthodox sect, he might play the
part of Loyola or Borromeo with success.
The present condition of the Wahhabites as a
sect is one of decline. In India, and I believe in
other parts of Southern Asia, their missionaries
still make converts and their preachers are held in
high esteem. But at home in Arabia their zeal
has waxed cold, giving place to liberal ideas which
in truth are far more congenial to the Arabian
mind. The Ibn Saoud dynasty no longer holds
the first position in Nejd, and Ibn Rashid who has
taken their place, though nominally a Wahhabite,
has little of the Wahhabite fanaticism. He is in
fact a popular and national rather than a religious




CENSUS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN WORLD. 47


leader, and though still designated at Constantinople as a pestilent heretic, is counted as their ally
by the more liberal Sunites. It is probable that
he would not withhold his allegiance from a Caliph
of the legitimate house of Koreysh. 'But this, too,
is beyond the subject of the present chapter.
With the Wahhabites, then, our census of Islam
closes. It has given us, as I hope, a fairly accurate
view of the forces which make up the Mohammedan world, and though the enumeration of these
cannot but be dull work, I do not think it will have
been work done in vain. Without it indeed it
would be almost impossible to make clear the
problem presented to us by modern Islam or guess
its solution.  More interesting matter, however,
lies before us, and in my next chapter I propose to
introduce my reader to that burning question of
the day in Asia, the Caliphate, and explain the
position of the House of Othman towards the
Mohammedan world.




CHAPTER II.


THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE.
ABOUT the year I515 of our era (92I of the Hejra),
Selim I., Padishah of the Ottoman Turks and Emperor of Constantinople, finding himself the most
powerful prince of his day in Islam, and wishing
still further to consolidate his rule, conceived the
idea of reviving in his own person the extinct
glories of the Caliphate. He had more than one
claim to be considered their champion by orthodox
Mohammedans, for he was the grandson of that
Mahomet II. who had finally extinguished the
Roman Empire of the East, and he had himself
just ended a successful campaign against the heretical Shah of Persia, head of the Sect of Ali. His
only rivals among Sunite princes were the Sultan
el Hind, or, as we call him, the Great Mogul, the
Sultan el Gharb, or Emperor of Morocco, and the
Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, then known to the
world as par excellence the Sultan.




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 49


With the two former, as rulers of what were
remote lands of Islam, Selim seems to have
troubled himself little; but he made war on Egypt.
In 1516 he invaded Syria, its outlying province,
and in 1517 he entered Cairo. There he made
prisoner the reigning Mameluke, Kansaw el
Ghouri, and had him publicly beheaded, or according to another account, received his head from
a soldier, who had killed him where he lay on the
ground after falling (for the Sultan was an old
man) from his horse. He then, in virtue of a
very doubtful cession made to him of his rights
by one Motawakkel Ibn Omar el Hakim, a descendant'of the house of Abbas, whom he found
living as titular Caliph in Cairo, took to himself
the following style and title: Sultan es Salatin, wa
Hakan el Hawakin, Malek el Bahreyn, wa Hami
el Barreyn, Khalifeh Rasul Allah, Emir el Mumenin, wa Sultan, wa Khan-titles which may be
thus interpreted: King of Kings and Lord of
Lords, Monarch of the two seas (the Mediterranean
and the Red Sea), and Protector of the two lands
(Hejaz and Syria, the holy lands of Islam), Successor of the Apostle of God, Prince of the Faithful, and Emperor. It is said that he first had the
satisfaction of hearing his name mentioned in the
E




50


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


- -


public prayers as Caliph when he visited the great
mosque of Zacharias at Aleppo on his return
northwards in 15 9.1
Such, in a few words, is historically the origin
of the modern Caliphate, and such are the titles
now borne by Selim's descendant, Abd el Hamid.
It is difficult at this distance of time, and in the
absence of detailed contemporary narratives, to do
more than guess the effect on Mussulmans of his
day of Selim's religious pretensions. To all alike,
friends as well as foes, he must in the first instance
have appeared as an usurper, for before him no
man not of the house of Koreysh, and so a kinsman of their Prophet, had ever claimed to be his
spiritual heir. Indeed, it was a maxim with all
schools of theology of all ages that descent from
the Koreysh was the first title to the Caliphate;
but we may reasonably suppose that within the
limits of his own dominions, and even to the mass
of the vulgar beyond them, the Ottoman Emperor's
sublime proceedings met with approval.
1 I do not vouch for the entire accuracy of these dates. Turkish
historians place Selim's death in 926 A.H., which should correspond
with our I520. It would seem doubtful too whether Selim himself
took any higher title with regard to the Holy Places than Khadam
el Harameyn, Servant of the two shrines, though his successors are
certainly called Hami. It was not till five years after Selim's death
that Mecca acknowledged the Ottoman Caliphate.




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 51


Selim was a portentous figure in Islam; and the
splendour of his apparition in the north dazzled
the eyes of all. Mussulmans must have seen in
him and his house the restorers of their political
fortunes and the champion of their religion against
Christendom; and a departure from established
rule in his favour may well have seemed justified
to pious persons as the best hope for the future of
their creed.  Selim was already temporal lord
of the greater part of Islam, and he might be
expected thus to restore the spiritual sovereignty
also. Besides, to the ears of Mussulmans of the
sixteenth century, the Caliphal title was no longer
a familiar sound, and the title of Sultan which
Selim already bore was that of the highest temporal authority they knew.
The Caliphate, if it existed at all, was in the
modern world a less imposing name than the
Sultanate; and the two had since the destruction
of Bagdad become confused, as they still remain,
in men's minds who do not any more now make
common use of the older title. Thus it was not
difficult for the new Sultan of Damascus and
Cairo and Medina to impose himself on the
multitude-not merely as heir to the Caliphal
possessions, but to the title also of the Caliphs




52


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




and their spiritual rank. Advantage, too, seems to
have been taken in the first instance, as it has been
subsequently, of the accidental resemblance of
name between Othman, Selim's ancestor, and
Othman the third Caliph. The vulgar ear caught
the sound as one familiar to it, and was satisfied,
for there is all the world in a name.
With the Ulema, however, it was necessary to
be more precise; and we know that the question
of the Ottoman right to the spiritual succession of
the Prophet was one long and hotly debated in
the schools. Tradition was formal on the point
of excluding aliens to the Koreysh from this its
legal inheritance, for Mohammed himself had
repeatedly distinguished his own tribe as being
the sole heirs to his authority; nor would any
doctor of the specially Arabian schools listen to
a departure from ideas so absolute. The Hanefite
school, however, representing those chiefly interested in accepting the Ottoman pretension,
undertook its legal defence, and succeeded, in spite
of the one great obstacle of birth, in making out
a very tolerable case for themselves and the Beni
Othman-a case which, in the absence of any rival
candidate to oppose to them, has since been tacitly
accepted by the majority of the Sunite Ulema.




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 53


The difficulty, however, was in practice settled
by a compromise, and the dispute itself had long
been forgotten by all but the learned, until within
the present generation its arguments were once
more dragged out publicly to serve a political
purpose. The Hanefite arguments are on this
account interesting, and I have been at pains to
ascertain and understand them; but perhaps
before I state them in detail it will be best first
briefly to run over the Caliphal history of an earlier
age and describe the state of things which Selim's
act superseded.
Orthodox Mussulman writers recognize four distinct phases which the office of Khalifeh has undergone, and four distinct periods of its history. The
word Khalifeh, derived from   the Arabic root
khalafa, to "leave behind," signifies literally one
left behind, and in the legal sense the relict or
successor of the prophet and heir to his temporal
and spiritual power.
The first historical phase noticed is one of pure
theocracy, in which the Caliph or successor of
Mohammed was saint as well as priest and king,
and was to a certain extent inspired. It lasted
thirty years only, and is represented by the four
great Caliphs-Abu Bekr, Omar, Othman, and




54


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


-


Ali —who receive from the faithful when they
speak of them the title of Seydna, or Our Lord.
The second phase, which lasted nearly six hundred years, is that of the Arabian monarchy, in
which the Caliphate took the shape of hereditary
temporal dominion. Its representatives are neither
saints nor doctors of the law, and stand on a quite
different footing from those who precede them.
They begin with Mawiyeh ibn Ommiyah, founder
of the Ommiad dynasty, and end with Mostasem
Billah, the last Sultan of the Abbasides.
The third period is a phase of temporal interregnum during which for nearly three hundred
years the Khalifeh exercised no sovereign rights,
and resided as a spiritual chief only, or as we
should now say Sheykh el Islam, at Cairo. The
temporal authority of Islam, which is theoretically
supposed to have been continued without break
even during this period, was then in delegation
with the Memluk Sultans of Egypt and other Mussulman princes.
The last phase is that of the Ottoman Caliphate.
As nearly all modern arguments respecting the
Caliphate appeal to examples in the earliest
period, it will be well to consider the origin of
its institution and the political basis of Islam




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 55


itself.  Mohammedan  doctors affirm  that the
Apostle of God, Mohammed (on whose name be
peace), when he fled from Mecca, did so not as
a rebellious citizen but as a pretender to authority.
He was by birth a prince of the princely house
of the Koreysh, itself the noblest tribe of Hejaz,
and his grandfather had been supreme ruler in
Mecca.  He established himself, therefore, with
his companions in exile as head of an independent
political community, following in this the ancient
custom of Arabia where sections constantly cut
themselves off from the parent tribe and form new
nations under the separate leadership of one or
another member of their princely families. Islam,
therefore, was from its commencement a political
as well as a religious body, and while Mohammed
preached to his disciples as a prophet, he also
gave laws to them as their king and governor.
He was their Imam, the leader of their prayer, and
he was their Emir and Kadi, prince and magistrate. Thus the supreme temporal and spiritual
authority became linked, and Islam was from its
beginning a nation no less than a church.
As long as Mohammed lived, this state of things
remained unquestioned, and difficulties began only
at his death. It is a point which has been much




56


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


disputed what were the prophet's intentions regarding this event. In early times the sect of Ali
maintained that he had appointed his son-in-law
his heir, and others have held that Abu Bekr had
the nomination; but Sunites are now mostly
agreed that no individual appointment was made,
and that the choice of a successor was left to be
decided by election. In any case the procedure
followed by Mohammed's bereaved followers was
elective, and its details were in strict accordance
with that Arabian custom on which the Koranic
law is mainly built.
Now, in an Arab tribe, when the Sheykh dies,
the elders of the tribe, heads of its great houses
and sections, assemble in one of their number's
tent and, sitting in a circle, discuss the subject of
his succession. Theoretically, the choice of a successor is open to any one of them, for the tribe,
however large, is all one great family, descended
from a common ancestor, and though no one from
without could be admitted to the supreme rule,
any one from within the tribe can hold office. But
in practice the choice is limited to a few persons.
The reverence of the Arabs for blood, and for
selected strains of blood, prevent them, except in
very exceptional cases, from changing the dynasty




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 57


of their rulers. If the dead man has left behind
him a son of full age and respectable qualities,
he will, without dispute, be acknowledged Sheykh.
If not, an uncle, a nephew, or a cousin will be
chosen. Only in extreme circumstances of general
danger, or of failure of heirs male, can the member
of a new family reasonably aspire to power. Moreover, there is no uniform law of election. The
meeting does not pretend to give a right, only to
confirm one; for the right lies not with the electors
but with him who can maintain his election. There
is, therefore, no formal system of voting, but the
elders having ascertained who among the dead
man's relations commands the strongest following,
proceed to acknowledge him by the ceremony of
giving him their hands. He then becomes their
Sheykh.  It sometimes happens, however, that
parties are so evenly divided between rival leaders
that the tribe divides, one section going this way
and the other that, until one of the leaders gives
in his submission; otherwise the quarrel is decided
by the sword.
All these features of the Arabian tribal system
of succession may be noticed in the first elections
to the Caliphate. As soon as it was known that
Mohammed was indeed dead, a conclave com



58


THIE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


posed of the elders and chief men of Islam, selfconstituted and recognizing no special popular
mandate, assembled in the house of Omar ibn el
Khattub. This conclave is known to jurists as the
Ahl el helli wa el agde, the people of the loosing
and the knotting, because they assumed the duty
of solving the knotty question of succession. A
nice point had to be decided, just such a one as
has in all ages been the cause of civil war in
Arabia. The Prophet had left no son, but more
than one near relation. Moreover, at that moment
the new nation of Islam was in danger of internal
disruption, and the religious and the civil elements
in it were on the point of taking up arms against
each other. The two chief candidates were Ali ibn
Abutaleb and Abu Bekr, the one son-in-law and
cousin and the other father-in-law of MohammedAli represented the civil, Abu Bekr the religious
party; and as it happened that the latter party
was predominant at Medina, it was on Abu Bekr
that the choice fell. He was recognized as head
of the more powerful faction, and the chiefs gave
him their hands; while civil war was only prevented by the magnanimous submission of Ali.
This form of succession is held by most Sunite
doctors to be the authentic form intended by the




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 59


Prophet, nor did the three following elections differ
from it in any essential point. It is only noticed
that Abu Bekr designated Omar as the most fitting
person to succeed him, and so in a measure directed
the choice of the Ahl el agde. The Caliph was in
each instance elected by the elders at Medina, and
the choice confirmed by its general acknowledgment elsewhere.
In the time of Ali, however, a new principle
began to make its appearance, which foreshadowed
a change in the nature of the Caliphate. The
election of Abu Bekr, as I have said, was determined by the predominant religious feeling of
the day. He was the holiest man in Islam, and
his government was throughout strictly theocratic.
He not only administered the religious law, but
was its interpreter and architect. He sat every
day in the mejlis, or open court of justice, and
decided there questions of divinity as well as of
jurisprudence. He publicly led the prayer in the
Mosque, expounded the Koran, and preached every
Friday from the pulpit.  He combined in his
person all the functions now divided between the
Sheykh el Islam, the grand Mufti, and the executive authorities.  He was king and priest and
magistrate, doctor of civil and religious law, and




60


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


- --


supreme referee on all matters whether of opinion
or practice; he was, in a word, the Pope of Islam.
Nor did his three successors abate anything of
Abu Bekr's pretensions. The only power they
delegated was the command of the Mussulman
armies, which were then overrunning the world,
and the government of the provinces these had
conquered.
Ali, however, when he at last succeeded to the
Caliphate, found himself opposed by the very
party whose candidate he had once been, and this
party had gathered strength in the interval. With
the conquest of the world worldly ideas had filled
the hearts of Mussulmans, and a strong reaction
also had set in in favour of those specially national
ideas of Arabia which religious fervour had hitherto
held in check. It was natural, indeed inevitable,
that this should be the case, for many conquered
nations had embraced the faith of Islam, and, as
Mussulmans, had become the equals of their conquerors, so that what elements of pride existed
in these found their gratification in ideas of race
and birth rather than of religion, ideas which the
conquered races could not share, and which were
the special inheritance of Arabia.
The national party, then, had been reinforced, at




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 6I


the expense of the religious, among the Koreysh,
who were still at the head of all the affairs of State.
Their leader was Mawiyeh Ibn Ommiyeh, a man
of distinguished ability and of that charm of
manner which high-born Arabs know so well how
to use to their political ends. He had for some
years been Governor of Syria, and was more
popular there than the pious Ali; and Syria,
though not yet the nominal, was already the real
seat of the Mussulman Government. Mawiyeh
therefore refused to accept Ali's election at Medina
as valid, and finding himself supported by a rival
Ahl el agde at Damascus, made that appeal to
the sword which Arabian usage sanctions as the
ultimate right of all pretenders.
Religious writers agree in condemning Mawiyeh
for his revolt; and while his succession to Ali is
accepted as legal, they place him on quite a
different level from the four Caliphs who preceded him. In Mawiyeh they see fulfilled that
prediction of their Prophet which announced that
Islam should be ruled for thirty years by an Imam,
and ever after by a King. Mawiyeh is, indeed,
the type of all the later Mohammedan Emperors.
According to canon' law, the head of the State is
also head of the religion; but Mawiyeh ceased




62


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.,.......


to exercise religious functions in person. These,
unlike his predecessors, he delegated to others,
and neither led the prayer nor preached; nor was
he held to be either the best or the most learned
man in Islam, as Abu Bekr and the rest had been.
Moreover-and this is the chief point noticed
regarding him-he introduced the system of
dynastic heredity into the Caliphate, nominating
his son Yezid his successor in his own lifetime.
The change, advantageous as it was politically, is
regarded as a religious falling off. Henceforth the
Caliphs, whether of the Ommiad or afterwards of
the Abbaside families, were not in reality elected,
though the form of confirmation by the Ulema
was gone through; and they affected to succeed
by right of birth, not by the voice of the people.
During the whole period of the Arabian Caliphate we only notice one Prince of the Faithful
who busied himself much with religious learning,
and few who personally exercised the magisterial
functions.  Only once we read of an Abbaside
Caliph insisting on his right of leading the prayer,
and this was probably the effect of an accidental
jealousy. As a rule the temporal government of
Islam  was intrusted to a Sadrazzam, or Grand
Vizier, the spiritual duty of prayer to a Naib, or




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 63


deputy Imam, and the elaboration or interpretation of law and doctrine to such Ulema or Mujtaheddin as could command a following. The character of the Khalifeh, however, was still essentially
sacred. He was of the Koreysh and of the blood
of the Prophet, and so was distinct from the other
princes of the world.  As their political power
decayed, the Abbasides fell indeed into the hands
of adventurers who even occasionally used them as
puppets for their own ambitious ends; but the
office was respected, and neither the Kurdish
Saladdin, nor Togral Bey, nor Malek Shah, nor
any of the Seljukian Emirs el Amara dared meddle
personally with the title of Caliph.
The Ommiad dynasty, founded by Mawiyeh,
reigned at Damascus eighty-five years, and was
then succeeded on a new appeal to the sword in
A.D. 750 by the descendants of another branch of
the Koreysh-the Beni Abbas-who transferred
the capital of Islam to Bagdad, and survived as
temporal sovereigns there for five hundred years.
This second period of Islam, though containing
her greatest glories and her highest worldly prosperity, is held to be less complete by divines than
the first thirty years which had preceded it. Islam
was no longer one. To say nothing of the Persian




64


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




and Arabian schisms, the orthodox world itself
was divided, and rival Caliphs had established
themselves independently in Spain and Egypt.
Moreover, during the last two centuries the temporal power of the Caliphs was practically in
delegation to the Seljuk Turks, who acted as
mayors of the palace, and their spiritual power
was unsupported by any show of sanctity or learning.  It was terminated forcibly by the pagan
Holagu, who at the head of the Mongols sacked
Bagdad in I258.
The third period of Caliphal history saw all
temporal power wrested from the Caliphs. Islam,
on the destruction of the Arabian monarchy, resolved itself into a number of separate States,
each governed by its own Bey or Sultan, who in
his quality of temporal prince was head also of
religion within his own dominions. The Mongols,
converted to the Faith of Mecca, founded a Mohammedan empire in the east; the Seljuk Turks,
replaced by the Ottoman, reigned in Asia Minor;
the Barbary States had their own rulers; and
Egypt was governed by that strange dynasty of
slaves, the Mameluke Sultans.  Nowhere was a
supreme temporal head of Islam to be seen, and
the name of Khalifeh as that of a reigning sove



THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 65


reign ceased any longer to be heard of in the
world. Only the nominal succession of the Prophet was obscurely preserved at Cairo, whither the
survivors of the family of Abbas had betaken
themselves on the massacre of their house at
Bagdad.
It is difficult to ascertain the precise position of
these titular Caliphs under the Mameluke monarchy in Egypt. That they were little known to
the world in general is certain; and one is sometimes tempted to suspect the complete authenticity
of the succession preserved through them. Contemporary Christian writers do not mention them,
and it is evident from Sir John Mandeville and
others that in Egypt the Egyptian Sultan himself
was talked of as head of the Mussulman religion.
I have heard their position compared with that of
the present Sheykhs el Islam at Constantinople
-that is to say, they were appointed by
the Sultan, and were made use of by him as a
means of securing Mussulman allegiance-and I
believe this to have been all their real status.
They are cited, however, as in some sense sovereigns by Hanefite teachers, whose argument it is
that the succession of the Prophet has never lapsed,
or Islam been without a recognized temporal head.
F




66


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


The Sultans, neither of Egypt nor of India, nor
till Selim's time of the Turkish Empire, ever
claimed for themselves the title of Khalifeh, nor
did the Sherifal family of Mecca, who alone of
them might have claimed it legally as Koreysh.
Neither did Tamerlane nor any of the Mussulman
Mongols who reigned at Bagdad. The fact is, we
may assume the Caliphate was clean forgotten at
the time Selim bethought him of it as an instrument of power.
It must, then, have been an interesting and
startling novelty with Mussulmans to hear of this
new pretender to the ancient dignity-interesting,
because the name Khalifeh was connected with so
many of the bygone glories of Islam; startling,
because he who claimed it seemed by birth incapable of doing so. The Hanefite Ulema, however, as I have said, undertook Selim's defence, or
rather that of his successors, for Selim himself died
not a year afterwards, and succeeded in proving, to
the satisfaction of the majority of Sunites, that the
house of Othman had a good and valid title to
the rank they had assumed. Their chief arguments were as follows. The house of Othman,
they asserted, ruled spiritually byI. The right of the sword, that is to say, the de




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 67


facto possession of the sovereign title.  It was
argued that, the Caliphate being a necessity (and
this all orthodox Mussulmans admit), it was also
necessary that the de facto holder of the title
should be recognized as legally the Caliph, until a
claimant with a better title should appear. Now the
first qualification of a claimant was that he should
claim, and the second that he should be supported
by a party; and Selim had both claimed the
Caliphate and supported his pretensions at the
head of an army. He had challenged the world to
produce a rival, and no rival had been found —
none, at least, which the Hanefite school acknowledged, for the Sultan of Morocco they had never
accepted, and the last descendant of the Abbasides
had waived his rights. In support of the proposition that the sword could give a title they cited
the examples of Mawiyeh, who thus established his
right against the family of Ali, and of Abu el
Abbas, who had thus established his against that
of Mawiyeh.
2. Election, that is the sanction of a legal body
of Elders. It was argued that, as the Ahl el agde
had been removed from Medina to Damascus, and
from Damascus to Bagdad, and from Bagdad to
Cairo, so it had been once more legally removed




68


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


from Cairo to Constantinople. Selim had brought
with him to St. Sophia's some of the Ulema of the
Azhar mosque in Cairo, and these, in conjunction
with the Turkish Ulema, had elected him or ratified his election. A form of election is to the
present day observed at Constantinople in token
of this right; and each new Sultan of the house of
Othman, as he succeeds to the temporal sovereignty of Turkey, must wait before being recognized as Caliph till he has received the sword of
office at the hands of the Ulema. This ceremony
it is customary to perform in the mosque of Ayub.
3. Nomination. Sultan Selim, as has been already
said, obtained from Mutawakkel, a descendant of
the Abbasides and himself titularly Caliph, a full
cession of all the Caliphal rights of that family.
The fact, as far as it goes, is historical, and the
only flaw in the argument would seem to be that
Mutawakkel had no right thus to dispose of a title
to an alien, which was his own only in virtue of his
birth. The case, indeed, was very much as though
the Emperor of Germany, having possessed himself of London, should obtain from Don Carlos a
cession of the throne of Spain; or as though
Napoleon should have got such a cession of the
Papacy, in I813, from Pius VII. Still it is insisted




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 69


upon strongly by the Hanefite divines as giving a
more permanent dynastic title than either of the
previous pleas. As a precedent for nomination
they cite the act of Abu Bekr, who on his deathbed recommended Omar as his successor in the
Caliphate.
4. The guardianship of the two shrines, that is to
say of Mecca and Jerusalem, but especially of
Mecca.   It has been asserted by some of the
Ulema, and it is certainly a common opinion at
the present day, that the sovereignty of Hejaz is in
itself sufficient title to the Caliphate. It seems
certainly to have been so considered in the first
age of Islam, and many a bloody war was then
fought for the right of protecting the Beyt Allah;
but the connection of Hejaz with the Empire of
the Caliphs has been too often broken to make this
a very tenable argument.  In the tenth century
it was held by the Karmathian heretics, in the
thirteenth by the Imams of Sana, and for seven
years in the present century by the Wahhabis.
Still the defacto sovereignty of the Harameyn, or
two shrines, was one of Selim's pleas; and it is one
which has reappeared in modern arguments respecting the Caliphal rights of his descendants.
5. Possession of the Amanat or sacred relics.




70


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


This last was a plea addressed to the vulgar rather
than to the learned; but it is one which cannot be
passed by unnoticed here, for it exercises a powerful
influence at the present day over the ignorant mass
of Mussulmans. It was asserted, and is still a
pious belief, that from the sack of Bagdad, in I258,
certain relics of the Prophet and his companions
were saved and brought to Cairo, and thence transferred by Selim to Constantinople. These were
represented to constitute the Imperial insignia of
office, and their possession to give a title to the
Caliphal succession. They consisted of the cloak
of the Prophet borne by his soldiers as a standard,
of some hairs from his beard, and of the sword of
Omar.   The vulgar believe them to be still preserved in the mosque of Ayub; and though the
Ulema no longer insist on their authenticity, they
are often referred to as an additional test of the
Sultan's right.
Such, then, were the arguments of the Hanefite
school, who defended Selim's claim, and such they
are with regard to his successors of the house of
Othman.   By the world at large they seem to
have been pretty generally accepted, the more so
as the Turkish Sultans, having only a political end
in view, were satisfied with their formal recognition




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 71


by their own subjects, and did not bring the
question to an issue with their independent
neighbours.  Neither the Mogul Emperors at
Delhi nor the Sheriffs of Morocco were called
upon to acknowledge temporal or spiritual supremacy in the Ottoman Sultans, nor did these
affect an every-day use of the ancient title they
had assumed.
In India the head of the house of Othman was
still known to Moslems as Padishah or Sultan er
Roum, the Roman Emperor, the most powerful of
Mussulman princes, but not in any special manner
the head of their religion, certainly not their sovereign. The Ulema, indeed, such as were Hanefites,
admitted him to be legally Khalifeh; but many
of the Shafite school denied this, pleading still that
as an alien to the Koreysh his claim was illegal,
while to the ignorant mass of the people out
of his dominions his spiritual title remained
almost unknown. The Sultans themselves were
doubtless to blame for this, seeing that the
spiritual functions of their new office were left
almost entirely unperformed. For it cannot be too
strongly insisted on that the assumption of the Caliphate was to the house of Othman only a means
to an end, viz. the consolidation of its worldly




72


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


power upon a recognized basis, and that, once
that end obtained, the temporal dignity of Sultan
was all that they really considered. Thus they
never sought to exercise the right appertaining to
the Caliphal office of appointing NaYbs, or Deputy
Imams, in the lands outside their dominions, or to
interfere with doctrinal matters at home, except
where such might prejudice the interests of their
rule. With regard to these, the theologians of
Constantinople, having satisfactorily settled the
Caliphal dispute, and pronounced the house of
Othman for ever heirs to the dignity they had
assumed, were recommended by the head of the
State to busy themselves no further with doctrinal
matters, and to consider the i'tahad, or development of new dogma, altogether closed for the
future in their schools. Soliman the Magnificent,
Selim's heir, especially insisted upon this. He
had already promulgated a series of decrees
affecting the civil administration of his empire,
which he had declared to be immutable; and an
immutability, too, in dogma he thought would still
further secure the peace and stability of his rule.
Nor did he meet with aught but approval here
from the Hanefite divines.
The Turkish Ulema, ever since their first appear



THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 73


ance in the Arabian schools in the eleventh century,
finding themselves at a disadvantage through their
ignorance of the sacred language, and being constitutionally adverse to intellectual effort, had
maintained the proposition that mental repose
was the true feature of orthodoxy, and in their
fetwas had consistently relied on authority and
rejected original argument. They therefore readily
seconded the Sultan in his views. Argument on
first principles was formally forbidden in the
schools; and for the interpretation of existing
law two offices were invented-the one for dogmatic, the other for practical decisions, those of
the Sheykh el Islam and the Great Mufti. This
closing of doctrinal inquiry by the Ottoman
Sultans, and the removal of the seat of supreme
spiritual government from the Arabian atmosphere of Cairo to the Tartar atmosphere of the
Bosphorus, was the direct and immediate cause
of the religious stagnation which Islam suffered
from so conspicuously in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries.
We have now brought the history of the Caliphate down to the period described in the last
chapter as one of intellectual torpor for Islam.
It was a lethargy from which there seemed no




74


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


w.   v  _ | j. V


awakening, and which to contemporaries, Voltaire
among the rest, seemed closely approximating to
the death of unbelief. In spite of Soliman's eternal
arrangements, the temporal power of the house of
Othman was wofully diminished, and the spiritual
prestige of the Sultans was gone with Mussulmans.
By the middle of the last century the title of
Caliph, even in their own dominions, was all but
forgotten, and the Court of Constantinople was
become a byword for its vice and infidelity. It
can therefore be well imagined that the awakening
of religious feeling, which I also described as
having been produced by the Wahhabite movement, especially menaced the Sultan in his Caliphal
pretensions. By the beginning of the present
century the serious world of Islam was already
ripening for a change, and the title of the Caliphate seemed open to whoever should re-invent
and prove himself worthy to wear it. Two men
certainly then dreamed of its acquisition, both men
of supreme genius, and holding the elements of
success in their hands. Nor can it be doubted
that either of them would have achieved his ambition but for the appearance against them of a
material power greater than their own, and which
then, for the first time, began to make itself felt




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 75


as paramount in Asia. That power was England,
and the ambitions she thwarted there were those
of Bonaparte and Mehemet All.
It is not, I believe, sufficiently understood how
vast a scheme was overthrown by the Battle of
the Nile. Napoleon's mind was formed for dominion in the East, and where he failed in Europe
he would have infallibly succeeded in Asia. There
little policies are useless, and great ones root themselves in a congenial soil; and he was possessed
with an idea which must have flourished. His
English opponents, judging him only by the scale
of their own thoughts, credited him with the inferior design of invading India through Persia, and
called it a mad one; but India was, in fact, a small
part only of his programme. When he publicly
pronounced the Kelemat at Cairo, and professed
the faith of Islam, he intended to be its Head,
arguing rightly that what had been possible three
hundred years before to Selim was possible also
then to him. Nor would the Mussulman world
have been much more astonished in I799 at being
asked to accept a Bonaparte for Caliph, than it
was in I5I9 at being asked to accept an Ottoman.
With Napoleon's genius for war, and but for the
disastrous sea fight on the Nile, all this might have




76


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


been, and more; and it is conceivable that Europe,
taken in reverse by a great Moslem multitude,
might have suffered worse disasters than any the
actual Napoleonic wars procured her, while a more
durable empire might have been founded on the
Nile or Bosphorus than the Bonapartes were able
to establish on the Seine. As it was, it was an
episode and no more, useful only to the few who
saw it near enough to admire and understand.'
Among these who saw and understood was
Mehemet Ali, the Albanian adventurer, who undertook the government of Egypt when England
restored it to the Porte. Bonaparte from the first
was his model, and he inherited from him this
vision of a new Caliphate, the greatest of the
Napoleonic ideas, and worked persistently to
realize it. He was within an ace of succeeding.
In I839 Mehemet Ali had Mecca, Cairo, and Jerusalemn in his hands, and he had defeated the Sultan
at Konia, and was advancing through Asia Minor
on  Constantinople.   There, without doubt, he
would have proclaimed himself Caliph, having all
1 The original diary of Lascaris, Napoleon's agent with the Arabs,
has, I understand, within the last two years been discovered at
Aleppo and purchased by the French Government. Its publication,
whenever that may be decided on, will, if I am not quite mistaken,
throw new and important light on Napoleon's Egyptian career.




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 77


the essential elements of the Sultan's admitted
right on which to found a new claim.
Nor is it probable that he would have found
much religious opposition to the realization of his
scheme from the Turkish Ulema. These, already
alarmed by Sultan Murad's administrative reforms,
would hardly have espoused the Sultan's defence
with any vigour; and though Mehemet Ali himself
was open to a charge of latitudinarianism, he had
the one great claim upon orthodox Islam of having
delivered the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina
from  the Wahhabis.   The house of Othman,
indeed, at this time had begun to stink-not only
in the nostrils of the outside world, but in that of
the Hanefite school itself; and as these had formerly accepted Selim, so they might very well, in
I839, have accepted Mehemet All.    But this
attempt, too, was stopped by England in pursuance of a policy which it is difficult now not to
regret. The too venturous Arnaout was sent back
to his vice-royalty in Egypt, and the House of
Othman was entrusted with a new lease of spiritual
sovereignty, if not yet of spiritual power.
The reigns of Abd el Mejid-and of Abd el Aziz
are remarkable with Mussulmans as having witnessed a complete dissociation of interests between




78


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




the Imperial Government and the Old Hanefite
school of Ulema. I have no space here to discuss
the nature of the reforms attempted and partly
effected in the Ottoman Empire between the years
1839 and I869 as a concession to the clamour of
Europe. They were instituted not by and through
religion, as they should have been, but in defiance
of it, and so failed to find acceptance anywhere
with religious people. All changes so attempted
must fail in Islam because they have in them the
inevitable vice of illegality, and I hope to have an
opportunity of explaining later the manner in
which alone a true reform can hope to find acceptance. For the present I only note the promulgation of the Hatti Humayoum and its kindred
decrees as points in the history of the Ottoman
Caliphate's decline, and as direct reasons for the
reactionary change of front which we now witness
in the policy of Constantinople.
Abd el Mejid for his ill-judged attempts gained
with Mussulmans the name of an unbeliever, and
his son was deposed in the way we all know as a
breaker of the religious law. For a moment, however, Abd el Aziz seems to have seen the true
nature of his position and to have had some idea
of the r6le required of him, as the following inci



THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 79


dent will show. It marks at any rate the epoch
pretty exactly when a revival of the Sultan's
spiritual pretensions, as a settled policy, was first
resolved on in Turkey. The circumstances have
been narrated to me as follows:
Quite in the early days of Abd el Aziz's reign a
certain statesman, a man of original genius and
profoundly versed in the knowledge both of
Europe and of the East, and especially of the
religious history of Islam, came to Constantinople.
He was a friend of Rushdi Pasha, then the Grand
Vizier, and of others of the party of Young
Turkey, men who were seeking by every means,
fair and foul, to reorganize and strengthen the
central authority of the Empire. To these, and
subsequently, in an interview, to the Sultan himself, he urged the advantage which might accrue to
the Ottoman Government both as a means of controlling the provinces and as a weapon against
European diplomacy if the spiritual authority of
the Sultan as Caliph were put more prominently
forward. He suggested especially to Abd el Aziz
that his real strength lay in the reorganization not
of his temporal but of his spiritual forces; and he
expressed his wonder that so evident a source of
strength had been so little drawn on. He pointed




80


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


out the importance of the Mussulman populations
outside the Empire to the Sultan, and urged that
these should be brought as much as possible within
the sphere of Constantinople influence. The Barbary States, Mussulman India, and Central Asia
might thus become to all intents and purposes,
save that of tribute, subjects of the Porte.
In early times it had been a duty of the Caliphs
to appoint in all the provinces of Islam Imams or
deputies to represent their spiritual authority, and
it was suggested that these should once more be
appointed. An Imam, or leader of their public
prayer, is a necessity with orthodox Mussulmans,
and in default of legal appointment from the
Caliph, who is himself the supreme Imam, the
faithful had been constrained to apply either to
the local governments for such appointment or to
elect the functionary themselves.  This they acknowledged to be illegal, and would willingly
revert to the more legitimate system; while the
re-establishment of such a hierarchy would bring
an enormous accession of spiritual power to Constantinople. It was also shown to Abd el Aziz
how all-important Arabia was to his position, and
how greatly the means of influence there had been
neglected.




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 81


I am informed by one present at this interview
that Abd el Aziz was not only delighted at the
idea, but profoundly astonished.  He seems to
have had no notion previously either of the historical dignity of the spiritual office he held nor
of its prerogatives, and for a while his thoughts
were turned in the direction pointed out to him.
He sent for the chief Ulema and asked them if
all he heard was true; and, when he found their
ideas to be entirely in unison with the advice just
given him, he commissioned the Sheykh el Islam
to push forward the doctrine of his spiritual leadership by all the means in his power. Missionaries
were consequently despatched to every part of the
Mussulman world, and especially to India and
the Barbary States, to explain the Hanefite dogma
of the Caliphate; and though at first these met
with little success they eventually gained their
object in those countries where believers were
obliged to live under infidel rule, so much so that
in a few years the Ottoman Caliphate became
once more a recognized "question " in the schools.
They were aided in this by a powerful instrument,
then first employed in Turkey, the press.1 A
newspaper in Arabic called the Yawaib was subThe yawaib was first started about the year I860.
G




82


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


sidized at Constantinople under the direction of one
Achmet Faris, a convert to Islam and a man of
great literary ability and knowledge of Arabic,
who already had views on the subject of the
Caliphatel; and this organ henceforth consistently
advocated the new policy of the Ulema.
The official clique in Stamboul were, however,
at that time still intent on other projects, and
only half understood the part to be played by
religion in their scheme of administrative reform
for the Empire. Besides-and this was the chief
hindrance to the Ulema-Abd el Aziz was not a
man capable of seriously carrying out a great
political idea, being little else than a man of
pleasure.  He and his government consequently
soon drifted back into the groove of his predecessors' material policy, which relied for its strength
on the physical force of arms, foreign loans, and
the intrigues of officials. The only practical action
taken by Ottoman ministers in the line indicated
were the twin crusades proclaimed against the
Wahhabis of Hasa and the heretical Imams of
Sana. But the Hanefite Ulema were not thus
to be satisfied. They had determined on carrying out the idea they had adopted, and on forcing
the Sultan to put himself openly at the head




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 83


of a religious and reactionary movement; and
when they found that Abd el Aziz could not
be made to act consistently as Caliph, they deposed him, and thus opened a way for the true
hero of their idea, the present Sultan, Abd el
Hamid.
The advent of this latest scion of the house of
Othman to the spiritual succession of the Prophet,
though a godsend in appearance to religious Moslems, cannot but be regarded by all who wish
Islam well as a very great misfortune.  It is
almost certain that if Abd el Mejid and Abd el
Aziz had been succeeded by another of those
senseless monarchs who have so often filled the
Imperial throne, the Ottoman Caliphate would
already have been a thing of the past, at least
as regards the larger and more intelligent part of
Islam. In the collapse of its physical power in
1879, the official camarilla of Constantinople would
have been unable to control the movement of revolt against the spiritual and temporal sovereignty
of the Sultan, and something would have taken
its place offering a more possible foundation for
true religious reform. Arabia would in all probability have by this time asserted its independence,
and under a new Caliphate of the Koreysh would




84


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


have been attracting the sympathies and the adhesion of the Eastern world. There might have
been schisms and religious convulsions, but at least
there would have been life; and what Islam requires is to live. But unfortunately Abd el Hamid
was neither a mere voluptuary nor an imbecile,
and catching, by an instinct which one cannot
but admire, the one rope of safety which remained
for him and his house, he placed himself at the
head of the extreme reactionary party of Islam,
and thus put back for a while the hour of fate.
It is difficult to gain accurate information as
to Abd el Hamid's character and religious opinions,
but I believe it may be safely asserted that he
represents in these latter the extremest Hanefite
views. In youth he was, for a prince, a serious
man, showing a taste for learning, especially for
geography and history; and though not an a/em
he has some knowledge of his religion. It may
therefore be taken for granted that he is sincere
in his belief of his own spiritual position-it is
easy to be sincere where one's interest lies in
believing; and I have it from one who saw him
at the time that on the day soon after his accession, when, according to the custom already
mentioned, he received the sword at the mosque




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 85


of Ayub, he astonished his courtiers with the
sudden change in his demeanour. All the afternoon of that day he talked to them of his spiritual
rank in language which for centuries had not been
heard in the precincts of the Seraglio.  It is certain, too, that his first act, when delivered from the
pressure of the Russian invasion, was to organize
afresh the propagandism already begun, and to
send out new missionaries to India and the Barbary States to preach the doctrine of his own
Caliphal authority to the Moslems in partibus
infidelium. His language, too, to strangers from
external Islam was from the first that of a spiritual rather than a temporal prince, and with the
European Ambassadors he has used this position
consistently and most effectually.
It is no mean proof of Abd el Hamid's ability
that he should have invented the Mussulman non
possumus with which he has disconcerted our
diplomacy.  In private life he is said to be
regular at his prayers, though it is also said that
he conforms to the custom of Turkish Sultans
in avoiding legal marriage. He is at the same
time a liberal patron of dervishes, workers of
miracles, and holy men.  These he is at pains
to seek out and receive honourably.,In his ad



86


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


ministration he conforms, wherever he is himself the actor, strictly to the Sheriat, and on
doubtful points consults always the mufti or
Sheykh el Islam. He has shown no inconsiderable firmness in resisting European demands when
they contravened the canon law.l
For all these reasons it will be readily understood that Abd el Hamid has gained not only
the support of his own Turkish Ulema, but the
sympathy of a very considerable section of opinion
outside his dominions.     From   a traitor to the
cause of religion the Ottoman Sultan has come
to be looked upon, east and west, as once more
its champion; and with the old-fashioned reactionary school Abd el Hamid is fast growing into
a hero. A year ago, when I was at Jeddah, this
was not yet the case, but it would seem to be so
now. Then even the people of his own party
spoke of him doubtfully, and he certainly excited
no enthusiasm among them. They did not understand him, and thought that he was playing a part.
In the recent trial of the murderers of Abd el Aziz, Abd el
Hamid has departed from his usual adherence to the Sheriat. It is
a lapsus which may one day be taken hold of against him, should
the Ulema need to depose him. He is said to have yielded to the
advice of an European confidant who directs the details of his
diplomacy with Europe.




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 87


He was said to be of Armenian parentage (on his
mother's side) and his sincerity as a Moslem was
suspected. It seemed impossible one born in Abd
el Mejid's Seraglio should be a serious man.
Besides, he had not yet shown his strength, and
to be strong is to be a hero everywhere.
But within the last eight months, events have
marched rapidly. Abd el Hamid has played his
cards successfully in Greece, in Albania, and with
the Kurds. He has not been afraid of England
and has shown a bold front against infidel reforms.
He has had the courage under the eyes of Europe
to arrest their protge, Midhat, and to try him for
murder. Lastly, the French have played into his
hands in Tunis, and he has thus gained a footing
of sympathy with the Mussulmans of North Africa,
a population which has for centuries opposed his
claims. Twenty years ago it would have been
absolutely impossible for an Ottoman Sultan to
awaken any loyal feeling in any Arab breast.
Tunis then specially boasted her independence of
the Porte, and all but the Hanefite rulers of the
sea-coast towns of Africa would have scouted the
idea of fighting for the Turk. Now the Malekites
themselves, the puritans of Kerwan, are moving at
Abd el Hamid's nod. He would seem, too, to be




88


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM....


stirring with some success in Egypt, and Indian
Mussulmans are praying for him publicly in their
mosques.  Everywhere the reactionary party is
standing to its arms, and is beginning to recognize
a leader in this supple Armenian Khalifeh, who is
defying Europe, and seems willing, if necessary, to
lead them one day on a Jehad.
With all this, however, it must not be supposed
that Orthodox Islam is by any means yet won
back to Constantinople. Turkey, I have shown,
and the Hanefite school, are far from being the
whole of the Mohammedan world; and side by
side with the fanatical obduracy of the Ottoman
State party and the still fiercer puritanism of the
Melkites there exists an intelligent and hopeful
party favourable to religious reform.  Shafite
Egypt is its stronghold, but it is powerful too
in Arabia and further East. With it a first article
of faith is that the House of Othman has been and
is the curse of Islam, and that its end is at hand.
In spite of Abd el Hamid's pious appeals to the
Sheriat they look upon him as one who troubleth
Islam. He is the representative of the party most
bitterly opposed to all of good. They know that
as long as there is an Ottoman Caliph, whether his
name be Abd el Aziz or Abd el Hamid, moral




THE MODERN QUESTION OF THE CALIPHATE. 89


progress is impossible, that the ijtahad cannot be
re-opened, and that no such reformation of doctrine
and practice can be attempted as would alone
enable their faith to cope with modern infidelity.
They see moreover that, notwithstanding his
affected legality, Abd el Hamid's rule is neither
juster nor more in accordance with the Mussulman
law than that of his predecessors. The same vices
of administration are found in it, and the same
recklessness for his Mussulman subjects' welfare.
Of all the lands of Islam his own are probably
those where Abd el Hamid has now the most
scanty following.  Constantinople is after all his
weak point, for the Young Turkish school is far
from dead, the vicissitudes of life and death follow
each other closely on the Bosphorus, and the liberal
party can better afford than the reactionary to
wait. The death or fall of Abd el Hamid, whenever it may happen, would immediately decide a
movement counter to the Ottoman Caliphate.




CHAPTER III.


THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.
IN the last chapter the position of the Ottoman
Sultans towards the mass of Orthodox Islam was
sketched, and the foundations were shown on which
their tenure of the Caliphal title rested. These
I explained to be neither very ancient nor very
securely laid in the faith and affections of the
faithful; and, though at the present moment a
certain reaction in favour of Constantinople had
set in, it was due to accidental circumstances,
which are unlikely to become permanent, and was
very far indeed from being universal. It may be
as well to recapitulate the position.
The Sunite or Orthodox Mohammedan world
holds it as a dogma of faith that there must be
a Khalifeh, the ex-officio head of their religious
polity, and the successor of their prophet. In
temporal matters, whoever holds this office is theo



THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


9I..


retically king of all Islam; and in spiritual matters
he is their supreme religious authority. But, practically, the Caliph's temporal jurisdiction has for
many centuries been limited to such lands as he
could hold by arms; while in spiritual matters
he has exercised no direct authority whatever.
Nevertheless, he represents to Mussulmans something of which they are in need, and which they
are bound to respect; and it cannot be doubted
that in proper hands, and at the proper moment,
the Caliphate might once more become an instrument for good or evil of almost universal power in
Islam. Even now, were there to be an apprehension of general and overwhelming danger for
religion, it is to the Caliph that the faithful would
look to defend their interests; and, as we have
seen, a moderate show of piety and respect for the
sacred law has been sufficient, in spite of a violent
political opposition, to secure for the actual holder
of the title a degree of sympathy which no other
Mussulman prince could at any cost of good
government have obtained.
On the other hand, it has been shown that the
loyalty, such as there is, which Abd el Hamid
inspires is due to him solely as incumbent of the
Caliphal office, and not as the representative of




92


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


any race or dynasty. The House of Othman, as
such, represents nothing sacred to Mussulmans;
and the Turkish race is very far from being respected in Islam. The present Caliphal house is
unconnected in blood with the old traditional line
of "successors;" and even with the Turks themselves inspires little modern reverence. Moreover,
the actual incumbent of the office is thought to
be not even a true Ottoman, being the offspring
of the Seraglio rather than of known parents; Abd
el Hamid's sole title to spiritual consideration is
his official name. This he has had the sense to set
prominently forward. Reduced to a syllogism,
Mussulman loyalty may be read thus: There must
be a Caliph, and the Caliphate deserves respect;
there is no other Caliph but Abd el Hamid; ergo,
Abd el Hamid deserves respect.
It has been pointed out, however, that, if the
Sultan's recent revival of spiritual pretensions is
his present strength, it may also in the immediate future become his weakness. The challenge
which the Constantinople school of Hanefism threw
down ten years ago to the world has been taken
up; and all the learned world now knows the
frailty of the House of Othman's spiritual position.
The true history of the Caliphate has been pub



THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


93




lished and set side by side with that Turkish
history which the ignorance of a previous generation had come to confound with it. At the present
day nobody with any instruction doubts that Abd
el Hamid and his house might be legally displaced
by the first successful rival, and that the only right
of Constantinople to lead Islam is the right of the
sword. As long as the Ottoman Empire is maintained and no counter Caliph appears, so long will
the Sultan be the acknowledged head of religion;
but not a day longer. The Caliphate, for one
alien as Abd el Hamid is to the Koreysh, must be
constantly maintained in arms, and on the first
substantial success of a new pretender his present
following would fall off from him without compunction, transferring to this last their loyalty
on precisely the same ground on which Abd el
Hamid now receives it. Abd el Hamid would
then be legitimately deposed and disappear, for
it is unlikely that he would find any such protector
in his adversity as the legitimate Caliphs found in
theirs six hundred years ago. So fully is this state
of things recognized by the Ulema, that I found
the opinion last year to be nearly universal that
Abd el Hamid was destined to be the last Caliph
of the House of Othman.




94


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


It becomes, therefore, a question of extreme
interest to consider who among Mussulman princes
could, with any chance of being generally accepted
by orthodox Islam, put in a claim to replace the
Ottoman dynasty as Caliph when the day of its
doom shall have been reached. It is a question
which ought certainly to interest Englishmen, for
on its solution the whole problem of Mussulman
loyalty or revolt in India most probably depends,
and though it would certainly be unwise, at the
present moment, for an English Government to
obtrude itself violently in a religious quarrel not
yet ripe, much might be done in a perfectly legitimate way to influence the natural course of events
and direct it to a channel favourable to British
interests.
Is there then in Islam, east, or west, or south, a
man of sufficient eminence and courage to proclaim
himself Caliph, in the event of Abd el Hamid's
political collapse or death? What would be his
line of action to secure Mahommedan acceptance?
Where should he fix his capital, and on what arms
should he rely? Whose flag should he display?
Above all-for this is the question that interests
us most-could such a change of rulers affect
favourably the future thought and life of Islam,




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


95


and lead to an honest Moslem reformation? These
questions, which are being cautiously asked of each
other by thoughtful 'Mussulmans in every corner of
the east, I now propose to consider and, as far as it
is in my power, to answer.
I have said that Islam is already well prepared
for change. Whatever Europeans may think of a
future for the Ottoman Empire, Mussulmans are
profoundly convinced that on its present basis it
will not long survive. Even in Turkey, the thought
of its political regeneration as an European Empire
has been at last abandoned, and no one now contemplates more than a few years further tenure of
the Bosphorus. Twenty years ago it was not so,
nor perhaps five, but to-day all are resigned to this.
Ancient prophecy and modern superstition alike
point to a return of the Crescent into Asia as an
event at hand, and to the doom of the Turks as a
race which has corrupted Islam. A well-known
prediction to this effect, which has for ages exercised its influence on the vulgar and even the
learned Mohammedan mind, gives the year 1883 of
our era as the term within which these things are
to be accomplished, and places the scene of the
last struggle in Northern Syria, at Homs, on the
Orontes.  Islam is then finally to retire from the




96


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


north, and the Turkish rule to cease.  Such prophecies often work their own fulfilment, and the
feeling of a coming catastrophe is so deeply rooted
and so universal that I question whether the proclamation of a Jehad by the Sultan would now
induce a thousand Moslems to fight voluntarily
against the Cross in Europe.
The Sultan himself and the old Turkish party
which supports him, while clinging obstinately in
appearance to all their ground, really have their
eyes turned elsewhere than on Adrianople and
Salonica and the city of the Roman Emperors. It
is unlikely that a new advance of the Christian
Powers from the Balkan would meet again with
more than formal opposition; and Constantinople
itself, unsupported by European aid, would be
abandoned without a blow, or with only such show
of resistance as the Sheriat requires for a cession of
territory.1 The Sultan would, in such an event,
pass into Asia, and I have been credibly informed
that his own plan is to make not Broussa, but
Bagdad or Damascus his capital. This he considers would be more in conformity with Caliphal
traditions, and the Caliphate would gain strength
1 According to Canon Law the Caliph cannot cede any portion
of the lands of Islam except on physical compulsion.




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


97




by a return to its old centres. Damascus is surnamed by theologians Bab el Kaaba, Gate of the
Caaba; and there or at Bagdad, the traditional
city of the Caliphs, he would build up once more a
purely theocratic empire.
Such, they say, is his thought; and such doubtless would be the empire of the future that Mussulmans would choose. Only it is improbable that it
would continue to be in any sense Ottoman, or that
Abd el Hamid would have the opportunity of himself
establishing it. The loss of Constantinople would
be a blow to his prestige he could not well recover
from, and no new empire ever yet was founded on
defeat. What is far more likely to happen is that,
in such an event, Abd el Hamid and his house
would disappear, and an entirely new order of
Caliphal succession take their place. Even without supposing any such convulsion to the empire
as a loss of the Bosphorus, his reign will hardly be
a long one. The Ulema of Constantinople are by
no means all on his side, and the party of " Young
Turkey," cowed for the moment by the terrorism
which there prevails, is his bitter enemy, and will
not let him rest. It will infallibly on the next
danger from Europe, show its head again and take
its revenge.
H




98


THIE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


It is said to be the programme of this party,
when it next comes to power, to separate the
spiritual functions of the Caliphate from those of
the head of the State, copying, in so far, the
modern practice of Europe towards the Papacy.
I suppose that it would be attempted to restore
that state of things, which as we have already
seen, existed at Cairo in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries; and it is just conceivable that,
as far as Turkey itself was concerned, such an
arrangement might, for a time, succeed. There
would then be two powers at Constantinople, a
Maire du Palais who would reign, and a Caliph
who would be head of religion;-a separation of
offices which would certainly facilitate the sort of
reform that Midhat and his friends desire. But to
the world at large the event would only signify
that Constantinople had formally abdicated her
claim to leadership, and Islam would never acknowledge as Caliph the mere puppet of an irreligious clique of officials, because he happened to
be a member of the Beni Othman. His political
power is the only thing that reconciles Islam with
an Ottoman Caliph, and without sovereignty he
would be discarded.  In whatever way, therefore,
that we look at it, there seems justification in pro



THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


99


bability for the conviction already cited that after
Abd el Hamid a new order of Caliphal succession
will be seen.
It seems to be an universal opinion at the
present day among those who think at all upon
the matter, that whatever change may be impending for Islam, it will be in the direction of concentration rather than of extension.  All parties see
that the day of outside conquest is at an end, and
that the utmost that Islam can look forward to
politically is the maintenance of its present positions, and as an extreme possibility the emancipation of its lost provinces in India and North
Africa from Christian rule.  There is, therefore,
a conviction that the removal of the seat of
supreme authority, when made, will be towards
the centre, not to any new extremity of Islam.
Constantinople, even if all Islam were combined
for its defence, is felt to be too near the infidel
frontier to be safe, and cosmopolitan city as it has
become, it is by many looked upon itself as infidel.
A position further removed from danger and
more purely Mohammedan is the necessity of the
day; and it can hardly be doubted that, when
the time comes, the possession of some such
vantage ground will be recognized as a first quali



I 00


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


fication with whoever shall assume the leadership
of Islam.
We have seen that Abd el Hamid dreams of
Damascus or Bagdad. But others dream of Cairo
as the new seat of the Caliphate; and to the
majority of far-sighted Mussulmans it is rapidly
becoming apparent that the retreat, once begun,
must be conducted further still, and that the only
true resting-place for theocracy is in Arabia, its
birthplace and the fountain head of its inspiration.
There, alone in the world, all the conditions for
the independent exercise of religious sovereignty
are to be found.  In Arabia there are neither
Christians nor Jews nor infidels of any sort for
Islam to count with, nor is it so rich a possession
that it should ever excite the cupidity of the
Western Powers. A Caliph there need fear no.
admonition from Frank ambassadors in virtue of
any capitulations; he would be free to act as the
Successor of the Apostle should, and would
breathe the pure air of an unadulterated Islam.
A return, therefore, to Medina or Mecca is the
probable future of the Caliphate.
The importance of Arabia has of late years been
fully recognized both at Constantinople and elsewhere. It has been the sustained policy of Abd




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


IOI




el Hamid at all cost and by whatsoever means
to maintain his influence there; and he knows
that without it his spiritual pretensions could have
no secure foundations. Arabia, he perceives, is the
main point of the Caliphal problem; and whether
or not the future holder of the office reside in
Hejaz, it is certain that by its tenure alone the
Mohammedan world will judge of his right to be
their leader.  It will, therefore, before we go
further, be interesting to examine the relations
existing in the past and present between Mecca
and the Caliphate, and to ascertain the position
now held by Abd el Hamid in Arabia. On this
point I believe that I can offer information which
will be both valuable and new.
The political constitution of the Moslem Holy
Land is one of the most anomalous in the world.
Like every district of Arabia proper, Hejaz has
a town and a nomad population, but almost no
intermediate agricultural class. The townsmen I
have already described- a multitude of mixed
origin, descended from such pilgrims as from every
quarter of the globe have visited the Holy Places,
and have remained to marry and die in them.
The Nomads, on the contrary, are a pure race of
a peculiarly noble type, and unchanged in any




I02


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


-.......


essential feature of their life from what they were
in the days of Mohammed.   They are warlike,
unquiet, Bedouins, camel-riders (for they have no
horses), and armed with matchlocks; and they are
proud of their independence, and tenacious of their
rights. No serious attempt has ever been made,
except by Mehemet Ali, to subdue them, and none
at all has succeeded.  Unlike the generality of
Peninsular Bedouins, however, they are professed
Sunite Mohammedans, if not of a very pious
type; and they acknowledge as their chief the
head of their most noble tribe, the Grand Sherif
of the Koreysh, who is also Prince of Mecca.
The Koreysh is still a distinct nomadic tribe, inhabiting the immediate neighbourhood of Mecca;
not numerous, but not in decay. They are divided
into several sections, each governed by its Sheykh,
the chief of which, the Abadleh, has for several
centuries supplied the reigning family of Hejaz.
This last traces its descent from Ali ibn Abutaleb,
the fourth Caliph, through his son Hassan, and
through Ali's wife, Fatmeh, from Mohammed himself. It is probably the oldest authentic male
descent in the world, and certainly the most
sacred. All the members of this Abadleh family
enjoy the title of Sherif, the head of it only being




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


I03


distinguished as the Sherif el Kebir, the Great or
Grand Sherif. The rest of the Koreysh, not being
descended from Fatmeh, do not receive the title.
All alike wear the Bedouin dress of abba and
kefiyeh, even the Prince himself, standing in this
strikingly in contrast with the Hejazi citizens, who
affect the turban and gombaz.
The district of Medina is occupied by the Harb
Bedouins, a larger and more powerful tribe than
the Koreysh, who also recognize the Sherif, but
their allegiance is precarious; while to the east
and south of Mecca the Ateybeh and Assir,
more powerful still, are wholly independent. It
has always been a difficult matter to keep these
unruly elements at peace with each other and
with the citizens, nor could the Sherif hope to effect
it were he not himself of Bedouin and noble blood.
The early history of the Sherifate is exceedingly
obscure. When the Caliphs definitely abandoned
Medina as their capital in the fortieth year of
Islam (A.D. 662), they for a time left deputies of the
Sherifal family behind them to govern in their
name, and, as long as the Ommiad and Abbaside
dynasties continued at Damascus and Bagdad,
their sovereignty was acknowledged in Hejaz.
But on the destruction of the Arabian Caliphate




IO4


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


in I259, the Sherifal family seems to have set
itself up independently, relying only on the casual
help of the Egyptian Sultans and the Imams of
Sana to protect them against the Bedouins of Nejd
and Assir, now hardly any longer, even in name,
Mohammedans. The Egyptian Sultan, however,
was the titular protector of the Holy Places, and
it was he who transmitted the Surrah, or religious
contributions made by the Faithful, and provided
escort for the yearly pilgrimage made to the
shrines. Thus we read of KaYd Beg having rebuilt
the Mosque of Medina in I476, and having sent a
yearly subsidy of 7500 ardebs of corn for the
townspeople. Other princes, however, contributed
their offerings too, and received titles of honour
connected with the Holy Land, the Shahs of Persia,
the Moguls, and the Ottomans. The first connection of the latter with Mecca that I can find
was in 1413, when the Padishah Mohammed
Khan I., having sent a surrah, or bag of gold, to
the Sherif to be distributed in alms, received from
him the title of Khaddam el Harameyn, servant of
the two shrines; and the gift being continued
annually by the Ottoman Padishahs may very
likely have paved the way to their recognition
later as Caliphs.




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


I0o5,


It would seem singular at first sight that the
Sherifs, being themselves of the sacred family
whose special inheritance the Caliphate was, should
ever thus have recognized a stranger as its legal
heir. But the political weakness of the Meccan
Government in the sixteenth century must be
taken into account as the all-sufficient reason.
The Grand Sherif could hardly have stood alone
as an independent sovereign, for he was continually
menaced on the one side by the dissenting Omani,
and on the other by the unbelieving tribes of Nejd,
against whom his frontier was defenceless.  He
could not, with his own resources, protect the pilgrim routes from plunder-and on the pilgrimage
all the prosperity of Hejaz depended. It therefore
was a necessity with the Meccans to have a protector of some sort; and Sultan Kansaw having
fallen, they accepted Sultan Selim.
The Ottoman Sultans then became protectors of
the Holy Places, and were acknowledged Caliphs
without any appeal to arms at Mecca and Medina.
Their weapons were, in fact, the gold and silver
pieces with which they subsidized the Sherifs.
Sultan Selim at once, on being acknowledged,
ordered an additional annuity of 5000 ardebs to be
paid to Mecca, and he and his immediate suc



Io6


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




cessors carried out at their own expense such
public works as the shrines required in the way
of repairs or improvements.  Subsequently the
seaport of Jeddah, formerly occupied by the
Egyptians, received a Turkish contingent, but
the interior of Hejaz was never subjugated, nor
was any tax at any time levied. Only once a year
an Ottoman army appeared before the walls of
Medina, conducting the pilgrims from Damascus
and convoying the surrah.  The state of things
at Mecca in the last century has been clearly
sketched by Niebuhr. The Sherifs were in reality
independent princes, but they "gratified the vanity
of the Grand Signior" by calling him their suzerain, he on his side occasionally exercising the
right of power by deposing the reigning Sherif and
appointing another of the same family. No kind
of administration had then been attempted by the
Turks in Hejaz.
Mehemet Ali's occupation of Hejaz in I812 first
brought foreign troops inland.  -He established
himself at Taif, the summer residence of the
Meccans; deposed the Grand Sherif Ghaleb, and
appointed in his stead another member of the
Sherifal family; declaring the Sultan sovereign of
the country-acts which the Meccans acquiesced




THE TRUE METROPOLIS —MECCA.


Io7


in through dread of the Wahhabis, from whom
Mehemet Ali promised to deliver them. The
Egyptian and Turkish Governments have thus,
during the present century, exercised some of the
functions of sovereignty in Hejaz.
At the present moment Sultan Abd el Hamid's
position in the country is this. His troops occupy
Jeddah and Yembo, the two seaports, and the
towns of Medina and Tatf in the interior. He is
acknowledged by the Sherifs as sovereign, except
in Mecca; and he appoints to all the principal
offices of State, including the supreme office of the
Grand Sherifate itself.  He is represented by a
Pasha who resides alternately at Jeddah and Tatf
according to the season, but who has not the right
of entering Mecca without the Grand Sherif's leave,
or of sending troops there. The total garrison of
the Turks in Hejaz last winter was from 8000 to
Io,ooo men, of whom 4000 only were regulars
(Nizams), and efficient. While I was at Jeddah,
the Medina garrison of 2000 regulars, having been
long unpaid and unrationed, was said to be living
on public charity. On the other hand the Hejazi
Bedouins do not acknowledge any sovereignty but
that of the Sherif, nor could the Sultan pretend to
keep order outside the towns except through the




Io8


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


Sherif's interposition. The Sultan levies no tax in
the interior or impost of any kind, and the sole
revenue he receives in Hejaz comes from Customs
duties of Jeddah and Yembo, which may amount
to ~40,000.
In return for this he also is bound to transmit
every year at the time of the pilgrimage sums of
money collected by him from the revenues of the
Wakaf within his dominions, lands settled by pious
persons on the Sherifal family. These are said to
amount to nearly half a million sterling, and are
distributed amongst all the principal personages of
Hejaz. The transmission of the Wakaf income, in
which the Sultan constitutes himself, so to say, the
Sherif's agent, is in fact the real bond which unites
Hejaz with the Caliphate, and its distribution gives
the Sultan patronage, and with it power in the
country. The bond, however, is one of interest
only. The Sherifs, proud of their sacred ancestry,
look upon the Turkish Caliphs as barbarians and
impostors, while the Sultans find the Hejaz a
heavy charge upon their revenue. Either hates
and despises the other, the patron and the patronized; and, save that their union is a necessity,
it would long ago have, by mutual conserft, been
dissolved. The Sherif depends upon the Sultan




TIE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


I09




because he needs a protector, and needs his Wakaf.
The Sultan depends upon the Sherif, because
recognition by Hejaz as the protector is a chief
title to his Caliphate. Mecca, in fact, is a necessity
to Islam even more than a Caliph; and whoever is
sovereign there is naturally sovereign of the Mussulman world.
Outside Hejaz the Sultan holds what he holds of
Arabia merely by force. I have described already
the growing power of Ibn Rashid, the Prince of
Nejd; and since that time, two years ago, he has
sensibly extended and confirmed his influence
there. He has now brought into his alliance all the
important tribes of northern Arabia, including the
powerful Ateybeh, who, a few months ago, were
threatening Mecca; and in Hejaz his name is
already as potent as the Sultan's. He offered, while
I was at Jeddah, to undertake the whole convoy
of the Damascus pilgrimage with his own troops,
as already he convoys that from Persia; while
I have quite recent information of a campaign
against his own rivals, the Ibn Saouds, which he
has just brought to a successful conclusion. In
Yemen, the other neighbour of the Meccans, 20,000
Turkish troops are required to garrison the few
towns the Sultan calls his own, and were it not for




IO


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


- ""'


the facility given him by the possession of the seacoast, these could not long hope to hold their
ground. Every day I am expecting news from
there of a revolt, and the first sign of weakness
at Constantinople will certainly precipitate a war
of independence in that part of Arabia.
We may expect, therefore, in the event of such
a break-up as I have suggested to be likely of the
Ottoman power-either through loss of territory
or by the growing impoverishment of the empire,
which needs must, in a few decades, end in atrophy
-to see among Mussulman princes a competition
for the right of protecting the Holy Places, and
with it of inheriting the Caliphal title. The Sultan
reduced to Asia Minor, even if he retain Armenia
and Kurdistan (which is extremely improbable),
would be quite unable to afford himself the expensive luxury of holding his Arabian conquests and
buying the patronage of Mecca. He would be
unable any longer to overawe the Red Sea, or
secure the pilgrim routes. The Princes of Nejd
would certainly not tolerate the presence of Turkish soldiers at Medina, and the Sherifs of Mecca
would have to make terms with them and with the
restored Imams of Yemen till such time as they
should find a new protector elsewhere. Above all,




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


III


the half million of Wakaf income would no longer
be forthcoming, and a Turkish Emir el Haj
arriving empty-handed at Mecca would bring his
master to a climax of derision. Hejaz then would
infallibly look out for a new potentate whom she
could dignify with the title of Hami el Harameyn
and Emir el Mumenin; and if there were none
forthcoming would herself proclaim a Caliphate.
Let us look, therefore, at the lands of Islam to see
in which of them a competent Prince of the Faithful
is likely to appear.
It is possible, though to European eyes it will
seem far from probable, that out of the ferment
which we are now witnessing in the Barbary States,
some leader of real power and religious distinction
may arise who shall possess the talent of banding
together into an instrument of power the immense
but scattered forces of Islam in Northern Africa,
and after achieving some signal success against
the new French policy, establish himself in Tripoli
or Tunis in independent sovereignty. Were such
another man as Abd el Kader to arise, a saint, a
preacher, and a soldier, indifferent to the petty aims
of local power and gifted with military genius, true
piety, and an eloquent tongue, I believe at the present day he might achieve at least a partial success.




112


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


The French army is weak in discipline and
confidence compared to what it was in Abd el
Kader's day, and it has a far more difficult frontier
to defend; while the Government at home is but
half resolute, and the Arabs command much
floating sympathy in Europe and elsewhere. I
do not say the thing is likely, but it is conceivable;
and Africa contains the elements of a possible new
sovereignty for some Mussulman prince which
might eventually lead him on the road to Mecca.
It is undoubted that with the prestige of success
against a Christian Power, and backed by the vast
populations of Soudan and the fierce military
fervour of the Malekite Arabs, an Abd el Kader
or an Abd-el-Wahhab would attract the sympathy
of Islam, and might aspire to its highest dignity.
But enormous postulates must be granted before
we can look on any one now known to fame in
Africa as a probable candidate for the future
Caliphate.
The present leaders of the Arabs are but local
heroes, and as yet they have achieved nothing
which can command respect. In Tripoli there is
indeed a saint of very high pretensions, one known
as the Sheykh Es Snusi, who has a large religious
following, and who has promised to come forward




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


II3


--


shortly as the M6hdy or guide expected by a
large section of the Sunite as well as the Shiite
Mussulmans. Next year he will attain the age of
forty (the legal age of a prophet), and he may be
expected to take a prominent part in any general
movement that may then be on foot. But as yet
we know nothing of him but his name and the fact
of his sanctity, which is of Wahhabite type. Moreover, even supposing all that may be supposed of
a possible success, there yet lies Egypt and the
Suez Canal between the Barbary State and Mecca,
so that I think we may be justified in these days
of steam fleets and electric cables and European
concerts, if we treat North Western Africa as out
of probable calculations in considering the future
of the Caliphate.  It is remarkable that the
Sultan of Morocco has taken as yet no apparent
part in the religious movement of modern Barbary.
The Mussulman princes of India hold a very
similar position. Opposed as they soon may be,
indeed must be if the unintelligent English policy
of the last twenty years be persevered in, to an
European Government in arms, they will have the
chance of making themselves a leading position in
the eyes of Islam; and should a Mohammedan
empire arise once more at Delhi or Hyderabad,
I




'I I4


THE FUTURE OF ISLAIM.


India would certainly become par excellence the
Dar el Islam. It would then be by far the richest
and most populous of Mohammedan states, and
able to outbid any other with the surrah it could
send to Mecca.
The Wakaf property in India at the present
day is supposed to be as valuable as that in the
Ottoman empire, and it would then become a
source of patronage with the Government, instead
of being privately remitted as now. If money
alone could buy the Caliphate, a successful leader
of revolt against the English in India might dictate
his terms to Islam. But again the insuperable
obstacle intervenes of distance and the sea. Mussulman India could never give that protection to
Mecca that Islam needs, and could not assert its
sovereignty anywhere but at home, in arms. Even
this is assuming, as in the case of Barbary, an
enormous postulate-success.
Neither India, then, nor Western Africa can
reasonably be expected to supply that substitute
for the House of Othman which we need. A more
apparent and in the opinion of some a likely candidate for the Caliphate succession may be looked
for in the Viceregal family of Egypt. Mohammed
Towfik, if he were a man of genius like his grand



THE E TRUE METROPOLIS ---ECCA.


Il5




father, or if, honest man as he is, he plays his
cards with success, might in a few years become an important rival at Mecca to the Sultan.
To say nothing of its traditional connection with
the Caliphate, Egypt has the more modern recollection of Mehemet Ali to urge upon the Hejazi
in its favour as the protecting State of Islam.
Mehemet Ali's name and that of his successor
Ibrahim Pasha, if not precisely popular, are at
least respected at Mecca; and the latter possesses
a great title to Sunite gratitude in having destroyed the Wahhabite empire in 1818. I have
mentioned Mehemet Ali's ambition; and a similar
ambition would seem to have occurred to Isma'l,
the late Khedive.  He, in the plenitude of his
financial power, is stated to have expended large
sums of money in subsidising the Sherifs with
a view to possible contingencies at Constantinople.
But unfortunately for him the opening of the Suez
Canal, on which he had counted for securing him
the support of Europe, proved the precise instrument of ruin for his scheme.
The Porte in 1871, scenting danger to its own
Caliphal pretensions from this quarter, occupied
the Red Sea in force, reinforced its garrisons in
Jeddah and Yembo, advanced to Taif, and threw




In6


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM. '


a large army into Yemen. This was alone made
possible by the Canal, and Ismail to his chagrin
found himself "hoist with his own petard." Mohammed Towfik, therefore, would have some excuse
in family tradition if he indulged occasionally in
dreams of a similar nature. His connection with
Mecca is at the present day second only to that
of Constantinople; the Egyptian Khedivieh line
of steamers ply constantly between Suez and Jeddah; and the Haj the Khedive sends to Mecca,
including as it does most of the Mogrebbin pilgrims, is more numerous than the Sultan's. He
maintains intimate relations with one at least of
the great Sherifal families, and sends a Mahmal
yearly with an important surrah to Medina. Mohammed Towfik also has the deserved reputation
of being a sincere Mussulman and an honest man,
and it is certain that a large section of true liberal
opinion looks to him as the worthiest supporter
of its views. With all this I doubt if he be big
enough a man to aspire as yet with success to Abd
el Hamid's succession.
The present Viceroy's financial position, though
we may hope sounder in its base, is not so immediately powerful as his father's; and much
ready money will be required by an aspirant to




THE TRUE METR OPOLIS-IMECCA.


II7


the Caliphate. His fighting power, too, is small,
and he would have to proclaim himself in arms.
Moreover-and this I fear will remain an insuperable difficulty-he is hampered with the control
of Europe.    Islam  would hardly obey another
Caliph who was himself obedient to Christendom;
and the same causes which have ruined the House
of Othman, would also ruin him. A Caliph, as
things stand, cannot legally govern, except by the
old canon law of the Sheriat, and though a lapsus
from strict observance may be tolerated in an
ordinary prince, or even in a well established
Caliph, a new Caliph putting forward a new claim
would be more strictly bound. How could Mohammed Towfik's necessity to Islam be reconciled
to his necessity to Europe? Between the two
stools he hardly could avert a fall.l
Unless, then, some unexpected religious hero
should appear in Eastern Asia, of which as yet
there is no sign, we are driven to Arabia for a
solution of the difficulty where to establish a Mussulman theocracy, and to the Sherifal family of
Mecca itself for a new dynasty.
1 This too was written before the events of September, I88i.
These have immensely added to the chance of Cairo's becoming
once more the seat of the Caliphate, though not perhaps of
Mohammed Towfik's being the Caliph elected.




ii8


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




The family of the Sherifs has this vast advantage over any other possible competitor to the
supreme title of Islam, that it is of the acknowledged blood of that tribe of Koreysh which Mohammed himself designated as his heirs. Amongst
many other passages of authority which bear upon
the rights of the Koreysh the following seem to
me the most explicit and the best worth quoting:
"The prophet," says a tradition of Omm Hani,
daughter of Abutaleb, "exalted the Koreysh by
conferring on them seven prerogatives: the first,
the Nebbuwat (the fact that they had given birth
to a prophet); the second, the Khalafat (the succession); the third, the Hejabat (the guardianship
of the Kaaba); the fourth, the Sikayat (the right
of supplying water to the Haj); the fifth, the
Refadat (the right of entertaining the Haj); the
sixth, the Nedwat (the right of counsel, government); and the seventh, the Lewa (possession of
the banner, with the right of proclaiming war)."
The prophet also, according to another tradition,
said, "As long as there remains one man of the
Koreysh, so long shall that man be my successor;"
and as to the Arab race, "If the Arab race
falls Islam shall fall." All the world knows these
things, and to the popular mind, especially, the




IHE TRUE MEL TROPOLIS-MECCA.


II9


- ----.


Sherif is already far more truly the representative
of spiritual rank than any Sultan or Caliph is.
The vast populations of Southern and Eastern
Asia send out their pilgrims, not to Constantinople
but to Mecca, and it is the Sherif whom they
find there supreme. The Turkish Government in
Hejaz holds a comparatively insignificant position,
and the Sultan's representative at Jeddah is hardly
more than servant to the Prince of Mecca. It is
he who is the descendant of their prophet, not the,
other, and though the learned may make distinctions in favour of the Caliph the Haj only hears of
the Sherif. Even at Constantinople, by immemorial custom, the Sultan rises to receive members
of the sacred family; and at Mecca it is commonly
said that should a Sultan make the Haj in person
he would be received by the Grand Sherif as an
inferior. The Sherifal family, then, is surrounded
with a halo of religious prestige which would make
their acquisition of the supreme temporal title
appear natural to all but the races who have been
in subjection to the Ottomans; and were a man of
real ability to appear amongst them he would, in
the crisis we have foreseen, be sure to find an
almost universal following.
That the Ottoman Government is perfectly aware




120


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


of this is certain. Even in the days of its greatest
power it always showed its jealousy and distrust
of Mecca, and was careful when any of the Grand
Sherifs acquired what was considered dangerous
influence, to supplant him by setting up a rival.
Its physical power enabled it to do this, and
though it could not abolish the office of the Grand
Sherifate, it could interfere in the order of succession. Family feuds have, therefore, been at all
times fostered by the Turks in Hejaz, and will be,
as long as their presence there is tolerated. An
excellent example of their system has recently
been given in the episode of the late Grand Sherif's
death, and the story of it will serve also to show
the fear entertained by the present Sultan of this
his great spiritual rival. To tell it properly I
must go back to the epoch of the Wahhabite invasion of Hejaz in I808.
At that time, and for the latter half of the
previous century, the supreme dignity of the
Sherifal House was held by a branch of it known
as the Dewy Zeyd (the word Dewy is used in
Hejaz, as are elsewhere Beni or A h, meaning
people, family, house), which had replaced in 1750
the Barakat branch, mentioned by Niebuhr as in
his day supreme. The actual holder of the title




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


121


was Ghaleb ibn Mesaad, and he, finding himself
unable to contend against the Wahhabis, became
himself a Wahhabi. Consequently, when Mehemet
Ali appeared at Mecca in I812, his first act was
to depose this Ghaleb, in spite of his protest that
he had returned to orthodoxy, and to appoint
another member of the Sherifal House in his place.
The Sherif chosen was Yahia ibn Serur, of a
rival branch, the Dewy Aoun, and a bitter animosity was, by this means, engendered between
the two families of Aoun and Zeyd, which is
continued to the present day. Nor, as may be
supposed, was this lessened by the subsequent
changes rung by the Turkish and Egyptian
Governments in their appointments to the office,
for, in 1827, we find Abd el Mutalleb, the son of
the deposed Wahhabite Ghaleb, reappointed, and
in the following year again, Mohammed, the son
of Yahia ibn Aoun, an intrigue which brought on
a civil war. Then in 1848 a new intrigue reinstated Abd el Mutalleb and the Zeyds; and then,
in I853, these were again deposed for rebellion,
and an Aoun was placed in power. From I853
till I880 the Aouns retained the Grand Sherifate
and were supreme in Hejaz. Coming into power
at a time when Liberal ideas were in the ascen



I22


THE FUTURE OF ISAM.


dant they have consistently been Liberal, and still
represent the more humane and progressive party
among the Meccans. In the desert, where all are
latitudinarian, they are the popular party; and,
though themselves beyond a suspicion of unorthodoxy, they have always shown a tolerant spirit
towards the Shiahs and other heretics, with whom
the Sherifal authority necessarily comes in contact
every year at the Haj. They have even maintained friendly terms with the European element
at Jeddah, and as long as they remained in power
the relations between India and Mecca were of an
amicable nature.
Abdallah ibn Aoun, the son of Mohammed, who
succeeded his father in I858, and reigned for nineteen years, was a man of considerable ability, and
he is credited with having had views of so advanced a nature as to include the opening of Hejaz
to European trade. Nor was his brother, who in
I877 became Grand Sherif, of a less liberal mind.
Though of less ability than Abdallah, he is described as eminently humane and virtuous, and it
is certain that, with the exception of his hereditary
enemies, the Zeyds, he was universally beloved by
the Hejazi. So much was this the case that, in
the year following the disastrous Russian war, when




THE TRUE MIETROPOLIS-fMECCA.


I23.


-  —


Constantinople seemed on the point of dissolution,
the Arabs began to talk openly of making El
Husseyn ibn Aoun Caliph in the Sultan's place.
I have not been able to ascertain that El Husseyn
himself indulged the ambitious project of his
friends, for he was eminently a man of peace, and
the Caliphal title would hardly have given him
a higher position than he held. But it is certain
that his popularity gave umbrage at Constantinople, the more so as Abd el Hamid could not
and dared not depose him.   El Husseyn, too,
became specially obnoxious to the reactionary
party, when it resolved at last to quarrel with
England, for he and his family persisted in
remaining on friendly terms with the British
Government on all occasions when the interests
of Indian subjects of her Majesty's came in question at the Haj. For this reason, principally, it
would seem his death was resolved on to make
room for the agent of a new policy.
On the I4th of March, I880, Jeddah was the
scene of a solemn pageant. The Haj was just
over, and the seaport of Mecca crowded with
pilgrims was waiting for the Grand Sherif, the
descendant of the prophet and the representative
of the Sacred House of Ali, to give the blessing of




124


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




his presence to the last departing votaries. Travelling by night from Mecca, El Husseyn and his
retinue appeared at dawn outside the city walls,
and when it was morning, mounted on a white
mare from Nejd, and preceded by his escort of
Koreysh Arabs and the Sultan's guard of honour,
he rode into the town. The streets of Jeddah are
narrow and tortuous, and the way from the gate
to the house of Omar Nassif, his agent, where he
was accustomed to alight, was thronged with pious
folk, who struggled for the privilege of kissing his
feet and the hem of his Arab cloak. He had
nearly reached the place when an old beggar from
the crowd pushed his way forward asking loudly
for alms in the name of God. It was an appeal
not to be denied, and as the Sherif turned to those
near him to order a contribution from the bag
kept for such distributions, the old man rose upon
him, and drawing a ragged knife (so it was described to me) struck him in the belly. At first,
even those who saw the deed hardly knew what
had happened, for El Husseyn did not fall or
dismount, and without speaking rode on to the
house. There he was lifted from his mare and
carried to an upper chamber, and in the course of
some hours he expired.




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA.


I25


Those nearest him, meanwhile, had seized and
cudgelled the old man, and some of the escort had
taken him to the guard-house. When it became
known what had happened, a great cry arose in
Jeddah, and old and young, and women and
children, and citizens and strangers wept together.
I have heard the scene described as one beyond
description moving, and the women shrieked and
wailed the whole night long. El Husseyn was
beloved, and he was taken in the flower of his
manhood.
No satisfactory judicial investigation seems to
have been made of the deed, though a formal
mejlis was held at Mecca whither the assassin was
immediately transferred, and on the fourth day he
was publicly executed. Who and what he was
it is difficult to determine. The Turkish bulletin
on the event described him as a Persian fanatic,
but no one confessed to having known him, and
those who saw and spoke to him while in custody
maintain that he was an Afghan and a Sunite.
He seems to have given half-a-dozen contradictory
accounts of himself; but the general impression
remains that he came from Turkey, and was by
profession a dervish. He had not come with the
Haj, but had been first noticed as a beggar at




I 26


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


Mecca ten days before, when he had asked and
received an alms of the Sherif, and had since been
several times found obtrusively in El Husseyn's
path. No one at Jeddah holds the Turkish
Governor to have been cognisant of the crime.
He was personally on good terms with El Husseyn, and has since been disgraced; but all point
to the Stamboul Camarilla and even the Sultan
himself as its author.  It is known that Abd el
H1amid constantly employs dervishes as his spies
and private agents, and some who pretend to know
best affirm that the old man received his mission
directly from  the Caliph.  I do not affect to
decide upon the point, but think the onus probandi
to lie with those who would deny it.
Assassination of a dangerous rival or of too
powerful a chieftain has been the resource time.out of mind of the Ottoman sovereigns, and they
can hardly claim indulgence now from   public
opinion.  The Sheykh of the Dervishes is all
powerful with his fanatical followers, and he is
the Sultan's servant; a word from him would
doubtless have secured the services of twenty
such devotees.  One circumstance points decidedly to Constantinople. It is known in Jeddah
that El Husseyn's successor, who had long been




THE TR E AMETROPOLIS-MElECCA.


127


resident at Constantinople, sent orders to his agent
at Jeddah to prepare for his return as Grand Sherif
two months before El Husseyn, who was a young
man, died; and that he had, moreover, dispatched
most of his baggage in anticipation.
The last words of the old assassin are curious.
Having done his deed he seemed quite happy,
and neither ate nor drank, but prepared for the
next world. A little while before he was executed
he related a story. "There was once," he said,
"( an elephant, a great and noble beast, and to him
God sent a gnat, the smallest thing which is. It
stung him on the trunk and the elephant died.
Allah Kerim: God is merciful."
El Husseyn's successor, the man for whom room
was made, and who knew beforehand that it was
to be made, was none other than the aged and
twice deposed Abd el Mutalleb, the son of the
Wahhabite Ghaleb, the fiercest fanatic of the
Dewy Zeyd.
I have not room here to describe in detail the
effect of this coup de Jarnac on the political aspect
of Hejaz. For the moment the reactionary party
is in power at Mecca, as it is at Constantinople. Abd el Mutalleb is supported by Turkish
bayonets, and the Aoun family and the Liberals




I28


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM......


are suffering persecution at Mecca, while the Sherifal Court, which had hitherto been most friendly
to England, has become the focus of Indian discontent. Outside the town all is disorder. It is
sufficient for the present if I have shown that there
is in Hejaz an element of spiritual power already
existing side by side with the Sultan, of which
advantage may one day be taken to provide him
with a natural successor. If no new figure should
appear on the political horizon of Islam when the
Ottoman empire dies, sufficiently commanding to
attract the allegiance of the Mussulman world (and
of such there is as yet no sign), it is certainly to
the Sherifal family of Mecca that the mass of
Mohammedans would look for a representative of
their supreme headship, and of that Caliphate
of which they stand in need.
The transfer of the seat of spiritual power from
Constantinople to Mecca would be an easy and
natural one, and would hardly disturb the existing
ideas of the vulgar, while it would harmonize with
all the traditions of the learned. Mecca or Medina
would, on the extinction of Constantinople, become
almost of necessity the legal home of the Ahl el
Agde, and might easily become the acknowledged
centre of spiritual power. All whom I have spoken




THE TRUE METROPOLIS-MECCA4.


I29....


to on the subject agree that the solution would be
an acceptable one to every school of Ulema except
the distinctly Turkish schools. Indeed "Mecca,
the seat of the Caliphate " is, as far as I have had
an opportunity of judging, the cry of the day with
Mussulmans; nor is it one likely to lose strength
in the future. Like the cry of " Roma capitale," it
seems to exercise a strong influence on the imagination of all to whom it is suggested, and when to
that is added "a Caliphate from the Koreysh," the
idea is to Arabs at least irresistible. How indeed
should it be otherwise when we look back on
history?
For my own part, though I do not pretend to
determine the course events will take, I consider
this notion of a return to Mecca decidedly the
most probable of all the contingencies we have
reviewed, and the one which gives the best promise
of renewed spiritual life for Islam. Politically the
Caliph at Mecca would of course be less important than now on the Bosphorus; but religiously
he would have a far more assured footing. Every
year the pilgrimage from every part of the world
would visit him, and instead of representing a
mere provincial school of thought, he would then be
a true metropolitan for all schools and all nations.
K




130


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


The Arabian element in Islam would certainly
support such a nomination, and it must be remembered that Arabia extends from Marocco to
Bushire; and so would the Indian and the Malay
-indeed every element but the Turkish, which
is day by day becoming of less importance.  I
have even heard it affirmed that a Caliphate of
the Koreysh at Mecca would go far towards reconciling the Schismatics, Abadhites, and Shiahs
with orthodoxy; and I have reason to believe that
it would so affect the liberal three-quarters of
Wahhabism. To the Shiahs, especially, a descendant of Ali could not but be acceptable; and to
the Arabs of Oman and Yemen a Caliph of the
Koreysh would be at least less repugnant than a
Caliph of the Beni Othman. There certainly have
of late years been symptoms of less bitterness between these schismatics and their old enemies, the
Sunites; and such a change in the conditions of
the Caliphate might conceivably bring about a
full reconciliation of all parties. Mussulmans can
no longer afford to fight each other as of old; and
I know that a reunion of the sects is already an
idea with advanced thinkers.  Lastly, the Caliphate would in Arabia be freed from the incubus
of Turkish scholasticism and the stigma of Turkish




THE TRUE ME TROPOLIS-MECCA.


I3I




immorality, and would have freer scope for what
Islam most of all requires, a moral reformation.
It is surely not beyond the flight of sane imagination to suppose, in the last overwhelming catastrophe of Constantinople, a council of Ulema
assembling at Mecca, and according to the legal
precedent of ancient days electing a Caliph. The
assembly would, without doubt, witness intrigues
of princes and quarrels among schoolmen and
appeals to fanaticism and accusations of infidelity.
Money, too, would certainly play its part there
as elsewhere, and perhaps blood might be shed.
But any one who remembers the history of the
Christian Church in the fifteenth century, and the
synods which preceded the Council of Basle, must
admit that such accompaniments of intrigue and
corruption are no bar to a legal solution of religious difficulties. It was above all else the rivalries of Popes and Anti-popes that precipitated the
Catholic Reformation.




CHAPTER IV.


A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.
IT is with considerable doubt of my ability to do
justice to so very difficult a subject that I now
approach the most important point of all in this
inquiry, namely, the question on which in reality
every other depends: "Is there a possibility of
anything like general reform for Islam in her political and moral life?"
It is obvious that, unless we can answer this in
the affirmative, none of the changes I have been
prefiguring will very much affect her ultimate
fortunes-neither the solution of her legal deadlock
with the Ottoman Caliphate, nor the transfer of
her metropolis to a new centre, nor even the
triumph of her arms, if such were possible, in
Africa or India. These by themselves could, at
best, only delay her decline. They might even
precipitate her ruin. Islam, if she relies only on
the sword, must in the end perish by it, for her




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMA TJON3.


I33


forces, vast as they are, are without physical cohesion, being scattered widely over the surface of
three continents and divided by insuperable accidents of seas and deserts; and the enemy she
would have to face is intelligent as well as strong,
and would not let her rest. Already what is called
the "Progress of the World" envelopes her with
its ships and its commerce, and, above all, with its
printed thought, which she is beginning to read.
Nor is it likely in the future to affect her less.
Every year as it goes by carries her farther from
the possibility of isolation, and forces on her new
acquaintances, not only her old foes, the Frank
and Muscovite, but the German, the Chinaman,
and the American, with all of whom she may have
in turn to count. If she would not be strangled
by these influences she must use other arms than}
those of the flesh, and meet the intellectual invasion of her frontiers with a corresponding intelligence. Otherwise she has nothing to look forward
to but a gradual decay, spiritual as well as political.
Her law must become little by little a dead letter,
her Caliphate an obsolete survival, and her creed
a mere opinion. Islam as a living and controlling
moral force in the world would then gradually


cease.




134


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM


In expressing my conviction that Islam is not
thus destined yet awhile to perish I believe that
I am running counter to much high authority
among my countrymen. I know that it is a received opinion with those best qualified to instruct
the public that Islam is in its constitution unamenable to change, and by consequence to progressive life, or even, in the face of hostile elements,
to prolonged life at all. Students of the Sheriat
have not inaptly compared the Koranic law to
a dead man's hand, rigid and cold, and only to
be loosened when the hand itself shall have been
cut away. It has been asserted that the first rule
of Mohammedan thought has been that change
was inadmissible, and development of religious
practice, either to right or left of the narrow path
of mediaeval scholasticism, absolutely precluded.
I know this, and I know, too, that a vast array of
learned Mohammedan opinion can be cited to
prove this to be the case, and that very few of
the modern Ulema of any school of divinity
would venture openly to impugn its truth. Nor
have I forgotten the repeated failure of attempts
made in Turkey within the last fifty years to gain
religious assent to the various legal innovations
decreed by Sultan after Sultan in deference to




A MIOHAM lMEDAN REFORMATION.


135


the will of Europe, nor the fate which has sometimes overtaken those who were the advocates of
change. I know, according to all rule written and
spoken by the orthodox, that Islam cannot move,
and yet in spite of it I answer with some confidence in the fashion of Galileo, " E pur si muove."
The fact is, Islam does move. A vast change
has come upon Mohammedan thought since its
last legal Mujtahed wrote his last legal opinion;
and what was true of orthodox Islam fifty and
even twenty years ago is no longer true now.
When Urquhart, the first exponent of Mohammedanism to Englishmen, began his writing, the
Hanefite teaching of Constantinople had not begun
to be questioned, and he was perfectly justified in
citing it as the only rule recognized by the mass of
the orthodox. No such thing as a liberal religious
party then existed anywhere, and those who broke
the law in the name of political reform were
breakers of the law and nothing more. Every
good man was their enemy, and if any spoke of
liberty he was understood as meaning licence. It
was not even conceived then that the Sheriat
might be legally remodelled. Now, however, and
especially within the last ten years, a large section
of godly and legal-minded men have ranged them



I36


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM..


selves on the side of liberal opinion, and serious
attempts have been made to reconcile a desire of
improvement with unabated loyalty to Islam.
A true liberal party has thus been formed, which
includes in its ranks not merely political intriguers
of the type familiar to Europe in Midhat Pasha,
but men of sincere piety, who would introduce
moral as well as political reforms into the practice
of Mohammedans. These have it in their programme to make the practice of religion more
austere while widening its basis, to free the intelligence of believers from  scholastic trammels,
and at the same time to enforce more strictly the
higher moral law of the Koran, which has been
so long and so strangely violated. In this they
stand in close resemblance to the " Reformers" of
Christianity; and some of the circumstances which
have given them birth are so analogous to those
which Europe encountered in the fifteenth century
that it is impossible not to draw in one's own mind
a parallel, leading to the conviction that Islam, too,
will work out for itself a Reformation.
The two chief agents of religious reform in
Europe were the misery of the poor and the
general spread of knowledge.  It is difficult at
this distance of time to conceive how abject wvas




A AMOHAMMEDAN REFOR.MA 7IOAN. '


I37


_...


the general state of the European peasantry in the
days of Louis XI. of France and Frederick III. of
Germany. The constant wars and almost as constant famines, the general insecurity of the conditions of life, the dependence of a vast' majority
of the poor on capricious patrons, the hideous
growth of corruption and licentiousness in the
ruling classes, and the impotence of the ruled to
obtain justice, above all, the servile acquiescence
of religion, which should have protected them, in
the political illegalities daily witnessed-all these
things, stirring the hearts of men, caused them to
cry out against the existing order of Church discipline, and inclined them to Reform. On the other
hand, as we all know, the invention of printing had
caused men to read and the invention of the New
World to travel. Moreover, in the fifteenth century the Ottoman Turks, then an irresistible power,
were invading Europe, and a new element of contact with an outside world was created, and a new
fear. Christendom certainly at that time was in
danger of political annihilation, or fancied itself to
be so, and the apprehensions of devout persons in
Central Europe were roused to a vivid consciousness of impending evil by the thought that this
was perhaps another authorized scourge of God.




138


THiE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


I will not strain the parallel further than it will
bear, but I would suggest that causes somewhat
analogous to these are now at work among the
Mussulmans of the still independent states of
Islam, and that they are operating somewhat in
the same direction. The Mussulman peasantry,
especially of the Ottoman Empire, are miserable,
and they know that they are so, and they look in
vain to their religion to protect them, as in former
days, against their rulers. They find that all their
world now is corrupt-that the law is broken daily
by those who should enforce the law; that the
illegalities of those who ruin them are constantly
condoned by a conniving body of the Ulema; that
for all practical purposes of justice and mercy
religion has abdicated its claim to direct and
govern. They have learned, too, by their intercourse with strangers, and in the towns by the
newspapers which they now eagerly read, that this
has not been always so, and that servitude is
not the natural state of man or acquiescence in
evil the true position of religion, and they see in
all they suffer an outrage inflicted on the better
law of Islam.  I was much struck by hearing
the Egyptian peasantry last year attribute the
lighter taxes they were then enjoying to the fact




A MIOHAMMEDAN REFORMA TION.       139
that their new ruler was "a man who feared
God."
At the same time the learned classes are shocked
and alarmed at the political decline of Islam and
the still greater dangers which stare her in the face,
and they attribute them to the unchecked wickedness and corruption with which the long rule of
Constantinople has pervaded every class of society,
even beyond its own territorial borders. They
complain now that they have been led astray, and
believe that the vengeance of Heaven will overtake
them if they do not amend their ways. In all this,
I say, there is something of the spirit which once
goaded Christians into an examination of the
bases on which their belief rested, and of the
true nature of the law which tolerated such great
corruption.
Nor must we suppose that any part of this dissatisfaction is attributable as yet to a decay of
faith, such as we now witness among ourselves.
Islam as yet shows hardly a taint of infidelity.
The Mussulman of the present day, whatever his
rank in life, believes with as absolute a faith as did
the Christian of the period just referred to. With
the exception of here and there a false convert or,
as a very rare case, an Europeanized infidel of the




I40


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


modern type, there is no such thing as a Mohammedan sceptic, that is to say, a Moslem who does
not believe in the divine mission of Mohammed.
He may neglect every duty of his profession, be
guilty of every crime, have broken every law-he
may be the worst and the most depraved of menor, on the other hand, he may have adopted the
language and to a certain extent the tone of
thought of Europe, and, a thing far more rare, he
may be even a scoffer and blasphemer;-still I do
not imagine that in his heart he any the less firmly
believes that the Koran is the book of truth, or
that at the day of judgment he shall be found with
those who have escaped Jehannem through their
professed acknowledgment of God and of His
apostle.
I have heard strange stories in corroboration of
this from persons whom I could not doubt, and
about persons whom all the world knew. Thus,
one who was with Fuad Pasha, the most European
of Ottoman diplomatists, in his last days at Nice,
assures me that his whole time was spent in a
recitation of the Koran, learning it by heart.
Another, who was called the Voltaire of Islam,
performed his prayers and prostrations with scrupulous regularity whenever he found himself in




A MIOHAMMIEDAN REFORMA TION.


141




private; and a third, equally notorious as a
sceptic, died of religious mania. All, too, who
have mingled much with Mussulmans must have
been struck with the profound resignation with
which even thoughtless and irreligious men bear
the ills of life, and the fortitude with which they
usually meet their end-with the large proportion
that they see of men who habitually pray and fast,
and who on occasion, at great risk and sacrifice,
make the pilgrimage, and with the general absence
of profanity, and the fact that an avowal of religion
is never proffered apologetically as with us, nor
met in any society with derision. These things
are, perhaps, not in themselves evidence of belief,
for hypocrites have everywhere their reward, but
the fact even of hypocrisy proves the general spirit
to be one of avowed belief.
The truly devout are doubtless rare, but where
we find them it is evident that their belief pervades
their lives in as strict a sense as it does devout
persons among ourselves. It would probably be
difficult to point out in Europe men who in the
world-I do not speak of ecclesiastics or persons
in religious orders-lead more transparently religious lives than do the pious Moslems of the
better class whom one may find in almost any




142


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


--  ---


oriental town, or men who more closely follow the
ideal which their creed sets before them.  To
doubt the sincerity and even, in a certain sense,
the sanctity of such persons, would be to doubt
all religion. In any case it is notorious that the
faith of Mecca is still the living belief of a vast
number of the human race, the rule of their lives,
and the explanation to them of their whole existence. There is no sign as yet that it has ceased
to be a living faith.
Neither in considering its future is it easy for a
candid English mind to escape the admission that,
for all purposes of argument, the Mohammedan
creed must be treated as no vain superstition but
a true religion, true inasmuch as it is a form of the
worship of that one true God in whom Europe,
in spite of her modern reason, still believes. As
such it is entitled to whatever credit we may give
true religions of prolonged vitality; and while
admitting the eternal truth of Christianity for
ourselves, we may be tempted to believe that in
the Arabian mind, if in no other, Islam too will
prove eternal.
In its simplest form Islam was but an emphatic
renewal of the immemorial creed of the Semites,
and as long as a pure Semitic race is left in the




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.        I43
world, the revelation of Mecca may be expected to
remain a necessary link in their tradition. No
modern arguments of science are ever likely to
affect the belief of Arabia that God has at sundry
times and in sundry places spoken to man by the
mouth of his prophets; and among these prophets
Mohammed will always be the most conspicuous
because the most distinctly national. Also the
law of Islam-I am not speaking merely of the
Sheriat as we now see it-will always remain their
law because it is the codification of their custom,
and its political organization their political organization because it is founded on a practice coeval
with their history.
Lastly, Semitic thought is a strong leaven which
everywhere pervades the minds of nations, aliens
though they be, who have once admitted it; and
it will not easily be cast out. We have seen in
Europe, even in England, a land never brought
physically into contact with Arabia, how long
Arabian thought, filtered as it was through France
and Spain to our shores, has dominated our ideas.
Chivalry, a notion purely Bedouin, is hardly yet
extinct among us. Romance, the offspring of preIslamic Arabia, is still a common motive of our
action, and our poets express it still, to the neglect




144


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


of classic models, in the rhymed verse of Yemen.
The mass of our people still pray to the God of
Abraham, and turn eastwards towards that land
which is Arabia's half-sister, the Holy Land of the
Jews.
If then we, who are mere aliens, find it impossible to escape this subtle influence, what must
it be for those races wholly or half Arabian who
have for centuries been impregnated with Islam,
the quintessence of Arabian thought? Who shall
fix the term of its power, and say that it cannot
renew itself and live? "Send' forth," says a famous
English writer, who was also a famous English
statesman, "a great thought, as you have done
before, from  Mount Sinai, from  the villages of
Galilee, from the deserts of Arabia, and you may
again remodel all men's institutions, change their
principles of action, and breathe a new spirit into
the scope of their existence."
But I must not lose myself in generalities or
forget that it is for practical Englishmen that I
am writing. To be precise, I see two ways in
which it is probable that Islam will attempt to
renew her spiritual life, and two distinct lines of
thought which according to external circumstances
she may be expected to follow-the first a violent




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


I45




and hardly a permanent one, the second the true
solution of her destiny.
Among the popular beliefs of Islam-and it is
one common to every sect, Shiite and Abadite, as
well as Sunite-is this one, that in the latter days
of the world, when the power of God's worshippers
shall have grown weak and their faith corrupted,
a leader shall arise who shall restore the fortunes
of the true believers. He shall begin by purging
the earth of injustice, fighting against oppressors
wherever he shall find them, Mohammedan as well
as Infidel, and he shall teach the people a perfect
law which they shall have forgotten, and he shall
reign over Islam in place of their Khalifeh, being
called the M6hdy, or guide. To this some add
that he will arise of a sudden in some distant
corner of the earth, and that he will march towards
Mecca, and that everywhere the blood of Moslems
shall be shed like water, and that he shall enter
Mecca when the streets shall run with blood. In
support of this coming of the M6hdy many
traditions exist which are held to be authentic by
the Ulema. Thus it is related on the authority
of Abdallah ibn Messaoud that he heard the
Prophet say, "When there shall remain but one
day of the days of the earth, God shall prolong
L




146


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


--


that day, and shall send forth from my house a
man bearing my name and the name of my father
(Mohammed ibn Abdallah), and he shall purify
the earth from injustice and fill it with that which
is right." The same was heard also by Ali Ibn
Abu Taleb, the Prophet's son-in-law, and by
Hadhifat Ibn el Yaman, who relates that this
prophecy was delivered by Mohammed one Friday
at the Khotbah, or sermon, in Medina. Salman
el Faris, another witness, declares that he afterwards approached the Prophet and stood before
him and asked him, "From which of thy descendants, O Apostle of God, shall the M6hdy be?"
And the Prophet answered, stretching his hand
towards his grandson Huseyn, "From this child
shall he come."
Besides this general belief, which, though not a
positive dogma of their faith, is common to all
Mussulmans, the Shiites, always prone to exaggerate and embellish, maintain that the M6hdy's duty
is not limited to teaching, guiding, and purifying
the law, but also that he shall revenge the blood
unjustly shed of the Imams; and they cite in
support of this a tradition of Ali ibn Abu Taleb,
who thus addressed his son, Huseyn, the same who
was afterwards martyred at Kerbela, "I swear to




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


147


thee, O my son," he said, "I swear by my soul,
and by my offspring, and by Kerbela, and by its
temple, that the day shall come in which our
beards shall be dyed with blood. And I swear
that afterwards God shall raise up a man, the
M6hdy, who shall stand in our place, the lord of
mankind. He it is who shall avenge us, nay,
he shall avenge thy blood also, O Huseyn.
Therefore have patience.  For the blood of one
man he shall shed the blood of a thousand; and
he will not spare them who have helped our
enemies."
The Shiites say also that this M6hdy will be no
new person'age, but that he lives already in the
flesh, being no other than the twelfth and last
of their recognized Imams, who was born in the
year 260 of the Hejira, and whose name was
Mohammed ibn El Hassan, Abul Kassem, El
M6hdy, Lord of the Command and Lord of Time;
and who, while yet a child, disappeared from the
world, retaining nevertheless his authority. This
M6hdy they expect when the Turkish rule is in
decay. After accomplishing his vengeance and reestablishing justice he shall rule for an undetermined period, when Jesus the Son of Mary
also shall come, and the Apostle Mohammed, an




148


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


apparition which will announce the end of the
world.1
It would seem, therefore, exceedingly probable
that out of the religious ferment which we now
see agitating Africa some enthusiast will arise who
will announce himself as this M6hdy, and head an
active movement of reform. Already, indeed, two
such personages have made their appearance, one
in Tripoli, of whom I heard much talk a year
ago, and who is now said to be marching to join
the defenders of Keruan; and a second quite
recently in Soudan. It is not difficult to imagine
the kind of reformation such an inspired Guide
would preach. Indeed his role is marked out for
him in the prophecies just quoted. He would
purge the earth of injustice with the sword, and,
breaking with all authority but that of the Koran
he would seek to renew a kingdom of heaven on
the model of Islam militant. It would be a repetition, but on a grander scale, of the Wahhabite
I A remarkable coincidence of prediction, Christian and Mohammedan, has been pointed out to me in Rohrbacher's History of the
Church, published in 1845, where by an elaborate calculation based
on the Old Testament prophecies he arrives at the conclusion that
the Turkish Empire will fall in I882, the date assigned it also by
the Mohammedan prediction quoted in my last chapter-that is to
say A.H. 1300.




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


I49


movement of the eighteenth century, and, having
a wider base of operations in the vast fanatical
masses of North Africa, might achieve far more
important results.
Even without pretending to the rank of an inspired guide, it is certain that a man of zeal and
character might in the present crisis easily persuade the Malekite Arabs to reform their moral
practice, if necessary to asceticism, by proving to
them that they would thus regain their ascendancy
in arms. On this basis a reformation would be
easy; but it would be analogous to that of the
Hussites and Anabaptists in Europe, rather than
of the true Church reformation which succeeded
these, and would hardly be universal or permanent.
I once heard a most distinguished Alem describe the qualifications of one who should preach
a reform of this kind:-" The man," said he, "who
would persuade us to reform must come, in the
first place, of a well-recognized family. He must
be either a prince, or a Sherif, or an hereditary
saint. This would secure him from a first personal
attack on the ground of seeming impiety. He
must secondly be an Arab, gifted with the pure
language of the Koran, for the Arabian Ulema




I5o


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




would not listen to a barbarian; and he must
possess commanding eloquence. A reformer must
before all else be a preacher. Thirdly, he must be
profoundly learned, that is to say, versed in all
the subtleties of the law and in all that has been
written in commentary on the Koran; and he
must have a ready wit, so that in argument he
may be able constantly to oppose authority with
authority, quotation with quotation. Granted these
three qualifications and courage and God's blessing,
he may lead us where he will."
The chief obstacles, however, to a reformation of
this sort would not be in the beginning, nor would
they be wholly moral ones. The full programme
of the Mohdy needs that he should conquer Mecca;
and the land road thither of an African reformer
lies blocked by Egypt and the Suez Canal. So
that, unless he should succeed in crossing the Red
Sea through Abyssinia (an invasion which, by the
way, would fulfil another ancient prophecy, which
states that the "Companions of the Elephant," the
Abyssinians, shall one day conquer Hejaz), he
could not carry out his mission. Nor, except as
an ally against the Turk, would a fanatical
reformer now find much sympathy in Arabia
proper.  The Peninsular Arabs have had their




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


151


I.


Puritan reformation already, and a strong reaction
has set in amongst them in lavour of liberal
thought. They are in favou: still of reform, but
it is of another kind from that preached by Abd
el Wahhab; and it is doubtful whether a new
militant Islam would find many adherents amongst
them.
The only strong advocate of such views at the
present day among true Arabs in Arabia is the
aged Sherif, Abd el Mutalleb, the Sultan's nominee,
who indeed has spared no pains, since he was
installed-at Mecca, to fan the zeal of the North
Africans. A Wahhabi in his youth, he is still a
fierce Puritan; and it is possible that, should he
live long enough (he is said to be ninety years old),
he may be able to produce a corresponding zeal
in Arabia. But at present the mass of the Arabs
in Hejaz, no less than in Nejd and Yemen, are
occupied with more humane ideas. Abd el Mutalleb's chief supporters in Mecca are not his own
countrymen, but the Indian colony, descendants
many of them of the Sepoy refugees who fled
thither in 1857, and who have the reputation of
being the most fanatical of all its residents. The
true Arabs are in revolt against his authority.
Again, it is improbable that any enunciation of




I52


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


Puritan reform would find support among the
northern races of Asia, which are uniformly sunk
in gross sensuality and superstition; while Constantinople may be trusted to oppose all reform whatever. Wahhabism, when it overspread
Southern Asia, never gained a foothold further
north than Syria, and broke itself to pieces at
last against the corrupt orthodoxy of Constantinople. And so too it would happen now. Abd
el Hamid, in spite of his zeal for Islam, would see
in the preaching of a moral reform only a new
heresy; and, as we have seen, the M6hdy's mission
is against all evil rule, the Sultan's and Caliph's
not excepted.  So that, unless Abd el Hamid
places himself openly at the head of the warlike
movement in Africa and so forestalls a rival, he is
not likely long to give it his loyal support. Already
there are symptoms of his regarding events in Tunis
with suspicion, and on the first announcement of an
inspired reformer he would, I believe, not hesitate
to pronounce against him.   I understand the
Turkish military reinforcements at Tripoli quite
as much in the light of a precaution against
Arab reform as against infidel France.
Puritanism, then, on a militant basis, even if
preached by the M6hdy himself, could hardly be




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


I53


either general or lasting, and its best result would
probably be, that after a transient burst of energy,
which would rouse the thought of Islam and renew
her spiritual life, a humaner spirit, as in Arabia
would take its place, and lead to a more lasting,
because a more rational, reform.
But it was not to such a Puritan reformation that
I was pointing when I expressed my conviction that
Islam would in the end work out her salvation,
nor do I hold it necessary that she should find any
such deus ex machind as an inspired guide to point
her out her road.  Her reformation is indeed
already begun, and may be gradually carried to
its full results, by no violent means, and in a progressive, not a reactionary spirit. This only can
be the true one, for it is a law of nations and of
faiths, no less than of individuals, that they cannot
really return upon their years, and that all beneficial changes for them must be to new conditions
of life, not to old ones-to greater knowledge, not
to less-to freedom of thought, not to its enslavement. Nor is there anything in the true principles
of Islam to make such progress an unnatural
solution of her destiny.
Mohammedanism in its institution, and for many
centuries after its birth, was eminently a rational



I54


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


istic creed; and it was through reason as well as
faith that it first achieved its spiritual triumphs.
If we examine its bases its early history, we must
indeed admit this. The Koran, which we are
accustomed to speak of as the written code of
Mohammedan law, is in reality no legal text-book
by which Mussulmans live. At best it enunciates
clearly certain religious truths, the unity of God,
the doctrine of rewards and punishments in a future
life, and the revelation of God's claims on man.
Psalms, many of them sublime, occupy the greater
number of its chapters; promises of bliss to believers and destruction to unbelievers come next;
then the traditional history of revelation as it was
current among the Semitic race; and only in the
later chapters, and then obscurely, anything which
can properly be classed as law. Yet law is the
essence of Islam, and was so from its earliest
foundation as a social and religious polity; and
it is evident that to it, and not to the Koran's
dogmatic theology, Islam owed its great and long
career of triumph in the world.
Now this law was not, like the Koran, brought
down full-fledged from heaven. At first it was
little more than a confirmation of the common
custom of Arabia, supplemented indeed and cor



A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMA TION.


I55.


rected by revelation, but based upon existing
rules of right and wrong. When, however, Islam
emerged from Arabia in the first decade of her
existence, and embracing a foreign civilization
found herself face to face with new conditions of
life, mere custom ceased to be a sufficient guide;
and, the voice of direct revelation having ceased,
the faithful were thrown upon their reason to
direct them how they were to act. Revelation
continued, nevertheless, to be the groundwork of
their reasoning, and the teaching of their great
leader the justification of each new development
of law as the cases requiring it arose. The Koran
was cited wherever it was possible to find a citation,
and where these failed tradition was called in. The
companions of the Prophet were in the first instance
consulted, and their recollections of his sayings and
doings quoted freely; while afterwards, when these
too were gone, the companions of the companions
took their place, and became in their turn cited.
Thus by a subtle process of comparison and
reasoning, worked out through many generations,
the Mohammedan law as we see it was gradually
built up, until in the third century of Islam it was
embodied by order of the Caliph into a written
code. The Fakh ed Din and the Fakh esh Sheriat




I56


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




of Abu Hanifeh, the doctor intrusted with this
duty, was a first attempt to put into reasoned form
the floating tradition of the faithful, and to make
a digest of existing legal practice. He and his
contemporaries examined into and put in order the
accumulated wealth of authority on which the law
rested, and, taking this and rejecting that saying
of the Fathers of Islam, founded on them a school
of teaching which has ever since been the basis of
Mohammedan jurisprudence.
Abu Hanifeh's code, however, does not appear
to have been intended, at the time it was drawn
up, to be the absolute and final expression of all
lawful practice for the faithful. It included a vast
amount of tradition of which either no use was
made by its compiler, or which stood in such contradiction with itself that a contrary interpretation
of it to his could with equal logic be deduced.
Abu Hanifeh quoted and argued rather than determined; and as long as the Arabian mind continued to be supreme in Islam the process of
reasoning development continued.
The Hanefite code was supplemented by later
doctors, Malek, Esh Shafy, and Ibn Hanbal, and
even by others whose teaching has been since
repudiated, all in the avowed intention of suiting




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMA TIOAT.


157


the law still further to the progressive needs of the
faithful, and all following the received process of
selecting and interpreting and reasoning from
tradition. These codes were, for the then existing
conditions of life, admirable; and even now,
wherever those conditions have remained unaltered,
are amply sufficient for the purposes of good
government and the regulation of social conduct.
They would, nevertheless, have been but halting
places in the march of Mohammedan legislation,
had the destinies of Islam remained permanently
in the hands of its first founders.
Unfortunately, about the eleventh century of our
era, a new and unfortunate influence began to
make itself felt in the counsels of the Arabian
Ulema, which little by little gaining ground, succeeded at last in stopping the flow of intellectual
progress at the fountain head. The Tartar, who
then first makes his appearance in Mohammedan
politics, though strong in arms, was slow to understand. He had no habit of thought, and, having
embraced Islam, he saw no necessity for further
argument concerning it.  The language of the
Koran and the traditions was a science sealed to
him; and the reasoning intelligence of the Arab
whose dominion he had invaded was a constant




I58


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


reproof t  him. He dared not venture his barbarian dignity in the war of wit which occupied
the schools; and so fortified his unintelligence
behind a rampart of dogmatic faith. Impotent to
develop law himself, he clutched blindly at that
which he found written to his hand. The code
of Abu Hanifeh seemed to him a perfect thing,
and he made it the resting place of his legal reason.
Then, as he gradually possessed himself of all
authority, he declared further learning profane, and
virtually closed the schools. His military triumphs
in the sixteenth century sealed the intellectual fate
of Islam, and from that day to our own no light
of discussion has illumined Moslem thought, in
any of the old centres of her intelligence. Reason,
the eye of her faith in early times, has been fast
shut-by many, it has been argued, blind.
It is only in the present generation, and in the
face of those dangers and misfortunes to which
Islam finds herself exposed, that recourse has once
more been had to intellectual methods; and it
is precisely in those regions of Islam where Arab
thought is strongest that we now find the surest
symptoms of returning mental life. Modern
Arabia, wherever she has come in contact with
what we call the civilization of the world, has




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


I59


--


shown herself ready and able to look it in the
face; and she is now setting herself seriously to
solve the problem of her own position and that
of her creed towards it.
In North Africa, indeed, civilization for the
moment presents itself to her only as an enemy;
but where her intelligence has remained unclouded
by the sense of political wrong she has proved
herself capable, not only of understanding the
better thought of Europe, but of sympathizing
with it as akin to her own. Thus at Cairo, now
that the influence of Constantinople has been
partially removed, we find the Arabian Ulema
rapidly assimilating to their own the higher principles of our European thought, and engrafting
on their lax moral practice some of the better
features of our morality.  It is at no sacrifice
of imagined dignity, as with the Turks, that
Egypt is seeking a legal means for universal
religious toleration, or from any pressure but that
of their own intelligence that her chief people
are beginning to reform their domestic life, and
even, in some instances, to adopt the practice
of monogamy. The truth would seem to be that
the same process is being effected to-day in their
minds as was formerly the case with their an



I6o


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


_..


cestors. In the eighth century, the Arabs, brought
into contact with Greek philosophy, assimilated
it by a natural process of their reasoning into the
body of their own beliefs; and now in the nineteenth they are assimilating a foreign morality into
their own system of morals.
Not only in Egypt,-in Oman and Peninsular
Arabia, generally there is a real feeling of cordiality
between the Mohammedan     and his Christian
" guest." The abolition of slavery in Zanzibar was
a concession to European opinion at least as much
as to European force; and a moral sympathy is
acknowledged between a Moslem and a Christian
State which has its base in a common sense of
right and justice. I have good reason to believe
that, were the people of Yemen to effect their
deliverance from Constantinople, the same humane
feeling would be found to exist among them; and
I know that it exists in Nejd; while even in Hejaz,
which is commonly looked upon as the hot-bed
of religious intolerance, I found all that was truly
Arabian in the population as truly liberal. Under
the late Grand Sherif, Abd el Hamid's reputed
victim, these ideas were rapidly gaining ground;
and had it not been for his untimely end, I have
high authority for stating that the Mohammedan




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


Holy Land would now be open to European intercourse, and slavery, or at least the slave trade, be
there abolished.
There is, therefore, some reason to hope that,
were Arabian thought once more supreme in
Islam, its tendency would be in the direction of
a wider and more liberal reading of the law, and
that in time a true reconciliation might be effected
with Christendom, perhaps with Christianity. The
great difficulty which, as things now stand, besets
reform is this: the Shcriat, or written code of
law, still stands in orthodox Islam as an uzinmpeachable authority. The law in itself is an excellent law, and as such commends itself to the
loyalty of honest and God-fearing men; but on
certain points it is irreconcilable with the modern
needs of Islam, and it cannot legally be altered.
When it was framed it was not suspected that
Mohammedans would ever be subjects of a Christian power, or that the Mohammedan State would
ever need to accommodate itself to Christian demands in its internal policy. It contemplated, too,
mainly a state of war, and it accepted slavery and
concubinage as war's natural concomitants. It did
not understand that some day Islam would have
to live at peace with its neighbours, if it would
M




I62


ITHE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


live at all, or that the general moral sense of the
world would be brought to bear upon it with such
force that the higher instincts of Moslems themselves should feel the necessity of restricting its
old and rather barbarous licence as to marriage
and divorce. Yet these things have come to pass,
or are rapidly coming; and the best thinkers in
Islam now admit that changes in the direction
indicated must sooner or later be made. Only
they insist that these should be legally effected,
not forced on them by an overriding of the law.
What they want is a legal authority to change.
Now, no such authority exists, either in the
Ottoman Sultan, or in the Sherif, or in any
Sheykh el Islam, Mufti, or body of Ulema in the
world. None of these dare seriously meddle with
the law. There is not even one universally recognized tribunal to which all Moslems may refer
their doubts about the law's proper reading, and
have their disputes resolved. A fetwa, or opinion,
is all that can be given, and it applies only to the
land where it is issued. The fetwa of this great
Alem in one Moslem state may be reversed by
the fetwa of another in that. The Sheykh el
Islam at Constantinople may be appealed against
to the Mufti at Mecca or Cairo, or these again,




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMA TIONV


I63


it may be, to Bokhara. None absolutely overrides
the rest. Thus while I was at Jeddah there came
a deputation of Mussulmans from Bengal, being
on their way to Mecca to ask a fetwa on the disputed point whether believers were permitted or
not to use European dress. A previous fetwa had
'been asked at Constantinople, but the deputation
was dissatisfied, alleging that the Sheykh el Islam
there could not be trusted and that they preferred
the Meccan Mufti. Thus legal-minded Moslems
who would see their way to improvement are constantly faced with a legal bar, the want of authority.
As things stand there is no remedy for this.
An opinion, however, seems now to be gaining
ground among the learned, that a legal issue may
one day be found in the restoration to the Caliphate of what is called by them the Saut el Hai;
the living voice of Islam, which in its first period,
and indeed till the destruction of the Abbaside
dynasty by Holagu, belonged to the successors of
the Prophet. It is certain that in the first four
reigns of Abu Bekr, Omar, Othman, and Ali, such
a living power to legislate was accorded to the
{Caliphs; and that on their own authority they
modified at will the yet unwritten law.
Thus it is related of Abu Bekr that in one




164


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


instance he set aside a law called the Mota, though
based directly on some sentences of the Koran,
declaring it not conformable to the better tradition;
and that Ali again reversed this ruling, which has,,
nevertheless, been adhered to by the Sunites.
Later, too, the Ommiad and Abbaside Caliphs
exercised this right of legislation by deputy; it
was in their names that the Mujtaheddin, Abu
Hanifeh and the rest, framed their first codes of
law; and to the last the words of their mouth
were listened to, as in some measure inspired
utterances, by the faithful.
It was only when the sacred office passed from
the sacred and legitimate House that this feeling
of reverence ceased, and the living voice of the
Caliph was disregarded in Islam. The Ottoman
conqueror, when he took upon him the title of
Emir el Mumenin, did not venture to claim
for himself the power to teach, nor would
Moslems have listened to any such pretension.
The House of Othman was from the first sunk in
degrading vices, and was too untaught to teach.
The account given us by Bertrandon de la Brocquiere in the fifteenth century of the court and
habits of the "Grand Turk" is evidently no exaggeration; and it is easy to conceive by the light




A MOHAAMMISIEDAN R'EFOIRMA TION.


I65




of it how impossible it must have been for the
Arabian Ulema to connect the notion of inspiration in any way with such personages as the
Sultans then were. As a fact the Saut el Hai
was not claimed by Selim, nor has it ever been
accorded to his descendants.
The want of some voice of authority is, nevertheless, becoming daily  more generally felt by
orthodox Mohammedans; and it seems to me
certain that, in some shape or other, it will before
long be restored to general recognition. Abd el
Hamid, whose spiritual ambition I have described,
has, quite recently, caused a legal statement of his
Caliphal rights to be formally drawn up, and it
includes this right of the Saut cl HaI;1 and, though
it is improbable that the faithful will, at the
eleventh hour of its rule, invest the House of
Othman with so sublime a prerogative, it is extremely likely that, when a more legitimate holder
of the title shall have been found, he will be conceded all the rights of the sacred office. Then the
legal difficulty will at last be overcome. The dead
hand of the law will be no longer dead, but will be
inspired by a living voice and will.
1 This claim has been endorsed by Abd el Mutalleb, who is
issuing a Resalat rayiyeh, or pastoral letter, this year to the pilgrims
in support of Abd el Hamid's Caliphate.




I66


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


Since we are imagining many things we may
imagine this one too,-that our Caliph of the
Koreysh, chosen by the faithful and installed at
Mecca, should invite the Ulema of every land to a
council at the time of the pilgrimage, and there,
appointing a new Mujtahed, should propound to
them certain modifications of the Sheriat, as things
necessary to the welfare of Islam, and deducible
from tradition. No point of doctrine need in any
way be touched, only the law. The Fakh ed din
would need hardly a modification. The Fakh esh
Sheriat would, in certain chapters, have to be rewritten. Who can doubt that an Omar or an
Haroun, were they living at the present day, would
authorize such changes, or that the faithful of their
day would have accepted them as necessary and
legitimate developments of Koranic teaching?
It would be an interesting study to pursue this
inquiry further, and to see how it might be worked
out in detail. The crying necessity of civilized
Islam is a legal modus vivendi with Europe, and
such an adaptation of its law on points where
Europe insists as shall suffice to stave off conflict.
It is evident that legal equality must now be
accorded to Christians living under Mohammedan
law, and that conformity, on the other hand, in




A MOHAIMMEDAN REFORIMATION.


I67


certain points to foreign law must be allowed to
Moslems living under Christian rule.
Again, slavery must, by some means, be made
illegal; and a stricter interpretation of the Koranic
permission be put on marriage, concubinage, and
divorce. That all these changes might be logically
effected by a process of reasoning from the traditions, and expanding or minimising the interpretation of the Koran, no one need doubt who
remembers what fetwas have already been given
on these very points by some of the Azhar Ulema.
At present these decisions are unsatisfactory to the
faithful at large, because those issuing them have
no recognized authority to strain the law, but with
authority the same decisions would meet with
general approval. At least such is the impression
of modern Mohammedan opinion made on me by
my conversation with Mohammedans. It would
be interesting to work out these points; and I
hope some day to have an opportunity of doing
so, but for the present I have neither the time nor
the knowledge sufficient for the purpose. I must
be content with having suggested the method; I
cannot work out the details of a reformation.
It may, however, give an idea of the kind of
material in tradition which reformers are looking




I68


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


for, if I quote a document which was being circulated last spring among the Ulema of the Azhar.
It purports to be the text of the Prophet's first
treaty with the Christians of Arabia, though I do
not vouch for its authenticity, and runs as
follows:
"Covenant of God's Apostle, Mohammed, with the
Christian people, their monks and their bishops."(A.D. 625.)
"Mohammed, the Apostle of God, sent with a message
of peace to all mankind, dictateth the words of this
covenant that the cause of God may be a written document between him and the people of Christ.
" He who keepeth this covenant, let him be called a
true Moslem worthy of the religion of God, and he who
departeth from it let him be called an enemy, be he king
or subject, great or small.
"To this have I pledged myself: I will fence in their
lands with my horsemen, and my footmen, and my
allies, throughout the world; and I will care for their
safety and the safety of their temples, their churches,
their oratories, and their convents, and the places of
their pilgrimage, wheresoever I shall find them, whether
by the land or by the sea, in the east or in the west, on
the mountain or in the plain, in the desert or in the city.
There will I stand behind them that no harm shall reach
them, and my followers shall keep them from evil. This
is my covenant with them. I will exempt them in all




A MIOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


T69.


matters wherein the Moslems are exempt. I command
also that no one of their bishops be expelled from his see,
nor shall any Christian be forced from his religion, nor
shall a monk be forced from his convent, nor a hermit
from his cell. It is my will that none of their holy
buildings be destroyed or taken from them for Mosques
by my people or for their dwellings. Whosoever despiseth this command is guilty before God and desplseth
the pledge of His Apostle. All monks and bishops, and
the dependents of these, I declare exempt from tribute,
except such as they shall of their free will bring. Nor
shall Christian merchants, doing business by sea, or
diving for pearls, or working in the mines for gold, or
silver, or jewels, even the wealthy and the mighty, pay
more than twelve drachmas of yearly tribute. This, for
such Christian merchants as shall live in Arabia; but
for travellers and strangers in the land, they are exempt.
Likewise such as have lands and gardens bearing fruit,
and fields for corn, shall pay no more than it is in their
power to bring.
"And the people to whom I have pledged my word
shall not be required to fight for themselves.  But the
Moslems shall protect them, asking them neither for
arms, nor rations, nor horses for the war, except such
as each shall choose to bring. But if any shall bring
money, or help the Moslems in war, it must be acknowledged them with thanks.
"And this is my command. No Moslem shall molest
a follower of Christ; and if he dispute with him it shall




170


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


-.,


be with good manners. And if a Christian do any man
wrong it shall be a duty with Moslems to stay the avenger
and make peace between them, paying the ransom if the
wrong demand a ransom. And it is my wish that Christians should not be disregarded by my followers, for I have
pledged my word unto them before God that they shall
be as Moslems in my sight, sharing and partaking of all
things with the rest. And in their marriages they shall
not be troubled. No Moslem shall say to a Christian,
'Give me thy daughter,' nor take her unless he be willing.
And if a Christian woman become a slave to a Moslem
he shall be bound by this covenant to leave her her religion, nor shall he compel her to disobey her religious
chiefs. This is the command of God, and whosoever
shall deny it and disobey God shall hold him for a liar.
"Moreover it shall be a duty with my followers to repair the churches of the Christians, rendering them the
service not as a debt, but for God's sake and for the
keeping of the covenant, made to them by the Apostle
of God.
No Christian shall be compelled to go forth in time
of war as an envoy or spy against his people.
"These are the privileges which Mohammed, the
Apostle of God, hath granted to the followers of Christ.
In return he requested them to deal with him and with
the Moslems as follows:" 1. None of them in time of war shall give assistance,
either openly or in secret, to the enemies of Islam.
" 2. They shall not give asylum in their churches or in
their houses to the enemies of Islam.




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMATION.


I7I


"3. They shall not help them with arms, or rations, or
horses, or men.
"4. They shall not keep counsel with the declared
enemies of Islam, nor receive them in their houses, nor
deposit money with them.
"5. They shall grant to all Moslems seeking their
hospitality entertainment for at least three days. But no
Moslem shall require of them to make special cooking
for him, and he shall eat of the common food with his
host.
"6. If a Moslem seek asylum with a Christian, the
Christian shall not refuse to shelter him, and shall not
deliver him to his enemies.
" What Christian soever shall refuse these my requests,
he shall not partake of the privileges of this covenant
which I have made with the bishops, monks, and the
rest, the followers of Christ. And I call God to witness
with my followers and command them to keep faithful
to this my precept, now and till the day of judgment.
" The above was written in the presence of the undersigned persons, dictated by the Apostle of God, and
written down by Mawiyeh Ibn Abu Sofian, on Monday,
at the end of the fourth month, of the fourth year, of the
Hejira, in Medina, peace be upon its Lord.
(Signed)   "ABu BEKR Es SADIK.
"OMAR IBN EL KHOTTUB.
"OTHMAN IBN AFFAN.
"ALI IBN ABU TALEB.
And thirty-one other signatures.




172


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


" God be witness of what hath been said in this treaty.
Praised be God the Lord of the Earth."
In conclusion, I would urge that while it is to
Mohammedans themselves that we must look to
work out their ultimate regeneration according
to the rules of their own law and conscience,
Christendom can still do much to influence immediate results. The day of religious hatred
between Moslem and Christian as such is, I hope,
nearly at an end; and though political strife is
unfortunately renewing the old quarrel in North
Africa, there is no danger now of its becoming
on Europe's part a crusade.  Christendom  has
pretty well abandoned her hopeless task of converting Islam, as Islam has abandoned hers of
conquering Europe; and it is surely time that
moral sympathy should unite the two great bodies
of men who believe in and worship the same God.
England, at least, may afford now to acknowledge Mohammedanism as something not to be
merely combated and destroyed, but to be accepted
by her and encouraged-accepted as a fact which
for good or evil will exist in the world whether
she will or no-encouraged because it has in it
possibilities of good which she cannot replace by




A MOHAMMEDAN REFORMA TION.        173
any creed or philosophy of her own. She can do
much to help these possibilities, for they depend
for the moment on her political action. There is
a good cause and a bad in Islam as elsewhere in
the world, and though hitherto England's physical
help has been given all to evil, it has been through
ignorance of the issues at stake; and I am confident that as she learns these, she will acknowledge
the wrong she has unconsciously been doing, and
repair while there is yet time her error.
In my next and concluding chapter I propose
to sketch a policy towards Islam worthy of England's high sense of duty, and conformable to her
true interests.




CHAPTER V.


ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.
NOTHING now remains for me but to point the
moral which these essays were designed to draw.
It will have been observed that hitherto I have
avoided as much as possible all allusion to the
direct political action which Christendom is exercising, and must ever more and more exercise,
upon the fortunes of Islam; and in this I have
been guided by two motives. I have wished, first,
to give prominence to the fact that in all great
movements of the human intellect the force of
progression or decay should be looked for 'mainly
from within, not from without; and, secondly, to
simplify my subject so as to render it more easily
intelligible to the reading public. We have reached,
however, the point now when it will be necessary
to take different ground, and look at Islam no
longer as regards her internal economy, but as she
is being affected by the world at large. We must




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAIM.


I75


inquire what influence the material pressure of
Europe is likely to have on her in the Levant, and
what in Africa and Central Asia; and, above all,
we must examine closely our own position towards
her, and the course which duty and interest require
us to pursue in regard to the vast Mussulman
population of our Indian Empire.
I take it the sentiment generally of Continental
Europe-I do not speak of England-towards
Mohammedanism is still much what it has always
been, namely, one of social hostility and political
aggression. In spite of all the changes which
have affected religious thought in Catholic Europe,
and of the modern doctrine of tolerance in matters
of opinion, none of the nations by which Islam is
immediately confronted to the north and west have
really changed anything of their policy towards
her, since the days when they first resolved on the
recovery of "Christian lands lost to the infidel."
It is true that most of them no longer put forward
religious zeal as the motive of their action, or the
possession of the Holy Sepulchre as its immediate
object; but under the name of "civilization" their
crusade is no less a continuous reality, and the
direction of their efforts has not ceased to be the
resumption by Europe of political control in the




I76


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


whole of the provinces once forming the Roman
Empire. The sentiment in its origin was a just
one, and, though now become for the most part
selfish with the various Christian states, who see in
the advantage to Christendom only an advantage
to themselves, it appeals to an ancient and respectable moral sanction which is in itself no inconsiderable power. It is certain that the national
conscience neither of France, nor Spain, nor Italy,
nor Austria would repudiate an aggression, however unprovoked, upon any of the still independent
Mussulman states of the Mediterranean, and that
the only judgment passed on such an act by public
opinion would be one dependent on its failure or
success.
Thus in estimating the future of Islam as a
political body, and in view of the disparity proved
to exist at all points between modern Europe and
its ancient rival in the matter of physical strength,
we must be prepared to see the latter submit at no
distant date to great territorial losses along the
whole line of its European frontier. Few, I think,
to begin from the extreme west, will be inclined
to doubt that, should the French succeed in
thoroughly crushing the Arab movement which
they have provoked in Tunis, and which will in




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


I77


- — " ---


all probability be extended next summer to
Morocco and Tripoli, the beginning of the next
century will see what is left of the Barbary Coast
in their possession, or in that of Spain or Italy;
and the greater part of the cultivable lands fronting
the Mediterranean occupied by their immigrants.
What France has done or attempted to do in
Algiers her two neighbours may possibly achieve
with even more success in Morocco and western
Tripoli, for the Spaniards and Italians are both
eminently colonizing races, and the hill country of
Barbary is little different in climate from their
own. Tripoli, on the break up of the Ottoman
Empire, will certainly tempt Italian statesmen, and
Spain has already a footing on the African coast
in Tetuan.  It is therefore conceivable that the
better lands on the seaboard will receive a flood of
such agriculturists from either country as now seek
their fortunes on the River Plate and elsewhere.
Should such be the case, the Mohammedan population may be ousted from their possession of the
soil, and driven southwards, at least for a time, and
a considerable decrease of the political strength
of Islam be witnessed in that quarter. I do not,
however, conceive that Europe will ever obtain a
sure colonial footing south of the Atlas, or that the
N




178


THE FUTURE OF ISLAIM.




Mussulmans of the Sahara will lose anything of
their present religious character. At worst, Southern
Morocco and Fezzan will always remain independent Mohammedan States, the nucleuses of religious life in Barbary, and links between the
Mussulmans of Northern and Central Africa, while
further east the growing influence of Egypt will
make itself felt intellectually to the advantage of
believers. It is, however, to Central Africa that
Islam must in the future look for a centre of
religious gravity westwards. There, in the conversion of the negro race of the Tropics, already
so rapidly proceeding, she has good prospect of
compensation for all losses on the Mediterranean
coast; and, screened by the Sahara and by a
climate unsuited to European life, she may retain
for centuries her political as well as her religious
independence. The negro races will not only be
Mohammedanised; they will also be Arabised;
and a community of language and of custom will
thus preserve for Soudan its connection with Mecca,
and so with the general life of Islam. The losses,
then, to Islam in Africa will be rather apparent
than real, and may even in the end prove a source
of new strength.
Nor must we lose sight of the possibility of a




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.      179
French defeat. I believe that at no time during
the past forty years has the military position
of "our allies" been in a graver peril in their
colony than now, or the resources of their antagonists greater.  It is a weakness of the French
system in Africa that it has made no attempt
to assimilate the native population; and it is the
strength of that population, in as far as it is Arab,
that it does assimilate French thought to its own
advantage.  It is far from certain whether the
conquest of Algiers may not some day have for
its effect the renewal of Mohammedan political
vitality in all the Barbary Coast.
A  more absolute and immediate loss must be
anticipated in Europe and Western Asia. There
it is pretty certain that in a very few years Ottoman rule will have ceased, and the Turkish-speaking lands composing the Empire been absorbed by
one or other of the powerful neighbours who have
so long coveted their possession.  Austria, in
person or by deputy, may be expected by the end,of the present century to have inherited the
European, and Russia the Asiatic, provinces of
Turkey proper, while the fate of Syria and Egypt
will only have been averted, if averted it be, by
the intervention of England. That a dissolution




18o


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


of the Empire may and will be easily accomplished
I have myself little doubt. The military power of
Constantinople, though still considerable for the
purposes of internal control, will hardly again
venture to cope single-handed with any European
State, nor is it in the least probable that the
Sultan will receive further Christian support from
without. The fall of Kars has laid Asia Minor
open to the Russian arms, and the territorial
cessions of San Stefano and Berlin have laid
Roumelia open to the Austrian. On the first occasion of a quarrel with the Porte a simultaneous
advance from both quarters would preclude the
chance of even a serious struggle, and the subjugation of the Turkish-speaking races would be
effected without more difficulty.
The weakness of the Empire from a military
point of view is, that it is dependent wholly on its
command of the sea, a position which enables it
to mass what troops it has rapidly on the points
required, but which even a second-rate Mediterranean power could wrest from it. Its communication cut by a naval blockade, the Empire would
almost without further action be dissolved. Whatever loyalty the Sultan may have lately achieved
outside his dominions, there is not only no spirit




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


i8r


of national resistance in Asia Minor itself, but the
provinces, even the most Mussulman, would hail an
invading army as a welcome deliverer from him.
Left to themselves they would abandon without
compunction the Sultan's cause, and the next war
of an European state with Turkey will not only be
her last, but it will in all likelihood hardly be
fought out by her.
Nor do I conceive that the fall of the Ottoman
Empire and the annexation of its Turkish provinces would be a mere political loss of so much
territory to Islam. It would involve moral consequences far greater than this for the whole
Mussulman world of North-Western Asia. I have
the authority of the most enlightened of modern
Asiatic statesmen in support of my opinion that it
would be the certain deathblow of Mohammedanism as a permanent religious faith in all the lands
west of the Caspian, and that even among the
Tartar races of the far East, the Sunite Mussulmans
of Siberia and the Khanates, and as far as the
Great Wall of China, it would be a shock from
which Sunism in its present shape would with
difficulty recover. What has hitherto supported
the religious constancy of orthodox believers in
those lands, formerly Ottoman, which have become




I82


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


subject to Russia, has been throughout the consciousness that there was still upon the Russian
border a great militant body of men of their own
faith, ruled by its acknowledged spiritual head.
The centre of their religious pride has been
Constantinople, where the Sultan and Caliph has
sat enthroned upon the Bosphorus, commanding
the two worlds of Europe and Asia, and securing
to them communication with the holy places of
their devotion and the living body of true believers. Their self-respect has been maintained by
this feeling, and with it fidelity to their traditions.
Moreover, the school of St. Sophia has been a
fountain-head of religious knowledge, the university
at which the Ulema of Kazan and Tiflis and
Astrachan have received their spiritual education;
while at all times religious personages from Constantinople have travelled among them, keeping
alive the recollection of their lost allegiance. On
this basis their faith has retained what it has of
loyalty in spite of the political Russianising they
have undergone; but with their political centre
destroyed, they would be as sheep without a
shepherd, scattered in little groups here and there
among a growing Christian population, and shut
out from the fold of their belief.




ENGLANAD'S IVTEREST IN ISLAM.


I83




Constantinople is the assembling place of pilgrimage for all Mohammedans west of the Ural
Mountains, who reach it by the Black Sea, and
could never be replaced to them by any new centre
further south among the Arab races, with whom
they have little sympathy or direct religious connection. A Caliph at Mecca or in Egypt could do
little for them, and the Turkish-speaking Sunites
would have no university open to them nearer
than Bokhara. In this respect they would find
themselves in a far worse position than the Moors,
however universally these may become subject to
Europe, and their religious disintegration would
be a mere question of time. I believe, therefore,
that Islam must be prepared for a loss, not only
of political power in Europe and in Western Asia,
but also of the Mohammedan population in the
Ottoman lands absorbed by Russia. It will be a.strange revenge of history if the Ottoman Turks,
whom Europe has for so many centuries held to
be the symbolic figure of Mohammedanism, shall
one day cease to be Mohammedan. Yet it is a
revenge our children or our grandchildren may
well live to see.
How far eastward the full results of this religious
disintegration may extend, it is perhaps fanciful to




184


THE HUTURE OF ISLAM.


speculate. The north-western provinces of Persia,
which are inhabited by Mussulmans of mixed race
speaking the Turkish language and largely interfused with Christian Armenians, would, I am inclined to think, follow the destiny of the West, and
ultimately accept Christianity as a dominant religion. But, east of the Caspian, Sunite Islam,
though severely shaken, may yet hope to survive
and hold its ground for centuries.
The present policy of Russia, whatever it may
be in Europe, is far from hostile to Mohammedanism in Central Asia. As a religion it is even protected there, and it is encouraged by the Government in its missionary labours among the idolatrous
tribes of the Steppes, and among the Buddhists,
who are largely accepting its doctrines in the
extreme East.   Hitherto there has been no
Christian colonization in the direction of the
Khanatcs, nor is there any indigenous form of
Christianity. Moreover, Central Asia, though connected by ties of sympathy with Constantinople,
has never been politically or even religiously dependent on it. It has a university of its own in
Bokhara, a seat of learning still renowned throughout Asia, and it is thither and not to St. Sophia
that the Sunite Mussulmans east of the Caspian
proceed for their degrees.




ENGLAND S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


i85


Mohammedanism, therefore, in Eastern Asia is
not exposed to such immediate danger as in the
West. Bokhara may lose its political independence,
but there is no probability for many generations
to come of its being Christianized as Constantinople certainly must be, and it may even on the
fall of the latter become the chief centre of Sunite
orthodoxy of the existing Hanefite type, remaining
so perhaps long after the rest of Islam shall have
abandoned Hanefism. It is obvious, however, that
cut off geographically as the Khanates are from the
general life of Islam, Bokhara can but vaguely
represent the present religious power of Constantinople, and will be powerless to influence the
general flow of Mohammedan thought.  Its influence could be exerted only through India, and
would be supported by no political prestige. So
that it is far more likely in the future to follow than
to lead opinion.  Otherwise isolation is its only
fate.
The future of Shiite Mohammedanism in Persia
proper is a still more doubtful problem. Exposed
like the rest of Central Asia to Russian conquest,
the Persian monarchy cannot without a speedy and
complete revolution of its internal condition fail to
succumb politically.  The true Irani, however,




I86


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


have an unique position in Mohammedan Asia
which may save them from complete absorption.
Unlike any Mohammedan race except the Arabian,
they are distinctly national. The Turk, conqueror
though he has always been, repudiates still the
name of Turk, calling himself simply a Moslem,
and so likewise do the less distinguished races he
has subjected. But the Persian does not do this.
He is before all things Irani, and to the extent
that he has made for himself a Mohammedanism
of his own. He boasts of a history and a literature
older far than Islam, and has not consented to
forget it as a thing belonging only to " the Age of
Ignorance."  He runs, therefore, little risk of being
either Russianised or Christianised by conquest;
and being of an intellectual fibre superior to that
of the Russians, and, as far as the mass of the
population is concerned, being physically as well
gifted, it may be supposed that he will survive, if
he cannot avert, his political subjugation.
There is at the present moment, I am informed,
a last desperate effort making at Teheran for the
re-organization of the Empire on a liberal basis of
government, and though it would be folly to count
much on its success, it may conceivably succeed.
Mohammedanism would not there, as at Constanti



ENGLAND'S INTEREST INr ISLASM..


I87




nople, be found a barrier to reform, for Persian
Shiism is an eminently elastic creed, and on the
contrary may, it is thought, be made the instrument of a social reformation; only, as I have said,.
it would be folly to count on its success; and there
are certain moral defects in Persian character which
do not encourage lookers-on. Shiite Mohammedanism, however, whether Persia be absorbed or
not by Russia, is of little importance in a general
review of Islam's future, and may safely be dismissed as not directly relevant to the main question
before us.
Admitting, then, the probability, nay, the certainty, of considerable political and territorial
losses northwards, caused by the violent pressure
of a hostile Europe, let us see what yet remains to
Islam as her certain heritage, and how the changes
foreshadowed may affect her general life. I cannot
myself find any cause of despair for Mussulmans in
the prospect of a curtailment of their religious area
in the directions indicated, or any certain reason of
exultation for their enemies in the thought that
with the fall of Constantinople Islam, too, will have
fallen. On the contrary, I sec in the coming destruction of the Ottoman supremacy, and in the
exclusion of the northern races, even at the cost of




188


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


their religious support, from the counsels of the
faithful, an element of hope in the future far outweighing the immediate chagrin which may be
caused by loss of sovereignty or loss of population.
The Mohammedan population which the fall of
Constantinople would conceivably cut off from the
main body could not at most number more than
some twenty millions, and when we remember that
this is no more than a tithe of the whole Mussulman census, and that the proportion is a constantly
decreasing one, it will be evident that there is little
ground for looking at the loss as one necessarily
fatal to religion. The northern races still give
to Mohammedanism an appearance of physical
strength; but it is an appearance only, and it is
given at the cost of its intellectual vigour. The
political success of the Turks has for centuries
thrown Islam off its moral equilibrium, and their
disappearance from its supreme counsels will give
weight to races more worthy of representing religious interests.  Constantinople will be replaced
by Cairo or Mecca, and the Tartar by the Araban exchange which, intellectually considered, no
lover of Islam need deplore.
One great result the fall of Constantinople certainly will have, which I believe will be a beneficial




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


I89


one. It will give to Mohammedanism a more
distinctly religious character than it has for many
centuries possessed, and by forcing believers to
depend upon spiritual instead of temporal arms
will restore to them, more than any political
victories could do, their lost moral life.  Even
independently of considerations of race as between
Turk and Arab, I believe that the fall of the Mussulman Empire, as a great temporal dominion,
would relieve Islam of a burden of sovereignty
which she is no longer able in the face of the
modern world to support. She would escape the
stigma of political depravity now clinging to her,
and her aims would be simplified and intensified.
I have already stated my opinion that it is to
Arabia that Mussulmans must in the future look
for a centre of their religious system, and a return
of their Caliphate to Mecca will signify more than
a mere political change. It is obvious that empire
will be there impossible in the sense given to it at
Constantinople, and that the display of armies and
the mundane glory of vast palaces and crowds of
slaves will be altogether out of place.
The Caliph of the future, in whatever city he
may fix his abode, will be chiefly a spiritual and
not a temporal king, and will be limited in the




Igo


0 THE FUTURE OF ISLAM'..exercise of his authority by few conditions 6f the
existing material kind. He will be spared the
burden of despotic government, the odium of
tax-gathering and conscription over unwilling
populations, the constant struggle to maintain
his authority in arms, and the as constant intrigue
against rival Mohammedan princes. It is probable
that all these would readily acknowledge the
nominal sovereignty of a Caliph who could not
pretend to coerce them physically, and that the
spiritual allegiance of orthodox believers everywhere would accrue to him as other Mohammedan
sovereignty relaxed its hold. Thus the dream of
what is called Pan-islamism may yet be fulfilled,
though in another form from that in which it is
now presented to the faithful by Abd el Hamid
and the Ulema of Constantinople.
That Islam in this spiritual form may achieve
more notable triumphs than by arms in Eastern
and Southern Asia we may well believe, and even
that it may establish itself one day as the prevailing religion of the Continent. Its moral advance
within recent times in the Malay Archipelago, in
China, in Tartary, and in India, encourages the
supposition that under alien rule Mohammedanism
v.ill be able to hold its own, and more than own,




ENGLAND'S INTEREST ZN ISLAM.      191
against all rivals, and that in the decay of Buddhism it, and not Christianity, will be the form
under which God will eventually be worshipped in
the Tropics.  Its progress among the Malays
under Dutch rule is certainly an astonishing phenomenon, and, taken in connection with a hardly less
remarkable progress in Equatorial Africa, may
well console those Mussulmans who see in the loss
of their temporal dominions northwards signs of
the decay of Islam. Could such a reformation as
was suggested in my last chapter be indeed effected,
the vigour of conversion would doubtless be
redoubled, independently of any condition of
political prosperity in the ancient seats of Mohammedan dominion. I do not, therefore, see in territorial losses a sign of Islam's ruin as a moral and
intellectual force in the world.
It is time, however, to consider the special part
destined to be played by England in the drama of
the Mussulman future. England, if I understand
her history rightly, stands towards Islam in a
position quite apart from that of the rest of the
European States. These I have described as continuing a tradition of aggression inherited from
the Crusades, and from the bitter wars waged
by the Latin and Greek Empires against the




I92


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM....


growing power of the Ottoman Turks.   In the
latter England took no part, her religious schism
having already separated her from the general
interests of Catholic Europe, while she had withdrawn from the former in the still honourable
stage of the adventure, and consequently remained
with no humiliating memories to avenge. She
came, therefore, into her modern relations with
Mohammedans unprejudiced against them, and
able to treat their religious and political opinions
in a humane and liberal spirit, seeking of them
practical advantages of trade rather than conquest.
Nor has the special nature of her position towards
them been unappreciated by Mohammedans.
In spite of the deceptions on some points of
late years, and recent vacillations of policy towards them, the still independent nations of Islam
see in England something different from the rest
of Christendom, something not in its nature hostile
to them, or regardless of their rights and interests.
They know at least that they have nothing to
dread from Englishmen on the score of religious
intolerance, and there is even a tendency with
some of them to exaggerate the sympathy displayed towards them by supposing a community
of beliefs on certain points considered by them




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


I93


essential.  Thus the idea is common among the
ignorant in many Mussulman countries that the
English are Mnwahedden, or Unitarians, in contradistinction to the rest of Christians, who are
condemned as Mztsherrakin, or Polytheists; and
the Turkish alliance is explained by them on this
supposition, supplemented in the case of the Turks
themselves with the idea that England is itself a
part of Islam, and so its natural ally.' These are
of course but ideas of the vulgar. Yet they represent a fact which is not without importance,
namely, that England's is accepted by Mussulmans
as a friendly not a hostile influence, and that her
protection is sought without that suspicion which
is attached to the friendly offices of other powers.
Even in India, where Englishmen have supplanted
the Mussulmans as a ruling race, the sentiment
towards British rule is not, as far as I can learn,
and compared with that of other sections of the
Indian community, a hostile one.
The Mussulmans of Delhi and the Punjab would
no doubt desire a resumption by themselves of
practical authority in the country where they were
t The Arabs believe that the Beni Ghassan, the Christian Bedouin
tribe which opposed the Caliph Omar, migrated to Great Britain
on the Mohammedan conquest of Syria.
0




194


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


till lately masters; but they are conscious that
they are not strong enough now to effect this, and
their feeling towards English rule is certainly less
bitter than towards the Hindoos, their former
subjects, now their rivals. Were they in any way
specially protected in their religious interests by
the Indian Government, they would, I am confident, make not only contented but actively loyal
subjects.
As things stand, therefore, it would seem natural
that, in the general disruption which will follow
the fall of Constantinople, it is to England the
various nations of Islam should look mainly for
direction in their political difficulties. The place
of adviser and protector, indeed, seems pointed
out for her. With the disappearance of the Ottoman Sultan there will be no longer any great
Mussulman sovereignty in the world, and the
Mohammedan population of India, already the
wealthiest and most numerous, will then assume
its full importance in the counsels of believers. It
will also assuredly be expected of the English
Crown that it should then justify its assumption of
the old Mohammedan title of the Moguls, by
making itself in some sort the political head of
Islam. Her Majesty will be left its most powerful




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


195


-- ---


sovereign, and it will be open to her advisers, if
they be so minded, to exercise paramount influence
on all its affairs. I do not say that they will be
so minded, but they will have the power and the
opportunity to a degree never yet presented to
any Christian Government of directing the tone of
thought of Mussulmans throughout the world, and
of utilizing the greatest religious farce in Asia for
the purposes of humanity and progress. I am myself profoundly convinced that on England's acceptance or 'refusal of this mission the future of
her dominion in India will mainly depend, and
with it the whole solution of the problem she has
set to herself of civilizing Southern Asia.
Let us see what our actual relations with Mohammedanism are, and what is the value of its
goodwill to us in Asia. And first as to India. I
find in Hunter's Gazetteer, our latest authority, the
following figures:MUSSULMAN CENSUS OF INDIA.
Bengal....         9,553,83I
Assam......,I4,60o
North-West Provinces..  4, 89,348
Ajmere...                47,310
Oudh....  1,97,724
Punjab....   9,337,685
Carried forward.  35,430,499




I96


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


- - -

Brought forward.   35,430,499
Central Provinces.         233,247
Berar....             I54,951
Mysore....       208,991
Coorg......      11,304
British Burmah....    99,846
Madras......,857,857
Bombay.....    2,870,450
Total.. 40,867,145
These are large figures taken merely as they
stand, but in point of fact they represent far more
than is apparent.  To understand them at their
full value it must be remembered-First, that the
Mussulman population is a largely increasing one,
not only in actual numbers, but in its proportion to
the other races and sects of the Peninsula, a fact
which I believe the census returns of i881, when
published, will amply prove. Secondly, that its
geographical distribution coincides pretty closely
with that of the political life and energy of the
country. The Punjab and the North-West Provinces alone contain an aggregate of thirteen
million Mussulmans. Thirdly, that it is homogeneous to a degree shown by no other Indian
community. Though less numerous by two-thirds
than the whole Hindoo population, it is far more
so than any coherent section of that population,




ENGLANDZ'S INTEREST IN ISLAM   9


197


and is thus the largest body of opinion in the
Empire. Fourthly, it is also the most generally
enlightened. It is the only section of the community which knows its own history and preserves
the tradition of its lost political importance; and if
it has held itself aloof hitherto from competition
with other races for the public service, it has been
through pride rather than inability. What Mussulmans there are who have entered the service of
Government have been men of distinguished capacity. And lastly, it is no isolated body, but
remains in close communication with the mass of
its fellow-believers throughout the world.  The
Mohammedan population of India is, therefore, an
exceptional as well as a large one.
Our second interest in Mohammedanism lies in
Egypt.  Here, standing at the threshold of our
commerce with the East, we find another large
community almost wholly Mussulman, for whose
well-being we are already to a certain extent
pledged, and in whose political future we perceive
our own to be involved. A hostile Egypt we
rightly hold to be an impossibility for our position;
and religious antagonism at Cairo, even if controlled by military occupation, would be to us a
constant menace. Nor must it be supposed that




I98


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


Egypt, like the Barbary coast, will, into whose
hands soever it falls, change its religious aspect.
The population of the Delta is too industrious, too
sober, and content with too little, to fear competition as agriculturists with either Italians, Greeks,
or Maltese; and the conditions of life under a
torrid sun will always protect Egypt from becoming an European colony. The towns may, indeed,
be overrun by foreigners, but the heart of the
country will remain unchanged, and, like India,
will refuse to remodel itself on any foreign system
of civilization.   Mohammedanism, therefore, will
maintain itself in Egypt intact, and its good-will
will remain our necessity.1
A third interest lies in Asiatic Turkey. This
we have guaranteed by treaty against foreign
invasion; and though our pledge is nominally to
the Sultan, not to the people of the Empire, and
though that pledge is contingent upon an impossibility, administrative reform, and is therefore not
strictly binding, it is impossible to escape the ad1 Since this was written astonishing evidence of political vitality
has been given to Europe by Egypt, and there is now, I trust, little
doubt that she will be left to work out her salvation in her own way.
The phenomenon opens too large a vista to the imagination to be
treated of in a note, but the Author would invite attention to it as a
fact worthy of more consideration than all his arguments.




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAIM.


I99


mission that we have a moral obligation towards
the Mussulmans of Asia Minor and Syria. How
far we may be disposed or able to fulfil it remains
to be seen. I do not myself anticipate any further
intervention on the part of England in defence of
the Turkish-speaking lands.  These, from their
geographical position, lie outside our effective military control, and, dishonourable as a retreat from
our engagements will be to us, it may be a
necessity.
It is difficult to understand how an English army
could effectively protect either Asia Minor or
Mesopotamia from Russian invasion. The occupation of Kars has given Russia the command of
the Tigris and Euphrates, and with them of
Armenia, Kurdistan and Irak, so that our protection could hardly be extended beyond the sea-coast
of Asia Minor and the Persian Gulf. No such
inability, however, applies to Syria. There, if we
will, we certainly can carry out our engagements.
A mere strip of seaboard, backed by the desert, and
attackable only from the north on a narrow frontier
of some hundred miles, Syria is easily defensible by
a nation holding the sea.  It is probable that
a railway run from the Gulf of Scanderun to the
Euphrates, and supported by a single important




200        THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.
fortress, would be sufficient to effect its military
security at least for many years; and Syria might
thus have given to it a chance of self-government,
and some compensation for misfortunes in which
we have had no inconsiderable share. But this is
an interest of honour rather than of political necessity to England; and he must possess a sanguine
mind who, in the present temper of Englishmen,
would count greatly on such motives as likely to
determine the action of their Government. If, however, it should be otherwise, it is evident that the
success of such a protectorate would depend principally upon the Mohammedan element in Syria,
which so greatly preponderates over any other.
A fourth interest, also a moral one, but connected with an accepted fact of English policy,
is the attempted abolition of the African slave
trade. Now, though it is unquestionable that
Mohammedanism   permits, and has hitherto encouraged, slavery as a natural condition of human
society, it is no less true that without the cooperation of the various Mussulman princes of the
African and Arabian coasts its abolition cannot be
effected. Short of the occupation by European
garrisons of all the villages of the Red Sea, and
from Gardafui southwards to Mozambique, or, on




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


20I


the other hand, of the subjection of all independent
Moslem communities in Arabia and elsewhere, a
real end, or even a real check, cannot be put on
the traffic except through the co-operation of Mussulmans themselves.  The necessity has, indeed,
been completely recognized in the numerous treaties and arrangements made with the Sultans of
Turkey, Zanzibar, and Oman, and with the Viceroy
of Egypt; and, though I am far from stating that
these arrangements are wholly voluntary on the
part of any of the princes, yet their good-will alone
can make the prevention efficient. An excellent
proof of this is to be found in the case of the
Turkish Government, which, since its quarrel with
the English, has given full license to the traffic in
the Red Sea, which no means at the disposal of
the latter can in any measure check.
At no modern period has a larger number of
slaves been imported into Hejaz and Yemen than
during the last eighteen. months, and until friendly
relations with the Porte, or whatever Mussulman
authority succeeds the Porte in those provinces, are
restored, slave-trading will continue.  I do not
myself entirely sympathize with anti-slave-trade
ideas as applied to Mohammedan lands, knowing
as I do how tolerable and even advantageous the




202


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




social condition of the negroes is in them. But
still I wish to see slavery discontinued, and I
believe that a firm but friendly attitude towards
Mussulmans will have completely extinguished it
in another two generations. A rupture with them
can only prolong and aggravate its existence.
Lastly, we may perhaps find a prospective interest for England in the probability of a Caffre
conversion to Mohammedanism at no very remote
period, and the extension of Islam to her borders
in South Africa. It is of course premature to be
alarmed at this, as it is a contingency which can
hardly happen in the lifetime of any now living;
but Mohammedanism is not a creed which a hundred or two hundred years will see extinguished
in Africa or Asia, and already it has passed considerably south of the Equator. Cape Colony at
this day numbers some fifteen thousand Mussulmans.
It would seem, then, on all these grounds difficult for England to ally herself, in dealing with
Islam, with what may be called the Crusading
States of Europe. Her position is absolutely distinct from that of any of them, and her interests find
no parallel among Christian nations, except perhaps
the Dutch. For good as for evil, she has admitted




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


203


a vast body of Mohammedans into her social community, and contracted engagements from which
she can hardly recede towards others among them,
so that it is impossible she should really work
in active antagonism to them. As Christians,
Englishmen may regret this; but as practical
men, they would surely be wise to recognize the
fact, and to accept the duties it entails. Nor can
these be discharged by a mere policy of inaction.
England should be prepared to do more than assert
a general doctrine of tolerance and equality for all
religions in respect of this one. Mohammedanism
is not merely an opinion; a certain political organization is a condition of its existence, and a
certain geographical latitude; and, moreover, it is
a force which cannot remain neutral-which will
be either a friend or a foe. To do nothing for
Mussulmans in the next ten years will be to take
cause against them. The circumstances of their
case do not admit of indifference, and they are
approaching a crisis in which they will, on two
points at least, require vigorous political protection. Their Caliphate in some form of temporal
sovereignty, though perhaps not of empire, will
have to be maintained; and short of securing this
to them, and their free access as pilgrims to Mecca,




204


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




it will be idle to pretend to Mussulmans that we
are protecting their interests, or doing any part of
our sovereign duty towards them. It can hardly
be argued that the Indian doctrine of religious
equality will suffer from doing political justice to
Mohammedans.
On the downfall, therefore, of the Ottoman Empire, whenever that event shall occur, the role of
England in regard to Islam seems plainly marked
out. The Caliphate-no longer an empire, but
still an independent sovereignty-must be taken
under British protection, and publicly guaranteed
its political existence, undisturbed by further aggression from Europe. On the Bosphorus no such
guarantee can now be reasonably given, because
there it lies in a position militarily indefensible.
England is a naval power, and the seat of the
Caliphate must be one secured from all attack by
land. It will then be for Mohammedans, and especially for the Mohammedans of India, to decide
upon the new metropolis of their faith, the conditions of their choice lying within the narrow limits
of their still independent lands. If Syria be still
free, that metropolis may be Damascus; if Irak,
Bagdad; or it may be in Egypt, or Arabia, or
Central Asia.




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLA~M.


205


It is manifest, however, that as far as British
protection against Europe is concerned, the further
it is removed from Christendom the better, and
the more easily accessible by sea. I have already
given it as my opinion that the move, when made
will be one southwards, and ultimately to Arabia.
But it may well happen that its first stage will be
no further than Cairo.  The Caliphate reached
Constantinople through Egypt, and may return by
the same road, and there are certain quite recent
symptoms which seem to point in the direction of
such a course being the one taken. The events
of the last year in Egypt are significant. For the
first time in its modern history a strong national
party has arisen on the Nile, and has found full
support from the Azhar Ulema, who are now the
most powerful body of religious opinion in Islam.
They are politically hostile to the Sultan, and
though they have no design as yet of repudiating
his Caliphal title, they are unlikely to be faithful
to his broken fortunes, and on the downfall of
Constantinople will doubtless proclaim a Caliph
of their own. The family of Mohammed Ali, if
popular, may then hope for their suffrages, or it
may be some seyyid, or sherif, of the legitimate
house of Koreysh. In any case, a Caliphate at Cairo




206


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




is a possibility which we must contemplate; and
one which, under the political direction and sole
guarantee of England, but enjoying full sovereignty
there, might be a solution of the difficulty acceptable to Mohammedans, and not unfavourable to
English interests. It seems to me, however, that
it would be but a make-shift arrangement, not a
permanent settlement, and this from the complexity
of foreign interests in Egypt, which would keep
the Mohammedan pontiff there under restraints
irksome to the religious sense of Mussulmans. It
would be in fact but the prelude to that final
return to Arabia which Arabian thought, if no
other, destines for the Caliphate. The Sherif of
Mecca would hardly tolerate any further subjection
to an Emir el Mumenin shorn of his chief attributes of power, and unable, it might be, any
longer to enforce his authority. Sooner or later
the Caliphate, in some form or another, would return to its original seat, and find there its final
resting-place.
Established at Mecca, our duty of protecting
the head of the Mussulman religion would be comparatively a simple one. Hejaz for all military
purposes is inaccessible by land for Europeans;.and Mecca, were it necessary at any time to give




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


207


the Caliph a garrison of Mussulman troops, is
within a night's march of the coast. In Arabia
no Christian rights need vindication, nor could any
European power put in a claim of interference.
Yemen, the only province capable of attracting
European speculation, would, I know, gladly accept
an English protectorate, such as has been already
given with such good results to Oman; and other
points of the Arabian shore might equally be
declared inviolable. Arabia, in fact, might be declared the natural appanage of the Caliphate, the
Stati Pontificali of the supreme head of the
Mussulman religion. In its internal organization
we should have no cause to interfere; nor would
its protection from without involve us in any
outlay.
It has already been shown how favourable an
action an Arabian Caliphate may be expected to
exercise on the progressive thought of Islam.
That it could not be a hostile power to England
is equally certain. Whether or not the Caliph
reside at Mecca, the Grand Sherifate must always
there exist and the pilgrimage be continued; and
we may hope the latter may then be principally
under English auspices. The regulation of the
Haj is, indeed, an immediate necessary part of our




208


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


duty and condition of our influence in the Mussulman world; and it is one we should be grossly in
error to neglect. It will have been seen by the
table given in the first chapter that nearly the
whole pilgrimage to Arabia is now made by sea,
and that the largest number of pilgrims sent
there by any nation comes from British territory.
With the protectorate, therefore, in the future of
Egypt, and, let us hope, of Syria, England would
be in the position of exercising a paramount influence on the commercial fortune of the Holy
Cities.
The revenue of Hejaz derived from the Haj is
computed at three millions sterling, a figure proved
by the yearly excess of imports over exports in
her seaports, for she produces nothing, and the
patronage of half, or perhaps two-thirds, of this
great revenue would make England's a position
there quite unassailable.  An interdiction of the
Haj, or the threat of such for a single year, would
act upon every purse among the Hejazi and neutralize the hostility of the most recalcitrant of
resident caliphs or sherifs; while a systematic
development of the pilgrimage as a Government
undertaking, with the construction of a railway
from Jeddah to Mecca, and the establishment of




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


209


— "


thoroughly well-ordered lines of steamers from the
principal Mohammedan ports, all matters which
would amply repay their cost, would every year
add a new prestige to English influence. This
might be still further enhanced by the very simple
measure of collecting and transmitting officially
the revenue of the Wakaf property, entailed on the
sherifs, in India. This is said to amount to half a
million sterling, and might, as in Turkey, take the
form of a government subsidy. At present it is
collected privately, and reaches the sherifs reduced,
as I have been told, by two-thirds in the process of
collection, so that the mere assumption of this perfectly legitimate duty by the Indian authorities
would put a large sum into the hands of those in
office at Mecca, and a proportionate degree of
powerinto the hands of its collectors. This, indeed,
would be no more than is being already done by
our Government for the Shia Shrines of Kerbela
and Meshed Ali, with results entirely beneficial to
English popularity and influence.
With regard to the pilgrimage, I will venture to
quote the opinion of one of the most distinguished
and loyal Mohammedans in India, who has lately
been advocating the claims of his co-religionists
on the Indian Government for protection in this
P




210


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




and other matters. Speaking of Sultan Abd el
Hamid's Pan-islamic schemes, which he asserts
have not as yet found much favour in India, he
continues, "I may, however, add that by far the
most formidable means which can be adopted for
propagating such ideas, or for rousing a desire for
Islamic union, would  be the distribution  of
pamphlets to the pilgrims at Mecca. The annual
Haj at Mecca draws the more religious from all
parts of India, and the Hajjis on their return are
treated with exceptional respect and visited by
their friends and neighbours, who naturally inquire
about the latest news and doctrines propounded in
the Holy Cities; so that for the dissemination of
their views the most effective way would be for the
propagandists to bring the Hajjis under their influence. I call it effective, because the influence of
what the Hajjis say goes to the remotest villages of
the Mofussil." He then advocates as a counteracting influence the undertaking by Government
of the transport of the Haj to Jeddah, and the
appointment of an agent, a native of India, to look
after their interests while in the Holy Land. " By
making," he concludes, " the arrangements I have
suggested, the English Government will gain, not
only the good-will of the whole Mohammedan




ENGLAND'S INTERAST IN ISLAM.


211


population of India, but they will also inspire the
Hajjis with the wholesome feeling that they owe
allegiance to, and can claim protection from, an
empire other than that to which the people of
Arabia are subject (the Turkish).
" The proposed help would stand in very favourable contrast to the sufferings which the pilgrims
undergo from maladministration at Mecca and in
their journey to Medina.  Moreover, practically
the assistance rendered by the Government would
be the most effective way of resisting such influences as the propagandists might bring to bear
upon the Hajjis with a view to animate them with
hostility to the British supremacy in India..... I
believe if the Indian Government only wished to
make some such arrangement it would pay its own
way. I am absolutely certain that it would have a
disproportionately beneficial effect on the political
feelings of the Mohammedans towards British
rule."
Such, or some such, is the line of action which
England, looking merely to her own interests, may,
it is hoped, pursue in the next century, and begin
in this. Her Asiatic interests she must recognize
to be peace and security in Mussulman India,
good-will in Egypt, and the healthy growth of the
P 2




212


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.


humaner thought of Islam everywhere; and these
she can only secure by occupying the position
marked out for her by Providence of leading the
Mohammedan world in its advance towards better
things. The mission is a high one, and well
worthy of her acceptance, and the means at her
disposal are fully sufficient for its discharge. Nor
will her refusal, if she refuse, be without grave and
immediate danger.  The Mohammedan world is
roused as it has never been in its history to a sense
of its political and moral dangers, and is looking
round on all sides for a leader of whatsoever name
or nation to espouse its cause. We can hardly
doubt that the position of directing so vast a force,
if abandoned by England, will be claimed by some
more resolute neighbour.
The British Empire in Asia is cause of envy to
the world at large, and its prosperity has many
enemies, who will certainly make the distress of
Islam an engine in their hands against it. Neglected by the power which they hold bound to
protect their interest, the Mussulmans of India
will certainly become its bitterest enemies, and
though they may not immediately be able to give
effect to their hostility, the day of embarrassment




ENGLAND'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


213


for us can hardly fail to come, and with it their
opportunity. At best the enmity of Islam will
make the dream of reconciling the Indian populations to our rule for ever an impossibility. Leaders
they will look for elsewhere-in Russia, maybe, in
Germany, or even France, jealous of our interests
in Egypt-not leaders such as we might have
been for their good, but for our evil, and in pursuance of their own designs. The Caliphate is a
weapon forged for any hand-for Russia's at Bagdad, for France's at Damascus, or for Holland's
(call it one day Germany's) in our stead at Mecca.
Protected by any of these nations the Caliphate
might make our position intolerable in India, filling
up for us the measure of Mussulman bitterness, of
which we already are having a foretaste in the
Pan-islamic intrigues at Constantinople.
But enough of this line of reasoning, which
after all is selfish and unworthy.  The main
point is, that England should fulfil the trust she
has accepted of developing, not destroying, the
existing elements of good in Asia. She cannot
destroy Islam, nor dissolve her own connection
with her. Therefore, in God's name, let her take
Islam by the hand and encourage her boldly in a




214


THE FUTURE OF ISLAM.




the path of virtue. This is the only worthy course,
and the only wise one, wiser and worthier, I venture
to assert, than a whole century of crusade.
In conclusion, I would say to Mohammedans
that if I have drawn a gloomy picture of their immediate political fortunes, it is not that I despair
even of these. Their day of empire in the world
seems over, but their day of self-rule may well
dawn again, though under changed conditions
from any we now witness. I foresee for them the
spiritual inheritance of Africa and Southern Asia,
and as the intelligence of the races they convert
shall have risen to the level of their present rulers,
and Europe, weary of her work, shall have abandoned the task of Asiatic and African government,
the temporal inheritance too. How long this shall
be delayed we know not.   Their prophet has
foretold that Islam shall not outlive two thousand
years before the Mohdy shall come, and the
thirteen hundredth is just commencing; nor do
I believe their deliverance will be so very long
delayed.  A "man of justice" may yet restore
their fortunes; but it will hardly be by present
violence or by wading to Mecca through seas of
blood; and when the end of their humiliation




ENGLAND 'S INTEREST IN ISLAM.


215


shall have come, it may be found that his true
mission has commenced already, and that the
battle he was to fight has been long waging in
the hearts of those who have striven to reform
their ways and purify their law, rather than lament
their broken power and the corrupt vanities of
their temporal empire.
THE END.


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Classified List of Publications.            I5
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TRAHERNE, Mrs. ARTHUR, The Mill on the Usk. Crown
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Classified List of Publications.


17


BUDGE, E. A. WALLIS, The Book             of Governors.   The
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Classified List of Publications.


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Classified List of Publications.           2


21


Pulpit Commentary-continued.
Gene'sis, by the Rev. T. WHITELAW, D. D. Homilies by
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REDFORD, Rev. F. HASTINGS, Rev. W. ROBERTS. Introduction
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Exodus, by the Rev. Canon RAWLINSON. Homilies by the
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2 Kings, by the Rev. Canon RAWLINSON. Homilies by
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IRWIN. Second Edition. 155.




22     Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s
Pulpit Commentary-continued.
1 Chronicles, by the Rev. Prof. P. C. BARKER. Homilies
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THOMSON, Rev. J, D. DAVIES, Rev. W. JONES, and Rev. W.
CLARKSON.   Introduction by the Rev, T. WHITELAW, D.D.
2 vols. 12S. 6d. each.




Classified List of Publications.           23
Pulpit Commentary-continued.
bIaniel, by the Rev. J. E. H. THOMSON, B.D. Homilies
by the Rev. Prof. W. F. ADENEY, Rev. H. T. ROBJOHNS, and
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Homilies by the Rev. Prof. J. R. THOMSON, Rev. A. ROWLAND,
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Second Edition. I5s.
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Classified List of Publications.


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BRADSHAW, HENRY. A Memoir. By G. W. PROTHERO.
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Brave Men's Footsteps.   A Book of Example and Anecdote
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BRUNO, GIORDANO, the Nolan, Life of.          By I. FRITH.
Revised by Professor MORIZ CARRIERE. With Portrait. Post 8vo,
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BURROWS, HENRY WILLIAM. Memorials. By E. WORDSWORTH. With Portrait. Crown 8vo, 6s.
CAXTON, WILLIAM, England's First Printer, Biography
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8vo, 5s.
DAWSON, GEORGE, Biographical Lectures.           Edited  by
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DICKENS, CHARLES, and the Stage; or, A Record of his
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DRUMMOND,        THOMAS, Life and       Letters of, UnderSecretary in Ireland, 1835-40. By R. BARRY O'BRIEN. 8vo, I4s.
DUNCAN, FRANCIS, C.B., R.A., M.P., Life of. By Rev.
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EDMUND, St., of Canterbury, Life. From Original Sources.
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EMERSON, RALPH          WALDO, Talks with.       By   C. J.
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Second Edition. Post 8vo, 4s.




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FORBES, Bishop.      A Memoir.    By DONALD J. MACKAY.
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KHAMA. The Story of an African Chief. By Mrs. WYNDHAM
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Classified List of Publications.              37
KOROS, ALEXANDER COSMA DE, Life and Works of,
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LAUD, WILLIAM, sometime Archbishop of Canterbury. By
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LESLIE, FRED., Recollections of. By W. L. VINCENT. With
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3 vols. 8vo, 42S.
LOWDER, CHARLES. A Biography. By the Author of
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LYTTON, Lord, Life, Letters, and Literary Remains of Edward
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Classified List of Publications.             39
SHELLEY, PERCY BYSSHE, Life of. By EDWARD DOWDEN,
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MITCHELL, E. H., Forty Days in the Holy Land.            With
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ROLFE, E. N., and INGLEBY, H., Naples in 1888. With
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ROUTLEDGE, Canon C. F., History of St. Martin's Church,
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ST. CLAIR, GEORGE, Buried Cities and Bible Countries.
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Classified List of Publications.             45
LAW.
AMOS, Prof. SHELDON, History and Principles of the Civil
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Illustrated. Large 8vo, half morocco, Li Ios.
FIELD, D. D., Outlines of an International Code.      Second
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FOSTER, ROGER, Commentaries on the Constitution of the
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GEORGE, HENRY-continued.
A Perplexed Philosopher.    Being an Examination of Mr.
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HAECKEL, Prof. ERNST, History of the Evolution of Man.
With numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. post 8vo, 32s.
JOLY, N., Man      before Metals.   With 148    Illustrations.
Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s. (I. S. S.)
QUATREFAGES, Prof. A. DE, The Human Species.           Fifth
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SMITH, R. BROUGH, The Aborigines of Victoria.          Compiled for the Government. With Maps, Plates, and Woodcuts.
2 vols. royal 8vo,;3 3s.
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D




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Introduction to Fresh-Water Algae.      With an Enumeration of all the British Species. With 13 plates. Crown 8vo, 5s.
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X _"




Classified List of Publications.


5 I


CHEMISTRY.
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New Chemistry. With 31 Illustrations. Ninth Edition.
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MILNE, J., Earthquakes and other Earth Movements. With
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KEW, H. W., Dispersal of Shells. Crown 8vo, 5s. (. S S..)
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TRIMEN, ROLAND, South African Butterflies.           A Mono-'
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WARNER, Prof. F., Physical Expression: Its Modes and
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WEED, C. M., Insects and Insecticides. Illustrated.  Crown
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GASTRONOMY AND DIET.
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BROWNE, EDGAR         A., How   to use the Ophthalmoscope.
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LAGRANGE, F., Physiology of Bodily Exercise.          Second
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LEHMANN, K. B., Methods of Practical Hygiene.         Translated by W. CROOKES. a vols., Svo, ' IIis. 6d.




Classified List of Publications.      1     59
LUCKES, EVA C. E., Lectures on General Nursing. Delivered to the Probationers of the London Hospital Training School
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METCHNIKOFF, ELIAS, Lectures on the Comparative
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NUNN, T. W., Growing Children and Awkward Walking.
Crown 8vo, 2s.
PILCHER, J. E., First Aid in Illness and Injury. With
174 Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 6s.
PURITZ, LUDWIG, Code-Book of Gymnastic Exercises.
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PYE, W., Surgical Handicraft.    A Manual of Surgical Manipulations, &c. With 235 Illustrations. Third Edition. Revised
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Elementary Bandaging and Surgical Dressing, for the use
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RIBOT, Prof. T., Heredity: A Psychological Study of its
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ROSENTHAL, Prof. J., General Physiology of Muscles and
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TAYLOR, CHARLES BELL, Lectures on Diseases of the
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WAKE, C. STANILAND, Development of Marriage and
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WOOLDRIDGE, L. C., On the Chemistry of the Blood, and
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MILITARY SCIENCE.
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Classified List of Publications.               6
SHAW, Lieut.-Col. WILKINSON, Elements of Modern
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MUSIC.
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LOCHER, CARL, Explanation of Organ Stops. With Hints
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PARRY, C. HUBERT H., The Evolution of the Art of Music.
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POLE, W., Philosophy of Music. Lectures delivered at the
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WAGNER, RICHARD, Prose Works. Translated by W.
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Classified List o  Publications.
Classified List of Publications.


63


MITCHELL, LUCY M., History of Ancient Sculpture. With
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REYNOLDS, Sir JOSHUA, Discourses. Edited by E. GossE.
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THOMPSON, Sir E. MAUNDE.            English Illuminated Manuscripts. With 2I Plates in chromo-lithography. Imp. 8vo, I8s.
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Amateur Mechanic's Workshop.         Plain and Concise Directions for the Manipulation of Wood and Metals. By the Author of
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HULME, F. EDWARD, Mathematical Drawing Instruments,
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INMAN, JAMES, Nautical Tables.        Designed for the use of
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KROHNKE, G. H. A., Handbook for Laying out Curves on
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MAGUIRE, W. R., Domestic Sanitary Drainage and Plumbing, Second Edition. Revised. 8vo, I2s.




Classified List of Publications.        6


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]WALDEN, W. J., Pig Keeping for Profit. Crown SVO, 2s. 6d,
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MOORE, CUNNINGHAM WILSON, A Practical Guide for
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MORFIT, CAMPBELL, Pure Fertilisers, and the Chemical
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RICHARDSON, M. T., Practical Blacksmithinug. With 400
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Practical Carriage Building.   2 vols.  iios.
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ROSS, Lieut.-Col. W. A., Pyrology; or, Fire Chemistry.
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SCHEIDEL, Dr. A., The Cyanide Process; its Practical
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SCHOOLING, 3. HOLT, Handwriting and Expression. A
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SMITH, HAMILTON, Hydraulics.             The   Flow   of Water
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TIHURSTON, Prof. R. H., History of the Growth of the Steam
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Manual of the Steam     Engine.   For Engineers and Technical Schools. Parts I. and II. Royal 8vo. 3Is. 6d. each Part.
WANKLYN, J. A., Milk Analysis.        A Practical Treatise on
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WANKLYN, J. A., and CHAPMAN, E. T., Water Analysis.
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Air Analysis. A Practical Treatise. With Appendix on
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WATERHOUSE, Col. J., Preparation of Drawings for Photo.
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WEISBACH, JULIUS, Theoretical Mechanics.          A Manual of
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WIECHMANN, G. F., Sugar Analysis.             For Refineries,
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WILCOX, LUTE, Irrigation Farming.        Crown 8vo, Ios.
WYLDE, W., Inspection of Meat. A Guide and Instruction
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SPORTS.
GOULD, A. C., Modern American Pistols and Revolvers.
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Moder   American Rifles.    8vo, cloth, Ios. 6d.
HILLIER, G. LACY, All About Bicycling.         I2mo, is.
MONEY, Captain ALBERT ("Blue Rock,") Pigeon Shooting.
Foolscap 8vo, 5s. net.




Classified List of Publications.


67


NEWHOUSE.       The Trapper's Guide. A Manual of Instruction. Crown 8vo, 5s.
Practical Hints on Shooting.' By " 2-BORE."      8vo, I2S.
WHEELDON, J. P., Angling Resorts near London. The
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IX. -PHILOLOGY.
COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY.
ABEL, CARL, Linguistic Essays.      Post 8vo, gs.   (Trubner's
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Slavic and Latin. Lectures on Comparative Lexicography.
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Classified List of Publications.         69


ANGLO-SAXON.
BASK, ERASMUS, Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon Tongue.
From the Danish, by B. THORPE. Third Edition. Post 8vo,
5s. 6d.
ARABIC.
COTTON, General Sir A.', Arabic Primer. Consisting of i8o
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cloth. 1876. 2S.I
Diwans, The, of the six ancient Arabic Poets-Ennabiga,
'Anta-ra, Tharafa, Zuhair, 'Alqama, and Imruulqais, and a collection
of their fragments, with a list of the various readings of the text
edited by W. AHLWARDT. 8vo, wrapper. i870. 12$.
HIRSCHPELD, H., Arabic Chrestomathy in Hebrew characters, with a Glossary. viii. and I74 pp., Svo, cloth. I892. 7s. 6d.
MEAKIN, J. E. BUDGETT, Introduction to the Arabic of
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NEWMAN, P. W., Dictionary of Modern Arabic. (AngloArabic and Arabo-English.) 2 voIs. Crown Svo,,,i is.
Handbook of Modern Arabic. Post 8vo, 6s.
PENRICE, J., Dictionary and Glossary of the Koran, with
copious Grammatical References and Explanations. 1873. Small
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SALMONE, H. A., Arabic-English Dictionary. Comprising
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BANTU.
KOLBE, r. W., A Language Study based on Bantu. An
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TORREND, 3., Comparative Grammar of the South Africanl
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70    Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, and Co.'s


BASQUE.
VAN EYS, W., Outlines of Basque Grammar. Crown 8vo,
3s. 6d.
BENGALI.
YATES and WENGER, Bengali Grammar. New and Revised
Edition. 136 pp. small 8vo, cloth. 1885. 4s.
CHINESE.
BALL, J. D., How to Write Chinese.        Part I.  Royal 8vo,
boards. I888. los. 6d.
EITEL, E. J., Chinese Dictionary in the Cantonese Dialect.
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LOBSCHEID, Rev. W., Chinese and          English Dictionary.
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~2 8s.
English-Chinese Dictionary. With the Punti and Mandarin
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WILLIAMS, S. WELLS, Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese
Language. Arranged according to the Wu-Fang Yuen Yin, with
the Pronunciation of the Characters as heard in Pekin, Canton,
Amoy, and Shanghai. Third Edition. 4to, half calf, ~3 I5s. Also
Index to same, arranged according to Sir Thomas Wade's system of
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CUNEIFORM.
BERTIN, GEORGE, Abridged Grammar of the Languages of
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CIassifged List of Publications.


DAN ISH.
BOJESEN, MARIA, Guide to the Danish Language. 1 2MO, 5s.
OTTE, E. C., Dano-Norwegian Grammar. A Manual for
Students of Danish, based on the Ollendorifian System. Third
Edition. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. Key, 3s.
Simplified Grammar of the Danish Language. Crown 8vo,
2$. 6d,
ROSING, S., Danish Dictionary. Crown 8vo, 8s. 6d.
DUTCH.
AHN, F., Grammar of the Dutch Language.          2M0, 3$. 6d.
HALDEMAN, S. S., Pennsylvania Dutch. A Dialect of
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EAST INDIAN.
BEAMES, J., Outlines of Indian Philology. With language
Map. Setond Edition, enlarged and revised. i868. Crown 8vo,
5S.
Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of
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Vol. 11.-The Noun and Pronoun, xii. and 348 PP. I875.
Vol. 111.-The Verb, viii. and 316 pp. 1879.
CAMPBELL, G., Specimens of Languages of India. Including those of the aboriginal tribes of Bengal, the Central Provinces,
and the Eastern Frontier. Royal 4to, boards. i 874. / i i s. 6d.
WHITWORTH, G. E., Anglo-Indian Dictionary. A Glossary
of Indian terms used in English, and of such English or other nonIndian terms as have obtained special meanings in India. Svo, U2s.
EGYPTIAN.
BUDGE, E. A. WALLIS, First Steps in Egyptian. Large
post 8vo, 9s. net.
AnEgyptian Reading Book~ for Beginners, with a Vocabulary. 8vo, I5s. net.




72    Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, and Co.'s


ENGLISH.
BARTLETT, J. R., Dictionary of Americanisms.       A Glossary
of Words and Phrases colloquially used in the United States. Fourth
Edition. 8vo, 2zs.
BOWEN, H. C., Studies in English.     For the use of Modern
Schools. Tenth Thousand. Small crown 8vo, is. 6d.
English Grammar for Beginners.     Foolscap 8vo, Is.
CARRENO, Metodo para aprender a Leer, escribir y hablar
el Ingles segun el sistema de Olendorff. 8vo, 4s. 6d. Key, 3s.
JENKINS, JABEZ, Vest-Pocket Lexicon.         An English Dictionary of all except Familiar Words, including the principal Scientific and Technical Terms. 64mo, roan, is. 6d.; cloth, Is.
SMITH, H. PERCY, Glossary of Terms and Phrases. Cheap
Edition. Medium 8vo, 3s. 6d.
TRENCH, Archbishop, English Past and Present.           Fourteenth Edition, Revised and Improved. Foolscap 8vo, 5s.
On the Study of Words.      Twenty-third Edition, Revised.
Foolscap 8vo, 5s.
Select Glossary of English Words used formerly in Senses
Different from the. Present. Seventh Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Foolscap 8vo, 5s.
WEDGWOOD, H., Dictionary of English Etymology. Fourth
Edition, Revised and Enlarged. 8vo, ~i Is.
Contested Etymology in the Dictionary of the Rev. W. W.
Skeat. Crown 8vo, 5s.
WHITNEY, Prof. W. D., Essentials of English Grammar.
Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
FRENCHb
AHN, P., Method of Learning French.        First and Second
Courses. I2mo, 3s. Separately, is. 6d. each.
Method of Learning French. Third Course. i 2mo, is. 6d.
BELLOWS, JOHN, French and English Dictionary for the
Pocket. Containing the French-English and English-French Divisions on the same page, Conjugating all the Verbs, Distinguishing
the Genders by Different Types, giving Numerous Aids to Pronunlciation, &c. Fifty-third Thousand of the Second Edition. 32mo,
morocco tuck, I2s. 6d.; roan, Ios. 6d.




Classified, List of Publications.


73


-- I


FRENCH-continued.
BRETTE, P. H., and THOMAS, F., French Examination Papers
set at the University of London. Part I.-Matriculation and the
General Examination for Women. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. Key, 5s.
Part II.-First B.A. Examinations for Honours and D. Litt. Examinations. Crown 8vo, 7s.
CASSAL, CHARLES, Glossary of Idioms, Gallicisms, and
other Difficulties contained in the Senior Course of the 'Modern
French Reader.' Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.
CASSAL, CHARLES, and KARCHER, THEODORE, Modern
French Reader. Junior Course. Nineteenth Edition. Crown 8vo,
2S. 6d.  Senior Course.  Grown 8vo, 4s.   Senior Course and
Glossary in I vol. Crown 8vo, 6s.
Little  French   Reader.    Extracted   from   the  'Modern
French Reader.' Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s.  '
KARCHER, THEODORE, Questionnaire Frangais. Questions
on French Grammar, Idiomatic Difficulties, and Military Expressions.  Fourth Edition.  Crown 8vo, 4s. 6d.; interleaved with
writing paper, 5s. 6d.
LARMOYER, M. DE, Practical French Grammar.               Crown
8vo. New Edition, in one vol., 3s. 6d. Two Parts, 2s. 6d. each.
LE-BRUN, L., Materials for Translating English into French.
Seventh Edition. Post 8vo, 4s. 6d.
NUGENT, French- English and English - French Pocket
Dictionary. 24mo, 3s.
ROCHE, A., French Grammar. Adopted by the Imperial
Council of Public Instruction. Crown 8vo, 3s,
French   Translation.    Prose and    Poetry, from   English
Authors, for reading, composition, and translation. Second Edition.
Foolscap 8vo, 2s. 6d.
SIMONNE, Metodo para aprender a Leer Escribir y hablar
el Frances, segun el verdadero sistema de Ollendorff. Crown 8vo,
6s. Key, 3s. 6d.
VAN LAUN, H., Grammar of the French Language.            Crowri
8vo. Accidence and Syntax, 4s.; Exercises, 3s. 6d.
WELLER, E., Improved Dictionary.           English-French and
French-English. Royal 8vo, 7s. 6d.




74     Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s.. -...............


GERMAN.
AHN, F., Grammar of the German Language.       New Edition.
Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
Method of Learning German.     12mo, 3s.  Key, 8d.
Manual of German Conversation; or, Vade Mecum          for
English Travellers. Second Edition. i2mo, IS. 6d.
FRbEMBLING, F. OTTO, Graduated German Reader.             A
Selection from the most popular writers.  With a Vocabulary.
Twelfth Edition. I2mo, 3s. 6d.
Graduated Exercises for Translation into German.    Extracts
from the best English Authors, with Idiomatic Notes. Crown 8vo,
4s. 6d.; without Notes, 4s.
GREEK.
CONTOPOULOS, N., Lexicon of Modern Greek-English and
English-Modern Greek. 2 vols., 8vo, 27s.
Modern-Greek and English Dialogues and Correspondence.
Foolscap 8vo, 2s. 6d.
GELDART, E. M., Guide to Modern Greek. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Key, 2s. 6d.
Simplified Grammar of Modern Greek.     Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.
PAUL, 0. KEGAN, and STONE, E. D., Philological Introduction to Greek and Latin for Students. Translated and adapted
from the German. Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s.
THOMPSON, E. MAUNDE, Handbook of Greek and Latin
Palaeography.  Second Edition. Revised. With numerous facsimiles. Crown 8vo, 5s.   I.. S.)
GUJARATI.
TISDALL, Rev. W. ST. CLAIR, A Simplified Grammar of
the Gujarati Language. Together with a short Reading Book and
Vocabulary. Crown 8vo, IOs. 6d.




Classified List of Publications.


75


HEBREW.
BALLIN, ADA S. and F. L., Hebrew Grammar. With
Exercises selected from the Bible. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d.
BICKELL, G., Outlines of Hebrew Grammar.         8vo, cloth, 4s.
HINDI.
BALLANTYNE, J. R., Elements of Hindi and Braj Bhakha
Grammar. Compiled for the East India College at Haileybury.
Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s.
BATE, J. D., Hindi-English Dictionary.       Royal 8vo, cloth.
I875. ~r Is. 6d.
KELLOGG, S. H., Grammar of the Hindi Language.            With
copious Philological Notes and Tables. Second Edition, Revised
and Enlarged. I893. 8vo, cloth, i8s.
HINDUSTANI.
CRAVEN, T., English-Hindustani and Hindustani-English
Dictionary. New Edition. i8mo, 4s. 6d.
DOWSON, J., Grammar of the Urdu or Hindustani Language.
Second Edition. Crown 8vo, Ios. 6d.
Hindustani Exercise Book.        Passages and   Extracts for
Translation into Hindfistani. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.
FALLON, S. W., A        New   English-Hindustani Dictionary.
With Illustrations from English Literature and Colloquial English.
iv. and 674 pp. royal 8vo, cloth. 1883. (Published at Rs. 22.)
Reduced to ~I.
** Printed in Roman characters only.
A New Hindustani-English Dictionary.       With Illustrations
from Hindustani Literature and Folk-lore. xxiv. ix. and 1216 pp.
royal 8vo, cloth. I879. (Published at Rs. 52.) Reduced to ~2.
*** All Hindustani words are printed in the Persian and Roman
character; those of Hindi origin also in the Devanagari.
PALMER, E. H., Simplified Grammar of Hindustani, Persian,
and Arabic. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s.
PHILLIPS, Col. A. N., Hindustani Idioms. With Vocabulary
and Explanatory Notes. Crown 8vo, 5s.




76    Kegan Pantu Trench, Trubner, anid Co.'s


HUNGARIAN.
SINGBU, 3., Simplited Grammar of the Hungarian Langrage,
Crown Svob, 4s. 6d.
IRISH.
STOKES, WHITLEY, Goidelica. Old and Early-Middle
Irish Glosses, Prose and Verse. Second Edition. Medium Svo, i~s.
ITALIAN.
AHIN, F., Method of Learuin~g Italian. InMO, 35. 6d.
CAMXRINI.,L'Eco Italiano.    A  Guide to Italian Conversatin  Wth Vocabulary. I2mto, 4$. 6d.
MILLHOUSE, J., English and Italian Dictionary. 2 vols.
Svo, Iz2s.
Manual of Italian Conversation. 18MO, 25.
JAPANESE.
U&34O TATWO, Elenment~ary Grammar of the Japanese
Language. With easy Progressive Exercises. Second Edition. 5$.
OHA MAE~L4IN, Prof, B. H., Simplified J4pazwse Graunmar.
Crown $vo, 5s.
Romani'sed   4apanpsp   Reader.    Consisting of Japanese
Anecdotes and Maxinms, with English Translations and'iNotes
121mo, 6$.
Htandbook of Colloquial Japanese. Second Edition. Svo,
1 2$. 6d.
Handbo*k of the Japantose Language. For Tourists and
Residents. In the Colloquial style. 24mno, 4S.
IL5ZBUILN, 3. O., Japanese and English Dictionary. Second
Edition, Imp. Svo, half roan, i18$.
Jap~unese-Snglish and Englisgh-Japaaese Dietionary. Third
Edition. Royal Svo, half Zmoroco, 30$. Pocket Editiop, square
16mo, ixg. Index of Chinese characters in the royal Svo. Editio;,
arranged according to their radicals by W. H. WAITNSY. iSS$.
C1oth, 4$. 6cL




Classified List of Publications.


77


J APANESE-continued.
IMBRIE, W., Handbook of English-Japanese Etymology.
Second Edition, 1889. 8vo, 6s.
MUTSU, H., Japanese Conversation Course.       1894.  Small
8vo, 2r. 6d.
KHASSI.
ROBERTS, H., Grammar of the Khassi Language. Crown
8vo, ios. 6d.
LATIN.
AHN, F., Latin Grammar for Beginners. Thirteenth Edition.
I2mo, 3s.
IHNE, W., Latin Grammar for Beginners, on Ahn's System.
I2mo, 3s.
MALAGASY.
PARKER, G. W., Concise Grammar of the             Malagasy
Language. Crown 8vo, 5s.
NORWEGIAN.
SMITH,, M., and HORNEMAN, H., Norwegian Grammar.
With a Glossary for Tourists. Post 8vo, 2s.
PALI.
CHILDERS, R. C., Pali-English Dictionary.     With Sanskrit
Equivalents. Imperial 8vo, ^3 3s.
MULLER, E., Simplified Grammar of the Pali Language.
Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d.
PANJABI.
TISDALL, W. ST. CLAIR, Simplified Grammar and Reading
Book of the Panjabi Language. Crown 8vo, 7s, 6d.




78    Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s


PERSIAN.
FINN, A., Persian for Travellers.  Oblong 32mo, 5s.
PALMER, E. H., English-Persian Dictionary.     With Simplified Grammar of the Persian Language. Royal I6mo, los. 6d.
Persian-English Dictionary. Second Edition. Royal I6mo,
ios. 6d.
Simplified Grammar of Hindustani, Persian, and Arabic.
Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s.
POLISH.
MORFILL, W. R., Simplified       Grammar     of the   Polish
language,  Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
PORTUGUESE.
D'ORSEY, A. J. D., Colloquial Portuguese; or, The Words
and Phrases of Every-day Life. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo,
3s. 6d.,Grammar of Portuguese and English.     Adapted to Ollendorfi's System. Fourth Edition. 12mo, 7s.
VIEYRA'S Pocket Dictionary of the Portuguese and English
Languages. 2 vols. Post 8vo, los.
PUSHTO       (or Afghan).
TRUMPP, E., Grammar of the Pas't5; or, Language of the
Afghans, compared with the Trinian and North Indian Idioms.
Cloth, 1873. 21s.
ROMANY.
LELAND, 0. G., English Gipsies and their Language. New
- and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
ROUMANIAN.
TOaREANU, R., Simplified Grammar of the Roumanian
Language. Crown 8vo, 5X.




.1Classified List of Publications.      7


79 '


RUSSIAN.
RIOLA, HENRY, How to Learn Russian. A Manual for
Students. Based upon the Ollendorffian System. Fourth Edition.
Crown 8vo, I2S. Key, 5s.
Russian Reader. With Vocabulary. Crown 8vo, ios. 6d.
SANSKRIT.
BALLANTYNE, J. R., First Lessons 'in Sanserit Grammar.
Fifth Edition. 8vo, 3s. 6d.
BENFEY, THEODOR, -Grammar of the Sanskrit Language.
For the use of Early Students. Second Edition. Royal 8vo, ios. 6d.
GOWELL, E. B., Short Introduction to the Ordinary Prakrit
of the Sanskrit Dramas. Crown Svo, 3$. 6d.
Prakrita-Prakasa, or the Prakrit Grammar of Vararuchi.
With the Commentary (Manorama) of Bhamaha. 8vo, i4s.
WHITNEY, Prof. W. D., Sanskrit Grammar. Including both
the Classical Language and the Older Dialects of Veda and
Brahmaua,- Second Edition. Svo, 1 2$.
SERBIAN.
MORFILL, W. R., Simplified Serbian Grammar. Crown Svo,
4y. 6d.
SOMALI.
Somali-English Dictionary. Post 8vo. In the Press. Orders
booked.
SIN HALESE.
MENDIS, GUNASEKARA A., A Comprehensive Grammar
of the'Sinhalese Language. Svo, 12s. 6d.
Sinhalese Made Easy; or, Phrase-Book of Colloquial
Sinhalese. Revised and enlarged Edition. 121mo, 3s. 6d.
SPANISH.
BEALE, ALFRED A., Excelsior English - Spanish- and
Spanish-English Dictionary. Commercial and Technical. Foolscap 8vo, roan, ios. U6d.            -                I




8o    Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and CQ.'s


SPANISH-continued.
BUTLER, F., Spanish Teacher, and Colloquial Phrase-Book.
S8mo, half roan, 2s. 6d.
VELASQUEZ, M. de la CADENA, Dictionary of the Spanish
and English Languages. For the use of Young Learners and
Travellers. Crown 8vo, 6s.
Pronouncing Dictionary of the Spanish and English
Languages. Royal 8vo, ~I 4s
New Spanish Reader.     Passages from   the most approved
Authors, with Vocabulary. Post 8vo, 6s.
Introduction to Spanish Conversation.    I2mo, 2s. 6d.
VELASQUEZ and SIMONNE, New Method of Learning the
Spanish Language, Adapted to Ollendorff's system. Revised and
corrected by Senor VIVAR. Post 8vo, 6s.; Key, 4s,
SUAHILI.
KRAPF, L., Dictionary      of the Suahili Language.      8vo,
4I lOs.
SWEDISH.
OTTE, E. C., Simplified Grammar of the Swedish Language.
Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d,
TAMIL.
ARDEN, A. O., A Progressive Grammar of Common Tamil.
8vo, 5s.
A   Companion    Reader   to  Arden's Progressive    Tamil
Gramnmar, 2 vols. 8vo, 5s. each. Vol. I.: Companion Exercises,
and Easy Stories. Vol. II.: The Panchatranta in Tamil.
TIBETAN.
JASCHKE, H. A., Tibetan Grammar. Prepared by Dr. H.
WENZELL. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s.
TibetanuEnglish Dictionary.   With special reference to the
prevailing dialects, to which is added an English-Tibetan Vocabulary. Royal 8vo, cloth. (Published 4i los.) 4I Is.




Classified List of Publications.


TURKISH.
ARNOLD, Sir EDWIN, Grammar of the Turkish Language.
With Dialogues and Vocabulary. Post 8vo, 2s. 6d.
REDHOUSE, J. W., Simplified Grammar of the OttomanTurkish Language. Crown 8vo, xos. 6d.
Turkish Vade-Mecum of Ottoman Colloquial Language.
English-Turkish and Turkish-English, the whole in English Characters, the Pronunciation being fulfly indicated. Third Edition. 32M0,
6s.
VOLAPUK.
SPRAGUE, C. E., Handbook of Volapuk. The International
Language. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s.
ZULU.
ROBERTS, C., An English-Zulu Dictionary. Crown 8vo,
5s. net.
The Zulu-Kafir Language. Crown Svo, 6s. net.
X. -ORIENTAL.
BRITISH INDIA.
ALBERUNI'S India: The Religion, Philosophy, Literature,
&U., of India about A.D. 1030. Arabic Text, edited by Prof. E.
SACHAU. 1887. 4t0, /3 3s.
ARNOLD, Sir EDWIN, India Revisited. With 32 full-page
Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 6s.
(See also class BELLES-LETrTRES.)
BALDWIN, Capt. J. H., Large and Small Game of Bengal
and the North-Western Provinces of India. With Illustrations.
Second Edition. Small 4to, ios. 6d.
BALL, V., Diamonds, Coal, and Gold of India. Foolscap
8vo. i 88 i. 5s.
BALLANTYNE, J. R., Sankhya Aphorisms of Kapila.
Translated and Edited. Third Edition. Post 8vo, 16s. (Trfibner's
Oriental Series.)




Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s


BARTH, A., Religions of India.      Translated by the Rev. J.
WOOD. Third Edition. Post 8vo, j6s. (Trzibners Oriental Series.)
Bhagavad-Gita; or, The Song Celestial. From the Sanskrit
by Sir E. ARNOLD. Fifth Edition. I894. Crown 8vo, 5s.
Bhagavadgita.    With Commentary and Notes, as well as
References to the Christian Scriptures. Translated from the Sanskrit by M. CHATTERJI. Second Edition. 1892. 8vo, ios. 6d.
Bhagavad^Gita.    English translation, with a Commentary and
a few introductory papers by HURRYCHUND CHINTAMON. 1874.
x, and 83 pp. 8vo, 6s.
Bhagavad Gita; or, the Sacred Lay. Translated, with notes,
from the Sanskrit by J. DAVIES. Third Edition.!893. Post 8vo,
6s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
BOSE, P. NATH., A      History of Hindu Civilization during
British Rule. Vols. I. and II. together, I5s. net. Vl1. III., 7s. 6d.
net. Crown 8vo. To be completed in 4 volumes.
BOYD, P., Nagananda; or, the Joy of the Snake World.
From the Sanskrit of Sri-Harsha-Deva. 1872. Crown 8vo, 4s. 6d.
BRITISH MUSEUM CATALOGUES OF INDIAN LITERATURE.
Special List Sent on Application.
BURNELL, A. C., South Indian Paleography, from the 4th
to the 17th Century. Enlarged Edition, with Map and Plates. 4to,
~2 I2s. 6d.
Ordinances of Manu.     Translated from the Sanskrit, with
introduction.  Completed and edited by E. W. Hopkins. I884.
Post 8vo, i2s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
CHRISTIAN, J., Behar Proverbs.  Classified and arranged
according to subject-matter, with notes. I890. Post 8vo, Ios. 6d.
(tribner's Oriental Series.)
COTTON, H      J. J., New  India; or, India in Transition.
Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 4s. 6d.
COWELL, Prof. E. B., Short Introduction to the Ordinary
Prakrit of the Sanskrit Dramas. 1875. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
Pralrita-Prakasa; or, The Prakrit Grammar of Vararucli.
With the Commentary (Manorama) of Bhamaha. I868. 8vo, I4s,
COWELL and GOUGH, A. E., The Sarva-Darsana-Samgraha;
or, Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy. I882.
Post 8vo, Ios. 6d. (Triibners Oriental Series.)




Classified List of Publications.


83


CUNNINGHAM, Major-Genl. ALEX., Ancient Geography of
India. Vol. I.: The Buddhist Period. With 13 Maps.     I870.
8vo, /i 8s.
DAVIES, J., Sankhya Karika of Iswara Krishna.            An Exposition of the System of Kapila. I88I. Post 8vo, 6s. (Tribner's
Oriental Series.)
DOWSON, J., Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and
History, Geography and Literature. I879. Post 8vo, I6s. (Tr.ubner's Orientdl Series.)
DUTT, ROMESH         CHUNDER, History        of Civilisation in
Ancient India, based on Sanskrit Literature. Revised Edition in
2 vols. 1894. 8vo, 2Is.
Lays of Ancient India. Selections from Indian Poetry
rendered into English verse. I894. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d.
DUTT, TORU, Ancient Ballads and Legends of Hindustan.
With an Introductory Memoir by EDMUND GOSSE. i8mo, cloth
extra, gilt top, 5s.
EDGREN, H., Compendious Sanskrit Grammar. With a brief
sketch of scenic Prakrit. Crown 8vo, IOS. 6d. (Forms a volume of
Tribner's Collection of Simplified Grammars.)
ELLIOT, Sir H. M., History of India, as told by its own
Historians. The Muhammadan Period. Revised and continued
by Professor JOHN DOWSON. 8 vols. I871-77. 8vo,,8 8s.
History, Folk-lore, and Distribution of the Races of the
North-Western Provinces of India. Edited by J. BEAMES. With
three coloured Maps. 2 vols. 1869. 8vo, /I i6s.
FERGUSSON, J., Archaeology in India. vii. and        15 pp. text,
with numerous Cuts. i884. 8vo, 5s.
FERGUSSON, J., and BURGESS, J., The Cave Temples of
India. 536 pp. text, with one hundred Plates. I880. 4to, half
calf (Pub. at/2 2s.)  Xi Ius. 6d.
GOUGH, A. E., Philosophy of the Upanishads.         I882.   Post
8vo, 9s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
GOVER, C. E., Folk Songs of Southern India. Containing
Canarese, Badaga, Coorg, Tamil, Malayalam, and Telugu Songs.
8vo, Ios. 6d.
GRAY, J., Ancient Proverbs and Maxims from Burmese
Sources; or, The Niti Literature of Burmah. Post 8vo, 6s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)




84      Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co,'s
GRIFFIN, Sir LEPEL, The Rajas of the Putnab.        History of
the principal States in the Punjab, and their political relations with
the British Government. 1870. Royal 8vo, 2Is.
HAIO, Maj.-Gen., The Indus Delta Country.       With 3 Maps.
1895. Royal 8vo, 5s. net.
HAUG, M., Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and
Religion of the Parsis. Third Edition. Edited and enlarged by
E. W. WEST. i884. Post 8vo, I6s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
HODGSON, B. H., Essays on the Languages, Literature, and
Religion of Nepal and Tibet. I874. 8vo, I4s.
Miscellaneous Essays relating to Indian Subjects.     2 vols.
I88o. Post 8vo, 28s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
HUNTER, Sir W. W., Imperial Gazetteer of India.        Second
Edition, enlarged and revised. I4 vols. I885-87. 8vo, half calf.
(Pub. at ~3 3s.) ~2 2s.
Imperial Series of the Reports of the Archeological Survey
of India. List Sent on Application.
JACOB, G. A., Manual of Hindu Pantheism.        The Vedfntasra. Translated, with Annotations, &c. Third Edition.  I89I.
Post 8vo, 6s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
JOHNSON, S., Oriental Religions, and their Relation to
Universal Religion: India. 2 vols. 1879. 402 and 408 pp. 8vo,
lI is. (Triibners Philosophical Library.)
KNOWLES, J. H., Folk Tales of Kashmir.       i888. Post 8vo,
6s. (Tribner's Oriental Series.)
Koran.   Selections from  it, with a commentary.    Translated
by E. W. LANE. New Revised Edition, with Introduction by
S. LANE-POOLE. 1879. Post 8vo, 9s. (Trubners Oriental Series.)
Mahabharata. Translated literally from the original Sanskrit
text into English prose by M. N. DUTT, M.A. To be complete in
30 parts, of which the first three are out. Subscription price to the
whole work, ~' 5s.
Mahabharata.    Translated into English prose by the late
PROTAP CHUNDRA ROY. Price of the whole work, bound in
Io vols. 8vo, ~10o los.
MAISEY, Geni. F. 0., Sanchi and its Remains. With Introductory Note by the late Maj.-Gen. Sir ALEX. CUNNINGHAM.
With 40 plates. 1892. Royal 4to, ~2 Ios.
Manava-Dharma-Castra, the Code of Manu. Original Sanskrit
text. Edited, with critical Notes, by JULIUS JOLLY. I887. Post
8vo, 1os. 6d. ( Tribner's Oriental Series.)




Classified List of Publications.


85


MASON, F., Burma, its, People, and Productions.           Being
Notes on the Fauna, Flora, and Minerals of Tenasserim, Pegu, and
Burma. New Edition, re-written and enlarged by W. THEOBALD.
2 vols. I884. 4to. (Pub. at ~3 3s.)   I Ius. 6d.
MUIR, J., Original Sanskrit Texts, on the Origin and History
of the People of India, their Religion and Institutions. Collected,
Translated, and Illustrated by JOHN MUIR. 5 vols. 8vo. Price of
a complete set, ~5 5s. Sold only in sets.
MULLER, MAX, Sacred Hymns of the Bramins, as preserved in the Rig-Veda-Sanhita. Translated from the Sanskrit.
Vol. I.: Hymns to the Maruts, or the Storm-Gods. I869. 8vo,
12s. 6d.
Hymns of the Rig-Veda. In the Sanhita and Pada texts.
Reprinted from the Edition Princeps. 2 vols.  Second Edition.
I877. 8vo. (Pub. at lt 12s.) I6s.
Naradiya Dharma-Sastra; or, The Institutes of Narada.
Translated from the Sanskrit by JULIUS JOLLY.  1876. Crown
8vo, Ios. 6d.
PICKFORD, J., Maha-vira-Charita; or, The Adventures of
the Great Hero Rama. From the Sanskrit of Bhavabhiiti. I871.
Crown 8vo, 5s.
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Classified List of Publications.


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History of the Empire of Japan. Compiled and Translated
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